Article women shelters and domestic violence

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Shelters for Women Survivors of Domestic Violence: A View from Turkey a

Şule Toktaş & Cagla Diner

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Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey Published online: 13 Jul 2015.

Click for updates To cite this article: Şule Toktaş & Cagla Diner (2015) Shelters for Women Survivors of Domestic Violence: A View from Turkey, Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal, 44:5, 611-634, DOI: 10.1080/00497878.2015.1036158 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.2015.1036158

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Women’s Studies, 44:611–634, 2015 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0049-7878 print / 1547-7045 online DOI: 10.1080/00497878.2015.1036158

SHELTERS FOR WOMEN SURVIVORS OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: A VIEW FROM TURKEY SULE ¸ TOKTAS¸ and CAGLA DINER

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Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey

Introduction Violence against women is a worldwide phenomenon, and while levels vary from country to country, comparatively Turkey has rather high rates of violence targeting women. One study noted that forty-two percent of Turkish women have reported that they have been victims of both sexual and physical violence (KSGM, ˙ Siddet Türkiye’de Kadına Yönelik Aile Içi ¸ Ara¸stırması 46). What is more alarming is that such figures represent an increasing trend.

A comparison of the numbers of women who were killed by their partners or family members in 2002 and 2009 reveals that the death toll increased 1,400-fold, from 66 to 953, indicating the severity of the problem of gender-based violence in Turkey (Çubukçu). Given this situation, it is clear that there is a need for preventative measures, and one such means is the founding of women’s shelters to provide support for women who are subject to domestic violence or are under threat of violence.

Research has indicated that while shelters generally do not have the resources to provide prolonged treatment for women, they are able to help victims of violence work through periods of crisis, establish safety plans, and obtain legal assistance (Dziegielewski et al. 161). In addition to providing basic needs, shelters also often facilitate opportunities for education and employment so that women can plan for their futures and acquire the necessary resources to build a new life for themselves (Allen et al.). For this reason, it has been argued that instead of limiting the amount of time that women can stay at shelters to one Address correspondence to Sule ¸ Tokta¸s, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Kadir Has University, Cibali, Faith, Istanbul, 34083 Turkey. E-mail: sule@khas.edu.tr

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month or three months, women should be allowed stay until they are ready to build a new life (Vaughn and Stamp). It has also been pointed out that shelters, along with housing assistance, child care, child support, counseling, and financial support, are crucial for women who decide to separate from abusive partners (Baker et al. 774). Not surprisingly, creating safe environments for victims of violence has been on the agenda of women’s movements worldwide, and since the establishment of Chiswick Women’s Aid, the first shelter established in 1971 in England, women’s shelters have been set up with the aim of protecting women from male violence (sexual, physical, and psychological), providing them with places of refuge and supporting them through self-confidence building, consciousness raising, and vocational training, all of which bolster women’s empowerment in the public and private spheres (Haaken and Yragui). As this article will point out, while shelters indeed have played a critical role in providing support to victims of violence in the context of Turkey, there have also been particular challenges that have limited the successful large-scale implementation of shelters across the country.

Through an analysis of the history and the current state of affairs of shelters, this study aims to explore how these issues reflect on the larger struggle against violence against women in Turkey and how the increasingly vocal women’s movement has impacted state policy vis-à-vis legislation on shelters and domestic violence. For this study, we carried out a series of interviews in 2009 and 2010 with service providers, social workers, feminist activists, and administrators employed at various women’s shelters and agencies that administer shelters in Turkey. The data was collected from those who work to formulate and implement policies about women’s shelters rather than those who are recipients of shelter services. The first section discusses the field research that was conducted on women’s shelters in Turkey, and the second section focuses on the women’s movement against gender-based violence as well as the legal measures that have been taken. The third section includes an overview of women’s shelters in the country, and gives an assessment of the current state of women’s shelters in Turkey as illustrated by the data obtained through our field work. The article concludes with insights on how shelter policy in contemporary Turkey reflects on issues pertaining to the progress that has, or has not, been made in combating violence against women.

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The Study In Turkey, there are three types of institutions that run women’s shelters. These are nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), municipal organizations, and the General Directorate on the Status of Women (Kadının Statüsü Genel Müdürlü˘gü—KSGM ), a unit of the Ministry of Family and Social Services. At the time this research was conducted, women’s shelters that are now run under the jurisdiction of the KSGM were associated with the General Directorate of Social Services and the Protection of Children (Sosyal Hizmetler ve Cocuk Esirgerme Kurumu— SHÇEK hereafter), which was the institution in charge of the provision of social services to orphaned children, the disabled, and the elderly, as well as women survivors of violence.1 The three groups of respondents interviewed in this study were: (1) members of NGOs who run shelters or women’s counseling centers as part of feminist activism, either independently or with some financial and logistic support from a municipality or district administration; (2) municipal administrators and social service workers who are in charge of women’s shelters or counseling centers; and (3) state shelters affiliated with the KSGM. In total, forty in-depth interviews were conducted. The interviews took approximately one hour, with the shortest being half an hour and the longest running about one and a half hours.

