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Middle Eastern Studies
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Turkey's Roma: Political participation and organization Suat Kolukirik Online Publication Date: 01 September 2007 To cite this Article: Kolukirik, Suat and Toktaş, Şule (2007) 'Turkey's Roma: Political participation and organization', Middle Eastern Studies, 43:5, 761 - 777 To link to this article: DOI: 10.1080/00263200701422675 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200701422675
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Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 43, No. 5, 761 – 777, September 2007
Turkey’s Roma: Political Participation and Organization SUAT KOLUKIRIK & S¸ULE TOKTAS¸ There are now many Roma populations in various countries, predominantly on the European continent. In accordance with this diversity in settlement places as well as living, Roma people have taken different names in different regions and at different times; hence they have been attributed with either pejorative or positive characteristics. However, despite all these attributions as well as their being marked as ‘alien’, the Roma have been successful in altering or reformulating these configurations and stereotypes and, to a large extent, have preserved their cultures and group characteristics. The early literature on the Roma as an ‘alien’ category has primarily dealt with their language, roots and immigration. The nineteenth century literature started to focus on the ways to homogenize these populations. The literature in the twentieth century on the Roma mainly follows the reinvention of the Roma as alien.1 It was only within the last couple of decades that they have been identified as ‘Roma’ in cultural studies. All this historical processing in the literature points at the same time to the process leading from calling the Roma successively Athingoni (in the Byzantine Empire), Gitan (in Spain), Chigan (in Hungary) and Zigeuner (in Germany) to their renaming as Roma. Studies of the Roma have come from various sources.2 Some of these studies focused on the state and laws and dealt with the question of political authority. Others were mainly academic in nature and used anthropological methods of investigation. There were also studies that reflected the common knowledge or stereotypes and values among the public. The common denominator of all these studies, which are mainly of Western origin and are part of the Western literature, is that they conclude with generalizations without acknowledging the diversity of the Roma. There is very little research, for instance, on the Roma of the Ottoman Empire or those in Anatolia. It is widely acknowledged that the Roma historically originate in India.3 Research on the immigration of the Roma points to major migration flows which occurred between the fifth and eleventh centuries. These studies hypothesize that famine, poverty and ethno-religious conflicts were the possible push factors of these Roma migrations to Europe from sub-continental India via Iran, Turkey and Armenia.4 In his linguistic immigration map, Sampson puts the Roma immigration at the end of the tenth century and early eleventh century into three categories: the Dom group (speaking the Phen dialect, and settling in various migration waves in Syria and ISSN 0026-3206 Print/1743-7881 Online/07/050761-17 ª 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/00263200701422675
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Palestine, with some moving on to Egypt, northern Africa and Spain); the Lom (destination north, settling in modern-day Armenia and Georgia, with some moving on to the Balkans, Romania and Central Europe); and the Rom (the largest group, moving to the west, to the Balkans, and Central and Eastern Europe via Anatolia).5 As the result of these migratory movements, today Gypsies live in nearly 50 countries. There is a lack of concrete, concise data on the demographic characteristics of Gypsies worldwide. However, estimates point to a total population of around 8–10 million living in various countries.6 Although there are very few studies on Turkish Roma, it is widely acknowledged that the Roma in today’s Turkish lands have a long history.7 The dominant Roma group in this context is the Rom group which migrated from Anatolia to the Balkans. In the Ottoman Empire, there was a large Roma group that settled in the Thrace region with the name ‘Liva-i C¸ingaˆne’ (region of the Gypsies).8 In the Ottoman administrative system which rested on Millets, or religious groups, the main differentiation within society was between Muslim and non-Muslim Millets.9 The Roma, with their Islamic faith, were in the dominant Muslim Millet.10 Yet, although the Roma came under the category of the Muslim Millet, they were not granted full rights and privileges, and discrimination against them occurred frequently, especially in their relations with the Ottoman state.11 This approach of seeing the Roma as belonging to the dominant group – Muslims – within society continued in the Turkish Republic. For instance, in the 1923 population exchange agreement with Greece, Turkey allowed the Muslims of Greece, among them the Roma, to immigrate to Turkey. In this agreement, there were no ethnicity or language criteria; religious faith alone – Islam – was considered sufficient to be accepted into Turkey.12 However, similar to the experiences in the Ottoman era,13 Turkish Roma continue to face economic and social hardship in today’s Turkey. Turkish Roma have low socio-economic status with low levels of income and education, and they furthermore face disrespect from other people and are subject to pejorative and discriminatory practices in every aspect of their lives. Turkish Roma compose nearly 14 per cent of the total population. Although there is no official data regarding the exact population figures of the Roma living in Turkey, it is estimated that out of a total population of around 72 million, there are around 1 million Roma.14 Most of these Roma live in Istanbul, and there are Roma communities in other provinces and regions, mainly in the Thrace and Aegean regions. According to some estimates, there are 120,000 Roma in Istanbul, 27,000 in Tekirda g, 50,000 in Edirne, 26,000 in Bursa, 45,000 in Izmir and 20,000 in Eskis¸ ehir.15 Turkey is a country which mainly prioritizes territorial integrity and unity above group rights, minority rights or identities, be they ethnic, religious, linguistic or cultural in nature. By the same token, Turkish citizenship is universal. Article 10 of Turkey’s Constitution states, in full: All individuals are equal without any discrimination before the law, irrespective of language, race, colour, gender, political opinion, philosophical belief, religion and sect, or any such considerations. Men and women have equal rights. The State shall have the obligation to ensure that this equality exists in practice. No privilege shall be granted to any individual, family, group or class. State
