New waste management system and post-landfill redevelopment plan by Tanisha Jain

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES

THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

COLOFON Publication of the summer internship ‘Local Identity and Change: architectural and urban challenges the case of barrio Normandia, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia’ The project is supported by the research group ‘Urban Projects, Collective Spaces and Local Identities’ (http://www.collectivespaceskuleuven.be/) of KU Leuven faculty of Architecture campus Sint-Lucas for the elective course ‘Participation to an International Project’ within the masters.

AUTHORS Carole Dewandre, Tanisha Jain, Sophie Leemans and Catherina Vanschoenwinkel

PROMOTORS Yves Schoonjans (KU Leuven, Belgium) and Claudia Canedo Velasco (UPSA, Bolivia) (c) 2018 2 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

3 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PART 0 // BACKGROUND framework....................................................................6 introduction........................................................8

PART 1 // LANDFILLS introduction on waste management......................XX functioning of a landfill.............................................XX case studies of remediated landfills......................XX conclusion..................................................................XX

PART 2 // ANALYSIS OF NORMANDIA history of Santa Cruz de la Sierra.............................XX operation of the Normandia landfill.......................XX historical evolution of Normandia.........................XX mapping of the landfill today...................................XX interviews..................................................................XX conclusion..................................................................XX

PART 3 // DESIGN STRATEGIES from toxic lung to community asset......................XX new waste management system.............................XX border strategies.......................................................XX north: cemetery..........................................................XX east: recycling centre and non-food agriculture....XX south: communal axis...............................................XX west: forest and flower market................................XX center: city park and amfitheatre...........................XX conclusion..................................................................XX

PART 4 // ANNEXES sources.....................................................................XX

5 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

PART 0 // BACKGROUND FRAMEWORK RESEARCH GROUP KU LEUVEN

considering the local neighbours, stakeholders, the protagonists and main beneficiaries. Furthermore, they aim to disseminate their research findings also to practitioners in urban design and architecture, and to local governments and decision-makers. Relation of the proposed project in the assignment of your research group.

The project is supported by the research group ‘Urban Projects, Collective Spaces and Local Identities’ (http://www.collectivespaceskuleuven. be/). It is an interdisciplinary research group at the Department of Architecture of the University Leuven (KU Leuven) gathering researchers from several disciplines. Its aim is to initiate and develop research on the making and use of collective spaces in urban projects in relation to the theoretical approaches and discourses.

This particular proposed research is linked to the research line ‘Collective spaces & limited resources’.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The different research-projects investigate how people and buildings relate to each other, how space is appropriated and local identities are formed and how it contributes to the built and social environment of urban life. Some of the projects focus especially on multicultural places and the diversity of appropriation.

The first contact with the Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Urbanismo, UPSA was made in a ECfunded Europe Aid ALFA program called ADU 2020- Restructuring Higher education for the expanded field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism (2012-2015) of which PUC (Margarita Greene) & KU Leuven (Yves Schoonjans) were lead and UPSA was one of the partners.

The research group Urban Projects, Collective Spaces and Local Identities seeks to study this balance of parallel mechanisms of space production in different contexts and test the outcomes through real life and hands-on projects,

The overall objective of this project was ‘to develop measures and actions for restructuring the HEIs in ADU of LA and the EC, to the demands of the XXI century, improving the future employability of their graduates and the quality of life of the urban population in a sustainable way, especially the traditionally excluded urban poor’ (ALFA Call). The project had 18 partners, of which 13 were from Latin America. The ALFA ADU2020 was an ‘education-research development’ project. This future project wants to move forward to research collaboration and research-project development 6

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

in the discipline of Architectural & Urban Design on development cooperation issues. This prospective grant will give the opportunity to explore different research proposals and development projects for future PhD research of students of the Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Urbanismo.

Design and Urbanism of the Universidad Privada de Santa Cruz de la Sierra and wants to contribute towards a better understanding of urban processes in contemporary Bolivia, enabling the proposal of concrete intervention strategies directed towards a more sustainable and equal territorial development for the future.

This project in Bolivia is using the build-up expertise of other research and is linked to the PhD research ‘Formal and Informal Design Processes in Karachi, Pakistan (dra. Asyia Sadik), ‘Reframing fragile Heritage in San Jose Costa Rica (drs. Jeroen Nys), ‘Tracing the Social Significance of local built heritage in the framework of adaptive reuse’ (dra Gisele Gantois), ‘Space Suitability and the Design Process’ (drs. Johan Nielsen) and former VLIRUOS student-research as ‘Mapping Public Space in the City of Ibagué (Colombia): informal and social practices of collective space’, ‘ Investigation in cultural identity: reusing old local typology in a cultural sustainable way in Ibagué, Colombia’, ‘Social Housing for displazed vulnerable social groups in Ibagué, Colombia’, ‘Addis Streetscape’ in Addis Abeba (Ethiopia), ‘Cuba Streetscapes’ in Havanna, (Cuba) and ‘Interactive collective spaces in the El Chaco communities (Paraguay)’.

This 2018 call selected four students and focused on the relation between locality, collective spaces and territorial transformations.

PARTICIPANTS Thoughout the analysis phase, the design phase and the making of this publication the students were supervised by Yves Schoonjans of KU Leuven and Claudia Canedo Velasco of UPSA. The four participating students of KU Leuven were Carole Dewandre (BE), Tanisha Jain (IN), Sophie Leemans (BE) and Catherina Vanschoenwinkel (BE).

PRACTICAL The summer internship ran from the beginning of July until half August 2018 in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia. As a kick-off the four students took part in a summer school ‘Six Challenges on Collective Spaces in San José de Chiquitos’ (see other publication). The objective of this in-situ fieldwork/workshop local-interactive summer school is to understand the nature and development of the changing cultural and social landscape of San José de Chiquitos. The project will collect data and create a better insight, in the way how the population (local and newcomer) of this semi-remote area cope with the changes by the recent social developments and migration altering its identity.

AIM The project is hosted at the Faculty of Architecture, 7 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

VENEZUELA

GUYANA

FRENCH-GUYANA SURINAME

COLOMBIA

ECUADOR

PERU

BRASIL

BOLIVIA SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA

PARAGUAY

URUGUAY CHILE

ARGENTINA

Fig. 0.1 Map of South America today. [Free Vector Maps, 2018] 8 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

INTRODUCTION Urban growth in Santa Cruz de la Sierra is very high. The population grew since 2000 from 900.000 to 1.800.000 today, with a current growth rate of 40.000 persons per year. The surface of the city has almost doubled, making it a very big urban area. The urban structure consists of nine rings, of which four are complete. The historical city centre lies within the first ring.

a number of informal economic activities. By the closing of the landfill, thousands of people will be affected. A previous (smaller) landfill, which was located even closer to the city, was closed down before and consists today of Gallito, a consolidating neighbourhood. Also, after the closing of the landfill in Normandia, a new one will be opened even further away from the city centre.

This growth and modernization put a vast pressure on the local urban and rural fabric. In this rapid urban development local identity is often overseen. At the same time professionals realize that existing urban and architectural typology of inherited buildings (often of modest nature) are responsible for a large part of the social construct. A correct understanding of these aspects is essential to maintain and develop a social sustainability, resilience and social cohesion.