Thirteen NGO representatives and sixteen municipality administrators and shelter directresses from Istanbul and Diyarbakır were interviewed. The interviews with NGO representatives and municipality administrators and shelter directresses were mainly held at respondents’ offices in Istanbul and Diyarbakır. In Turkey, these two cities are home to the majority of organizations that run women’s shelters and that work primarily in the area of genderbased violence. The NGO representatives we interviewed were from the Organization for the Shelter of Young Women (Genç Kız Sı˘gınmaevi Derne˘gi), the Foundation for the Development of ˙ Human Resources (Insan Kayna˘gını Geli¸stirme Vakfı), the Istanbul Branch of Amnesty International, the Purple Roof Foundation for 1

SHÇEK, which was located in Ankara and was represented throughout the country through the Provincial Directorate of Social Services in each province, was shut down with the issuance of a decree on June 3, 2011.

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Women’s Shelters (Mor Çatı Kadın Sı˘gına˘gı Vakfı), the Association for Compassion, Solidarity and Human Rights (¸Sefkat-Der ), the Sahmaran ¸ Women’s Solidarity and Research Center (S¸ ahmaran Kadın Dayanı¸sma ve Ara¸stırma Merkezi), the Kamer Foundation (Kamer Vakfı), the Selis Women’s Association (Selis Kadın Derne˘gi), and Local Agenda 21 (Türkiye Yerel Gündem 21 Programı Diyarbakır Kent Konseyi).

All the associations have diverse backgrounds and were founded with differing purposes, perspectives, and approaches.

For example, the Organization for the Shelter of Young Women is an organization that seeks to provide shelter for young women, most of whom are orphaned girls over the age of 18 who are no longer eligible to stay in state institutions for orphaned children. It also aims to help young women fleeing honor killings and/or incest/sexual abuse from family members. In contrast, the Foundation for the Development of Human Resources is an organization that shelters women victims of human smuggling and trafficking rather than domestic violence. Like the Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, the Association for Compassion, Solidarity and Human Rights admits sex workers to its shelters yet it is known for its religious inclinations. The Purple Roof Foundation for Women’s Shelters is the oldest organization specifically combating violence against women and has been working for that purpose since its inception in the 1990s. The shelter opened by the Si¸ ¸ sli municipality in Istanbul is run independently and administered by the Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation. The Sahmaran ¸ Women’s Solidarity and Research Center is an NGO targeting violence against women who are from the eastern and south-eastern regions of Turkey. The Kamer Foundation is a prominent foundation that has branches in numerous provinces in the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey. They do not run shelters, but rather aim to support survivors of domestic violence by providing guidance about how to obtain legal support and how to find refuge at shelters. The Selis Women’s Association runs a counseling office for women victims of domestic violence again in the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey and they send representatives to the advisory board of the women’s shelter run by the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality. In Diyarbakır, there is only one women’s shelter, which is run by the Metropolitan Municipality. Local Agenda 21 is

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a local organization that seeks to realize the goals set forth by the UN World Summit on Sustainable Development and to maintain local communities’ involvement in sustainable development.

The municipal administrators and shelter managers who were interviewed in Istanbul were from the municipalities of Be¸sikta¸s, Eyüp, Kadıköy, Küçükçekmece, Pendik, Si¸ ¸ sli, Üsküdar, and Zeytinburnu, and in Diyarbakır from the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality and the Ba˘glar Municipality. The municipalities selected for interviews were those that either had, or were about to open, a shelter at the time of study. The NGOs that were selected for interviews were prominent institutions predominantly engaged in combating violence against women. With this sample, we believe that we were able to reach a substantial number of service providers who work in the field of gender-based violence in Turkey.

An additional eleven interviews were conducted with shelter directresses and social workers who worked at shelters that were under the jurisdiction of SHÇEK. Adana was the main research site for interviewees working at state shelters, and we were able to contact the SHÇEK staff at the 12th Annual Congress of Women’s Shelters held in Adana. Attended by all women’s organizations around the country that specifically work on combating violence against women, including state officials from various state-run shelters, women parliamentarians working on legislation on women’s rights, media representatives who organize public awareness campaigns against domestic violence, and NGO representatives, this Congress has been held annually since 1998.

They share their experiences and discuss problems related with women’s shelters, counseling centers, and other means to combat violence against women, as well as propose policies. Our research team participated in two of these annual meetings. Interviews were conducted with mainly mid-level officials administering shelters or counseling women at the provincial offices of SHÇEK in the cities of Adana, Ankara, Bursa, Denizli, Eski¸sehir, Istanbul, Kastamonu, Kırıkkale, Kocaeli, Mersin, and Nev¸sehir.

In the aim of drawing a profile of women’s shelters in Turkey, interviewees were asked to share their actual experiences about running shelters and the difficulties they faced in terms of bureaucracy, funding, and security. We also sought to gather information regarding application procedures and limitations about

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acceptance into shelters, and the different types of services they provide. Another of our objectives was to understand how institutions such as nurseries, schools, hospitals, bar associations, police stations, occupational training centers, and the national employment agency work together and coordinate their efforts to support battered women. Interviewees were also asked questions aiming to elicit their conceptualizations of what constitutes an ideal shelter.

