Olympic Games as city strategies for urban regeneration by Sylvia Cartmill

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

OLYMPIC

GAMES

CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION BY SYLVIA CARTMILL

Disserta on submi ed for the degree of MA (Hons) in Landscape Architecture Edinburgh College of Art School of Landscape Architecture April 2011

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

C O N T E N T S Olympic Games as city strategies for urban regenera on

Contents

List of illustra ons

Preface

Can the Olympic Games be regarded as a successful city strategy for urban regenera on?

Abstract

Introduc on

Background and Context

1. EXPLORE:

WHY ARE THE OLYMPIC GAMES BEING USED AS A CITY STRATEGY FOR URBAN REGENERATION? Introduc on to chapter

Evolu on of Olympic Games as a city strategy

The evolu on of urban regenera on

Rela onship between Olympic Games and urban regenera on

Summary of chapter and next stage

2. ANALYSE:

HOW ARE THE OLYMPIC GAMES USED AS A CITY STRATEGY FOR URBAN REGENERATION? Introduc on to chapter

1. Where were the Olympic projects located in the context of the city?

2. What was the focus/type of the regenera on and how does it bring las ng change? 38 3. What were the exis ng urban problems and does the strategy aim to resolve them? 43 4. How does the strategy integrate with exis ng visions?

5. Who was involved in forming the Olympic vision?

Summary of chapter and next stage

3. APPLY:

HOW IS THE FUTURE OF OLYMPIC GAMES AS A CITY STRATEGY FOR URBAN REGENERATION FORMING? Introduc on to chapter

Apply: London 2012

Summary of chapter

Conclusions

Reflec ons

References

Bibliography

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS fig 1. Photo of London Olympic site under construc on

Personal photo taken November 2010 fig 2. Photo of Beijing Olympic site a er the Olympics

Personal photo taken May 2010 fig 3. First Olympic Games in 1896, Athens

Athens 2004 Organising Commi ee for the Olympic Games (2004) Oﬃcial Report of the XXVIIi Olympiad volume one. Athens, Haidemenos, p. 34, illus fig 4. World map showing case studies

Personal illustra on fig 5. Table of case study research

Personal illustra on fig 6. Aerial view of Homebush Bay, Sydney.

Sydney Organising Commi ee (2000) Oﬃcial Report of the XXVII Olympiad Volume One: Celebra ng the Games. Australia, Paragon Printers Australasia. p.186, illus fig 7. Re-connec on of seafront to the city, Barcelona

COOB’92 (1992) Oﬃcial Report of the Games of the XXV Cultural Olympiad Barcelona 1992 Volume 1. Barcelona, COOB’92, p. 97, illus fig 8. Re-connec on of Faliro Coastal Zone to Athens

Athens 2004 Organising Commi ee for the Olympic Games (2004) Oﬃcial Report of the XXVIIi Olympiad volume one. Athens, Haidemenos, p. 152, illus fig 9. Reconcilia on of Beijing Imperial urban structure

Selugga, M. (2008) “The Dragon’s Tail” Topos Iss. 63, pp. 16-17, illus

fig 10. 2025 vision for Homebush Bay, Sydney

Hawken, S (2007) “Sydney - City of Landscapes” Topos vol. 58, pp. 20-21. illus fig 11. Photo of Beijing Olympic site a er the Olympics

Personal photo taken May 2010 fig 12. Photo of example of tradi onal ‘hutongs’

Personal photo taken May 2010 fig 13. Table of results from analysis

Personal illustra on fig 14. Diagramma c representa on of Olympic sites in urban context

Personal illustra on fig 15. Computer generated image of London 2012 Olympic site post-event

Legacy Company (n.d.) “Future of the Park launch brochure” [online resource] Available from <h p://www.legacycompany.co.uk/news-events/resources/> [Accessed 25 January 2011] fig 16. London Olympic site in context

Legacy Company (n.d.) “Future of the Park lauch brochure” [online resource] Available from <h p://www.legacycompany.co.uk/news-events/resources/> [Accessed 25 January 2011] fig 19. Photo of Olympic site under construc on

Personal photo taken November 2010

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 1. Photo of London Olympic site under

fig 2. Photo of Beijing Olympic site a er the Olympics

construc on (taken November 2010)

(taken May 2010)

PREFACE There are several factors that drew me towards researching this topic, the first being a trip to China in 2010 when I visited the Beijing Olympic site and the Shanghai Expo. This visit caused me to be fascinated with the impact of global events on the host city in the run up to, during, and a er the event. The second factor that inspired me to research this topic is the impending London Olympics (2012) and the proposed regenera on of the East of London through hos ng the Games. Upon studying the Olympics further, I discovered the variety of impacts the Olympics are used to achieve, from image projec on to socio-cultural and poli cal mo ves. Further research brought me towards the Olympic movement, and I began to discover the dynamic rela onship between city, event, and urban strategy. From a landscape architectural perspec ve, I became intrigued in the use of, and consequences of, the associated urban strategies employed by the Olympic Games, and the growth of this en ty in the field of Landscape Architecture.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

CAN THE OLYMPIC GAMES BE REGARDED AS A SUCCESSFUL CITY STRATEGY FOR URBAN REGENERATION?

ABSTRACT Olympic Games are increasingly being used as as an agent for urban regenera on (Coaﬀee, 2011), indeed the upcoming London Olympics in 2012 have been referred to as the ‘Regenera on Games’ (Higgins, D. in Woudhuysen (2008) p.54). Considered as an opportunity for host ci es to improve urban condi ons; can the Olympic Games be regarded as a successful city strategy for urban regenera on? In chapter one the rela onship between the Olympic Games and urban regenera on is explored, highligh ng the poten al the Games oﬀer for urban regera on. The second chapter analyses the approach of various host ci es to the Olympic Games, allowing a dissemina on of the key factors that impact on the success of the Olympic Games as a regenera onal strategy. The third and final chapter reviews the approach of the London 2012 Games, allowing specula on on the momentum of the Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regenera on.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

The London Olympics are “a sporting overlay for the biggest regeneration project in Europe”, and can be referred to as the ‘Regeneration Games’.

David Higgins, CEO of the Olympic Delivery Authority (Higgins, D. in Woudhuysen (2008) p. 54)

INTRODUCTION Context Urban regenera on has been a key aspect of the Olympics for many years, as either a minor physical element or part of large transforma ons within the city (Coaﬀee, 2011). The most ambi ous ci es have seen the Games as an opportunity to bring forward long-term plans, accelerate the rate of change, and pioneer new planning concepts (Chalkley & Essex, 1999). ‘City Strategies’ has become a commonly used term within Landscape Architecture and has grown in interest recently. A recent issue of Topos was themed on ‘City Strategies’, and several of the ar cles within this were focused on the Olympics, and indeed the current issue is themed on ‘City Regenera on.’1 Urban regenera on is par cularly relevant in modern mes due to postindustrialisa on and the impacts this has on the urban fabric (Roberts & Sykes, 2000)

Research problem The Olympic Games have been perceived as being able to ‘fast-track’ urban regenera on (Chalkley & Essex, 1999), indeed the upcoming London Olympics have been referred to as the ‘Regenera on Games’ and claimed to be a “spor ng overlay for the biggest regenera on project in Europe” (Higgins, D. in Woudhuysen (2008) p.54). Considering that there is a growing body of evidence that suggests the regenera on legacy2 proposed by ci es in the bid is as important, if not the most important aspect they build their proposal around (Coaﬀee, 2011), it is surprising to note that no city has yet fully and forma vely assessed the legacy from an Olympic Games3. Considered as an opportunity for host ci es to improve urban condi ons, can the Olympic Games be regarded as a successful city strategy for urban regenera on?

1 Topos, The Interna onal Review of Landscape Architecture and Urban Design, issue 58: City Strategies, includes ar cles “Sydney - City of Landscapes”, “Livingstone’s London” and “Spain’s Growing Capital City”, all of which make reference to hos ng, or bidding for, the Olympics. The current issue of Topos, issue 73, is en tled ‘City Regenera on’. 2 The agenda of ‘Legacy’ has recently been formalised and included within the Olympic Charter as a requirement within the bid (Gold & Gold, 2011) 3 In 2005 the Olympic Games Global Impact (OGGI) project was launched in order to collect be er data, and a requirement made that ci es assess the impact over a period of 12 years. Both Athens and Beijing made limited contribu ons, but London will be the first to fully employ this strategy. (Gold & Gold, 2011)

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

It is not the inten on to jus fy the economics or organisa onal procedure of Olympic Games and authori es, the focus is on the design and implementa on of the urban strategies associated with the Olympic Games.

Critical research questions Several cri cal ques ons have been formulated, in order to find out if the Olympic Games can be regarded as a successful city strategy for urban regenera on. They are as follows: 1. Why are Olympic Games being used as a city strategy for urban regenera on? 2. How are the Olympic Games used as a city strategy for urban regenera on? 3. How is the future of Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regenera on forming?

Research Methodology The research follows three stages; in response to the cri cal ques ons. The stages are as follows: 1. Explore: In order to find out why the games are used as a city strategy for urban regenera on, literature on the Olympic Games and theory in urban regenera on is reviewed. The literature will also aid the selec on of case studies and criteria for the next stage. 2. Analyse: A selec on of case studies are analysed through the use of research criteria, highligh ng the opportuni es, constraints, and key design decisions that impact on the success of using the Games as a regenera onal strategy. 3. Apply: The final phase is to test the results of the case studies on London (2012), so that specula on can be made on how the momentum of Olympic Games as a regenera onal strategy is forming.

Application of Research In recent planning history of Olympic Games, landscape architects have played an integral part in the delivery of the Olympics and the related projects. By inves ga ng the factors that impact

INTRODUCTION

on the success of Olympic Games as a regenera on strategy, this paper can shed light where the opportuni es arise to secure successful regenera on projects in the context of the Olympic Games.