It is clear that there is an urgent need for plans and/ or design strategies for the future of the closed landfill to prevent more end-of-the-pipe-solutions and illegal ground occupation.

This research will mainly focus on the neighbourhood Normandia in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Here lies the biggest landfill of Bolivia, which was at the start in 1996 located far away from the city centre. Because of the explosive expansion of the city that started at mid 20th century the urban settlement has reached the surroundings of the dump. The concrete plans to close the dump in the near future will affect the neighbourhood in both positive and negative way. Since the start of the landfill, illegal residential settlements appeared, having people live in a short radius of the waste processing, including toxic gasses and liquids. The landfill did not only attract residents, but also

Fig. 0.2 Map of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, showing the four first city rings and the location of Normandia. [Google Earth, 2018] 9

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

PART 1 // LANDFILLS INTRODUCTION ON WASTE MANAGEMENT reduce food losses. Another one is to achieve the environmentally sound management of chemicals and all wastes throughout their life cycle [...]. They also want to reduce waste generation through prevention, reduction, recycling and reuse. [UN Sustainable Development Goals, 2015]

In general, the globally rising quality of life and high rates of resource consumption patterns have a negative impact on the urban and natural environment. The generation of waste far goes beyond the handling capacities of urban governments and agencies. Cities are now grappling with the problems of high volumes of waste, the costs involved, the disposal technologies and methodologies, and the impact of waste on the local and global environment. Especially the architecture industry is not doing well when it comes to waste managment: 1/3 of all landfill waste in the US is of architecture. [Dent, 2017]

METHODS FOR DUMPING OFF WASTE Waste management is the precise name for the collection, transportation, disposal or recycling and monitoring of waste. It is managed to avoid its adverse effect over human health and environment. Most of the time, waste is managed to get resources from it. The waste to be managed includes all forms of matter i.e. gaseous, liquid, solid and radioactive matter. [Waste Management Resources, 2009] The methods for the management of waste may differ for developed and developing nations, for urban and rural populations or industrial and residential areas. The management of waste in metropolitan and rural areas is general responsibility of the local government.

These problems have also provided a window of opportunities for cities to find solutions: involving the community and the private sector, implementing innovative technologies and disposal methods, raising awareness to change the behaviour of the omni-consuming citizen.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS Waste management is a global problem, which calls for a global framework. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a collection of 17 global goals set by the United Nations in 2015 with 2030 as deadline. The goals are broad and interdependent, yet each has a separate list of targets to achieve. Achieving all 169 targets would signal accomplishing all 17 goals.

A landfill is the most common way of disposing waste around the world. They are mostly situated in a vacant and deserted locations around cities. A landfill involves burying the waste by digging a hole or creating a hill. If the landfill is designed carefully, it can serve as economical and quite sanitized method for waste dumping. However, not much effectively designed and older landfills can cost a lot to the government, in terms of money and in the environmental and health issues. A landfill often experiences problems like wind-blown smells, the generation of toxic liquids and the production of gas.

Sustainable Development Goal 12, to ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns, focuses on waste management. For example, one of the targets is to halve the global food waste per capita by 2030 at the retail and consumer levels and 10

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

Incineration involves combustion for waste materials and is known as the ‘thermal treatment’, since it consists of burning the waste to generate energy. Incineration is conducted on both individual and industrial scale. It is a common practice in Japan because of scarcity of land, which facilitates through not requiring landfill for waste dumping. The burning procedure in this method for waste disposal is never perfect so, fear for gas pollutants is mounting. Waste of organic nature (plants, food and paper products) can be treated trough biological repocessing. The waste biologically decomposes so it can be used later as mulch or compost for landscaping and agricultural purposes. Additionally, the waste gas can be used for the production of electricity.

Fig. 1.1 Informal garbage collection on a cart in the residential neighbourhood Conavi (northeast, near fourth ring) of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018]

Waste materials can directly or indirectly be combusted for the recovery of energy as fuel. Thermal treatment for recycling purpose includes burning of waste for the generation of energy used for household purpose like cooking and heating while the energy from recycling can also be produced at industrial level from boilers. Fig. 1.2 Informal garbage collection in Santa Cruz de la Sierra: horse and cart bring waste to trucks closer to the landfill. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018]

Another method for the management of the waste material is the avoidance for it being created. Waste reduction and avoidance methods require raising awareness about the waste issue. This implies buying second-hand products or repairing instead of replacing. Even better is the cradle-to-cradle principle, where waste becomes an ingedient for a new product.

Informal economies often occur in the Global South, including waste pickers in the so-called ‘informal recycling sector’ (IRS). Their informality could be viewed as an expression of the wider social organization system prevailing in their countries, as well as of the governance structures and financial activity mode of the waste management sector in the Global South. [Velis, 2017]

INFORMAL RECYCLING SECTOR IN GLOBAL SOUTH Collection for waste material does vary from place to place and country to country. Domestic waste collection management mostly works under the supervision of local government or by some private waste management company. Some areas, which are less populated or not much developed, have informal systems for collection of waste.

It is more frequent for a local solution to pop up in the Global South, supporting a sustainable alternative instead of end-of-the-pipe systems like landfills. Interestingly, whereas the circular economy has emerged and rapidly expanded as a dominant narrative and political imperative in Europe, in the Global South the drive for resource 11

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

recovery continues to be the instantaneous and not mandated by ideology but by social and market necessities

WASTE SORTING IN BOLIVIA In Bolivian households, most people don’t sort their trash because its not obligatory. In Santa Cruz you can choose to sort your waste yourself and put it in different bags with different colours. In this way the trucks picking up the trash can recycle the plastic waste. During our stay in Bolivia, we did a sample of the garbage collection in public spaces. In public spaces we often saw bins in three different colours for three different types of waste (in bigger cities as well as in small towns): organic waste, plastics and residual waste. (Fig. 1.3 - 1.5) Information on where what kind of waste is supposed to go mostly lacks.

Fig. 1.3 UNESCO World Heritage Site El Fuerte in Samaipata. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018]

CONCEPTS FOR WASTE MANAGEMENT A number of concepts for waste management exist and vary around the World. We mention three general concepts. Waste hierarchy refers to the three R’s: Reduce, Reuse and Recycle. Another one is extended producer reliability: this concept refers to the accountability of the producer to the complete life cycle of the products he manufactures. The Polluters Pays Principle means that the party who has the biggest share in polluting environment has to pay for this. [Waste Management Resources, 2009]

Fig. 1.4 Plastics collection in Parque El Arenal, Santa Cruz de la Sierra. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018]

EDUCATION AND AWARENESS Decent and sustainable waste management calls for complete education and awareness. Not only in the Global North, but also in the Global South there is a need for sufficient education about recycling and sorting, starting from a young age. Since the current generation in most Global South countries doesn’t sort their waste, it’s important to show the younger generation that there are alternatives and even (economic) opportunities in handling waste in a sustainable way.

Fig. 1.5 Sorting bins in public spaces, Mallcu (near Uyuni). [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 12

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

FUNCTIONING OF A LANDFILL 1. SITE SURVEY A site survey decides on the qualities of the area: it should be as small as possible, far from the city.

2. EXCAVATION The necessary area is excavated.

3. COMPACTED CLAY A first layer of clay will separate the future waste from the earth. On top a waterproof foil is being rolled out, with sand on top as protection.