This allowed interviewees to critique the current situation regarding shelters, which in turn would help us understand the general outlook of shelter policy in Turkey in terms of its achievements as well as its inadequacies.

Combating Domestic Violence: The Women’s Movement against Gender-Based Violence in Turkey In 1987, a large demonstration against the battering of women was held in Istanbul, attended by around 2,500 people. This event marked a turning point in the women’s movement in Turkey, and the subsequent decade would witness increasing activism on the issues of violence against women, molestation, and abuse.

The demonstration was the first in a series of events organized under the auspices of a “Campaign for Women’s Solidarity against Battering.” The campaign had a specific goal: the establishment of a woman’s shelter as a place where battered women could seek refuge and receive the legal and psychological support they need. The catalyst for this campaign was a judge who ruled against a woman’s request for a divorce on the grounds that she was being battered by her husband. In refusing her appeal, the judge invoked a Turkish saying: “A man’s duty is to impregnate a woman’s womb and beat her back with a stick.” The campaign continued with the organization of “solidarity networks” that aimed to support battered women by providing them with a place to stay, a lawyer, a doctor, and a limited amount of financial assistance when necessary. Volunteers were on call for twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week to respond to the needs of women who called the hotline. From this organization emerged one of the oldest and most established women’s organizations in Turkey, the Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation, which was founded in 1990 (Sahino˘ ¸ glu 64).

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Meanwhile, feminists in Turkey continued public protests against harassment and molestation, using the slogan “Our Bodies are Ours! No to Molestation!” They defined molestation as, singly or in any combination, visual, verbal, or physical harassment.

Thanks to this movement, for the first time in Turkey issues such as violence against women, sexual harassment, molestation, and rape became subjects of public debate, and as a result, the well-known feminist motto “the private is political” became common currency.

The violence and oppression experienced at home, in the private sphere, was thus rendered visible in public. These campaigns promoted the idea that men batter women not because they are bad-tempered or because they drink too much, but because they want to assert their power (Savran 93).

This movement had legal repercussions as well, exemplified by the various legal codes and institutional mechanisms that have been implemented, particularly since the 1990s. One of the major codifications with regards to domestic violence was Family Protection Law No. 4320, which was issued in 1998. The law states that a husband who perpetrates violence against his wife or children may be placed under legal restrictions and will not be permitted to enter the residence of the woman and children for a certain period of time, and if he attempts to go near the residence, the police are to intervene. Implementation of the law, however, has remained limited; furthermore, the law only applies to couples who are legally married. This has decreased the law’s effectiveness since there are large numbers of women in Turkey who are married through religious ceremonies which are not legally recognized by the state (Arın 206).

The amendment of the Penal Code in 2005 was, on paper at least, another step forward in the protection of women and children from domestic violence, as it included provisions for violence inflicted on intimate partners. The previous Penal Code disregarded the integrity of the woman’s body; for example, rape was narrowly defined as “the entrance of the penis into the vagina,” a distinction was made between “full” or “partial” rape attempts, and the punishment for these two “types” of rape differed. The new Penal Code removed such distinctions. Article 5237 of the new Penal Code also abolished the legal distinction between the terms “girl” and “woman”—the former traditionally referring to a single woman who is a virgin. Additionally, the new Penal Code defined

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“intra-marital rape” and “sexual abuse at the workplace” as criminal acts. Sexual offenses that occur between a husband and wife may now, upon the complaint of the victim, serve as legitimate grounds for a legal investigation and the launching of proceedings. The new Penal Code also makes it illegal for families to forcibly require daughters to undergo virginity tests. Nonetheless, even by 2011, the law does not require the consent of a woman forced to undergo a virginity test at the behest of the prosecution, which is deemed sufficient for a mandatory examination.

Another change in the Penal Code pertains to what are referred to as “honor crimes.” The previous code treated “transgressions of honor” as a legitimate cause for reductions in sentencing for crimes that are collectively committed against women by family members in the name of “protecting the family’s name and honor.” The article pertaining to this penalty reduction was abolished in 2000. The new Penal Code also increased the punishment for “honor killings,” including life sentence as a possible penalty.

In 2005, a parliamentary committee for the Investigation of Honor Crimes and Violence against Women and Children was founded in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and charged with conducting research on this issue with a view to eventually eliminating it altogether. The Ministry of Justice issued a circular that asked courts to pay special attention to cases of honor crimes by making sure that decisions are made in a timely manner and that confidentiality are observed to ensure that the lives of women are not put in danger (European Commission, Turkey 2008 Progress Report 19). The same official document called for the establishment of local coordination committees to prevent honor crimes and combat violence against women.

In 2006, Prime Ministry Circular 2006/17 titled “the Measures for the Prevention of Honor Crimes and Violence against Women and Children” was issued with the aim of raising gender awareness, strengthening the social and economic position of women, and improving services to protect women from violence, in addition to providing services for treatment and rehabilitation and increasing coordination between social service providers. Accordingly, police officers were instructed to treat victims of domestic violence more sensitively and to direct them to women’s shelters instead of sending them back to their homes. As a complementary measure, training programs for the police force and judicial personnel on

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women’s rights and treatment of women survivors of violence were organized.