Limitations and speculative outcomes of Research The limita ons of research stem from the fact that the topic is geographically large; the case studies have very diďŹ&#x20AC;erent cultural, social, and planning contexts. This needs to be addressed when forming one set of criteria. The research, however, is not an evalua on of the success of each city, but more a lateral analysis of the key variables of approach that contributed to successful or unsuccessful elements within the strategy. The context feeds into this. As the legacy of Olympic ci es is widely cri qued, there are certain outcomes that are expected. These are that the olympics oďŹ&#x20AC;ers an opportunity for a city to increase the speed and scale of exis ng visions, and that the global image of the Olympics can cause a top-down regenera on approach. The research is however more focused on the key elements that contribute to success or otherwise, which is expected to include aspects rela ng to the integra on of the Olympic site post-event in the urban context

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 3. First Olympic Games in 1896, Athens

BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT Olympic movement and structure The modern Olympic movement was conceived in the late 1800’s by Baron Pierre de Couber n, the first Games being held in Athens in 1896. The Olympic Games are an expression of de Couber n’s theories of ‘Olympism’; which focus on the use of organised sport as an agent of interna onal unity and social equality (Chalkley & Essex, 1999). The goal of Olympism is to;

“place sport at the service of the harmonious development of man, with a view to promoting a peaceful society...” (Olympic Organising Committee 2010 p 11) Couber n set up the Interna onal Olympic Commi ee (IOC), a body which remains as the core organisa onal structure un l this day, represen ng the Olympic movement. The Olympic Charter was introduced to run the Games with ‘fundamental principles, rules, and by-laws’ (Interna onal Olympic Commi ee, 2010 p.9). The IOC is in charge of selec ng the host ci es, but the Organising Commi ee of each city plan the Olympics. There are five aspects of ac vity involved in staging the Olympic Games; these are finance, tourism, security, place promo on and urban regenera on (Gold & Gold, 2011). The last aspect is the focus of this study; urban regenera on.

Research context The topic of Olympic Games is rela vely widely wri en about; the research spans social geography to urban planning. The leading researchers in the field of urban impact of the Olympic Games are Chalkley & Essex and Gold & Gold, both of these partnerships are heavily referenced in a variety of academic papers and also within each other’s research. A third researcher, Coaﬀee, has wri en specifically about the urban regenera on of Olympic Ci es. Outwith the context of Olympic Games, the theories of urban regenera on from Roberts & Sykes are also key to this paper. The work of all of these researchers is reviewed in the following chapter, and forms the basis for the choice of case studies and criteria for analysis. A brief introduc on to their research is provided below, highligh ng the relevance to this paper. 15

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

Chalkley & Essex (1999) believe that within the last 100 years, the Olympic Games have played an increasingly important role as a s mulus for change within the host city and claim that;

“One of the challenges facing town planning (is to) find ways of using major events and transient exhibitions as vehicles for the achievement of more lasting benefits. In addressing these issues, the study of Olympic history can provide a useful starting point.” (Chalkley & Essex, 1999 p. 392). Their research into Olympic history charts the rela onship between the host city and the Olympic Games, and is par cularly useful in this research to iden fy why the Games offer the opportunity for urban regenera on. The research of Gold & Gold is broad, encompassing Olympic history through to the security, financing, and promo onal aspects of hos ng the Games. Similarly to Chalkley & Essex, they also chronologically review the rela onship between host city and Olympic event. Their cri que of Olympic Ci es follows this chronological approach, meaning that each city is reviewed based on the evolu on of the Olympic movement. The methodology followed in this research differs to precedent research in that the case studies are analysed side by side, on the same research criteria, with the intent of further understanding the poten al of the Olympics as frameworks for regenera on. Coaffee, whom has wri en specifically about the urban regenera on aspect of hos ng the Games, claims that the regenera on legacy is increasingly becoming the most important part of the Olympic proposals (Coaffee, 2011), and reviews this trend. The literature of Roberts & Sykes presents research into the growth and applica on of urban regenera on. As a non-Olympic body of research, the literature of Roberts & Sykes provides an alterna ve point of view within this research on the rela onship between Olympic Games and the host city. 16

Explore Why are the Olympic Games being used as a city strategy for urban regeneration?

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTER In order to unearth why the Olympic Games are being used as a city strategy for urban regenera on, there are several factors to be researched. Firstly, the evolu on of the Olympic Games as a city strategy will give clues as to why this momentum has occured and how it may con nue, secondly research into urban regenera on as a movement will allow parallels to be drawn between the Olympic Games and urban regenera on. It is the rela onship between the two that will ul mately discover why the games are being used as a city strategy for urban regenera on. Both the Olympic Games and urban regenera on are evolving phenomena, and the research into them as both separate, and related, en

es, will also help to speculate on how the momentum may con nue in

the future. The explora on of these factors is carried out by using the literature of Chalkley & Essex, Gold & Gold, CoaďŹ&#x20AC;ee, and Roberts & Sykes, as previously iden fied. The literature will facilitate the selec on of case studies, and criteria, for the following analysis stage.

EXPLORE

EVOLUTION OF OLYMPIC GAMES AS A CITY STRATEGY The realisation of regenerational potential Chalkley & Essex (1999) describe how recently the interest in promo ng urban development through the hos ng of major events has increased, and state that this approach oﬀers ci es

“the possibility of fast-track urban regeneration” (Chalkley & Essex, 1999 p. 369). In the early stages of the Olympic movement, any regenera on being undertaken was limited and associated with physical infrastructure projects, whereas recent Olympic Ci es have pushed this agenda to incorporate social, cultural and environmental aspects (Coaffee, 2011). According to Chalkley & Essex (1999) the gradual increase in the scale of the Games has increased the opportuni es for harnessing the Games for wider urban strategies. Coaffee (2011) claims that the Summer Games in par cular offer an unrivalled opportunity for a host city to propose, plan, and deliver major regenera on work over a 5 - 7 year period. Gold & Gold (2011) have iden fied eight phases in the evolu on of the Olympic Games: Phase 1, 1896 - 1906: the first Olympics were tarred with ‘fairground’ accusa ons Phase 2, 1908 - 1936: the crea on of a spectacle that was altered post-event Phase 3, 1948 - 1956: lower key a er the war, but the Olympics received recogni on for economic and promo onal a ributes for the host city Phase 4, 1960 - 1976: Olympics as a catalyst for major infrastructural and related works Phase 5, 1980 - 1984: late Cold War ideological issues took precedence, less a en on paid to regenera onal opportuni es Phase 6, 1988 - 1996: Los Angeles and Barcelona brought a new phase of commercial and regenera onal programmes Phase 7, 2000 - 2004: hos ng a fes val that is jus fied in terms of sustainable legacy Current, Beijing 2008: elaborate spectacle and impact on physical fabric of host city 19

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

The Barcelona Games (1992) were par cularly influen al in the realisa on of the Olympic Games as an opportunity for regenera on, and have become known as the ‘Barcelona Model1’. Gold & Gold (2011) noted how the number of candidates for the successive Games post Barcelona had doubled, demonstra ng an increased interest in the opportunity the Olympics can oﬀer a city. The historical review of the growth of Olympic Games as a city strategy captures the momentum that the Olympics have as an agent for urban change. Considering that the modern Olympic Games have grown in terms of urban impact since they were revived in 1896, from crea ng a spectacle through to infrastructural improvements and wider city strategies for regenera on, an interes ng ques on at this point is what else could the Olympics be used to facilitate; how could this trend con nue? Coaﬀee (2011) claims that that there is an exis ng body of evidence that suggests that the regenera on legacy proposed by ci es in the bid is as important, if not the most important aspect that they build the proposal around. Furthermore, the success of the London 2012 bid was largely due to Londons focus on urban regenera on, as it was considered second or third favourite behind Paris and Madrid (Poynter, 2009). Gold & Gold summarise this by sta ng that;

“Legacy has rapidly become the touchstone by which host cities judge the worth of staging the Olympics” (Gold & Gold, 2011 p. 3). Symbiotic relationship between host city and Olympic Movement The agreements between the host city and the IOC are key to this trend towards Olympic-led regenera on. Star ng from a perspec ve of the host city being awarded the ‘honour’ of hos ng the games, it is now used as a means for the host city to address current needs (Gold & Gold, 2011). The Barcelona Games had only 17 per cent of the total expenditure on sports elements; 83 per cent was for urban improvements. (COOB’92, 1992) Olympic Games are partners in the staging of the Olympics rather than nominees. In terms of the 1 The strategy employed by Barcelona for the 1992 Games is commonly referred to as the ‘Barcelona Model’ for design and urban management (Garcia-Ramon & Albet, 2000)

EXPLORE

evolu on of the concept of Olympic ci es, each city makes a contribu on to the culture of Olympic ci es, guiding their con nual evolu on (Gold & Gold, 2011). The inclusion of legacy and sustainability agendas within the IOC has been both a response, and direct cause of, recent progression of the regenera on of Olympic Ci es (Gold & Gold, 2011). The ideals and agenda of the Olympic movement can be seen to react to and evolve with contemporary issues. Therefore, as ci es realised the full poten al that hos ng the Olympic Games can have, the IOC responded to build on these possibili es. The research shows that the rela onship between the IOC and host ci es is symbio c, which suggests that as ci es evolve their approach towards the hos ng of the Games, the posi ve experiences of each city are reflected in the requirements of subsequent ci es. Poten al trends could be that future Olympics are awarded based on what the Games can do for the city, as opposed to the capacity the city has to hold an elaborate spectacle. Specula vely, future scenarios could involve that the Games are awarded to a specific scheme or area as opposed to a host City. Such a scenario would have major implica ons for the designers, planners, and authori es of large scale regenera on projects. The vision for regenera on strategies could be tailored towards making a bid for the games, and the Olympics could become a tool for regenera on, as opposed to the regenera on being a by-product of the Olympics.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

THE EVOLUTION OF URBAN REGENERATION Regenera on is a broad term that has origins in biology, meaning to “grow a er loss or damage” (Oxford dic onary [online]). Urban regenera on has been defined as;

“a comprehensive integrated vision and action which leads to the resolution of urban problems and which seeks to bring about lasting change in the economic, social, physical and environmental condition of an area that has bean the subject of change” (Roberts & Sykes, 2000 p. 17) Roberts and Sykes (2000) have chronologically organised the evolu on of urban regenera on as; 1950’s reconstruc on, 1960’s revitalisa on, 1970’s renewal, 1980’s redevelopment, and 1990’s regenera on. The change from redevelopment to regenera on being that there is more emphasis on integrated treatments. The post-industrial era of city planning has caused the rise in prominence of ‘urban regenera on’ projects, aimed at re-structuring deprived or neglected parts of the public realm and city fabric (Gold & Gold, 2011), however Colquhoun claims that “urban regenera on is not a new idea. Ci es are built on successive waves of development and decay” (Colquhoun, 1995 p. 3) The theore cal evolu on of urban regenera on is debatable, however the fact remains that the legacy aspired to by Olympic ci es is manifest in urban regenera on. However, according to Chalkley & Essex (1999), event-led approach to urban policy does not fit into the accepted models of town planning as set out by, for example, Brindley et al. (1989) It is neither tradi onal regula ve planning nor trend planning, it is not led by government investment or dictated by private companies and is not a response to the demands of local public opinion.