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organs and administrative authorities shall act in compliance with the principle of equality before the law in all their proceedings. In accordance with the citizenship context that safeguards basic rights and liberties constitutionally, Turkey does not recognize the existence of minorities in the country apart from the non-Muslim communities of the Armenians, Greeks and Jews.16 As set by the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923, Turkey granted official minority status to these three groups, all former major Millets of the Ottoman Empire. Turkish Roma, because of their Islamic identity, which in the Ottoman Empire brought them under the category of the Muslim Millet, were not granted such a minority status. Therefore no specific rights are given to Roma. With respect to citizenship, there are problems concerning the Roma community of Turkey. Out of the 1 million Roma, it is estimated that around 100,000 do not hold Turkish identity cards. This situation of the Roma has been the subject of written question motions in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (Parliament). In a parliamentary question of early 2006 submitted by Enis Tu¨tu¨ncu¨, a member of Parliament from the main opposition Republican People’s Party, to the ruling Justice and Development Party, the issue of the Roma without official identity cards was discussed.17 The question not only demanded policies from the government designed to recruit these people without IDs into the citizenship system but also pointed to the need for amending Law on Settlement No. 2510. This law, enacted in 1934, specifies the groups allowed to settle in Turkey due to immigration. It further stipulates, ‘Anarchists, spies, nomadic Roma and people who were expelled from the country cannot be accepted as immigrants to Turkey’. The lumping in of the Roma immigrant communities with some other groups as ‘unwanted’ has been brought up in the European Commission’s regular progress reports on Turkey. For instance, the Commission’s 2001 regular report on Turkey stated that there had been positive developments in the treatment of the Roma over the year, such as the ban on sales of an official book published by the Turkish Ministry of Culture in 2000 which used degrading and offensive language in relation to the Turkish Roma. In addition, the Ministry of Education issued a circular to eliminate pejorative words used in definitions of the Roma in dictionaries published by the Ministry of Education. The circular called for all official dictionaries to be corrected. However, the same year’s report was also critical at the Law on Settlement still applying to nomadic Gypsies and their listing among the categories of people who are not accepted in Turkey as immigrants.18 The same criticism regarding the Law on Settlement’s coverage of the nomadic Roma was repeated in the subsequent reports by the Commission released in 2002, 2003, 2004 and 2005.19 The 2003 Commission report also mentioned that some Roma communities were reporting the persistence of strong prejudice leading to social exclusion. The 2004 report welcomed the adoption of a circular in December 2003 on the Law on Citizenship which removed the requirement to state on citizenship applications whether the applicant is ‘Gypsy’. In a similar vein, the 2004 Commission report said that Roma were reportedly socially excluded and face difficulties finding adequate housing. Today’s Turkish Roma are still predominantly of the Sunni sect. As for language, the older generations speak Romani (the Roma tongue) and use it frequently in their daily lives in the private sphere and among other old people. Turkish is the mother
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tongue of the younger generations, though they understand but cannot speak Romani. This study aims to draw a profile of the Turkish Roma in the specificity of their current political participation, organization, perception and experience of citizenship, their views on Turkey’s prospective European Union membership and their self-perception as identity and world view. Using an individual-centric approach, the study aims to investigate how Gypsies are organized as an ethnic minority and how they express themselves within the Turkish public sphere. As Turkey is currently in the accession process for the European Union, this study also tries to understand Turkey’s Gypsies’ perceptions of the EU and of the impact of possible membership on Turkey and Gypsies in particular. The study aims to understand the political participation of Turkey’s Gypsies and the level and dimension of their integration to Turkish political society in general.
In all the EU countries, the Roma take an active and organized role in public affairs. Various UN, World Bank and EU sponsorships have provided the Roma the means and opportunity to get organized. This interest in the Roma coincided with an increase in literature on the Roma. New departments and research centres have been established in universities, and in recent books and journals scholarship on the Roma has increased.20 As for the organization of the Roma, one example of a Roma protest demonstration dates back to fifteenth century Switzerland. In later stages, in 1872, The Times of London reported on a conference organized by the German Roma; while a Pan-European Roma Conference was held in 1879 in Hungary. Another meeting of Roma leaders in 1905 in Sophia, Bulgaria demanded equal rights and representation in the national Bulgarian Parliament. The American Roma also tried to get organized. The Adams (Adomovic) family applied for the establishment of the American National Roma Association in 1907. The main aim of the association was to resolve the educational and housing problems of the US Roma. In 1927 Steve Kaslov, an advocate of Roma rights, demanded of the Presidency the resolution of the same problems. The Romanian Roma Association held an international conference under Gheorge Nicolescu’s leadership in Bucharest, Romania in 1933 which discussed the opportunities for unity under the same flag.21 There followed various associations and organizations in European countries such as Britain and Germany. One of the most effective Roma organizations is the German Sinti and Roma Centre.22 In 1965, the Committee of the Roma was founded in Paris. This committee, composed mainly of intellectuals, was founded by 71 organizations from 21 states and has held three international conferences, the last one in 1979.23 The committee also prepared a programme that contained several issues such as social rights, war crimes, standardization of language, culture and education. The programme was followed to a large extent in EU member countries. In addition to these organizational activities, the Indian Roma Studies Centre was founded in the 1970s.24 In 1971, the World Roma Congress was held by representatives from 14 countries who identified themselves as Roma and emphasized the importance of lobbying for better treatment and equal rights. Other world congresses followed in 1978, 1981, 1990 and 2000.25