Municipal Law 5393, which was issued in 2005 as part of the EU accession process, is an important development as the law proposes that every municipality with a population over 50,000 open a shelter for women. The law has been criticized, however, because it does not actually oblige municipalities to open shelters. Also in 2005, the Ministry released a circular pertaining to the security of women’s shelters and called for better protection. The “National Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women, 2007–2010” was prepared as part of the project “Combating Violence against Women,” which was funded by the United Nations Population Fund and the European Union (KSGM, Türkiye’de Kadına Yönelik ˙ S¸ iddetle Mücadelede). In 2008, the Guidebook of Women’s Aile Içi Shelters, which sets the standards and principles of women’s shelters in the country, was published by the General Directorate on the Status of Woman.

The EU Commission’s Regular Reports on Turkey, a mechanism for monitoring progress regarding EU membership reforms, provide regular updates concerning the status of women in Turkey. Since 1998, the annual reports have indicated the protective measures that have been taken but also point out shortcomings. The reports have noted that violence directed against women is a widespread social problem that is deep-rooted in Turkish society. Honor crimes have also been pointed out as indicators that the necessary measures to combat violence against women have not been taken. The reports also frequently note that there are insufficient numbers of women’s shelters and consultancy centers for domestic violence and that there is a lack of sensitivity on the issue of shelters. Nearly every report since 2001 has recommended that more shelters need to be established and that financial and technical assistance should be provided to municipalities which have a population larger than 50,000. The EU Regular Reports also highlight the fact that implementation of Family Protection Law No. 4320 has lagged. The primary reason for this is that police officers often disregard the problems of women who have been subjected to domestic violence. In addition, the reports recommend providing training to social service providers, health care providers, the police force, and judicial officials to raise sensitivity on the issue of domestic violence (European Commission, 2008, 2009).

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A Close-Up of Women’s Shelters in Turkey The establishment of women’s shelters in Turkey is both a consequence of the women’s movement against gender-based violence and legal changes driven in part by the process of Turkey’s accession to the European Union. Two local governments in Istanbul, the Bakırköy municipality and the Si¸ ¸ sli municipality, were the first to open women’s shelters. The Bakırköy women’s shelter was established in September 1990 and provided services to battered women for two years. It was shut down when a different political party won local elections in 1992. The shelter run by the ˙ Si¸ ¸ sli municipality was closed for the same reason in 1992 (Ilhan 126). The women’s shelter established by the Women’s Solidarity Foundation (Kadın Dayanı¸sma Vakfı) in Ankara in 1993 was also shut down after the Altında˘g Municipality dropped its support for the shelter. The oldest women’s shelter in Turkey, which was founded in 1993 and continues to operate today, is run by the Küçükçekmece Municipality in Istanbul.

The Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation (Mor Çatı Kadın Sı˘gına˘gı Vakfı), one of the most influential and wellestablished institutions in Turkey working on the issue of violence against women, opened a shelter in 1995. The shelter was then closed due to a lack of resources. In 2005, the district administration of Beyo˘glu received support from the World Bank to open a shelter and placed the Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation in charge of all administrative duties and responsibilities. At the end of 2008, the district administration of Beyo˘glu ended its cooperation with the Foundation, citing a lack of resources. Since March 2009, the Foundation has been running a women’s shelter with the support of the Si¸ ¸ sli Municipality and the Delegation of the European Commission to Turkey.

SHÇEK also began establishing shelters referred to as “women’s guesthouses” in 1998. Since an official nationwide inventory of all types of women’s shelters in Turkey does not exist, different sources provide differing figures. As of March 2009, there were fifty-two women’s shelters in Turkey with a total capacity of 1,297; twenty-seven of the shelters were run by SHÇEK, nineteen were run by local governments, three by governorships, and three by civil society organizations (Çubukçu). The figures in the 2009 EU Regular Report on Turkey differed slightly, indicating

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that there were fifty-nine shelters in operation in that year. This figure was thirteen and thirty-three, according to the EU Progress Report on Turkey for 2005 and 2007, respectively. According to the National Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women 2007–2010, there were forty shelters in the country in 2007; twenty were run by SHÇEK, and twenty were run by local governments and civil society organizations (KSGM, Türkiye’de Kadına Yönelik ˙ Siddetle Aile Içi ¸ Mücadelede). The Guidebook of Women’s Shelters, published in 2008, states that there were forty-nine shelters in the country, twenty-five of which were run by SHÇEK (Karata¸s et al.

53). According to a report published in 2011, the total number of shelters was sixty, with five run by civil society organizations, nineteen by local governments and thirty-six by SHÇEK (Sallan Gül).