4. LEACHATE COLLECTION PIPES Next, a network of leachate collection pipes is established which will collect all toxic fluids and transport them to the leachates or lagunas.

5. LEACHATE DRAINAGE LAYER A leachate drainage layer covers the pipe system.

6. WASTE PLACEMENT + DAILY COVER Daily trucks arrive at the landfill with new waste. It is placed in the dump and covered by a layer of soil.

7. FINAL COVER + GAS WELL INSTALLATION A final cover is added and a gas well installation is established to collect and ventilate the toxic gases. The cover consists of soil, sand gas, an engineered capping, a drainage layer and the final turf.

[Miss Obey, 2013]

Fig. 1.6 Functioning of a landfill. [Sophie Leemans, 2018] 13 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

CASE STUDIES OF REMEDIATED LANDFILLS case study 1 // Hiriya Park, Tel-Aviv, Israel Location Size Date Facilities

Tel aviv, Israel 291.58 acre (118 hectares) Design and realization: since 2004 Ecology, Recreation (Museum and restaurant), Agriculture Protection of the surface against erosion and heat is guaranteed by a thin yet heavy layer of crushed concrete. During the short rainy season, an engineered water collecting system of ditches prevents overflooting of the neighbourhood.

The former landfill of Tel Aviiv, called Hiriya, hit its limit in 1998 after reaching 25 millions tons of waste. Once the facility was finally shut down, an international competition was held to prevent collapse of the waste into the Ayalon riverbed. Landscape architect and urban planner Peter Latz won the competition with his plan to protect the vegetation from the underlying contaminants. By inventing a bioplastic layer that inhibits methane from reaching the surface, the vegetation got protected from the underlying contaminants. The artificial mountain is located in the middle of a dense urban fabric, and is almost constantly exposed to hard winds and blazing solar radiation.

In the western rim of the plateau, artificial trees recede the imposing silhouette of the Hiriya landfill. With a noticeably cooler, almost wind still area, all there rests is the view towards the city. In the east, an oasis has been created of irrigated green terraces and clear water system. Dry-stone walls, consisting out of recycled demolition materials, adjust to the constant settlement of the waste. A special retention system has been used to

Fig. 1.7 The Hiriya Landfill, Tel Aviv, IL [Ariel Sharon Park Company / Duby Tal, Albatrosn, 2017]

Fig. 1.8 The Hiriya Landfill, Tel Aviv, IL [LATZ+PARTNER, 2017] 14

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

reduce evaporation to a minimum, and to support lush vegetation of specific species that can grow in these special conditions. A building consisting out of a restaurant, large terrace and small video room has been constructed on the only stable area on the household waste landfill. The foundation has been provided by a concrete slab, which was used to clean refuse trucks on it. A visitors shuttle service provides a tour throughout the whole area and descends finally to the visitor centre, which informs about the methods and opportunities of recycling and about the steps leading to the reclamation of the landfill. The artificial mountain exists furthermore out of a broad steep mountain slope. The terrace exists out of a wide ring of trees, planted in agricultural patterns. Ramps and bridges connect to the plain where a retention basin for periodic floods has been excavated.

Fig. 1.9 The Hiriya Landfill, Tel Aviv, IL [LATZ+PARTNER, 2017] 15 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

case study 2 // Fresh Kills, Staten Island Location Size Date

Facilities

New York, United States 2 200 acre (890 hectares) Opening landfill: 1947 Closing + Competition: 2001 Beginning of transformation: 2008 Current state (2018): undergoing Estimated completion in 2035 Ecological reflection, Passive recreation, Active sports, Community development, Cultural events while also implementing ideals of nature a two sided proposal of on one hand restoring the biological community of the space, and on the other to create opportunities for cultural experience.

Fresh Kills can be seen as an example of the reuse and re-conceptualization of an undesirable space through the construction of nature. The designers behind the Fresh Kills park, Field Operation, had to consider the connection of the consumer culture that led to this ecological tragedy, that can be seen as a result of our actions. The site where the Fresh Kills are located, used to be wetlands, an ecological space that was stigmatized for being dangerous and disease ridden by the society. After 53-years of dumping the waste of New York, an act of redemption by the citizens would lead to the closing of the dumb, and the manifest of the Fresh Kills Park. In the nineties the process of naturalisation started under the landscape architect Bill Young. By instructing the bulldozer operations, he created an artificial topography where he would grow vegetation atop of a thin layer consisting out of a layer of plastic with a some soil. In 2001, an international design competition was held by the City Planning Department of New York City. Field Operations won the competition with

Fig. 1.10 Fresh Kills, Aerial View Courtesy of NYC Department of Parks and Recreation [Archdaily, 2013] 16

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

The goal of the proposed ‘Lifescape’ by Field operations, was to turn the Fresh Kills Landfill into a vibrant destination for wildlife and outdoor recreation, and transform therefore Staten Island’s identity by this synthesis of human and nature. This transformation symbolises how our society can restore balance to its landscape. In addition, a wide range of recreational opportunities, ecological restoration and cultural and educational programming emphasizes the environmental sustainability and of a renewed public concern for our human impact on the earth. The full build-out will continue in phases for the next 25 years, with the first development focussing on providing public access to the interior of the site and showcasing the unusual combination of natural and engineered beauty. With the focus on circulation, wildlife, recreation and sciences and arts, the Fresh Kills park was born.

Fig. 1.11 The bucolic rolling meadows of Freshkills conceal a topography that’s made entirely of garbage [Curbed.com, 2016]

Fig. 1.12 The bucolic rolling meadows of Freshkills conceal a topography that’s made entirely of garbage [Curbed. com, 2016] 17 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

case study 3 // Nanjido Ecological Park, Seoul South-Korea Location Size Date

Facilities

Seoul, South-Korea 247 acres (100 hectares) Domestic and industrial wastes for 15 years: 1978-1994 Nanjido landfill stabilization and park construction: 1998 - 2002 Construction of ecological park: 2000 - 2002 Biodegrading of waste: ongoing process till 2020 Ecological waste management policy, stabilization, Resources recollection facility and therefore postponing the development on the landfill itself.

The Nanjido landfill site consists out of 9,200 million tons of was, collected in insanitary ways throughout the 15 years of landfilling. Through the years, environmental and social issues emerged, that finally led to the closing of the landfill in 1994. During this period, social issues appeared, including jobs and housing for the urban poor. Furthermore, Seoul had to decide how to re-use the old landfill land. The city of Seoul finally decided to maintain the current situation while preventing environmental pollution and stabilizing the landfill,

The Nanjido Ecological park Development policy played an important role in the eco-friendly management of Seoul in different ways. Firstly, it was the city of Seoul who took the lead in managing the waste landfill with the the Stabilization project instead of the central government. Post-landfill management regulations were found in the Waste Management Act in 1996 focusing on engineering solutions for follow-up management of landfills to be closed after 1998, obliging environmental management for over 20 years. Secondly, by the connection of the Nanjido Ecological Park with its surrounding green areas, an ecological stream for self-sustainable recovery of the ecological functions has been founded. Thirdly, by the stabilization of the landfill, the usage of the obtained gas for district heating contributes to the resource cycling city development policy of Seoul. The ecological park includes therefore a landfill gas collector, domestic waste incineration and district heating facilities. Fourthly, an awareness among the citizens have been created with the transformation of an abandoned landfill into a park.