EXPLORE

“City Regeneration. Cities age too; they grow and transform, they are restructured and their landuses change. It is not always a harmonious process. Often inconsistency and dereliction precede a new burst of development that gets things going” (Introduction to ‘City Regeneration’ in Topos 73, p.3)

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN OLYMPIC GAMES AND URBAN REGENERATION The projects implemented by the Games diﬀer greatly from city to city, and also crucially depending on me. Each city however u lises the Olympic Games to facilitate, or answer to, what is current. Athens, for example, aimed to use the Olympics as an opportunity to ‘catch up’ with the rest of Europe as it was not compe

ve with other major centres (Poynter & MacRury, 2009).

Lord Richard Rogers was the master planner for the sea-front regenera on scheme employed in the run up to the Olympic Bames in Barcelona, opening up the city to the sea and regenera ng the wider area. Shortly a er the Barcelona Games, Rogers, in collabora on with Urban Task Force, created a study to kick-start the regenera on of the urban centres of large Bri sh Ci es (Chalkley & Essex, 1999). The outcome of the study was the planning document ‘Towards an urban renaissance’. An ar cle in the Observer, published on 2nd May 1999 stated that “Barcelona is to become the template for ten wannabe ci es in Britain” (Wintour & Thorpe, 1999). This demonstrates how the Games are not only used to ins l regenera on programmes, but can also have the ability to catalyse new thinking. There appears to be two levels in the rela onship between the Olympics and urban regenera on strategies. One level is the increase in the awareness of the Games as the poten al for city wide improvements. The second is closely linked to the emergence of ‘urban regenera on’; the ability of an Olympic site to provide new func on and meaning to a post-industrial piece of urban fabric. It has been discovered that the growth of urban regenera on in current mes is linked to the postindustrial era and the impact this has on the urban fabric of modern ci es. Large tracts of land have become devoid of func on, these areas are now in need of regenera on. The Olympics, which require an extent of land to provide for the Games, can u lise this site and thus develop the area. Also, considering that the rise of the Olympics as a city strategy has coincided with the rise of urban regenera on, is it possible that the Games have raised the profile of urban regenera on? In current economic condi ons, city wide schemes are being employed less due to financial constraints. In the years to come, the Olympics may be the only viable tac c for the expenditure that city regenera on strategies require.

EXPLORE

SUMMARY OF CHAPTER AND NEXT STAGE In response to the ini al ques on of this chapter, ‘Why are the Olympic Games being used as a city strategy for urban regenera on’, a number of factors have been discovered. Primarily, as ci es realised the poten al the Games oﬀered, they maximised on this. This has been further enhanced as the IOC responded to fully encourage and heighten these possibili es. Secondly, the ability of Olympics to develop neglected and func onless parts of the urban fabric has been u lised as ci es overcome modern planning issues related to post-industrialisa on. The evolu on of urban regenera on as a movement, has coincided with the evolu on of the Olympic Games as a city strategy, and thus the Olympics have become agents for urban regenera on on a city-wide scale.

Identify case studies Through the literature it was discovered that it is since the Barcelona Games in 1992 that ci es have realised the poten al of the Olympics as a strategy for city-wide urban regenera on. It is the inten on to study the Olympic Ci es from Barcelona 1992 up to and including the upcoming London Olympics in 2012. The focus is on the Summer Games, as they have been defined as the dominant Olympic event in the provision of major regenera on work (Coaﬀee, 2011). The ci es within the period include: Barcelona 1992, Atlanta 1996, Sydney 2000, Athens 2004, Beijing 2008 and looking forward to London 2012.

Identify criteria Theory in urban regenera on is diverse. The complexi es of urban regenera on, due to the fact that cri que of regenera on is firmly rooted in the context, means that it is not feasible to make a criteria of ‘good prac ce urban regenera on’ that can be applied to test the Olympic regenera on projects against. What might be a successful strategy for urban regenera on in Beijing is completely diﬀerent to what might be successful in London. It has already been noted how Olympic regenera on projects do not fit with regular town planning approaches, therefore the use of good prac ce criteria, as set out by Robert & Sykes (2000) may skew the results when 25

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

used for Olympic regenera on. Also, part of what the research aims to find out is how Olympic regenera on strategies might diﬀer from regular regenera on programmes, as this will highlight the par cular opportuni es that Olympic Games oﬀer for regenera on and how these might be built on in the future. By decoding the defini on of urban regenera on from Roberts & Sykes a set of research criteria can be formulated to facilitate an understanding of the regenera on proposals of olympic ci es. The defini on is disseminated into inves ga ve criteria as follows:

“...A comprehensive integrated vision and action... Who was involved in forming the Olympic vision? How does the olympic vision integrate with exis ng visions?

....which leads to the resolution of urban problems... What were the exis ng urban problems and how does the strategy aim to resolve them?

...and which seeks to bring about lasting change in the economic, social, physical and environmental condition... What was the focus/type of the regenera on and how how does it bring las ng change?

...of an area that has been subject of change” Where were the olympic projects located in the context of the city?

(Robert & Sykes, 2000 p. 17) Thus the research criteria, re-ordered, are as follows: 1. Where were the Olympic projects located in the context of the city? 2. What was the focus/type of the regenera on and how does it bring las ng change? 3. What were the exis ng urban problems and how does the strategy aim to resolve them? 4. How does the strategy integrate with exis ng visions? 5. Who was involved in forming the olympic vision?

Analyse How are the Olympic Games used as a city strategy for urban regeneration?

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

London 2012 Barcelona 1992

Athens 2004

Beijing 2008

Atlanta 1996

Sydney 2000

fig 4. World map showing case studies

ANALYSE

INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTER The aim of the chapter is not to evaluate the success of each individual case study, but to disseminate the factors that lead to the success or otherwise. In other words, the focus is not on ‘why’ but more on ‘how’. In the previous chapter, a set of suitable case studies were iden fied for analysis. They are; Barcelona 1992, Atlanta 1996, Sydney 2000, Athens 2004, Beijing 2008 and London 2012. As London is s ll in progress, it is not included within this analysis stage. It is instead reviewed in the following chapter by applying the results from this analysis stage. Also, a set of research criteria were iden fied to guide the analysis in the previous chapter. These were drawn from the literature and are as follows: 1. Where were the Olympic projects located in the context of the city? 2. What was the focus/type of the regenera on and how does it bring las ng change? 3. What were the exis ng urban problems and how does the strategy aim to resolve them? 4. How does the strategy integrate with exis ng visions? 5. Who was involved in forming the Olympic vision? The case studies are reviewed laterally, i.e. all together under each criteria as opposed to individually. The purpose of this is to allow a compari ve analysis, which is essen al in discovering the factors that lead to success of otherwise. The informa on used comes from a variety of sources, both academic and non-academic, in order to give a rounded view. The analysis of the results provide conclusions on the opportuni es and constraints of using the Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regenera on, and highlight the key design decisions that impact on the poten al of success. The results of the research are organised in the table on the following pages. The analysis follows this, and is organised under each research ques on. At the end of the chapter, the conclusions of the analysis are summarised, and the number of key factors are selected to test on London.

1. WHERE WERE THE

2. WHAT WAS THE FOCUS/TYPE OF THE REGENERATION AND HOW

OLYMPIC PROJECTS

DOES IT BRING LASTING CHANGE?

LOCATED IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CITY?

ATHENS 2004

SYDNEY 2000

ATLANTA 1996

BARCELONA 1992

Four main areas: Montjuic, Vall d’Hebron, Daigonal and Poble Nou; all are located at the interface between historic city and peripheral sprawl (Nello, 1996) Venues throughout the whole city also used: 43 re-used, 15 new, 10 refurbished (Chalkley & Essex, 1999)

Public space regenera on projects throughout whole city, raised standard of open space framework (Gold & Gold, 2011) Connec on of historic center to peripheral areas through olympic sites and rehabilita on of old town (Nello, 1996) and open up city to seafront through 5km of new beaches Focus was on long term strategic planning as opposed to piecemeal interven ons (Gold & Gold, 2011)

General urban improvement scheme including central city streets and the upgrade of 12 The Olympic Ring (3 mile radius) contained 16 of 25 facili es and most main pedestrian corridors to connect venues of urban improvements (Gold & Gold, Projects cri qued as superficial (Gold & Gold, 2011) 2011) Centennial Park main venue

Two areas chosen for regenera on close to Olympic site one was demolished and replaced by gated community, other cleared and replaced with Centennial Park (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Eleven loca ons for events throughout suburbs, but one main area: Homebush Bay, 7 miles west of city center. (Perlman, 2001)

Focus was to rehabilitate heavily contaminated industrial landscape of Homebush Bay (Mossop 2000). Focus of ‘Green Games’ Millenium Parklands to be exemplar of how brownfield sites recast to deliver a variety of ecological, recrea onal, and educa onal benefits (McCormick, 2000) Develop publicly owned vacant site and re-connect to the Parrama a River (Lynch, 2000)

Main areas:Maroussi in NE suburbs, Faliro Bay on S coast, slopes of Mount Parnitha on N fringe of metropolitan area and disused Hellinikon Airport (Gold & Gold, 2011) Many venues along Olympic Ring linking events with conurba on (Gold & Gold, 2011) Olympic village and na onal stadium at North of Beijing, along cultural axis.

BEIJING 2008

Main infrastructural improvements includes: sports palace, stadium renewal, ring road, upgrade of transport system, addi onal main roads, 4500 new flat from Olympic Village (Gold & Gold, 2011)

4 main sites within Beijing.