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In the 1980s and 1990s there was growing concern over the status of the Roma owing to developments in democratization, human rights and political participation. In a similar vein, as the EU specified the integration of the Roma in candidate countries as a condition and allocated budgets and funds towards this aim, Turkish Roma found themselves in a more tolerant and fertile environment to express their group rights. The process of globalization also empowered local cultures and diverse groups to make their voices heard. The Roma of Turkey, increasingly organized since the 1990s, founded communal _ associations such as the Izmir Roma Association in 1996, the National Roma Confederation in 2000 and the Edirne Roma Association in 2004. Especially since 2005, there has been a proliferation in the number of associations founded by the Roma. The legislative reform packages passed to fulfil EU requirements, in particular constitutional amendments in 2002 and 2003 that expanded the freedoms of opinion, expression and association as well as the Law on Associations amended in 2004 in accordance with EU demands allowing associations to be founded on cultural and ethnic grounds, played the major role in this rise in the number of Roma associations. Various Roma associations established national federations – one in Thrace, and another in the Aegean region – yet there still remain problems in the organization of the Roma.26 This study reflects on primary data gathered in field research in the Tarlabas¸ ı _ neighbourhood of the Bornova district of Izmir, a western province of Turkey. Tarlabas¸ ı is located in central Bornova and is home to a significant homogenous Roma population who originated in Greece and migrated to Turkey in the 1923 population exchange agreement between the two countries. The Roma living in Tarlabas¸ ı mainly speak Romani in addition to Turkish. The study utilized anthropological methods such as participant observation and interviews. In addition, questionnaire surveys were conducted. The field research took two years between 2001 and 2003. During this period, house visits, traditional coffeehouse visits, attendance at weddings, spring advent and funeral ceremonies, and ad hoc interviews in the street were all used. In the study, household interviews were also conducted. In total, 90 survey interviews were done – one household member per household. The shortest interview took 45 minutes and the longest took 80 minutes. The survey interviews covered 48 questions which not only addressed the issues of the identity, integration and political participation of the respondents but also their gender, age, education, place of birth, marital status, literacy status, income and occupation. Out of the total 90 respondents, 22 were women and 68 were men. There was an attempt to represent a diversity of ages, with an almost equal number of respondents falling into the categories of young, middle-aged and elderly. The youngest respondent was 19 years old and the oldest was 67. Out of the total 90 respondents, nearly all identified Bornova as their birthplace. As for marital status, the majority of the respondents (80 of them) were married and nearly half of them stated that they favoured marriage among the Roma rather than intermarriage. The families of the respondents were mainly composed of three or four household members. As for education, a quarter of the respondents were illiterate; half were graduates of only elementary school; and another quarter had middle school education. In terms of occupation, the male respondents were mainly involved in unskilled labour on the
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streets such as garbage collection, shining shoes, carriers, selling fruit, collecting old or unused furniture, or performing music. Some of the male respondents, albeit in smaller numbers, held full-time positions working for example as state officials in the municipality or service positions in the private sector such as cleaning personnel. The female respondents, on the other hand, were mainly housewives, but there were a few who worked as seasonal agricultural labourers. Nearly one-third of the respondents were not covered by any kind of social security scheme. In terms of income, the majority of the respondents earned less than US$ 345 per month. In the survey interviews, data regarding identity, citizenship, political participation, organization, self and other perceptions were gathered. In the analysis of the data, the technique of categorical-content perspective was used.27 In the analysis of the research results, the open-ended questions were codified according to a code guide prepared by the researchers. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to categorize the results, which were then turned into tables. The tables were listed categorically and then interpreted. Subsequently, common themes were identified and analyzed in light of the research questions. The reliability of the data analysis was enhanced as much as possible through: a) lengthening the time of the interviewing and observation, and increasing the number of interviews by an additional 15 in-depth interviews; b) during the data collection, data diversity as well as coherency were targeted; and c) the results of the research were shared with the respondents towards the end of the field research. In addition to the survey questions, 15 additional in-depth interviews were conducted with the Roma living in the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood. These interviews were mainly unstructured and were conducted spontaneously in the houses or coffeehouses. The aim of these interviews was to understand better the data obtained in the surveys and to clarify some of the points raised during the survey interviews. During the interviews, notes were taken which were later turned into concrete and coherent texts by the researchers. After scripting interview notes, interviews were coded and the interview abstracts/quotations were classified and categorized thematically. The themes were analyzed comparatively. These in-depth interviews were conducted in the early months of 2004. The research results are as follows. _ Historically, the first Turkish Roma association was founded in 1996 in Izmir. However, due to economic problems, the association was unable to survive long and was closed down after three months. The same members founded another association in 1998, but this successor was also closed by the state authorities due to its bankruptcy. In 2003, the Ankara Chamber of Commerce provided the funds to open a Roma association but because of disagreements among the Roma _ community, it was only in 2005 that the Izmir Roma Culture Social Cooperation and Solidarity Association was founded. The association still survives today, but it suffers from financial problems. In addition, it has few members and a limited audience. The field research conducted in the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood reflects the diversity of opinion over organizing the Roma in an association (see Table 1). The survey interviews showed that most of the respondents (66 out of the total 90 respondents) would take part in the activities of a future Roma group. However, there was also hesitancy towards such an organization. The questions of who would chair the association and how its funds would be raised seemed to discourage the interview