Our research, conducted in Istanbul and Diyarbakir, revealed that of the thirty-nine municipality governments in Istanbul, only six of them were running women’s shelters; these were the municipalities of Kadıköy, Üsküdar, Pendik, Eyüp, Si¸ ¸ sli, and Küçükçekmece. At the time of field research in 2010, the Zeytinburnu and Bakırköy municipalities were planning to open women’s shelters. Interviews revealed that municipal officials either are not interested or are hesitant to open shelters because of security concerns. An administrator in the Be¸sikta¸s Municipality of Istanbul noted that the municipality simply does not have the police staff required to provide security for women in shelters: What will happen? There is nothing you can do to provide service. Security is the job of the police. They assign the responsibility of running shelters to the municipalities but they are incapable of providing sufficient security services. The women at the shelters are a special group who need serious protection. This is a major responsibility for the municipality. (Chief Administrator, the Be¸sikta¸s Municipality in Istanbul)

A shelter director in another district of Istanbul also complained that providing security was a major problem for running a shelter: Let’s assume that a shelter has been attacked a woman’s husband and the incident hits the newspapers. The municipality will be seen as being responsible. To protect a shelter is not an easy job. People would ask the municipality: “Why didn’t you protect the women?” Because of the difficulty of the job, nobody wants to open women’s shelters. (Shelter Director, the Üsküdar Municipality in Istanbul)

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Another factor is that while the law states that municipalities are responsible for opening shelters, this is not an issue that wins votes or increases the popularity of mayoral candidates. Additionally, shelters are often shut down if a different political party wins local elections and the priorities of the municipality undergo revisions.

Three respondents working for three different municipalities voiced these points: One day the mayor may change and a different political party may take over the municipality. These newcomers then appoint their own people.

In this way, all of us are affected. In our country, I regret to say that there is no institutionalization, just cadre-building in state offices. (Executive Manager, the Si¸ ¸ sli Municipality in Istanbul) Women’s shelters do not win votes. Absolutely not. Our mayor has never mentioned the municipality’s shelter during his political campaigns.

(Chief Administrator, the Küçükçekmece Municipality in Istanbul) The top municipal decision-makers would never open a shelter with the aim of picking up votes. This shelter business is not like that. Nobody would think about shelters during elections as an issue which brings in or makes you lose votes. (Chief Administrator, the Be¸sikta¸s Municipality in Istanbul)

One of the major problems of the women’s shelters in Turkey has to do with the role played by the police. Generally, women go to shelters because of physical violence, or they seek refuge if they face the threat of honor killing. Women who need to go to a shelter can either apply to the police, municipal counseling centers for women, civil society organizations, or SHÇEK. The police are then responsible for picking up the women and placing them in a shelter. It should be pointed out, however, that only four percent of women who have been subject to violence actually go to the police for help, and only one percent go to a women’s shelter (KSGM, ˙ Siddet Türkiye’de Kadına Yönelik Aile Içi ¸ Ara¸stırması). However, it is not unusual for the police to try to reconcile the husband and wife and send the woman back home. Although the Ministry of Interior Affairs has informed police stations that they should send women to shelters instead of sending them home, the directive is not always implemented. Nor is it uncommon for the police to disclose the address of a shelter to the family members of women who have sought refuge there. This puts the women staying at the shelters in danger of attacks by family members:

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The state assigns the police force a task. The police need to take this task seriously. Sometimes, the police may not take the applications of women who are victims of violence seriously and refuse to fill out the necessary forms. In cases like this, the police should be put on trial for murder for not protecting those women. (Representative from the Sahmaran ¸ Women’s Solidarity and Research Center in Istanbul) If a shelter is a separate house rather than an apartment flat, it is open to attacks. We have asked the police to patrol more often around the shelter but you cannot always trust them. And some police officers may tell the husband of a woman the address of the shelter. (Shelter Director, the SHÇEK guesthouse in Kırıkkale in Central Anatolia)

In large provinces like Istanbul, most of the women who apply in cases of emergency are first placed in what is called an “intermediary station” and then moved to a shelter. The rationale behind the intermediate station is to provide an immediate response to emergency situations and to determine if the women are eligible for placement in a shelter. But there are far too few intermediary stations (Hacısaliho˘glu). As discussed above, the number and capacity of shelters is insufficient. Applicants can be turned down because of a lack of space, and in such cases they are forced to return to the violent environment from which they escaped.

Women’s shelters in Turkey generally accommodate around eight to twenty women, although some SHÇEK shelters can house up to fifty. Women can stay at SHÇEK shelters with their children for three months; however, this period may be extended for another two terms (six months) if the directress or the social worker of the shelter deems it necessary. The maximum amount of time a woman can stay at a SHÇEK shelter is 24 months, and this is possible only if the higher administration of SHÇEK grants special permission. Directresses of SHÇEK shelters have indicated that this is often needed in the case of women threatened by honor killings because these women are in danger the moment they step out of the shelter. As one directress noted: Our shelters are a temporary reprieve. Women can only stay for three months, six months, a maximum of nine months. But if they are fleeing from an honor killing, we cannot tell them to leave. Because in honor killings, there is no solution. The woman has to be on the run all the time.

(Shelter Director, SHÇEK guesthouse in Kocaeli in northwest Turkey)

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Almost all of the interviewees from NGOs were strongly critical of the three-month limit set by SHÇEK’s regulations, as this is not enough time for a woman to solve her financial problems, heal psychologically, and begin a new life. Two respondents pointed out: For example, a woman applies and you give her refuge for three months.