Intent was to create a sca ered model for mul -nucleus urban regenera on (Gold & Gold 2011). Focus to protect and create open space, conten ous because many sites were greenfield as opposed to brownfield (Gold & Gold, 2011) Beau fica on projects in city centre: street ligh ng, refurbishment of public spaces, improvements to paving and roads (Gold & Gold, 2011) Re-connec on and regenera on of coastal areas. New tram lines connected the new coastal developments to central Athens (Gold & Gold, 2011) Slogan ‘New Beijing: Great Olympics’, to be high-tech and green, and inten on to modernise and interna onalise Beijing (Gold & Gold, 2011) Infrastructure: 4th and 5th ring road, establishment of green spaces and recycling to promote environmetal concerns, and Olympic park to address serious environmental issues, coupled with many environmental ini a ves (Gold & Gold, 2011) Crea on of urban ‘model ecological zone’ Much demoli on was carried out to make way for Olympic buildings (Gold & Gold 2011)

3. WHAT WERE THE EXISTING URBAN

4. HOW DOES THE STRATEGY INTEGRATE

5. WHO WAS

PROBLEMS AND HOW DOES THE

WITH EXISTING VISIONS?

INVOLVED IN

STRATEGY AIM TO RESOLVE THEM?

FORMING THE OLYMPIC VISION?

Densely populated city that expanded drama cally during 1960’s and 70’s (Nello, 1996) Urban projects were neglected during Franco regime; urban core of Barcelona became damaged and poor peripheral areas evolved (Nello, 1996) Democracy reinstated and a need for regenera on realised, Games taken as an opportunity to tackle problems and project pois ve image of city (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Exis ng urban regenera on project had commenced in 1979 that aimed to regenerate city centre and balance centre and peripheral areas (Nello, 1996)

Public-private partnership, which vital to success (Nello, 1996)

By winning bid, Barcelona increased scale of interven on from small spaces to larger infrastructure (Nello 1996)

Investment private, design and management public

Games used to bring forward schemes that may have been delayed / cancelled (Gold & Gold, 2011) Barcelona had used events as catalysts for regenera on for 1988 and 1929 Universal Exhibi ons, and 1952 Eucaris cal Congress (Nello, 1996)

Shared ownership and involvement in urban planning between local and city visions (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Exis ng urban problems were not recognised by Olympic strategy. No evidence of how Olympic strategy reacted to exis ng problems.

Not evident through research what exis ng planning Only Olympics ever visions of Atlanta were, or how Olympics reacted to them. carried out solely by a private consor um. Heavily cri cised as commercial, li le focus on regenera on. (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Exis ng urban problems of suburban sprawl, strategy does not react to.

Remedia on work had begun on Homebush Bay in the 1980’s, the successful bid was used to regenerate the remainder of the site (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Public-private partnership. (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Sydney’s bid had been in progress since the late 1960’s (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Designers consisted of both Australian and interna onal designers (Perlman, 2001)

Vacant sites along River need redevelopment, strategy tackles this (Lynch, 2000) Several years a er Games, an explosion in popula on resulted in demand for housing (Hawken, 2007)

In the 1990’s Athens suﬀered similar problems to An exis ng scheme of linking key classical sites by many Medi eranean ci es: many plans had been pedestrian connec ons and open spaces was sped up for made but never fulfilled due to military conflict, comple on for the Olympics. (Gold & Gold 2011) economic and poli cal issues. Faliro Coastal Zone was a major exis ng regenera on Athens grew rapidly in 1960’s and 70’s and many project for Athens ‘Riviera’ which the Olympic strategy aimed to realise (Gold & Gold, 2011) developments were made that were illegal or unplanned (Gold & Gold, 2011)

Beijing has undergone significant transforma on in recent decades, including rapid urbanisa on (Gold & Gold, 2011) Communism caused Beijing to be an austere producing city with Soviet planning (Cook 2006)

Exis ng visions were more closely connected to raising the profile of Beijing as an interna onal modern city, achieved through demonstra ng an eagerness to tackle environmental concerns

Not evident from research.

9 mil, sq. m of ‘dilapadated housing’ replaced by new houses, threatening tradi onal hutongs (Cook, 2006) fig 4. Table of case study research

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 6. Aerial view of Homebush Bay, Sydney.

ANALYSE

1. WHERE WERE THE OLYMPIC PROJECTS LOCATED IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CITY? By researching the loca on of the Olympic projects within the context of the host city, a number of factors were drawn out to be cri cal design decisions that impact on the successful regenera on and integra on of the Olympic site post event. They are as follows: scale, edges, connec vity and proximity.

Scale The nature of hos ng the Olympics requires the use of a large area of land. Each city has a very diﬀerent approach to this, which is largely dependant on the exis ng urban fabric, and the focus of regenera on that the city wants to achieve. Sydney and Beijing used one large site, whilst Atlanta, Athens, and Barcelona all used several main areas and sca ered venues throughout the city (refer to column 1 on fig. 5). The decision of whether to use one large site, or several, is a key design decision and has impacts on the regenera on associated. One large site can mean that the regenera on is concentrated inwards, focused on rec fying problems on the site. Sydney did this, using the Olympics as an opportunity to carry out remedia on works on Homebush Bay so that it can become part of the public realm. The consequences, however, were that the site bore no rela onship to the surroundings and thus was never integrated within the urban fabric, it has become a large satellite site in suburban Sydney, and has been described as an ‘urban island’ (Hawken, 2007), see fig 6. Barcelona, Athens, and Atlanta all used a variety of sites across the city, which helps to prevent large ‘urban islands’. The reason for the failure of Homebush Bay to integrate with the urban fabric is not based on its size alone however, the following factors of edges, connec vity, and proximity all come into the mix. Similarily, the use of several sites does not guarantee a more successful strategy, as the following factors are intertwined.

Edges The response to the edges of an Olympic site is key to the successful integra on of the Olympic site post-event, and on the regenera on of the wider area. Generally, this is a good prac ce element of urban design, but is par cularly evident in Olympic projects as the pres ge of the development can cause a disconnec on to the surrounding area. The edges are the interface between the new

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

and the exis ng, and can be a barrier if not treated properly. Related to the above factor of scale, the use of many sites throughout the urban fabric allows each site to be more responsive to the surroundings. Barcelona used this strategy to the full by using Olympic venues and spaces to have a catalyst eﬀect on the surrounding neighbourhood. Exis ng venues were renovated and re-used throughout the city which gave new life to the surrounding vicinity, the true form of regenera on. Atlanta however enforced boundaries by the demoli on and clearance of under-privilaged areas and replacing them with a gated community and Centennial Park. Also the four main Olympic sites chosen by Barcelona (Montjuic, Vall d’Hebron, Diagonal and Poble Nou) were located at the interface between the historic city and the peripheral sprawl of the 1960’s and 70’s. This allows the site to become an interface between urban typologies, and thus connect a fragmented urban fabric. This is discussed more under ‘connec vity’, below.

Connectivity The re-connec on of a deprived or disused site is perhaps of greatest importance in regenera ng the site and the wider urban area. The importance of connec vity is on three levels: connec vity across the site, connec vity between olympic sites, and connec vity to the urban centre of the city. Both Athens and Barcelona used redundant coastal sites to host the Olympics, allowing a reconnec on of the city to the sea and regenera on of the coastal areas, see fig 7 and fig 8. In this respect, a site that oﬀers the opportunity of connec on to somewhere else has an immediate benefit, as the regenera on func ons as breaking boundaries and increasing connec vity through the site and to the edges. Barcelona opened up 5km of new beaches to the city, and Faliro Bay in Athens was regenerated and re-connected to the city centre by new tram lines, allowing it to become part of the public domain. The success of Faliro Bay did not reach the full poten al, but this is because of changes to the plans at a late stage and the downgrading of Faliro Bay in the heirarchy of Olympic sites (Gold & Gold, 2011). The connec vity of the Beijing site operated on several levels, both func onal and cultural. The posi oning of the site was located to renew the Imperial North-South axis within the city that had been undermined by communist infrastructure and architecture (Selugga, 2008), see fig 9. This site 34

ANALYSE

fig 7. Re-connec on of seafront to the city, Barcelona

fig 8. Re-connec on of Faliro Coastal Zone to Athens

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 9. Reconcilia on of Beijing Imperial urban structure

ANALYSE

is now of great cultural importance, and has been connected infrastructurally by new ring roads and tram lines. This is an example of cultural re-connec on that is manifest in regenera on of urban structure. Connec vity across the city is also something that is a great opportunity for Olympic city strategies. The connec on of Olympic sites to each other and to the city centre can create a new layer of integra on in the urban fabric. One of the more successful schemes that Athens employed was the pedestrian connec vity within the centre of Athens, allowing access to both the Olympic sites and also many historic and culturally valuable areas (Gold & Gold, 2011) This remained as a posi ve legacy post games, benefi ng tourism greatly. The connec vity to the city centre is an important part of incorpora ng the Olympic site into the public domain, which is o en addressed through the upgrade of public transport and /or pedestrian access. The issue of connec vity to the city centre is related to the proximity of the site(s) to the centre, and is discussed below.

Proximity The proximity to the city centre has key influence on the successful regenera on and integra on of the site in to the city. One of the constraints of Olympic Games as a method for urban regenera on of a specific site is that the func on of the site is of a certain calibre, and needs to be within the urban core in order to be well used. Homebush Bay, in Sydney, was located 7 miles from the city centre, within the suburbs. Mossop (2000) points out how Homebush Bay now contains a collec on of highly specialised sports and leisure facili es in an area with a lack of proper integrated transport connec ons and is isolated from the surrounding residen al area. In essence, the post-event func on of the site needs to be located in an area that will ac vate the space. Both Athens and Atlanta faced similar issues with some of their Olympic sites that were in a suburban context. It is the inten on of use, post- event, however that is fundamental in the success of the regenera on rather than the proximity. A suburban site can be successful, if it answers to the surroundings. The decision of proximity, is therefore, influen al on the vision for the site post-games and the overall focus of the development of the site.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

2. WHAT WAS THE FOCUS/TYPE OF THE REGENERATION AND HOW DOES IT BRING LASTING CHANGE? This research criteria raised some issues that using the Olympics Games as a method of regenera on can cause, which are cri cial considera ons for the post-event , or legacy phase, and can be a a constraint or opportunity depending on how they are approached. The factors discussed are: Postevent func on, Olympic vision, Olympic image, and Olympic demand.