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Table 1. Support for a Roma association
Reasons for taking part in its activities To help one another Power in unity To publicly defend the Roma To give the Roma a voice Everybody has an association To tell the truth about the Roma The group should not include Roma in its name Total ‘Yes’ responses
Would take part in Roma association’s activities (‘Yes’ responses) 38 7 5 5 4 1 1 66
(57.6%) (10.6%) (7.6%) (7.6%) (6.1%) (1.5%) (1.5%) (100%)
respondents. The position of chair represents political power and therefore is prestigious in the eyes of the respondents and what family the chair comes from, in this regard, is considered important. As a result, the Roma hesitate to agree on a possible name and decline to support possible candidates belonging to families other than their own extended families. On the other hand, the respondents who would participate in a Roma association (66 out of 90 respondents) listed the following main reasons for taking part: to help one another (57.6 per cent), power in unity (10.6 per cent), to publicly defend the Roma (7.6 per cent) and to give the Roma a voice. These responses show, in a way, that the respondents who favour a Roma association and who would participate in such a group see it as a means of cooperation and solidarity. Four out of 90 respondents called for a Roma association to be founded since other groups in Turkish society have their own associations, so why not the Roma? However, there were also people who were hesitant about a Roma association or organization of some form (see Table 2). The main reason for not supporting a prospective Roma association seems to be the idea that it would not be helpful (20.8 per cent of the respondents stated this point). Out of the total 90 respondents, 24 respondents who held negative opinions towards the organization of the Roma in an association believe, by and large, that the Roma would not be successful in getting organized in this way. Reasons such as the association would not be helpful, it would not be respected, the Roma community cannot unite, the founding members would serve their own interests, the lack of trust towards the Roma community and the reluctance to act with the Roma community seem to be the reasons for the failure of a possible Roma group. The point made by some of the respondents that a Roma association would not be valuable but, rather, pointless can be interpreted as the reflection of being ‘other’ and the felt isolation of the Roma community. A majority of the respondents also said that they would support nongovernmental organization activism and would participate in civil society activities if there was an NGO in the neighbourhood. Despite the strength of the value attributed to existence of NGOs and their activities, it was observed in the field research that these supportive/positive values do not translate into activism or result
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Table 2. Hesitancy towards a Roma association
Reasons for not being involved in a Roma association The founding members would serve their own interests Don’t trust the idea It wouldn’t be helpful It would not be popular Roma community can’t unite Lack of desire to be with other Roma Roma should keep a low profile in society Such an association would be discriminatory Total ‘No’ responses
Would participate in a Roma association (‘No’ responses) 1 2 5 9 2 2 1 1 24
(4.2%) (8.3%) (20.8%) (37.5%) (8.3%) (8.3%) (4.2%) (4.2%) (100%)
in concrete acts. In other words, activism surfaces as a desired value but not as behaviour or concrete acts. The problems that cause disagreement and difference of opinion arise mainly on the issues of leadership in the NGO to be founded and the lack of necessary funds or people willing to pay for the costs of the NGO. Families vie for leadership in the intended NGO, and there arises a power struggle among families in the community. The in-depth interviews also add to the results obtained in the survey questionnaires. The interviewees were mainly of the view that there was no unity among the Roma for organisations. In the words of one: Our people [Roma] think of their own interests. There is no unity. They founded an association but it didn’t work out because there was no money. How will you provide money to an association? Everybody expects help, but is the association a bank that distributes money? Nothing will change due to this. (Male, 64 years old, elementary school graduate, musician in bars) Some of the interviewees want service, initiation and activities from the state and criticise the lack of interest in the Roma by state authorities: ‘If the state gives us opportunities, everything will be better for the Roma. First of all, there is no education. Who am I? What conditions I am living in? What are my individual freedoms? What can I do? The state should see to these. The state doesn’t support us’ (Male, 35, high school graduate, shoe repairman). Although there are views that attribute solutions to problems to the state, there are contrary views that see resolutions lying in the Roma community itself. The following quotation illustrates the tendency towards the involvement of Roma in NGO activities: Our path is drawn by people, not the state. The state can’t solve everything. Things can be done only through unity and solidarity. We can come together and teach our younger Roma how to get jobs. When I suggest this to the people sitting in the coffeehouses, they laugh at me. Once I offered to nominate a Roma
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candidate for local elections but nobody agreed to run. Only a woman retired from the Population Registry Office accepted my offer, and she became a candidate from our street in the local elections. She was the first Roma candidate from our neighbourhood. I spent lots of money for her campaign but we lost by 80 votes. What’s more, nobody thanked me for taking this initiative. We always expect help from outside. We have 2,000 Roma votes from our neighbourhood but we can’t use them. We don’t have unity. Since we don’t have unity, I fear for the future. What will young Roma do? How will they find jobs? (Male, 55, elementary school graduate, fruit seller on the streets) Another reason for the low level of organization seems to be the low profile of the Roma. They do not want to be singled out by society for being Roma, so they remain silent on most issues. In the words of one: ‘I love my country, my state. The older generations of Roma have suffered a lot for being Roma. They were denied jobs. The Roma aren’t brave. They fear something bad will happen to them if they stand out. In the end, they are