What will happen after then? There is a trauma behind every case; even when we are listening to women’s stories, we ourselves are severely psychologically affected. (Representative from the Sahmaran ¸ Women’s Solidarity and Research Center in Istanbul) It saddens me to say that some shelters reject women for different reasons.

Workers at SHÇEK sometime say to women who are under threat of violence or are victims of violence, “Don’t come, working hours are over!” or “Come after the holiday!” or “We don’t have room for you!” or “You can only stay for three months!” It is a tragedy that all of the SHÇEK shelters in the country put psychological pressure on already vulnerable women. (Representative from the Association for Compassion, Solidarity and Human Rights in Istanbul)

An interviewee from the Purple Roof Foundation criticized SHÇEK, saying that the rationale behind this policy is to increase the turn-over of women staying at the shelters. With a high rate of turn-over, the institution is able to accommodate many women.

She argued that, in this way, SHÇEK could appear to be a successful institution capable of protecting many women from domestic violence, but in reality SHÇEK is unable to provide lasting solutions for the problems of women who are victims of violence or who are under the threat of violence, as noted by a representative from the Purple Roof Foundation: In reality, the three month limit is a misconception. Even at SHÇEK shelters, social workers can let you stay for nine months. Of course, it depends on the report filed for the woman. In some cases, again it depends on the reporting of the case and after several bureaucratic processes of documentation and granting of permission from the governor’s office, SHÇEK shelters can host women for up to 24 months. But the state authorities are more interested in numbers. They want circulation—the more number of women using the shelters, the better. They want women to come, stay, and then leave. But what about the outcomes? What was the intention of these women who applied to the shelters? A life free from violence. But, how can a woman establish a life free from violence in three months? Is it possible?

Given such a psychological situation, with such traumatic experiences, it is very hard. To expect something like that is ridiculous. (Representative from the Purple Roof Foundation in Istanbul)

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Like the Purple Roof, other NGOs that run shelters such as the Association for Compassion, Solidarity and Human Rights, the Organization for the Shelter of Young Women, or the Foundation for the Development of Human Resources similarly do not enforce strict time limitations. In light of this, it is clear that NGOrun shelters can be more flexible in comparison to those run by municipalities or SHÇEK. In Turkey, women’s shelters are not specialized for women with different backgrounds or different histories of violence. The most frequent type of violence is battering by the husband, which sometimes results in death. Other cases include battering by the father or other male relatives, incest, sexual abuse, rape, and honor killings. There are also cases of forced sex work and trafficking in women. Most of the shelters in Turkey adopt universal principles: non-discrimination between women of different races, class, ethnicity, religion, or political opinion; respect for the right of self-determination; non-violence; secrecy of the address of the shelter; confidentiality of women’s private information; and, the creation of an all-female environment, as all employees at shelters should be women (Karata¸s et al. 57–59). Unfortunately, in practice, it is not always easy for shelters to abide by these principles.

For example, as regards the secrecy of the locations of shelters, once the shopkeepers in a neighborhood figure out that there is a women’s shelter, they do not refrain from sharing this information with the men and family members who come looking for their wives or daughters. Difficulties arise also because state institutions have not adopted a policy that prioritizes keeping the location of shelters secret. Women residing in shelters are required to register with neighborhood administrative offices that issue official certificates of residence. These certificates are required for various types of applications and registration; one must submit a certificate of residence when applying for a school or a job or even opening a bank account. In such a system, women and children residing at the shelters are not able to keep their address secret. For example, when the Ministry of Education adopted an online system through which parents can monitor the educational records of their children, a father was able to see the school his child is attending.

Once the father learns the address of his child’s school, he can figure out the neighborhood in which his child and wife reside and eventually find the shelter itself. Two respondents spoke of this issue:

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We have problems when the child of the woman who is staying at our shelter is registered at the school because it is then easy to find the address of the shelter. If the child is registered as a guest student at the school, s/he cannot receive an official report card or transcript, leading to problems.

Last year, there was an incident like that. So that the woman would not be found by her husband, I wrote a letter to the former school that the child attended, requesting that the child be seen as registered at that school so that the new school couldn’t be traced in the national on-line school system. (Social Worker, SHÇEK guesthouse in Denizli in western Turkey) The national education system adopted an on-line system. Now, parents can see the grades and absences of their children online. This was a disaster for us. If the address of the child is visible online, then you can easily find the mother, which makes it impossible to protect her. Nobody can protect her. And, she cannot protect herself. We applied to the governor’s office and were granted special permission for such cases. The addresses of those children are now kept in a special registration system.

(Representative from the Purple Roof Foundation in Istanbul)

Regulations also require that women must apply to shelters with their identity cards. This is the case for all types of shelters, whether they are run by the state, municipality, or an NGO (Kadın Sı˘gınakları 1. ve 2.; Kadın Sı˘gınakları 3. ve 4.). Because most women victims of violence are forced to leave home quickly, they may not have the opportunity to get their identity cards with them, and this leads to bureaucratic complications during the application process. Most women fleeing violence are denied admission to shelters if they do not have an identity card. If a woman without an identity card is admitted to a shelter, this is because the director of the shelter uses her discretion and takes a risk. One social worker at SHÇEK said that one time she took the risk of being questioned by the SHÇEK higher administration and accepted one woman who was in need of a shelter but did not have an ID card: You have to do a background check of women who apply to the shelter, especially if she is coming from another province. You have to get her personal information. I remember that there was a case in the past in which a woman from another province was accepted into the shelter. We filled out the forms. She was in a really bad state. But she did not have her ID. I took the risk and, blatantly breaking the rules, I let her stay at the shelter.