Post-event function O en in the past, the primary focus was to provide the framework for hos ng the Olympics, and then devise how this can be integrated as a func onal piece of the urban landscape post-event. This has problems, as it may not answer to current needs, may provide answers to things that are not necessary, or not needed in the par cular loca on. As men oned above, Sydney faced this problem by crea ng an area of highly specific facili es and large propor on of green space in sprawling suburbs.

Consequently, a new masterplan has now been created to implement

an overlay of medium density commercial and residen al development to ac vate the space (Hawken, 2007), see fig 10. Centennial Park in Atlanta, although conten ous at the me because neighbourhoods were cleared for its construc on, has remained as a fully func oning part of the open space network of Atlanta (Gold & Gold, 2011). The post event func on of the Barcelona Olympic sites are par cularly successful because they are connected to a series of public space projects throughout the city, which according to Gold & Gold (2011) has raised the standard of the open space framework within the city. The post event func on should therefore connect to, and relate to, the rest of the city.

Olympic vision The case of Sydney demonstrated how the Olympics can be used to answer to what can be perceived as contemporary issues, to the detriment of real problems. The Olympics can therefore be cri qued for re-direc ng a en on from where it is most needed. The approach of Sydney was to demonstrate an ability and eagerness to apply â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;greenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; design through the environmental restora on of a post-industrial landscape (Homebush Bay). The focus missed an opportunity of answering to a real problem; a need for housing. Several years a er the Games, Sydney faced an explosion in popula on, and a shortage of housing (Hawken, 2007). The design ini a ves of

ANALYSE

fig 10. 2025 vision for Homebush Bay, Sydney

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 11. Photo of Beijing Olympic site a er the Olympics (taken May 2010)

fig 12. Photo of example of tradi onal ‘hutongs’ >

ANALYSE

Sydney were supposed to represent a sustainable approach to raise the standard of landscape architecture within Australia, yet the site was deliberately chosen to answer a predetermined objec ve and failed to do the ul mate in good planning; provide a solu on to a problem. The site could have operated as a pioneer project for sustainable urbanism with good connec ons, landscape framework and flexibility for future requirements. Instead it must now be retro-fi ed with a commercial and residen al development to answer to needs and ac vate a dead space. The site at Homebush Bay ul mately failed its own objec ves of sustainability and failed to regenerate or even facilitate for the society of the future. Due to the global focus and availability of resources, Olympic projects can be used to inspire a new or diﬀerent approach within the field of design, or to develop something radical. Referring to Sydney, an environmental approach that celebrated Australian ecology and aesthe cs was used as a inspira onal regenera on strategy. This was celebrated only a ma er of days a er the Olympic closing ceremony, when the OCA’s chief urban designer described the landscape as being a benchmark for the profession upon receipt of the Presidents Award from the Australian Ins tute of Landscape Architecture (Perlman, 2001) While this may be posi ve in terms of progression within design fields, the objec ves of Barcelona provide an interes ng, and opposite, approach; the belief that it is possible to reconstruct the European city by a ending to its tradi onal morphology (Nello, 1996). In other words, they employed tried and tested, good prac ce, urban planning objec ves.

They are tradi onal

objec ves, successful because of the opportunity the Olympic Games provided.

Olympic image Due to the image-projec ng nature of the Olympics and high media coverage, o en so called ‘regenera on’ is superficial and not directed at the people and frameworks that need it most, this is when the Olympic Games have an image of regenera on as opposed to func oning regenera on. Atlanta has been heavily cri cised for this, when deprived neighbourhoods were cleared and replaced with a gated community and Centennial Park (Gold & Gold, 2011). Beijing also suﬀered a similar fate when they cleared nearly 1.5 million people for the construc on of Olympic venues, as the housing was considered ‘dilapidated’ (Cook, 2006). Much of this housing was the tradi onal ‘hutong’ typology, a single-storey communable living arrangement, see fig 11 and fig 12. As well

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

as failing to regenerate the area, such strategies can have a knock on eďŹ&#x20AC;ect on surrounding areas as it becomes a barrier in the socio-cultural context of the area. The image of regenera on o en also incorporates beau fica on of city centres, both Atlanta and Athens carried out improvements such as street ligh ng, paving, benches, signage etc. Although these can be important aspects in the quality of the public domain, it becomes a problem when they take presidence over actually improving the quality of life of the city ci zens.

Olympic demand One of the great benefits of hos ng the Olympics is the opportunity to realise large scale projects that otherwise could not have been undertaken. An example is the city-wide upgrade of infrastructure and public transport. The Games oďŹ&#x20AC;er an excellent demand for such programmes. It is diďŹ&#x192;cult for a city to validate such large scale infrastructural improvements based on poten al, such as the poten al to increase tourism through improved connec vity, but the hos ng of a global event creates a demand for such programmes; and the increase of tourism and other businesses are all posi ve benefits that develop post games. The infrastructure and public transport improvements are arguably the most successful of all the regenera on typologies, as, quite simply, it is the legacy that is most likely to con nue to have las ng post-Games benefits. This depends of course on whether the focus of the infrastructural improvements is concentrated on simply connec ng the Olympic site to the city, or if it is extended to improving the connec vity of the city as a whole. Athens successfully introduced new tram lines connec ng the coastal zones to the city centre, opening the city to the sea. The issues of weaving the projects through the whole city has been discussed mul ple mes under the first research ques on, and proves to be an important factor in city-wide regenera on and post-event success.

ANALYSE

3. WHAT WERE THE EXISTING URBAN PROBLEMS AND HOW DOES THE STRATEGY AIM TO RESOLVE THEM? This ques on is closely related to the following ques on. Underpinning both of them is the opportunity for the Olympic Games to improve the condi ons within a city through a response to exis ng needs and programmes. Discussed below are ‘Transi on’ and ‘Model’.

Transition The host ci es that have benefi ed most from the Olympics were at a point in me between two eras. Barcelona, Athens and Beijing are all examples of this. Although Athens has been heavily cri cised on how they hosted the Olympics1, the city benefited in the years to come because the public domain was greatly improved, as did Barcelona. Beijing took the opportunity to tackle environmental issues that were hindering posi ve growth of the city, both physically and in the eyes of the world. All of these ci es were at a par cular point in me where they were trying to move forward from socio-poli cal issues that had hindered the posi ve growth of the city. The urban structure of Barcelona had been neglected during the Franco period, Athens suﬀered military conflict and Beijing was recovering from communist urban planning. The Games were used as an opportunity to move forward; Barcelona aimed to project a posi ve image of the city and increase tourism (Nello, 1996), Athens used to Olympics to ‘catch up’ with the rest of Europe as it was not compe

ve with other major centres (Poynter & MacRury, 2009). The Olympic Games therefore

have the opportunity to aid the transi on from a nega ve period to a more posi ve future.

‘Model’ The Olympics can give rise to ‘models’ for regenera on, for example Barcelona has become a blueprint for Olympic-led regenera on and is now commonly known as the ‘Barcelona Model’ (El Pais (1999) in Garcia-Ramon & Albet, 2000 p.1331). There is a fundamental problem however with using a very site-specific plan for urban regenera on as a ‘model’. The term implies that it can be introduced elsewhere in order to have the same eﬀect, however the approach of Barcelona was contextual and responsive. This is a danger within Olympic projects, that successful strategies are re-introduced across the globe where their eﬀect is perhaps minimal. 1 Athens has been widely cri qued as a poor example of how to host the Olympics due to last minute altera ons of plans and missed deadlines (Gold & Gold, 2011)

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

4. HOW DOES THE STRATEGY INTEGRATE WITH EXISTING VISIONS? The integra on with exis ng visions is a great opportunity if tackled eﬀec vely. There are constraints however of using the games as such, because of the Olympic meline. The factors of ‘Olympic bids’ and ‘catalyst’ are discussed below.

Olympic bids The successful bid of Barcelona in 1992 was not the only bid the city had made to host the Olympics, they have in fact bidded in 1924, 1936, and 1972. Sydney also made feasibility plans for both the 1972 and 1988 games before becoming succesfull with their 2000 bid, and Athens were the favourites for the Centennial Games in 1996 (Gold & Gold, 2011). None of these examples are unusual as ci es o en bid several mes before being successful. It does however mean that ci es are preparing for an event that may never happen, or that considerable changes have occurred between when the bid was made and the hos ng of the Games, enough to render projects not feasible or inappropriate. When considering that the process of winning an Olympic bid is o en a lengthy process, it can be argued that the regenera on projects facilitated by the hos ng of the Olympics are un mely. Usually, good design instructs that regenera on is carried out when and where required, but the Olympic-inspired regenera on is carried out when the bid is successful, and may be too late, early, or simply not the right approach. This relates to the successful opportunity of the Games to aid the transi on from a nega ve past into a posi ve future - would the Barcelona strategy have been as successful ten years later, or ten years earlier?

Catalyst The Olympic Games provide a strong catalyst for urban regenera on. Arguably, many regenera on programmes are started by a cultural event of some kind, however Olympics are by far the largest cultural event and thus the strongest of this kind of catalyst. It is interes ng to note that Barcelona has used events as a catalyst for urban regenera on a number of mes1. In this sense, the Olympics 1 Barcelona employed urban regenera on strategies during the hos ng of the 1929 and 1988 Universal Exhibi ons, and the 1952 Eucharis cal Congress (Nello, 1996)

ANALYSE

can be viewed as a posi ve opportunity for a city to kick-start exis ng regenera on programmes. All of the case studies researched, expect for Atlanta, used this method to a greater or lesser extent. Barcelona increased the scale of interven on in the exis ng urban plans from small spaces to larger infrastructure (Nello, 1996), Athens used the Olympics to speed up the execu on of pedestrian connec ons between heritage sites and to realise parts of the Faliro Coastal Zone plan, Sydney increased the rate of remia on of Homebush Bay which had been in progress since the 1980’s, and Beijing realised the provision of spor ng facili es that had been planned for the area since the 1970’s (Gold & Gold, 2011). This increase in rate, or scale, of urban programmes is a great benefit of hos ng the Olympic Games. Gold & Gold (2011) have noted how the Games in Barcelona allowed projects to be realised that may have been cancelled or delayed. Pasqual Maragall, whom was the Mayor of Barcelona during the 1992 Olympic Games claims that

“The 1992 Olympics were not the cause of Barcelona’s design fame....A commitment to develop networks of new plazas, parks, and buildings was the cause of success. The Olympics helped to multiply the good works” Pasqual Maragall, Mayor of Barcelona during Olympic Games in 1992 (Foreword to Urban Task Force, 1999, p. 7) The incorpora on of exis ng visions is vital in achieving Olympic regenera on success. It was noted earlier how the Olympics can be problema c in that a en on can be re-directed from where it is most needed, but the thorough inclusion of exis ng visions can counteract this and prove the Games as a posi ve urban strategy.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

5. WHO WAS INVOLVED IN FORMING THE OLYMPIC VISION? The people and organisa onal structures involved is key on a poli cal level, and has impacts on the design process. The importance and opportunity of ‘collabora on’ is assessed under this research ques on.