discriminated against’ (Male, 53, elementary school graduate, porter). One of the interviewees also pointed to the low level of organization among the Roma, but at the same time he drew a contrast with other minority groups: ‘The discrimination is partially due to us. We also remain silent in the face of discrimination. The Kurds and the Armenians speak openly of their discrimination. We’re not so open. Actually rights are not given but taken. Nobody thinks this way among the Roma’ (Male, 53, elementary school graduate, van driver). One-third of the respondents are members of a political party. Membership in political parties mainly came at the request of a candidate running for the national Parliament. This is the result of the relationship of the Roma with other people and groups. Currently, there are no Roma sitting on the executive board of any political party in the Bornova district. Although for the political parties the Roma community is part of the party member pool – what can be called fake/false membership or membership on paper – for the Roma community, political party membership is a source of social prestige. In addition, the political party controlling the municipality recruits some Roma to positions in the municipal offices. Furthermore, political parties from time to time distribute small gifts to the Roma who are members of their parties. Despite such benefits of party membership, two-thirds of the respondents are not members of any political party, nor do they want to become members. These respondents do not trust the political parties. They also believe that political parties would not provide them with opportunities to express themselves or to defend their particular interests. Membership in a political party is important for receiving patronage benefits – the spoils system – which is common in the Turkish political party system.28 The respondents, in this regard, can be considered to be both contributing to the traditional patronage relations in the political party system as well as benefiting from them. Among the respondents who are members of a political party (33 out of 90), membership in Young Party is the highest (see Table 3). Memberships in True Path Party were upon the request of a Roma family in the neighbourhood. Memberships in the Republican People’s Party date back to the previous elections when the party held the municipality and recruited some Roma to the municipality offices. In light
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Table 3. Political party membership Party Young Party Republican People’s Party True Path Party Motherland Party Total
Member in a political party 16 5 11 1 33
(48.5%) (15.2%) (33.3%) (3.0%) (100%)
of these responses, we can see that membership in political parties is closely related to the expectations of personal interest from the political parties and the benefits derived from them. Most of the respondents saw the Young Party as the only party that can solve their problems. The Young Party’s distribution of small gifts and food packages to the neighbourhood seems to be the major reason behind this perception. Other political parties also distributed small goods such as cell phones, prepaid phone cards, food packages and bread in the last general elections (November 2002). Other than the Young Party, the True Path Party and the main opposition Republican People’s Party were also seen as parties that can solve problems. As the Young Party’s leader faced charges of corruption after the last general elections in which the party was unable to pass the 10 per cent threshold at the national level, in the local elections of 28 March 2004, the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood voted for the Republican People’s Party and the ruling Justice and Development Party. The rate of respondents who are not members of a political party can be considered high (57 out of 90 respondents). These respondents told of their distrust of political parties and their concern about not being able to express themselves in these established party organizations as major reasons for not pursuing membership in the parties active in their district/neighbourhood. Therefore they refrained from joining any political party. One of the respondents of the in-depth interviews was a candidate for representative in the municipality assembly of the Bornova district. He neatly summarizes the role of political parties in the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood and for the Roma: I was a candidate for the municipality assembly. My words are followed through at the True Path Party. They respect me. I helped sick people who needed surgery. I helped people find jobs in the municipality. I helped people get medication at the hospitals and drugs from pharmacies. I don’t do all that for myself. I’m here to help people. During the elections, I made a speech at Tarlabas¸ ı. The candidate for member of the Parliament from the same party praised me for the speech . . . Our children [Roma from the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood] are very talented. They can work in any job. But I can’t bring them together. (Male, 57, elementary school graduate, retired, former food seller on the streets) In response to questions seeking to understand the Roma’s level of access to public institutions, it was observed that most of the respondents were dissatisfied with
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organizations and institutions in general (53 of the 90 respondents). They believed that organizations and public institutions were not working well or being efficiently run. In the words of some, ‘Nobody cares for the Roma’. On the other hand, 47 respondents were of the idea that organizations and institutions were working well and were serving the public effectively. Among these, hospitals are favoured the most, as 20 of the respondents said they were satisfied with the medical services provided. The main reason for the satisfaction with the public hospitals is free healthcare. In the field research, it was discovered that most of the Roma community in Tarlabas¸ ı were using health centres located on various streets in the neighbourhood. These public health centres are preferred as they are both cheaper and less bureaucratic compared to public hospitals. Some of the Roma also go to pharmacies and take medicine or pills upon the recommendation of the pharmacists. The Roma not covered by any social security scheme and who therefore face economic hardship over illnesses and health matters are supported by their relatives, neighbours and friends, or they receive a ‘proof of indigence document’ from the local administrative office which proves that the bearer is poor enough to receive free healthcare at public health centres and hospitals. The respondents also listed the Bornova municipality, the military, banks, police forces and town public administrations as the most favoured institutions. Roma who saw the Bornova municipality as the most liked institution those working full time at the municipality offices. The military is