Fig. 1.13 Nanjido Ecological Park. [http://dettejournal. wixsite.com/, 2015] 18

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

The old landfill site of Nanjido is expected to be stabilized until 2020. Within this process, the organic matter is degraded for a long time and discharged as landfill gases and leachate. This stabilization aimed at addressing the environmental pollution and starting the future eco-friendly park development. The ecological park exists out of the development of 5 parks, with two parks covering up the two remaining landfills of Nanjido. Each different park consists of an independent character, working together on the bigger scale of the ecological park. The planning concept of the park consists out of the mutual coexistence and symbiosis of nature and human culture, a relationship between environmental preservation and human development. Along with two smaller parks, a facility was built that handles the sustainable waste management under the form of a resources recollection facility. Hereby, resource recycling functions were combined with environmental education for interested citizens.

Fig. 1.14 Nanjido Ecological Park. [http://dettejournal. wixsite.com/, 2015]

Fig. 1.15 Nanjido Ecological Park. [http://dettejournal. wixsite.com/, 2015]

Fig. 1.16 Nanjido Ecological Park. [ligynnek.wordpress.com, 2015] 19 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

CONCLUSION With the global rising quality of life and high rates of resource consumption patterns, a negative impact can be traced back on the urban and natural environment. The growing imbalance between the generation of waste and the handling capacities of urban governments and agencies prove that there is a need for change. In other words, solutions have to be found to reduce the growing waste amounts and to imply sustainable alternatives.

awareness to change the behaviour of the omniconsuming citizen.

An important step towards a positive change in the global waste management was the set-up of The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), a global framework proposed by the United Nations. To ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns, Sustainable Development Goal 12 focuses mainly on waste management.

With a current absence of recycling regulations in the residential household and low awareness among the citizens about the opportunities in handling waste in a sustainable way, the recycled amount of materials are very limited in the Global South. Despite the low numbers of residential waste separation, promising initiatives pop up in the public spaces all around Bolivia. In order to generate a decent and sustainable waste management, an adapted education and awareness must be created among the people. To trigger a change in the behaviour, it is important to show the younger generation that there are alternatives and even opportunities in handling waste in a sustainable way.

In South America, often informal economies occur, including waste pickers in the so-called â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;informal recycling sectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (IRS). This informality can be viewed as an expression of the wider social organization system prevailing. Local solutions have to support a more sustainable alternative instead of an end-of-the-pipe system. Where the drive for resource recovery in the Global South is not mandated by ideology but by social and market necessities, a more sustainable solution towards a circular economy should be incorporated within these new economies. In order to find possible solutions for cities, research and design approaches should focus on opportunities for the city and its citizens. Involving the community and the private sector, implementing innovative technologies and disposal methods and raising

Incorporated in the analysis, three different case studies provide an insight in the various possibilities for the redevelopment of a closed landfill. The researched case studies consist of the creation of a vibrant destination of wildlife and outdoor recreation, where the synthesis of human and nature is centralised and the identity of the neighbourhood gets transformed.New engineered systems, such as a new invented biplastic layer, artificial trees, ect. make the vegetation on top of the dumb possible. The redevelopment of the landfills consists out of a wide range of recreational opportunities, ecological restoration and cultural and educational programming. Each projects emphasizes the environmental sustainability and the renewed public concern for our human impact on the earth. It seems that a landfill is the perfect 20

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

place to combine recreation, ecology, culture and education to prevent the same ecological tragedy that can be seen as a result of or actions to happen again. It is clear that with the current rising population growth in urban areas around the world, sustainable waste management forms one of the pillars for the future resilient cities.

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PART 2 // ANALYSIS HISTORY OF SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA PRE-COLUMBIAN ERA

with the arrival of Columbus. It reached its highest peak during the second half of the 16th century, when the principle cities were founded. Erecting these new cities, the Laws of the Indies were developed. The most important part was the town planning section, which was introduced in 1573 [Morris, 1994]. This consisted of a grid of 100 by 100 meter building blocks (‘manzanas’) centered around a central plaza including several major civic buildings at the sides. The strict spatial separation between Spanish and indigenous population was a characteristic of the model too. The areas built for the Indians, called “cercados” (literally walled cities) or “barrios de indios” (Indian neighbourhoods) where outside the regular grid.

Not much is known of the Santa Cruz area before the arrival of the Spanish conquistadores, mostly because of the nomadic nature of the inhabitants and the absence of written language. However, recent data suggests that the current location of the city of Santa Cruz was inhabited by an Arawak tribe that later came to be known by the Spanish as Chané. Remains of ceramics and weapons have been found in the area, leading researchers to believe they had established settlements in the area.

FIRST YEARS OF COLONIZATION In 1492 the colonization of Latin America started

Cobija

Several types of colonial cities were defined, each having their own types of inhabitants and economy: the water side city, the mining city or the strategic inner land network city. [FernandezMaldonado, 2002]

BRASIL

PERU

The city was first founded in 1561 by Ñuflo de Chávez, a Spanish captain. He called it Santa Cruz de la Sierra, which means “Holy Cross of the Hills,” in honour of his native city in Extremadura, Spain. The location of Santa Cruz was chosen strategically between the two big rivers Rio Grande and Rio Paraguay. The conquerers expected that they would find ”el Dorado” (golden dream lad or paradise) in the future and ensured in this way an easy transport of its richness and treasures to the Spanish main land.

Trinidad

LA PAZ Cochabamba Oruro

Santa Cruz de la Sierra

Sucre Potosi PARAGUAY CHILE

Tarija

ARGENTINA

After conflicts with the indigenous population because of the remote location of the city, the

Fig. 2.1 Map of Bolivia with its nine departments and capitals. [Free Vector Maps, 2018] 22

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

centre of the city find the “Barrios de 2.4 Moving the you city tocould its final destination. The tribes around Santa Cruz de la Sierra, who were forced to work for the Spanish, sta Indios” attacks, (Indian neighbourhoods), especially on the travellers to and from thewhich city. In the where east there were the Ita the Chiquitos, in the west the Chiriguanos and Yuracarés and in the south the Morotocos. similar to other American cities. 1568many Ñuflo de Chávez died Latin and the attacks from the locals became[Gaya heavier. Not only the a presented difficulties. In the rainy season, the surroundings of Santa Cruz were fl Ábrego,climate 2007] The materials used for constructing could reach the city. In the dry season, the roads where so dry and hot that is was imposs almost no water was available along the road. The availability of water was also a problem f the houses andof the streets giveforinformation about the The location city was chosen logistic and economic reasons, not for liveability re wealth The of Cruseños the city: this was a poor city, because were not the only ones who were searching for the wanted “el Dorado”. Figueroa and his men also came to the valleys of Gran Chaco and funded the city San Lore they only used available materials. in 1590. Fromlocal San Lorenzo, different expeditions where Santa made. LikeCruz Santa Cruz, San Lor couple of times and in 1595 it got its final destination. (Fig 2.7 shows the movements of de la Sierra was situated around 150 meters from black arrows and dots) the river. The majority of the houses where made Santa Cruz de la Sierra became more and more isolated from the other Spanish cities. Th suffering a lot, and between 1601 and 1604 the inhabitants moved their city 220 km to th of adobe with a roof of palm trees. Some of the city of Cotoca is situated nowadays. (Fig 2.7 shows the movements of Santa Cruz with whit Santa Cruz lost its privilege of capital city of the department of Santa Cruz, due to this mov inhabitants had colonial roof tiles. The bigger the only at the end of the 18th century. In 1621 the Cruseños decided to move to the city of and in 1622 they joined the two cities into one. They called it San Lorenzo and San distanceFrontera from the main square, the more spacious only the name Santa Cruz de la Sierra was used. the parcels became and the simpler the houses By the time the cruseños joined San Lorenzo, the river Piraí flowed where you can nowa ring of the city. (Fig 2.9)2001] The new Santa Cruz was also developed following the classical m were. [Limpias Ortiz, section 2.2: The main square was surrounded by religious, judicial and administrative bui

main square, another twenty blocks where reserved for the church, the local government a The church and the local government where situated at the south of the square, where you the Cathedral and the Parliament Brigade. The monastery was situated on the west side, w University UAGRM2 is housed (Fig. 2.10). [Sandoval Rodriguez, 2003]