Collaboration Perhaps the greatest opportunity that the Olympics offer, and a factor that is key to the success of the Olympic strategy, is the collabora on of effort. The Olympics offer the unique opportunity for the visions of various organisa ons and levels of planning to all focus on one overall vision. This can streamline the planning of the city and allow projects to be undertaken that were not possible before. Atlanta was the only Olympics ever to be undertaken by a private consor um, and the outcome was so badly received that the IOC stated that the Olympics would never again be organised by a private consor um (Gold & Gold, 2011). The exis ng planning strategies of the city were not incorporated within the Olympic vision and there was li le collabora on between organisa ons. This resulted in a poorly considered scheme. Nello (1996) claims that the publicprivate partnership undertaken by Barcelona was vital to its success. The investment was private, but the design and management public. The shared ownership and involvement in urban planning between local and city visions allowed a matrix of projects to emerge that answered to a variety of needs.

ANALYSE

SUMMARY OF CHAPTER AND NEXT STAGE The inten on was to disseminate the factors that lead to the success, of otherwise, of the urban regenera on strategies employed by host ci es, with the inten on of be er understanding how the Olympics Games can be used as eﬀec ve agents for urban regenera on. The focus of the study was not to evaluate the case studies, but iden fy the opportuni es, constraints and highlight key design decisions that impact on the poten al of success.

Summary of results Under the first research ques on, ‘Where were the Olympic projects located in the context of the city?’ a number of design decisions were proven cri cal in the post-event success, and influen al on the integra on and func on of the Olympic site a er the Games; specifically the scale of the site(s), the treatment of the edges, connec vity within the urban fabric and proximity to the city centre. The second research ques on ‘What was the focus/type of the regenera on and how does it bring las ng change?’ highlighted how the global nature of the Olympic Games can cause the so-called regenera on programmes to carry a certain image, adhere to a specific vision, or func on as a high profile piece of the city, none of which may be regenera ve. The demand created by the hos ng of a global event however provides a great opportunity if tackled eﬀecively. Ques ons three and four, ‘What were the exis ng urban problems and how does the strategy aim to resolve them?’ and ‘How does the strategy integrate with exis ng visions?’ highlighted a variety of important factors in the success of Olympic led-regenera on strategies. The response to exis ng problems and visions proved to be both a great opportunity and a necessity; as a catalyst and oﬀering the possibility of transi on to a new era. Poten al problems centralised around the crea on of a ‘model’ and resultant shcemes that may not be specific to a site, and the problems that can arise because of the bidding process and the Olympic meline. The final ques on ‘Who was involved in forming the vision for regenera on?’ raised the importance, and opportunity, of collabora on between people and organisa onal structures; and the poten al this has for the design process.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

Fig 13 shows a summary of the results. The results can be organised as ‘design decisions’, ‘constraints’, and ‘opportuni es’. The design decisions are important because these are the factors that can evolve to be either posi ve or nega ve depending on how they are approached. For example, the posi ve treatment of the edges of an Olympic site can create a new layer of connec vity and cohesion within the city fabric, but the ommission of addressing the edges can be detrimental to both the surrounding fabric and the post-event func on of the Olympic site. The factor of catalyst has been marked as both an opportunity and a design decision, as it was found to be one of the greatest opportuni es but s ll renders a certain design approach to integrate exis ng visions and realise the cataly c poten al.

Next stage The factors drawn out encompass poli cal aspects as well as design and planning approaches. Due to the limita ons of this research, in terms of both length and research period, only some of the factors from the analysis are applied to London for further research. As this paper is wri en as a base for future applica on within design professions, the factors selected are those that have been iden fied as ‘design decisions’. Also, these are the factors that make a suitable base of criteria, the others can be seen as conclusions on the process of using the Games as an urban strategy. Therefore, the factors selected to be applied to London are: Scale Edges Connec vity Post event func on Olympic vision Catalyst This applica on of these factors to London will allow a review of the approach of London; how it might diﬀer from previous Olympic Ci es, how successful the ‘Regenera on Games’ are likely to be, and ul mately how the momentum of the Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regenera on is evolving.

ANALYSE

Design decisions that impact on success of Olympic regenera on proposals Scale of Olympic site

Treatment of Edges

ConnecƟvity within urban fabric

Proximity to city centre

Post-event funcƟon of Olympic site

Olympic vision for regenera on

Projec on of an Olympic image

Constraints of using the Olympic Games as a strategy for urban regenera on

OpportuniƟes of using the Olympic Games as a strategy for urban regenera on

Olympic demand for urban projects

TransiƟon between eras

Crea on and applica on of a ‘Model’

Timing of Olympic bids

Catalyst for exis ng visions

CollaboraƟon of eﬀort

fig 13. Table of results from analysis

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

one large site - risk of inward regenera on and crea on of an urban island

one large site - opportunity of glueing together urban fragmenta on at the edges

several sites oďŹ&#x20AC;er opportunity of connec vity between and new layer within urban fabric

connec on to edges vital for

connec vity accross site opens

connec vity and proximity to

integra on

opportuni es

urban centre - influen al to post event func on

fig 14. Diagramma c representa on of Olympic sites in urban context: design decisions, opportuni es and constraints

Apply How is the future of Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regeneration forming?

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTER The aim of this chapter is to apply the results of the case studies to London, allowing specula on on how the future of the Olympic Games as a city strategy for regenera on is forming. It will also allow specula on on how likely London is to successfully regenerate the East of London through the Olympic Games, and suggest alterna ves that might improve the success rate. The key issue is to uncover how the momentum of Olympic Games as an urban strategy is forming, and by unearthing how London’s approach might differ to previous precedents will facilitate this. An output of this analysis wll also give clues as to how the process of using the Olympic games for urban programmes might be improved. The material used will include plans, aims and concepts of the designers and organisers including the official bid, CABE design reviews, offical reports from the London Development Agency (LDA) and through the a endance of the lecture “How can future development plans for the Olympic Park help to transform the heart of East London?”, held on 18th November 2010 by the Olympic Legacy Company. The analysis of London is organised under the criteria selected from the previous analysis, which were refined to focus on key design decisions that impact of the regenera onal opportuni es for success. They are as follows: Scale Edges Connec vity Post event func on Olympic vision Catalyst

fig 15. Computer generated image of London 2012 Olympic site post-event >

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 16. London Olympic site in context

fig 17. Urban strategy for East of London

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APPLY: LONDON 2012 Scale The chosen site for the London Olympics is in the Lower Lea Valley in the East of London, in an area of 500 acres, see fig 16. In comparison to the case studies, the scale and type of site, a large tract of land, is similar to Sydney. It is however within the inner city, much closer to the centre of London than Homebush Bay in Sydney. For these reasons it is less likely to face the ‘urban island’ eﬀect that Sydney faced. The London site is quite special in that it is such a large piece of land in a densely populated area. The regenera on and development of this site requires a massive input of resources, and indeed perhaps it is only a global event that could facilitate this. Sites such as this may otherwise have been developed in a piecemeal way, which could lack cohesion. The size of site needed to host the Olympics has been seen to increase over the years, due to the increase of par cipants, spor ng events, and visitors (Chalkley & Essex, 1999). The con nua on of this momentum has implica ons on hos ng the event within the urban fabric, and may render only certain ci es suitable candidates for hos ng the Games. To put into context, the size of the London Olympic site is similar to the whole of central Barcelona1. If Barcelona were to hold the Olympics now, would they have to use an area the same size as their city centre? This is a rather dangerous momentum as the con nual increase of land required diminishes the flexibility of approach and possibili es.

Edges CABE2 noted the importance of the London Olympic site having to operate in two diﬀerent ways, first as a self contained Olympic Park and secondly as a series of new neighbourhoods that integrate with the wider context (CABE, 2007). The edges of the Olympic site in London are crucial to the integra on and regenera on of the East of London. The areas at the edges, the ‘Host boroughs3’ of the Olympics, are varied in character. As part of the overall Olympic strategy the regenera on of

1 Statement made on behalf of the Olympic Legacy Company at the lecture “How can future development plans for the Olympic Park help to transform the heart of East London?” a ended on the 18th November 2010. 2 CABE is the governments advisor on architecture, urban space and public space. As part of their work they carry out independant design reviews of current planning proposals 3

The host boroughs are Waltham Forest, Tower Hamlets, Newham, Hackney, and Greenwich.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

the host boroughs is being carried out alongside the regenera on of the actual Olympic park, see fig 17. The treatment of the edges is closely aligned to the opportunity of the Games as a catalyst, and is discussed more under ‘Catalyst’.

Connectivity The site is in fact an island, enclosed by major bypasses and waterways. The proposals of London include the new Stra ord Interna onal Rail Sta on and extension to exis ng transport lines. The connec vity that is planned within the Olympics, both infrastructural and in terms of opening the site up to public use, is perhaps the greatest opportunity and most successful catalyst for the regenera on of this area as it tackles the exis ng problems of fragmenta on. The integra on of this site into the city will both facilitate the an cipated growth eastward (Olympic Legacy Company, lecture a ended 2010) and aid the integra on of surrounding neighbourhoods. The London approach is quite similar to Barcelona, where a site on a boundary within the urban fabric was regenerated, causing new connec ons and integra on. Barcelona however also used a number of smaller fragments within the city to host Olympic events, having an immediate impact on the local vicinity. Although the East of London does not contain redundant venues, there are however brownfield sites le over from the post industrialisa on of the area. Some of these urban fragments could perhaps have been given new life through the renova on and re-use for Olympic projects, ac ng as cataly c nodes with a new func on. This would also have acted as an important connec vity opportunity, forming a rela onship between the Olympic site and surrounding areas.