Then, later on, we found out that she was wanted by the police. Then, I was placed under an investigation for violating the rules of admission. (Social Worker, SHÇEK Office in Zeytinburnu in Istanbul)

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A similar difficulty arises in the case of sex workers and women who are not Turkish citizens. In some cases, these two groups of women overlap, as trafficking in women occurs in Turkey.

According to the regulations and guidelines prepared by SHÇEK in 1998, municipal and SHÇEK shelters are not supposed to accept sex workers who are still actively working (Karata¸s et al.).

NGO-run shelters also comply with this rule, and only a few will accept them only if they are convinced that the women stopped engaging in this line of work. The same rule applies to the Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, which runs specific shelters for victims of human trafficking, some of whom may be sex workers. As regards citizenship, our research indicated that non-Turkish citizens may be accepted into shelters as long as they have some form of ID, such as an identity card or passport.

When I say citizenship, I do not mean that the applicant needs to be Turkish. I mean, the applicant needs to show an official ID, whether Bulgarian, Romanian, Moldavian, or Azeri, it does not matter, but an official ID is necessary. The woman could be running from the police. We may not know this, so we can’t allow such situations. (Representative from the Organization for the Shelter of Young Women in Istanbul)

A major difficulty for shelter administrators is whether or not to accept women who are afflicted with mental illnesses. Again, per the regulations cited above, municipal and SHÇEK shelters are not supposed to admit women with physical or mental disabilities or women who have alcohol or drug abuse issues. The respondents in our research stated that they do not admit women with physical and mental health problems to shelters because it is impossible to accommodate a woman who cannot take care of herself at a shelter. A volunteer working at an NGO shelter also talked about the problems they face in the case of women suffering from mental disorders, highlighting the fact that such women are forced onto the streets because there are not enough psychiatric hospitals to accommodate them for prolonged periods of time. If a woman staying at a shelter commits suicide or behaves violently, this has a negative impact on the other women. Women with serious mental health problems also have difficulty in following the shelter rules.

Almost all shelter administrators voiced concern about accommodating women with mental illnesses, as indicated in the following examples:

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When a woman applies to stay in a shelter, we first we send her to see a psychiatrist. If the psychiatrist recommends that she be taken to a mental hospital, then we take her to the hospital. The psychiatrist is the one who decides whether the woman needs to be hospitalized or not. We had a girl under the age of 18 and she was a victim of incest. She gave birth, and we sent the child to the orphanage for adoption. She was only 15 years old and she was mentally ill. We could not host the girl at our shelter because she was both a minor and mentally ill. We transferred her to a rehabilitation center. But she cannot stay at that center all her life, because she has a family. (Shelter Director, SHÇEK guesthouse in Kocaeli in northwest Turkey)

Women with serious physical health problems are not admitted to shelters either: “We do not admit physically handicapped women because we do not have the proper infrastructure.

We cannot accept applicants who do not have the capability to look after themselves” (Chief Administrator, the Küçükçekmece Municipality in Istanbul).

In all of the shelters studied within the scope of this project, women have the opportunity to attend adult education classes to learn how to read and write if they are illiterate, and they can also receive vocational training to increase their employment opportunities. These classes are provided free of charge through agreements between shelters and various educational institutions.

Shelters have similar agreements with daycare centers so that women can attend adult education classes, seek employment, or work. There are no laws or regulations, however, which stipulate that daycare centers or adult education institutions must provide support to women’s shelters; hence, there is a lack of an institutional mechanism that guarantees these educational services for the women and children staying at shelters. Each shelter makes these arrangements individually with educational institutions using the networks available to them. In the case of SHÇEK shelters, such arrangements are carried out with state institutions that provide daycare services or adult education classes if they are available in a given town. For children over the age of six, such arrangements are not necessary as the Ministry of Education operates free public schools. Healthcare services are also subsidized by the state and if a woman can demonstrate a lack of resources, she can obtain healthcare for free. Shelters assist women with the necessary documentation for free healthcare, and in the case of state

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shelters run by SHÇEK, the bureaucratic procedure is less complex and women staying there receive treatment free of charge at state hospitals.

Shelters also help women obtain legal counsel, as women may seek to file for divorce from abusive husbands, or they may need to get a restraining order issued by the court on the basis of the Family Protection Law. While shelters provide legal assistance per the terms of this law, the safety of women and children in their homes cannot be ensured even if there is a court order because the police do not monitor residences twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. In order for this law to be effectively implemented, there should be a police task force that is primarily responsible for protecting women under the threat of violence.

In its given state of implementation, the law does not seem to have a deterrent effect, as indicated by the high number of women who are killed by abusive partners. Furthermore, pending substantial improvement in the implementation of Law 4320, women’s shelters will be the only means to protect women from violence.