In search for “el Dorado” the founders of Santa Cruz expected that the city would become a miner’s city Around the regular centre of the city you could ﬁnd the “Barrios de Indios” (Indian neigh where similar to many In other Latin Americanthe cities.city The materials usedhave for constructing the with great potential. addition, should give information about the wealth of the city: this was a poor city, because they only u materials. Santa Cruz de la Sierra was situated around 150 meters from become a strategic network city on the borderthe ofriver. The maj where made of adobe with a roof of palm trees. Some of the inhabitants had colonial roo the distance from the main square, the more spacious the parcels became and the simpler the Spanish colonial territories and administrative capital of the province. Unfortunately, the founders did not find “el Dorado” and it did 15not become a strategic city until the midst of the 19th century. [Wessels, 2009] 3.2 Santa Cruz [Gaya Ábrego, 2007]

Fig 2.7 Founding of cities and movements in relation with the development of Santa Cruz de la Sierra [Köster, 1983]

Fig. 2.2 Founding of cities 14 and movements of Santa Cruz de la Sierra [Köster, 1983]

The inhabitants of Sa

SLOW ECONOMIC, DEMOGRAPHICtrade AND network, beca that permitted good SPATIAL CHANGE

there was no big diff

Spanish and I The inhabitants of Santa Cruz had mix to offight against their seclusion from the continental Until 1800 the city o Ábrego, 2007] Sant and intercontinental trade network, [Gaya because provided. Most prod of the remote location. In addition, no good Santa Cruz. Only the road connections existed that permitted other regions. [Prado S good connections with other cities. Almost no In the end of the 17t immigration of new Spanish blood occurred villages in the surrou to the indigenous pe which resulted in small difference between the Fig. 3.4 Section of a house with balcony [Limpias Ortiz, 2001] to Peru and Argentin rich and the poor. The major part of the Santa Cruz Cruz did not lose its population was a mix of Spanish and Indigenous it became a local ce [Limpias Ortiz, 2001] people. It was a ethnically, but also culturally mixed society. With the arrival of

Fig. 2.3 Main square of Santa Cruz in 1770. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001] Fig. 3.2 Main square of Santa Cruz in 1770. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001]

complete town was moved 220 kilometers to the west. Finally, in 1622 Santa Cruz de la Sierra was moved again to join the city of San Lorenzo on its present location on the banks of the Piraí River.

fashionable in the c houseshad into a more u Santa Cruz barely had any trade so the people rooms are connected

to live with the products provided. Only the sugar second typology w cane became an export product to theA mining + 3.5) It was a typo districts. At the end of the 17th century, the Jesuits Unfortunately, you w came into the region of Santa Cruz andandstarted Santa Cruz has p into creating constructing mission villages in the surroundings of a Spani

The new Santa Cruz de la Sierra was founded following the classical colonial model of the central plaza surrounded by religious, judicial and administrative buildings. Around the regular

or México. (Fig 3.2)

23 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

the city Santa Cruz. Due to their presence, the city became a centre for the distribution of indigenous products. Becoming a local centre ensured the survival of the city despite its remote location and extreme poverty. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001]

for a railway connection, which was marked by Mervin Bohan, an economical development specialist from the United States. In his Plan Bohan from 1942, he describes the current economical Bolivian situation and proposed how Bolivia should develop. It proposed a diversification from a mostly mining economy into an economy with primary focus on oil production and agro industry. The agro industry should produce for national consumption while the oil industry is fitted for international trade. The economic empowerment of Santa Cruz created new possibilities for the development and realisation of new infrastructure and public services for the city.

The Jesuits introduced new ways of constructing, and erected new villages in the surroundings of Santa Cruz. Inspired by the new constructions of the Jesuits, the inhabitants of Santa Cruz tried to improve their own houses to a more urban image, with the construction of the pedestrian galleries and a second floor, but rarely succeeded. Building a second floor was expensive and Santa Cruz had plenty of space. Mostly, people did not have big houses, and most houses were constructed out of locally available natural materials.

The effect on Santa Cruz de la Sierra of the “Chaco war”, the Plan Bohan, the thriving gas and oil economy and the structural changes for production of agricultural and industrialized products in Bolivia became visible. Santa Cruz de la Sierra counted 40.000 inhabitants in 1957, and did not have any paved streets. The city had to be converted from an isolated traditional city into a modern development node. After several attempts it became clear the Bolivian government didn’t seem to be interested in improving the urban qualities of Santa Cruz. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001]

WAVES OF URBANIZATION After the independence war between 1810 and 1825, Santa Cruz became the capital of the department within the republic of Bolivia. The following decades many legal fights took place about the ownership of land and new hierarchies of government. The complete department of Santa Cruz stayed disconnected and less developed in comparison with the Bolivian departments in the Alti Plano. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001]

In the fifties the local governement started an urban committee for urban improvements. Since urban planning knowledge was lacking, a number of external offices were asked to design an urban proposal for Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The office Techint won the competition, with a plan inspired by the garden city and introduced a road structure of four rings and radials for better traffic connections. Besides a new urban structure, it also included drinking water, sewage system, electricity, telephone lines, street pavements and an industrial park. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001] The garden city was an utopian idea of the 20th century: the new urban expansion areas would function as autonomous neighbourhoods with centralized streets and neighbourhood services. The main square should function as the heart of the city. The reason for choosing this model is not clarifi ed in literature, but most likely is financial, good possible

The rise of the rubber industry was an incubator for Santa Cruz to develop. The quality of public space was discussed and public buildings were renewed. Although there were economical possibilities to develop the city, the private sector realized more effective public services than the local government. The central government of Bolivia continued a neglective attitude towards the city and its department. From 1915 the rubber production declined, which affected the department of Santa Cruz economically. At the beginning of the 1930s the region finally got national attention because of the “Chaco war”, a war between Paraguay and Bolivia about the control of the area called “Gran Chaco” which was incorrectly thought to be rich in oil.The war resulted in a promise from the central government 24

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

connection with the existing gridiron system and good distribution possibilities.

another urban expansion, due to immigration from other parts of the country. In 1985 the president promoted privatization, resulting in massive unemployment, especially in the mining areas like Potosi. At the same time he stimulated the development of the largely uninhabited lowland regions by road building and the opening up of land for agriculture. This resulted in migration of the miners to Santa Cruz to find and create new work. They started living on big parcels in the outskirts of Santa Cruz and developed small businesses and shops. [Limpias Ortiz, 2001]

The main part of the Techint plan was executed during the sixties and the seventies. The urban area of Santa Cruz de la Sierra experienced a massive expansion due to migration from the altiplano, other regions and from Europe after the second World War. This is when the city started to grow uncontrollably. At the end of the seventies the urban planning office started losing control of the urban development because of the illegal ground speculation and constructing by the poor immigrants. Today, the intended structure of the garden city is barely visibe, since the city grew faster than the municipality could control.