not only liked but also respected for it represents, in the eyes of the Roma, an institution of ‘power and authority’ that ‘treats everybody equally’. The following excerpt from one of the in-depth interviews illustrates the common view among the Roma towards relations with the state and state institutions: We’re also part of this country but we’re not protected. I see it that way. We’re seen as third class citizens. When we go to official institutions, they don’t serve us. We’re not accepted as Turks. Our children also die for this country. They serve in the military. Do we have another country? The laws don’t protect our rights. (Male, 50, elementary school graduate, street flower seller) One of the interviewees mentioned in the in-depth interview that problems in the service of state institutions emanate not only from the difference of attitude towards the Roma but also towards people in general of lower classes: I wish I hadn’t been born in Turkey. People don’t respect each other. When you go to a state office, they look at your clothes and give service according to how nice your clothes are. If you don’t know somebody from the office, you can’t get anything done. People generally mistrust you if you’re a Roma. People usually think you shouldn’t buy anything from a Roma or eat anything from a Roma. (Male, 64, elementary school graduate, cobbler) Forty-one of the 90 respondents see the European Union positively and favour Turkey’s EU membership (see Table 4). They support membership in the EU for reasons such as that membership would bring better standards of living, economic and social rights, enhanced employment opportunities, welfare services, and free movement of people. One of the respondents was of the view that Turkey is already a
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Table 4. Reasons to favour Turkey’s EU membership Why want EU membership? Social services Free movement of people Employment opportunities Better standards of living We are European Better economic and social rights Total ‘Yes’ responses
EU membership (‘Yes’ responses) 3 2 7 16 1 12 41
(7.3%) (4.9%) (17.1%) (39.0%) (2.4%) (29.3%) (100%)
European country so it should be in the European league. The idea that future EU membership would bring better employment opportunities and standards of living seems to be what dominates the will for membership. Especially those respondents with a monthly income in the US$173–344 range are in favour of Turkey’s EU membership. This reflects the tendency that those holding lower socio-economic status are more pro-EU than other respondents. With respect to age, the research indicated that younger groups are more in favour of EU membership than others. A total of 8.9 per cent of the respondents between the ages of 19 and 25, 11.1 per cent aged 26–32, 4.4 per cent aged 33–39, and 7.8 per cent aged 40–46 support EU membership. Put another way, there is a negative correlation between age and the desire for membership. As the respondents get older, they seem to have more hesitation towards EU membership. The support for EU membership seems to drop gradually with middle-aged and older respondents. In general, EU membership is valued and wanted for economic reasons. Ten of the respondents who do not want Turkey to become a member of the EU were of the opinion that the EU would not accept Turkey anyway. Out of the total 49 respondents who do not favour Turkey’s membership, five do not think membership would be beneficial for Turkey and another five thought Turkey was a self-sufficient country so it could survive on its own without getting involved in the EU. The suspicion that the EU would be exploiting Turkey after membership was also expressed. Seven of the respondents thought Turkey was not ready for membership (see Table 5). The interviewees identified unemployment as their biggest problem (see Table 6). Out of the total 90 respondents, 50 interviewees thought that the authorities should find a solution to this major problem. The lack of education and the need for better educational policies were also mentioned by 15 of the respondents in the survey questionnaires. In line with previous studies on the low level of education of the Roma in Europe,29 Turkish Roma live in extreme poverty and they lack adequate knowledge regarding the educational services provided, and their preparation for school is insufficient. The middle-aged respondents criticized younger Roma for failing to work in regular jobs. The young Roma, according to them, do not work regularly but on a temporary or sporadic basis so turnover rates among Roma youth is very high. The reason for this work pattern among the youth, according to the middle-aged
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Table 5. Reasons for resisting Turkey’s EU membership Why not want EU membership?
EU membership (‘No’ responses)
We’re a self-sufficient country We’re not ready They will exploit us I don’t think it’s necessary Nothing would change with membership Total ‘No’ responses
5 7 5 8 7 49
(10.2%) (14.3%) (10.2%) (16.3%) (14.3%) (100%)
Table 6. Biggest problems Problems Lack of education Unemployment Poverty Lack of organization Discrimination Being looked down upon Inability to express oneself I don’t have problems Community life Housing Total
Number of respondents
Percentage
15 50 6 1 4 5 1 3 2 3 90
16.7 55.6 6.7 1.1 4.4 5.6 1.1 3.3 2.2 3.3 100
respondents, is low wages. However, it must be noted that middle-aged respondents themselves also do not work on a stable basis and their turnover rates are also high. This point brings to mind the problems that the Roma face in adapting to new market forces and structures. The competition for jobs and the increasing flexibility in working hours seem to be bringing further problems to the Roma, who already experience high unemployment. The respondents also mentioned that these problems of unemployment and the deficiency in necessary skills for jobs due to lack of education are not specific to the Roma, as they are national problems squeezing society in general. Some of the respondents spoke of discrimination as a major problem for the Roma. Four of the respondents were of the view that the Roma, collectively, were a group discriminated against. For instance, employers do not employ Roma for open positions because they think that a Roma would soon quit and the position would have to be filled again. Furthermore, some of the respondents stated that they were looked down upon by society in general. The in-depth interviews also confirmed the tendencies highlighted in the survey questionnaires. The interviewees frequently correlated being Roma with being poor. Most of the respondents characterize Roma as ‘being in need of help, passive and of lower classes’. ‘A Gypsy is a poor person’ was a frequent statement from the