Post event function CABE recomended that the Olympic Park should “func on as a container for the area’s wider regenera on” (CABE, 2008, p.1). The current proposals for the legacy of the Olympic site include five new neighbourhoods crea ng 10,000 new homes, three new employement hubs crea ng 8-10,000 new jobs and a series of infrastructural connec ons within the park such as bridges, roads, pedestrian and public transport connec ons, see fig 18. The is a large scale re-development, and it

fig 18. Legacy plan for London 2012 Olympics >

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

fig 19. Photo of Olympic site under construc on

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can be argued that the regenera on has a a shi ed focus. The primary inten on is to regenerate the East of London through a large development, with the regenera on of exis ng urban condi ons as a secondary vision. This begs the ques on that, if economic or poli cal factors restrict the extent of the proposals, which programmes are most likely to be reduced? The specula ve outcome would be that because the provision of Olympic facili es is a necessity, it will take presidence. If the full poten al of the Olympic legacy proposals are not realised, the regenera on is likely to be limited and London may be le with a large unintegrated development, alike the fate of Sydney and Beijing where the Olympic site is an a rac on as opposed to a func oning piece of the city.

Olympic vision One of the major factors in the urban plan is the provision of nearly 10,000 houses, which the urban planners have argued as necessary for the East of London and will provide an answer to a housing shor all (Olympic Legacy Company, lecture a ended 2012). Put in the context of exis ng ongoing projects, the regenera on and housing project of Thames Gateway, one of the largest projects of its kind, is also currently underway. Woudhuysen (2008) points out how London already boasts Europe’s largest regenera on project of the 160,000 houses planned for the Thames Gateway. This begs the ques on of whether a huge housing provision and regenera on of East London at this point in me is a well considered project. This is an example of how the hos ng of the Olympic Games can kick start urban plans that are arguably un mely.

Catalyst In 2005 Ken Livingstone, then the Major of London, stated “A London Games would be a winner for the whole of London, kick star ng the regenera on of the Lower Lea Valley and focusing the worlds a en on on every aspect of our great city.” (Poynter, 2009 p. 183). Preuss also describes how

“the hosting of the 2012 Games lends the legitimation of a state-led programme of urban renewal on a significant scale and in a timeframe that is much more rapid than the normal ‘organic’ process of urban regeneration” (Preuss, 2004 p. 79)

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

The original feasibility study contained possible loca ons in both the East and West of London, but Livingstone insisted the games bid be focused on the East of London, so that an exis ng urban regenera on agenda could be enhanced (Poynter, 2009), as the East of London has been at the core of debates in urban regenera on for more than three decades (Bernstock, 2009). It is clear from the case studies that the capacity of the Olympics as a catalyst for change is immense, and that this is best employed through the increase in rate and scale of exis ng visions, something that London is taking full advantage of. The designated Olympic boroughs have aligned their exis ng regenera on plans with the poten al of the Olympics. In Newham, the major Stra ord City plan runs parallel with the Olympic plans. Originally, the concept for the athletes’ village was that the village was to be temporary and converted to housing post games. However, a er the bid was successful, the plans were altered to integrate the village with Stra ord City development to reduce remedia on costs (Bernstock, 2009). However, no ma er how successful the Olympic Games might be at speeding up exis ng urban agendas, the fact remains that the ming is crucial to the success. Due to the current economic climate, the execu on of such projects is made more diﬃcult, which may be detrimental to their success. In 2008, the Bri sh Secretary of State for culture, media and sport addressed a private dinner, and her statements were leaked to the media;

“Had we known what we know now, would we have bid for the Olympics? Almost certainly not” Tessa Jowell (British Secretary of State: culture, media & sport: 2001-2008) on the London Olympics (Osborne & Kirkup, 2008, p. 1) Therefore, the Olympics can oﬀer an excellent catalyst for regenera on, or e a city to a programme that may end up compromised, financially devas ng, or unsuccesful due to the me period between the formula on of a bid and the hos ng of the Games, which is usually around 8 years. This is a fundamental issue of using the Olympic Games as a city strategy for urban regenera on. How could this situa on be avoided however? The nature of the Olympics is a binding contract.

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SUMMARY OF CHAPTER The decision to locate the London Olympics in the East of London in order to enhance an exis ng urban plan (Livingstone in Poynter, 2009) demonstrates the realisa on of the capacity of the Olympics as tools for urban regenera on, and the eagerness of London to realise this poten al. The ambi ons of London are similar to that of Barcelona, but the approach very diﬀerent, as London is focusing on one area of the city. Although the strategy of London seems to be posi vely focused on an integra ve regenera on scheme, incorporated exis ng visions and aiming to re-connect the urban fabric, the ming of the vision may prove problema c. The lapse of me between winning a bid and hos ng the Games was found to be one of the major constraints of using the Olympics as an urban strategy, and London may fall vic m to this due to the current economic climate. Also, despite what seems as the posi ve use of the Games as a catalyst for exis ng visions, something that was earlier proven as a great opportunity of the Olympics, London may be using the ‘catalyst eﬀect’ to start things that are not necessary. The provision of 10,000 new houses seems extreme when the Thames Gateway project is s ll underway. The study of London, as a current case study, demonstrated the increasing impact of the Olympic Games. The scale of the event is con nually increasing, requiring increasingly large areas of a city in order to host the event. This momentum could be considered quite dangerous, as it may render smaller ci es unsuitable for hos ng the event, or else change a smaller city to such an extent that it morphs to an unrecognisable condi on.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

CONCLUSIONS Summary of conclusions The cri cal ques ons raised at the start helped to guide and organise the research procedure. The conclusions from each chapter fed into the following chapter. A summary of the results are as follows: The first chapter, ‘explore’ provided an important step in grounding the following research contextually. The results were focused on both the development of Olympic Games as city strategies and the evolu on of urban regenera on, and ul mately the rela onship between the two. It was found that the symbio c rela onship between the IOC and the host City has encouraged the realisa on of the poten al of Olympic Games as city strategies for regenera on, and that this rela onship may be key to future progress. The current need for regenera on stems from the fact that we are now in a post industrial era, where many areas of the city’s fabric have gone under massive changes and require regenera on. The Olympic Games have helped to realise this. The factors raised in chapter 2, ‘analyse’ discovered the opportuni es, constraints, and key design decisions involved in Olympic-led regenera onal programmes. A variety of key design decisions were found to be influen al, par cularly in terms of how the Olympic site is located within the context of the city; its scale, how the edges are treated, how connec ons are formed both across the site and to the city centre, and the proximity of the site to the city centre. It is the loca on of the Olympic site within the urban fabric that is influen al to many of the other regenera on programmes, for example infrastructure, and thus is very important. Issues specific to event-led strategies proved important to handle correctly, such as ensuring that the focus of regenera on answers to a current need and is not jeopardised by the image-projec ng nature of the Olympic Games. The specula ve results that were noted at the start of the research were proven true, par cularly the Olympics as a catalyst for exis ng urban programmes. The use of the Games as a catalyst, and maximising on the ‘demand’ for urban projects that the Olympics require, are by far the greatest opportuni es for increasing the poten al of urban programmes. Other issues par cular to Olympic regenera on were raised, such as the opportunity to collate all eﬀorts and visions towards one common goal.

In chapter 3, ‘apply’ it was discovered that the momentum of the Olympic Games as a city strategy for regenera on has reached new levels, in that the regenera on programmes are now being flaunted as the primary focus of the Olympics as opposed to spor ng provision. This also proves some of the earlier literature true; Coaﬀee (2011) claimed that the regenera on legacy proposed by ci es in the bid is as important, if not the most important aspect that they build the proposal around. The study of London further highlighted some of the constraints of the Olympics as city strategies, par cularly in rela on to the Olympic meline. The me diﬀerence between making a bid, winning the bid, and the realisa on of the bid can increase the risk of an ill- med project; the current economic climate may jeoparidise the success of London. The primary factor raised by studying London however is related to the con nual growth of the Olympics as an event, and the impact this has on the urban planning. As the physical area, and demand for urban projects con nues to grow, it may render smaller ci es unsuitable for hos ng the event, or else change a smaller city to such an extent that it morphs to an unrecognisable condi on. In answer to the original research ques on, ‘Can the Olympic Games be regarded as a successful city strategy for urban regenera on?, the success is determined by all the factors discovered throughout this research. The design decisions and urban strategy proposed by the city is crucial, but there are many factors that are outside the control of design professionals.

Unanswered questions and other findings In the first chapter, the literature charted the evolu on of the Olympics as an urban strategy. Upon discovering this momentum, the ques on was raised, what else could the games facilitate? It was speculated that the current trend towards the games as a regenera onal opportunity may reach new levels that allow the bids to be focused on a specific part of a city, or urban programme. This is mostly specula on, but would cause an interes ng dynamic between city planning and hos ng events to emerge. Also, the ques on of how the Olympic Games might diﬀer from regular approaches to regenera on was not fully answered. The research highlighted opportuni es and constraints that are specific to using the Olympics as an urban programme, but did not compare to other regenera on approaches.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

REFLECTIONS

Reflections on research procedure For the purposes of this research, a balance had to be found between the number of case studies and depth of research. It is diďŹ&#x192;cult to get this balance correct as more case studies mean that the depth of research reached is minimal but a good base of informa on from which to compare and contrast is achieved, whereas a small number of case studies allow more depth but restrict the value of the conclusions drawn as the base of case studies was small. The balance of research undertaken in this paper, using five case studies and maintaining quite a broad criteria has been rela vely successful at exploring the general factors that influence the success of olympic-led regenera on. A more focused aspect of research might have produced more defensible results as a greater depth would be reached, for example using just one of the criteria ques ons as the research ques on. However, the broad nature of this research has provided insights into the rela onships between many of these issues. In some ways, this research is a fundamental star ng point for what could be a much larger piece of research, it is an important explora ve step.