In the eighties Santa Cruz doubled in amount of inhabitants and tripled in physically used space. Because of the national economical and institutional crisis, almost no urban planning occurred. In 1983 a big flood made many poor migrated inhabitants homeless. The municipality dealt with this problem by buying a piece of land

RAPID URBAN EXPANSION During the eighties, Santa Cruz experienced

Fig. 2.4 The Thechint plan, inpired by the garden city. It indicates the density of inhabitants per building block and the potential future urban structure. [Techint , 1956] 25 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

on the other side of the city and giving the land to the 3000 families without a house. This was the only effective urban plan of the municipality in the eighties, called Plan “3000”. Unfortunately, most of these inhabitants still don’t have their offi cial land ownership papers. The infl ation in the eighties was so heavy that the government couldn’t pay for the ground. This is still an unsolved problem. [Wessels, 2009]

problems concerning illegal ground occupation executing the urban plans in the city of Santa Cruz. “The poor migrants occupy a piece of land that is not theirs. After constructing their houses they demand that the municipality facilitates the neighbourhood facilities. Most of the time spaces for neighbourhood facilities is not created and repartition of the parcels is necessary. The repartition occurs in discussion with the inhabitants. In these cases urban planning happens afterwards, not before. Most urban poor have access to drinking water, electricity, public transport and neighbourhood facilities, but their houses and sewage systems are an individual problem, not a communal one.”

In 1990 gas is discovered in the department of Santa Cruz. Between 1993 and 1997 a second wave of political transformations into a neoliberal model were made, and all public companies where privatized. These transformations opened the way to global external economies which produced an enormous effect on the region of Santa Cruz. The city of Santa Cruz concentrates all economical activities generated in the department. In the nineties the urban planning department became better organized due to the better economical situation. In 1995 a complete integrated urban plan, developed by a group of different specialists, was presented. In 1999 a plan on province scale was made to better understand the connection of the city with its region. [Wessels, 2009]

After the privatisation transformations, conflicts caused by the western owned private companies. started to rise. The Bolivian people wished to turn these companies into national owned companies. The current government (MAS, movement to socialism) of Evo Morales is stimulating this process by nationalising a lot of these companies. Santa Cruz, now one of the wealthiest departments of Bolivia, wants more autonomy so more money can be invested in development of infrastructure, public services and urban space.

Fernando Prado Salmon explains some of the

SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA TODAY 6 Conclusions

Urban Expansion of Santa Cruz de la Sierra

Cruz de la Sierra was an isolated, marginal and disconnected city for more than 400 years, from InSanta last in30 Santa Cruz became motor itsthe establishment 1622 years until the 1950’s. It did not have much influence on thethe economical and political development. The urban establishment of Santa Cruz was similar to the general Latin American cities, but it developed an own local and precarious way of constructing. While most Latin American ofarchitecturally the national economy of Bolivia. Nowadays, thecity became important centres for trade with Spain during the colonization, Santa Cruz stayed undeveloped. The Jesuits, who immigrated in the 17th century, developed the region and kept Santa Cruz alive. However, the city counts more than 1,8 million inhabitants and city stayed poor and underdeveloped. is Inthe quickest growing and largest city cities of Bolivia. the 19th century, the beginning of the Republic period, many Latin American became important trade centres; first with Europe and later on with the United States. The size of the cities exploded due to migration and immigration. Santa Cruz was not part of the the existing network ofcontinues cities and stayed disconnected. Despite the quick growth, city to The introduction of the rubber industry was the first attempt to become more visible, but Santa Cruz did not succeed. expand with a relatively low density and in a chaotic The 20th century is marked by big political and spatial changes. The influence of the United States increased and immigration from the way, west was substantial. The introduction industries made cities morecity. attractive uncontrolled resulting in aoffragmented and the poor country side became less populated. The rich immigrants and the poor migrants constructed the cities. On one side you get the American style closed urbanisations, populated by the rich, with all urban [Forbes, 2015] facilities included. On the other side you get the urban poor, who construct illegal neighbourhoods without

1906 1968 1976 1988 1993 2001

facilities. This contrast becomes bigger and bigger.

process than general urban Latin American plan city, Santa Cruz explodes. The gas and oil industry, as well Inquicker 2006 a the new was proposed with as the agricultural industry, became very important from the ﬁfties on. In 60 years this city changed from an isolated unimportant village into a global city with more than 1,5 million inhabitants generating almost 30% of similar implementation problems as in 1995. Only the national income of Bolivia. Interestingly, the urban development has a similarity with the colonial cities of the 16th century. In the city centre the rich people (mostly from Europe and the USA) live in structured and this time construction of inhabitants) a border toorganized stop the organized houses,the while the poor people (mostly indigenous live in less neighbourhoods in the periphery with their self built houses. growth of the city was proposed, because Santa In general, Santa Cruz is a Latin American city with the same main problems as other Latin American cities. Because of its location its development came much later. The capitalist system favours central locations, Cruz does nothigherhave strong natural that as remote locations imply transportation costs for products to reach borders the markets. The construction of highways and railways helped to overcome this problem. A change in accessibility is the most important condition for a change can stop thisin functional low structure. density growth. Today it’s clear that this plan didn’t achieve its goals, since the city has expanded behind this proposed border. The changes of the 20th century also became visible in the dynamic, modern Santa Cruz de la Sierra. In a much

Fig. 2.5 Urban growth between 1906 and 2001 [Urban 44 Plan 2006] Fig. 6.1 Urban growth between 1906 and 2001 [Urban Plan 2006]

26 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

Santa Cruz de la Sierra will evolve in the future. Fig. 2.6 shows a possible predictions of the population growth and densification. It shows a growth of more than 50% of the city population over the next 30 years. This implies a necessary increase of the densification of certain neighbourhoods as well. The prediction notes that at 2050 there will be a total population of Bolivia of 16 million people. That means that 25% of the countries population will live in one city.

The uncontrolled growth of the city since the eighties and the minimal financial possibilities, makes urban planning an almost unsolvable task. Today, transporting yourself through the city in a certain amount of time can be a serious challenge. In addition, corruption and unavailability of people that are capable of executing plans cause a bad functioning of the urban planning department. Santa Cruz de la Sierra is still growing every day, faster than people drawing a map of the city. Since there are no natural borders in the close surroundings for the expansion to end, the question is merely where the city will end, more than when.

It is probable to think that that the department of Santa Cruz will keep growing in the next decades, attracting more Bolivians from the altiplano. To think that they will all live in the city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra is maybe a bit rash. There are multiple small towns growing in the department, on quite a distance from the department capital. Eventually there will also be a need to densify the inner city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra and the current outskirts behind the fourth ring. Today, the main centre of the city still remains the central plaza in the historical part of the city, but that could evolve to multiple district centres in the future.

SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA TOMORROW Urban growth in Santa Cruz de la Sierra is very high. The population grew since 2000 from 900.000 to 1.800.000 today, with a current growth rate of 40.000 persons per year. The surface of the city has almost doubled, making it a very big urban area. There are multiple predictions on how the city of

Fig. 2.6 Estimated population growth of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. [SOURCE TO ASK CLAUDIA] 27 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF NORMANDIA The landfill of Normandia has been in operation since 1996 and is with its current 60 acres of dumping area the biggest one in Bolivia. The land itself is owned by the municipality, but the company managing the landfill called Emacruz, is privately owned.

implement an artificial city border as a planning instrument, the expanding urban area reached the municipal dump. The only barrier they managed to establish is an ecological border zone along the west side of the dump. This means that at each side of the landfill residential neighbourhoods are reaching the borders, even though itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not an official part of the city. Being part of the district they do have OTB representatives [Claudia Canedo Velasco, 2018] and basic services like running water and electricity. Additional neighbourhood services like schools and public spaces are realised through crowdfunding and help of a local priest [[OTB representatives of Normandia, 2018].

The landfill receives an average of 1.650 tons of waste per day. This consists of all residential waste of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, the non-industrial waste of the hospitals, some waste of private companies and car tires. This means that there should be no direct toxic waste. Emacruz is in charge for managing the waste from the moment it enters the gate of the landfill, which includes weighing, burning (which only applies for the hospital waste), capsuling and burying. The buried waste is also being monitored regularly to avoid any contamination of the ground. This because the earth and lateral pressure change over time. There are monthly reports and measurements. [Carlos Veralde, 2018]

The plans to close the dump in the near future will affect the neighbourhood in both positive and negative way. Since the start of the landfill, illegal residential settlements appeared, having people live in a short radius of the waste processing, including toxic gasses and liquids. The landfill did not only attract residents, but also a number of

The landfill is located 13 kilometers from the city centre, which was far away from the urban perispere at the time of the establishment. At the start there were no residential settlements in a radius of at least one kilometer. After the economic growth of Santa Cruz during the second half of the 20th century, the city started expanding uncontrollably due to illegal ground claiming by poor immigrants. Groups of people illegally occupy a piece of land by building a houses on it and afterwards claim their basic rights of access to drinkable water, electricity and other neighbourhood services. After some failed attempts of the municipality trying to

Fig. 2.7 The local centre of Gallito as it is today. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 28

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

informal economic activities. This consists of two types: private people picking up branches and construction materials and people sorting trash trying to find plastic bottles or cans they sell to local NGOs, who sell them to big companies like Coca Cola to re-use these materials. [Victor Hugo Limpias Ortiz, 2018]

buying land around to this economic hub, ... A previous (smaller) landfill, which was located even closer to the city, was closed down before and consists today of Gallito (Fig. 2.7), a consolidating neighbourhood. Also, after the closing of the landfill in Normandia, a new one will be opened even further away from the city centre.

This means that by the closing of the landfill, thousands of people will be affected. Not only the employees of Emacruz and truck drivers delivering a daily amount of waste, but also the locals living from informal economies, people selling and

It is clear that there is an urgent need for plans and/ or design strategies for the future of the closed landfill to prevent more end-of-the-pipe-solutions and illegal ground occupation.

Fig. 2.8 Daily addition of waste to the landfill of Normandia. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

Fig. 2.9 Residential settlements in a close radius of the dumping area. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

Fig. 2.10 Car tires dumping area on the landfill. [Yves Schoonjans, 2018] 29

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

2003

2007

30 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

2012

2018

Fig. 2.11 Historical evolution of barrio Normandia on different scales.. [Google Earth] 31 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

OPERATION OF THE NORMANDIA LANDFILL EMACRUZ is the company responsible for managing the urban hygiene of the city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. They have the tasks of regulating, supervising and planning the procedures of the urban cleaning. They control and monitorize the services that the SUMA operator and the microcompanies offers, which exists of: - the recollection, transportation and final disposition (in de the dump of Normandia) the solid waste of the city - weeping, recollection and final disposition of solid waste of streets, avenues and public parks.

Fig. 2.12 Depositing of the waste in the pit. [Carole Dewandre, 2018]

The elemination technique of the estimated 1600 tons of solid waste discharge preceeds in first instance of the waste being deposited in the cell. Consequently the waste is compressed according to the dimension of the cell, which are subsequently covered with an earth layer of 20 a 25 cm. This serves as a barrier preventing the dispersion of solid waste by the wind, avoiding the entrance of water, reducing bad smells, etc.

Fig. 2.13 Compacting the waste up to a 1000 kg /m3. [Carole Dewandre, 2018]

The construction of the pit for the residues disposal starts with an excavation between -2,7 m and - 2,5 m deep. Next, the surface is leveled in order to obtain a suitable slope for the drainage system of the landfill leachate. A clay layer of fifty centimeters is aggregated serving as the first waterproof layer, added in two different layers to insure a good compactation. The second waterproof layer is provided by a Geomembrane of 1,5 mm thickness, made out of high density polyethyleen. The last layer, preceding the solid waste layer is a sand layer of fifty centimeters which protects the geomembrane and facilitates the

Fig. 2.14 Covering the waste with an 20-24 cm of earth layer. [Carole Dewandre, 2018]

Fig. 2.15 Construction of a load cell. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 32

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

leachate drainage in the perforated recolecting pipe systems. The trucks, filled with solid waste, are immediately weighted after entering the dump. Next, they go to the pit that is currently in use. (Pit number 8 in 2018). The truckdrivers entering the dump get paid for the amount of kilos they have in their truck, provoking the drivers to collect any heavy waste they can find like industrial waste, bricks, tree prunes, ..., etc. Since the trash is not separated nor recycled after being collected, there is no certitude of what the exact contents of these pits are. Additionally the trash inside the trash bags is not checked, which means the bags could contain any kind of waste like batteries, cellphones, lamps,..., since people are not used to recycle. After disposing the trash in the pit the trucks are weighted once again, the weight of the truck is substracted from the filled truck giving the real weight of the trash. [Carlos Veralde, 2018]

Fig. 2.16 Weighing of a truck. [Carole Dewandre, 2018]

33 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

MAPPING OF THE LANDFILL TODAY Today, the Normandia landfill and its surrounding (illegal) neighbourhoods are experiencing a vast pressure. The city border established in the 2006 Urban Plan didn’t stop Santa Cruz from growing at a low density.

own. Afterwards they claim their right on drinkable water and electricity. Occupying big amounts of land, they start selling lots to other people. In this way, poor immigrants make money of selling land that is not theirs. Additional neighbourhood services lack, which is why local initiatives arise to invest together with some families in the construction of a school, a soccer field, and other social public services. They also receive funding from the Catholic Church, being provided by a local priest.

The original plan to keep residential settlements at least one kilometre away from the borders of the Normandia landfill has failed. A hazardous smell is spread throughout the surroundings, depending on the wind direction. Open lots are sold for relatively low prices to people who don’t know that their future house will be located this close to a landfill. Mostly it starts with a group of people who decide together to start an illegal settlement. They start bulding their houses on land that they don’t

With the closing of the landfill in the near future it is important to understand what the surroundings look and feel like today to understand how they can or will evolve in the next 10, 20 or 50 years.