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respondents. The following interview quotation summarizes the common view in the Tarlabas¸ ı neighbourhood on the perception towards the problem of the Roma in general: Roma don’t express their problems. Nobody protects us and this will continue until we get education. We’re outsiders. Our children aren’t protected in the schools. The parents are poor. Even the teachers discriminate against our children. Good, qualified teachers aren’t appointed to our schools in the neighbourhood. Normal, ordinary teachers are allocated. We have to get organized. Since the laws don’t protect us, we have to protect ourselves. Otherwise we’ll remain in this class. We’re neither of the rich class nor the poor class. We’re classless. I don’t steal, but how will I earn my living? They force us to make donations to the schools when registering our kids for school. They don’t ask if we have money to donate. I’ve never seen a 100 euro banknote in my entire life. We have to play music so people dance. But I want to see my child wearing a suit and a tie. (Male, 48, elementary school graduate, musician in bars) Until recently, among the countries where Roma were unable to formally create political organizations based on ethnicity was Turkey, in addition to Albania, Bulgaria and Russia.30 However, there have been significant steps in the political organization of the Turkish Roma. The main reason behind this development is surely the changes in the legal framework that regulates the establishment of association and foundations. Turkey enacted several reforms and showed steady progress in the 2000s towards accession to the EU. It was only after these reforms in the legal, political and economic areas that Turkey was considered to have fulfilled the Copenhagen criteria (stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities), and its EU membership negotiations started on 3 October 2005. Among these reforms, the most influential ones regarding political organizations and cultural associations were the 2002 and 2004 reform packages. With various constitutional and legal amendments in the packages, forming associations on the basis of ethnicity and culture was allowed in addition to further liberties that regulate the functioning of the associations and foundations such as the right of community foundations to obtain property. As these new laws and amendments to existing laws liberated the functioning of the NGOs and sped up the effective functioning of civil society, Turkey’s Roma started to show signs of collective political organization in 2005 and 2006. It is acknowledged that the Roma are a non-homogenous socio-cultural unit that is hierarchically structured on a different taxonomical level.31 In a similar vein, this research showed that the biggest hurdle to the organization of the Turkish Roma is lack of common stance or unity among them. In the words of the chairman of the _ Izmir Roma Association, ‘Problems can’t be resolved by individual efforts alone’. There seems to be a lack of trust among the Roma community in Tarlabas¸ ı which blocks the development of working together for a common purpose. In a similar vein, this lack of trust also hinders the Roma from actively working in an association or getting organized under an association. Since the Roma community, by and large,
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is part of the lower class of the society, this low socio-economic status also contributes to the low levels of organization. In is in this context that the existing Roma associations are limited in scope and membership diversity, and are participated in and run by a small group of Roma. Another point that the research results indicated is that the Roma community in general is alien to working in institutional bodies such as non-governmental organizations and associations. Although by 2005 there were 12 Roma associations in total in various regions of Turkey, there is no federation of associations that has _ the consent of each of these associations. Each of the associations in Izmir, So¨ke, Edremit, Balıkesir, Kus¸ adası, Edirne, Malkara, Mersin, Lu¨leburgaz, Adana, Kırklareli and Muratlı follow different policies and organizational structures from each other. Although the seven associations in the Thrace region (those in Edirne, Malkara, Mersin, Lu¨leburgaz, Adana, Kırklareli and Muratlı) established the Turkish Roma Federation in 2006, the associations in the Aegean region did not support this federation and set up another one called the Anatolian Roma Federation. The main reason for this segregation of federations is disagreement over which association would use the funds coming from the European Union. Despite these problems in getting organized under one federation roof, the election of two Roma representatives to participate in the Roma Platform of the European Union can be considered a positive sign for the future. There is also the problem of a lack of cooperation of Roma associations with other NGOs, associations and public or private institutions of Turkey. The Roma associations seem not to be acting together, whether among themselves or with other organizations. This situation also negatively impacts the institutional structure of Roma associations, as they do not benefit from the accumulation of experience and knowledge that the other NGOs develop. Some other factors that negatively affect the (dis)organization of the Roma associations are lack of organizational culture, distance from bureaucratic culture and ways of doing work, and a consciousness of being historically isolated. In a related point, the low socio-economic status of the Roma, both in education and employment levels, also contributes to the lack of organizational unity among the community. In Turkish society, the Roma are usually associated with pejorative stereotypes. Such perceptions not only squeeze the Roma identity but also result in discrimination.32 Notes The authors gratefully acknowledge the support and assistance of the Department of International Relations at Is¸ ık University and the Department of Sociology at Akdeniz University during the research and writing of this article. The research was funded by the Scientific Research Project Programmes of Is¸ ık University and Akdeniz University. 1. A. Schutz, ‘The Stranger: An Essay in Social Psychology’, in A. Brodersen (ed.), Collected Papers (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964), p.105. 2. W. Willems, In Search of the True Gypsy: From Enlightenment to Final Solution (London: Frank Cass, 1997), p.7. 3. I. Hancook, We Are the Romani People (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2002). 4. A. Fraser, The Gypsies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); G. Lewy, ‘The Travail of the Gypsies’, National Interest, No.57 (1999), p.47.