Women who stay at shelters may choose to build a new life for themselves or they may return to their partners or families.

In Turkey, a system of monitoring for women who leave shelters does not exist. Those who wish to start a life independent of their families are given assistance for rent and food for a short period of time. This is not an official and institutionalized form of assistance but rather depends on the initiative of shelter workers using the networks available or municipal funds in the case of shelters run by municipalities. It is interesting to note that a recent study on municipal shelters revealed that even before women leave shelters and receive such non-institutional municipal support, they perceive the opportunity to obtain accommodation at shelters to be a benevolent act of the municipality and the staff working there; they show gratitude to the municipality and shelter staff for saving them from a dishonorable life on the streets. Hence, shelters are not perceived by the women who stay there as an institutionalized form of assistance provided as a social service by the state (Ekal).

As this study has illustrated, there are three main types of institutions that run women’s shelters in Turkey: civil society institutions, local governments and the social service institutions of the state. The state provides funding for shelters that are run under its jurisdiction; however, it does not provide support for shelters run

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by civil society organizations or municipalities; the latter need to raise their own funds. Municipalities are able to generate funding through tax revenues but civil society organizations face serious difficulties in running shelters due to lack of funding. All of the interviewees from civil society organizations stated that the state should support these organizations financially because the service they provide for female survivors of violence is a social service, which the state needs to provide for its female citizens. As there is no fixed budget allocated for this purpose, women’s shelters run by civil society organizations are constantly under the threat of closure. The volunteers and administrators who work for these shelters seek out donations or apply for funding from international organizations such as the EU, UN, or other development agencies, but these sources are not permanent. Furthermore, the priorities of international organizations and development agencies can change from year to another. For a year or a few years, they may fund projects to combat violence against women, and in the subsequent years they may prioritize women’s contribution to the economy and fund projects that promote women’s employment. Hence, it is not possible for civil society organizations that run shelters to rely on funding from international organizations, as these representatives underscore: For example, there is a large program in the EU and in the International Organization for Migration to combat human trafficking. A small grant was allocated to us from that program. Currently, we are receiving funds primarily from the EU. Sometimes, we receive funds from private companies. For example, when the municipality stopped paying our rent, a private company stepped in. But, the company has suddenly cut the funding. For the upcoming months, we don’t have the money to pay our rent.

(Representative from the Foundation for the Development of Human Resources in Istanbul) In my opinion, these project funds aren’t beneficial. I believe in a social state. The state needs to provide the funds for women’s shelters. For example, the project budget may suddenly disappear, what will happen then?

How will we continue to provide services? There is also the issue of distribution of funds to a small number of organizations or people. You look at the list of recipients, and they are all the same people. It seems like corruption. When I recall the bureaucratic burden that we went through when we applied for the project, I felt bad when I saw the recipient list.

It was a waste of time. (Representative from the Selis Women’s Association in Diyarbakır)

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Concluding Remarks This study demonstrates that women’s shelters in Turkey, whether run by an NGO, municipality, or SHÇEK encounter similar difficulties such as red tape and lack of infrastructure for fulfilling the needs of women facing different types of violence. Neither the rules and regulations nor the services available are adequate to meet the needs of the women who suffer from domestic violence and who are in need of not only a place to stay but also legal aid, healthcare support as well as occupational training.

In Turkish society domestic violence is perceived as an issue belonging to the private sphere, it is perceived as a private family matter. Therefore formal institutions such as shelters remain marginal to the solution of this prevalent social problem. This is why only a small percentage of women who are victims of domestic violence turn to formal institutions for help and support, as shown by a recent national survey, which found that 49 percent of women survivors of violence did not tell anyone about their experience and only 8 percent applied to a formal institution for assistance (Ergöçmen et al. 86). Such perception of domestic violence both at the level of the society and at the level of politicians has important implications. Although the government pays lip service to combating violence against women and opening women’s shelters, it has not made a coordinated effort to tackle this problem and has not allocated a proper and stable budget. It appears that the state does not act as a responsible agency to institutionalize the provision of shelter services for women who have been subject to domestic violence.

Our research indicates that the shelters launched by civil society organizations and local governments typically end up discontinuing their services for three main reasons. One reason is the lack of financial resources. A second reason is that local authorities choose to allocate their resources to other projects, or thirdly, the local government may change as a result of elections and its follower may choose to discontinue the shelter services. As for the central government, although it put into effect a number of measures such as issuance of laws, decrees, and regulations to combat gender-based violence since the 1990s, it failed to establish sufficient women’s shelters. Thus, shelters for women under the threat of violence are inadequate both in quality and in quantity.

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In order to provide services such as daycare centers or adult education classes, shelters in Turkey need to use their own resources. Its administrators should either find the financial resources or use their own networks to provide such services for the women and children staying at the shelters. It would be more cost effective and efficient if nurseries, schools, and education and training centers were required by law to provide such services to shelter residents free of charge. More importantly, if the central government does not allocate a special budget for women’s shelters, it seems inevitable that shelters will face closures due to lack of funds, and they will not be able to provide regular services.

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