Reflections on results A larger propor on of conclusions were drawn within the first research ques on. This is because the paper is wri en from a designerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perspec ve, and this criteria provided the most informa on on design decisions that were influen al on the execu on of regenera on strategies. The other criteria however were all important contribu ng factors, as the results from the analysis were found to be inter-linking.

Further research From a landscape architecture perspec ve, the next most interes ng and relevant research topic would be to specifically focus on the integra on of Olympic sites into the surrounding context and the wider impact this has on the dynamics of the city. This was the area that produced the greatest deal of results within this research, and could benefit from further study.

Another interes ng method of con nuing and strengthening this research would be to compare the findings to regular strategies of urban regenera on, i.e. what is considered good prac ce urban regenera on. This would further highlight the diďŹ&#x20AC;erences between Olympic led regenera on projects and other approaches to regenera on. The criteria iden fied by Robert & Sykes in Urban Regenera on: A Handbook could make a useful start. Such a study would add another layer of informa on to the cri que of the Olympics as a city strategy for urban regenera on.

OLYMPIC GAMES AS CITY STRATEGIES FOR URBAN REGENERATION

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Interna onal Olympic Commi ee (2010) Olympic Charter. Switzerland, Lausanne. Lynch, L. (2000) “Tide of change... for the Olympic Foreshore” Landscape Australia AugustSeptember-October 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, p. 213 Nello, O. (1997) “The Olympic Games as a tool for urban renewal: the experience of Barcelona’92 Olympic Village” [online ar cle]. Barcelona, Centre d’Estudis Olímpics UAB. Available from <h p:// olympicstudies.uab.es/pdf/wp090_eng.pdf> [Accessed 16 February 2011] Perlman, I. (2001) “The look of the games: the Sydney Olympics venue - last summer; today, and herea er” Landscape Architecture February 2001, Vol 91, Iss 2, pp. 76-83, 97 Poynter, G., & MacRury, I. (eds) (2009) Olympic Ci es: 2012 and the re-making of London. Farnham, Ashgate Preuss, H. (2004) The economics of staging the Olympics - A comparison of the Games 1972-2008. Cheltenham, Edward Elgar Roberts, P. & Sykes, H. (2000) Urban Regenera on: A Handbook. London, Sage Publica ons Selugga, M. (2008) “The Dragon’s Tail” Topos Iss. 63 pp. 15-21 Urban Task Force (1999) Towards an urban renaissance. London, Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions Wintour, P. & Thorpe, V. (1999) “Catalan cool will rule Britannia: Barcelona to set the style for regenera on of ten ci es” Guardian 2nd May 1999. Available from <h p://www.guardian.co.uk/ world/1999/may/02/patrickwintour.vanessathorpe> [Accessed 16 February 2011] Woudhuysen, J (2008) “Comment: a spor ng event is an inadequate way to regenerate east London” Blueprint no. 269, Aug 2008, p. 54

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Athens 2004 Organising Commi ee for the Olympic Games (2004) Oﬃcial Report of the XXVIIi Olympiad volume one. Athens, Haidemenos Belle, I. (2008) “Beijing Olympic Forest Park: The axis to nature” Topos Iss. 63 pp. 22-28 Bernstock, P. (2009) “London 2012 and the Regenera on Game”. In: Poynter, G., & MacRury, I. (eds) (2009) Olympic Ci es: 2012 and the re-making of London. Farnham, Ashgate Betsky, A. (1996) “Atlanta sprawls into oblivion” Blueprint May 1996, no. 128 , pp. 3-6 Brindley, T. et al (1989) Re-making London. London, Unwin Hyman Bull, C. (2000) “Public domain strategy” Landscape Australia August-September-October 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, p. 197 CABE (2007) Olympic, Paralympic and Legacy Transforma on masterplans. England, CABE CABE (2008) London 2012 Urban design and landscape framework. England, CABE CABE (2010a) London 2012 Transforma on Design. England, CABE CABE (2010b) London 2012 Landscape and Public realm. England, CABE Chalkley, B. & Essex S. (1999) “Urban Development through hos ng interna onal events: a history of the Olympic Games”, Planning Perspec ves 14, pp. 369-394 Coaﬀee, J. (2011) “Urban Regenera on and Renewal”. In: Gold, J. & Gold, M. (2011) Olympic Ci es; City agends, Planning, and the Worlds Games, 1896-2016. Oxon, Routledge. pp. 180-193 Coloquhoun, I. (2005) Urban Regenera on. London, B T Batsford LTd

COOB’92 (1992) Oﬃcial Report of the Games of the XXV Cultural Olympiad Barcelona 1992 Volume 1. Barcelona, COOB’92 COOB’92 (1992) Oﬃcial Report of the Games of the XXV Cultural Olympiad Barcelona 1992 Volume 2. Barcelona, COOB’92 Cook, I. (2006) “Beijing as an interna onalised metropolis”. In: Wu, F. (ed) (2006) Globalisa on and China’s ci es. London, Routledge Essex, S. & Chalkley, B. (2003) “Urban transforma on from hos ng the Olympic Games” [online ar cle] Barcelona, Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB). Available from <h p://olympicstudies.uab.es/ lectures/web/pdf/essex.pdf.> [Accessed 25 December 2010] Garcia-Ramon, M. & Albet, A. (2000) “Pre-Olympic and post-Olympic Barcelona, a ‘model’ for urban regenera on today?” Environment and Planning A, vol 32, pp. 1331-1334 Gold, J. & Gold, M. (2011) Olympic Ci es; City agends, Planning, and the Worlds Games, 1896-2016. Oxon, Routledge Hawken, S (2007) “Sydney - City of Landscapes” Topos vol. 58, pp. 14-23 Interna onal Olympic Commi ee (2010) Olympic Charter. Switzerland, Lausanne. Leon dou, L. (1990) The Mediterranean City in Transi on: Social Change and Urban Development. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Lubell, S. (2004) “Despite some rough edges, Athens should (just about) be ready for the Olympics, as a city transformed” Architectural Record July vol. 192, no.7 pp. 53-54 Lynch, L. (2000) “Tide of change... for the Olympic Foreshore” Landscape Australia AugustSeptember-October 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, p. 213 MacRury, I., & Poynter, G. (2009) “Olympic Ci es and Social Change”. In: Poynter, G., & MacRury, I.

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(eds) (2009) Olympic Ci es: 2012 and the re-making of London. Farnham, Ashgate Martorell, J. et al. (1991) The Olympic village: Barcelona 92: Architecture. Parks. Leisure port. Barcelona, Editorial Gustavo Gili. McCormick, T. (2000) “Millenium Parklands Concept Plan” Landscape Australia August-SeptemberOctober 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, pp. 205-207 Monclus, J. (2006) “Interna onal Exhibi ons and Planning. Hos ng Large scale events as place promo on and as a catalysts of urban regenera on”. In: Monclus, J. & Guardia, M. (eds) (2006) Culture, Urbanism and Planning. Hampshire, Ashgate Publishing Limited Monclus, J. & Guardia, M. (eds) (2006) Culture, Urbanism and Planning. Hampshire, Ashgate Publishing Limited Mossop, E. (2000) “A Blueprint for Urban Development?” Landscape Australia August-SeptemberOctober 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, p. 2000 Nello, O. (1997) “The Olympic Games as a tool for urban renewal: the experience of Barcelona’92 Olympic Village” [online ar cle]. Barcelona, Centre d’Estudis Olímpics UAB. Available from <h p:// olympicstudies.uab.es/pdf/wp090_eng.pdf> [Accessed 16 February 2011] Osborne, A. & Kirkup, J. (2008) “Tessa Jowell: Britain would not have bid for 2012 Olympics if we knew about recession” [online] Daily Telegraph 12 November. Available from <h p://www. telegraph.co.uk/sport/othersports/olympics/london2012/3448188/Tessa-Jowell-Britain-wouldnot-have-bid-for-2012-Olympics-if-we-knew-about-recession.html> [accessed 30 January 2010] Perlman, I. (2001) “The look of the games: the Sydney Olympics venue - last summer; today, and herea er” Landscape Architecture February 2001, Vol 91, Iss 2, pp. 76-83, 97 Poynter, G. (2009) “London: Preparing for 2012”. In: Poynter, G., & MacRury, I. (eds) (2009) Olympic Ci es: 2012 and the re-making of London. Farnham, Ashgate

Poynter, G., & MacRury, I. (eds) (2009) Olympic Ci es: 2012 and the re-making of London. Farnham, Ashgate Preuss, H. (2004) The economics of staging the Olympics - A comparison of the Games 1972-2008. Cheltenham, Edward Elgar Roberts, P. & Sykes, H. (2000) Urban Regenera on: A Handbook. London, Sage Publica ons Selugga, M. (2008) “The Dragon’s Tail” Topos Iss. 63 pp. 15-21 Sydney Organising Commi ee (2000) Official Report of the XXVII Olympiad Volume One: Celebra ng the Games. Australia, Paragon Printers Australasia Sydney Organising Commi ee (2000) Official Report of the XXVII Olympiad Volume One: Preparing for the Games. Australia, Paragon Printers Australasia The Atlanta Commi ee for the Olympic Games (1996) Official Report of the Centennial Games volume one: Planning and Organising. Atlanta, Peachtree Publishers Urban Task Force (1999) Towards an urban renaissance. London, Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions Weirick, J. (2000) “Success of the Sydney 2000 - Olympic Park Masterplan” Landscape Australia August-September-October 2000, Vol 22 (3), Iss 87, pp. 196, 222 Wintour, P. & Thorpe, V. (1999) “Catalan cool will rule Britannia: Barcelona to set the style for regenera on of ten ci es” Guardian 2nd May 1999. Available from <h p://www.guardian.co.uk/ world/1999/may/02/patrickwintour.vanessathorpe> [Accessed 16 February 2011] Woodman, E. (2007) “Livingstone’s London” Topos vol. 58, pp. 14-23 Woudhuysen, J (2008) “Comment: a spor ng event is an inadequate way to regenerate east London” Blueprint no. 269, Aug 2008, p 54

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word count (introduc on to reflec ons, excl. quotes and tables): 10,752 words