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5. E. Marushiakova and V. Popov, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2001), p.12. 6. H. Kyuchukov, ‘A Comparison of Bulgarian and Turkish Muslim Roma’, paper presented at the First International Romani Studies Conference (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute, 10–12 April 2003). 7. For some of the studies on Turkish Roma, please see N. Alpman, Trakya C¸ingeneleri: Sınırda Yas¸ayanlar [Thracian Roma: Those Living on the Borders] (Istanbul: Biles¸ im Yayınları, 2004); U. Mischek, ‘The Neighbourhood Identities of the Roma’, paper presented at the First International Romani Studies Conference (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute, 10–12 April 2003); E. Strand, ‘Gypsies and Ethno-Religious Identity in Turkey: A Comparative Perspective’, paper presented at the First International Romani Studies Conference (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute, 10–12 April 2003); S. Kolukırık, ‘Aramızdaki Yabancı: C¸ingeneler’ [Alien among Us: Gypsies] (Ph.D. thesis, Ege University, 2004). _ 8. M.T. Go¨kbilgin, ‘C¸ingeneler’ [Gypsies], in Islam Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul: MEB Yayınları, 1977), p.423. 9. Ottoman Empire was administered by the Millet system. In the Millet system, which formed the basis of the Ottoman administrative structure, individuals were not recognized, and subjects were defined according to their faiths and only within the religious groups to which they belonged. Millets had separate administrative rules for marriage, divorce, inheritance and tax collection under the authority of their own ecclesiastical leaders who represented the community in the Ottoman Palace and had important administrative, judicial and financial responsibilities. The dominant Millet was the Muslims and the three major non-Muslim Millets were the Greeks (Orthodox Christians all, including Arab, Albanian, Bulgarian, Romanian and Serbian Orthodox Christians), the Armenians (non-Orthodox Christians such as eastern Armenians, Georgians, Assyrians, Protestants and Catholics) and the Jews. The non-Muslim Millets were exempt from the military draft but in return were made to pay the exemption tax called ‘jizya’. For more information on the Millet system, see K. Karpat, ‘The Ottoman Ethnic and Confessional Legacy in the Middle East’, in M.J. Esman and H. Rabinovich (eds.), Ethnicity, Pluralism and the State in the Middle East (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp.35–53; K. Karpat, ‘The Ethnicity Problem in a Multi-Ethnic National Islamic State: Continuity and Recasting of Ethnic Identity in the Ottoman State’, in P. Brass (ed.), Ethnic Groups and the State (Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Nobles, 1985), pp.95–114. 10. Pops argues that ethnic origin usually dictates nominal religious affiliation among various Roma communities. As Spanish Roma are likely to be Catholic, Turkish Roma are mainly Muslim. See G. Pops, ‘The Hidden Gypsy Minority’, PA Times, Vol.23, No.2 (2000), p.8. 11. E. Ginio, ‘Neither Muslims nor Zimmis: The Gypsies (Roma) in the Ottoman State’, Romani Studies, Vol.14, No.2 (2004), pp.117–44. 12. P.A. Andrews, Tu¨rkiye’de Etnik Gruplar [Ethnic Groups in the Republic of Turkey] (Istanbul: Ant Yayınları, 1992), p.28. 13. E. Ginio, ‘Neither Muslims nor Zimmis: The Gypsies (Roma) in the Ottoman State’, Romani Studies, Vol.14, No.2 (2004), pp.117–44. 14. The European Commission regular report on Turkey’s progress towards accession in 2005 estimates the Roma population in Turkey being at between 500,000 and 2 million. See European Commission, Turkey 2005 Progress Report, http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report_2005/pdf/package/ sec_1426_final_en_progress_report_tr.pdf, 2005. Similarly, Arayıcı estimates Turkey’s Roma population to be around 280,000–540,000; see A. Arayıcı, C¸ingeneler [The Roma] (Istanbul: Ceylan Yayınları, 1999), p.52. 15. See Zaman Daily, 23 Feb. 2006. 16. See S¸. Toktas¸ , ‘Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey’s Jewish Minority’, Journal of Historical Sociology, Vol.18, No.4 (2005), pp.394–429. 17. For a detailed assessment of the question addressed in the Parliament, please visit http://www. nethaber.com/?h¼46523 (accessed 23 Feb. 2006). 18. European Commission, 2001 Regular Report from the Commission on Turkey’s Progress Towards Accession, http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report2001/tu_en.pdf, 2001. 19. European Commission, 2002 Regular Report From the Commission on Turkey’s Progress Towards Accession, http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report2002/tu_en.pdf, 2002; European Commission, 2003 Regular Report From the Commission on Turkey’s Progress Towards Accession, http:// europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report_2003/pdf/rr_tk_final.pdf, 2003; European Commission, 2004 Regular Report From the Commission on Turkey’s Progress Towards Accession, http://europa.eu.int/
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21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.
27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.
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comm/enlargement/report_2004/pdf/rr_tr_2004_en.pdf, 2004; European Commission, Turkey 2005 Progress Report, http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report_2005/pdf/package/sec_1426_final_ en_progress_report_tr.pdf, 2005. For instance the journal Romani Studies is devoted to research and dissemination of knowledge on Roma. Similarly, in Turkey there has been increasing political and academic interest in the Turkish Roma. A recent book by Adrian Marsh and Elin Strand is an outcome of this growing interest in the Turkish Roma; see A. Marsh and E. Strand (eds.), Gypsies and the Problem of Identities: Contextual, Constructed and Contested (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul Transaction Series, Vol.17, 2006). Hancook, We Are the Romani People, p.113. Lewy, ‘The Travail of the Gypsies’, p.47. _ N. Martinez, C¸ingeneler [Gypsies] (trans. S¸. Aktas¸ ) (Istanbul: Iletis¸ im Yayınları, 1994), p.119. Hancook, We Are the Romani People, p.121. The congress of 1990 was formerly composed of representatives from the Eastern European countries; see Hancook, We Are the Romani People, p.316. _ E.O. Incirlio glu, ‘S¸ecaat Arzederken Merd: Tu¨rkiye C¸ingenelerinin O¨rgu¨tlenme Sorunları’ [The Organization Problems of the Turkish Roma], in G. Putlar and T. Erman (eds.), Tu¨rk(iye) Ku¨ltu¨rleri [Cultures of Turkey] (Istanbul: Tetragon Yayınevi, 2005), p.168. A. Lieblich-Tuval and T. Zilber, Narrative Research, Reading, Analysis, and Interpretation, Applied Social Research Methods Series, Vol.47 (New York: Sage Publications, 1998), pp.112–14. A. Ayata-Gu¨nes¸ , ‘Roots and Trends of Clientelism in Turkey’, in A. Gu¨nes¸ -Ayata and L. Roniger (eds.), Democracy, Clientelism and Civil Society (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994), pp.51–63. K.R. Forray, ‘Results and Problems in the Education of the Gypsy Community’, European Education, Vol.34, No.4 (2003), pp.70–90. D. Petrova, ‘The Roma: Between a Myth and the Future’, Social Research, Vol.70, No.1 (2003), pp.111–61. E. Marushiakova and V. Popov, ‘Segmentation vs. Consolidation: The Example of Four Gypsy Groups in CIS’, Romani Studies, Vol.14, No.2 (2004), pp.145–91. _ S. Kolukırık, ‘Tu¨rk Toplumunda C¸ingene Imgesi ve O¨nyargısı’ [Prejudice towards the Gypsies in Turkish Society], Sosyoloji Aras¸tırmaları Dergisi, Vol.8, No.2 (2005), pp.16–23.