1 km

Fig. 2.17 City border of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, set in the 2006 Urban Plan. [Google Earth, 2018]

Fig. 2.18 1 km offset around the landfill and general wind directions.. [Google Earth, 2018] 34

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

Fig. 2.19 Map of Normandia today. [Tanisha Jain, 2018] 35 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

1. LANDFILL NORMANDIA

daily addition of waste

entrance

36 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

view from the top of the landfill towards the city centre

test start-up for a recycling station

evaporating toxics

leachates to clean toxics, spreading a strong smell

leachate collection pipe system

37 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

2. NORTH (VILLA PARAISO) In the north, residential settlements already reached the border of the landfill. Besides the main roads, the streets are not paved. Barely 100 meters away of the fence, family houses are located. The first building blocks consist of recent precarious houses, using leftover materials. Further away, we find one of the protoypical high schools of Santa Cruz, which were designed by an architectural research group of UPSA.

illegal settlements

38 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

prototype of a high school in Santa Cruz, an open source created by architecture students of UPSA

residential settlements very close to the border of the landfill

view on the north side of the landfill, water gathers in a small pit

39 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

3. EAST East of the landfill, there is still a relatively large space without built structures. A small unpaved road connects two main roads at the north and south borders of the landfill. This, even though a future consolidation process is visible: lots have been divided and are ready to be sold. The first house is being built in brick. In between the landfill and the empty building lots, a natural laguna is situated. Run-off water gathers here in a small pit, attracting locals to fish.

natural laguna next to the landfill, being used for fishing

unpaved roads leading to a future residential neighbourhood 40 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

view on the landfill from the east

construction and distribution of new building lots

41 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

4. SOUTH (SANTA CARLA) The southern border of the Normandia landfill is formed by the main road connecting Santa Cruz de la Sierra with a small town called Paurito. Across the entrance of the landfill multiple small informal shops are located, making money of hungry truck drivers. Furthermore, multiple animal farms are located across the landfill. This results in a very low density neighbourhood. Additionally, a local water laguna can be found, which is connected to the city canal system, functioning as a buffer during the rain season.

city canal system connected to a laguna which serves as a buffer during rain season, also used for recreation and fishing

42 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

farm across the main road next to the landfill

informal businesses across the entrance of the landfill: shops and restaurants for truck drivers 43 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

5. WEST Directly besides the western border of the landfill, a relatively small linear zone was established as an ‘ecological buffer’, containg a big structure which serves as storage space. In the original landfill plan, an agricultural buffer zone was foreseen located at the west side. Partly this is the case, but in between a consolidating residential neighbourhood appeared, consisting of precarious houses. Further away, neighbourhood facilities like a soccer field appear, close to a small dumping area which gathers and sells waste materials.

44 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

45 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

INTERVIEWS To get a found (local) perspective on the issues of Normandia during our fieldwork we interviewed multiple stakeholders of Normandia. We give a short summary of each interview, stating what the relationship of the interviewee is to Normandia and how they see the future of the landfill.

eventually, these fences, became walls. The idea of the garden city was lost. It was an idealistic plan, implemented in the reality of a Latin American society. Yet, this movement can still be recognized in enclosed protected neighbourhouds like the area of Zona Sur or Equipetrol.” However, the structure of the city with rings and radials, as you can perceive it up until today, is still a consequence of the TECHINT plan.

VICTOR HUGO LIMPIAS ORTIZ dean of UPSA, faculty of Architecture about the Techint Plan of 1959 In 1959, Santa Cruz de la Sierra was still a small city, barely reaching todays first ring. The city wanted to become modern and felt the need to differenciate itself from the other Bolivian cities. This is why the TECHINT PLAN was implemented, inspired in the ‘garden city movement’.

CLAUDIA CANEDO VELASCO researcher and teacher in architecture at UPSA about Organizaciones Territoriales de Base The OTBs and the Vigilance Committee are represtentatives acting independently from political parties that were constituted by the law of popular participation, established in 1996. They are given a voice in municipal developments and comunal decisions in order to decentralise the political system.

The garden city movement, initiated by Ebenezer Howard, is an urban planning method where ‘green belts’ surround self-sufficient districts, existing of equitable areas of industry, housing and agriculture.

While reading about OTBs, we perceived this organ to be a detached autodidact community, organizing themselves for the better of its neighbourhood. This by having the whole district to participate in community services and equipments, such as schools, water supply, sewage, etc.

“Unfortunately,” as Sir. Limpias Ortiz states, “this idea of creating a garden city was very quickly abandoned because of the insecurity that rules the city. The idea of a garden city is to have a garden in front of your house. Nevertheless, these gardens quickly were surrounded by fences and

However, Mrs. Canedo Velasco, reveals that these 46

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OTBs are a group of representatives chosen by the community, to negociate the operational budget of the city together with the municipality. These representatives have a say in 25% of the Municipality’s annual budget, enabling them to decide in which community services or equipments the municipality should invest.

permanent treatments of leachate, the purification of the generated gases and the environmental monitoring that will ensue check ups of the soil during the next fifteen to twenty years. This means that only after these procedures, a new adequate use of the landfill could be implemented. However, this doesn’t imply that the area will remain left out of use during these proceedings.

To make these decisions, the president of the OTB has to sign up the report that the municipality presents to the municipal council. In case of it not being signed, its approval will be declined, causing this signature to become an instrument to earn a lot of money, resulting the system to turn into a corrupt constitution.

Some small operations will persist on the landfill area. For instance, the vegetal coverage on the dump will be sustained, the maintenance of roads and accesses will be provided and, moreover, the recycling park will maintain its operations and even expand them. This because of the new crushing machinery for tires, the growing construction residues, and the increasing of what we call the pruning waste or the urban wood waste.

As we commented her on our initial perception of the working of the OTB, being an autodidact organ detached from corrupt political activities of the country, she rectified and commented us about the existence of the UN habitat internacional. It is an organ collecting fundings to be lent at a group of people, in order to help each other for the construction of houses and to take care of the kids.

Mr. Veralde claims that, theoretically, the solid waste traceable in the pits should be domestic waste like cardboard, glass, paper, etc. However we all know that in the city of Santa Cruz or anywhere else in the world, anybody can at times throw batteries or cellphones in the waste bin, causing harm to the environment if not disposed properly. But approximately, the mayor part of the dump contains non harmful and organic waste.

CARLOS VERALDE engineer and employee of Emacruz about the landfill of Normandia

Concerning the new dump that will be moved to another area in the city, the same proceedings of excavating pits and creating artificial mountains will be maintained. Mr. Veralde informs us that some companies of foreign countries have come with the know-how of new technologic developments related to natural-gas processing plants. However, at present day, some studies have been carried out to redeploy a sanitary fill, using the same technics of final disposition as in the current dump of the Normandía neighborhood, as it is one of the cheapest proceedings. This, with the only difference that a biogas treatment plant will be implemented, substituting the use of chimneys and the venting. Hence, the gas will be collected providing benefits for the company. As, Mr. Veralde states, the collected gas could aliment a big cauldron, facilitating the evaporation of the

Mr. Veralde explains us that the future vision of the afterlive of the dump would only be possible in the next twenty years. The leachate, generated in the pits, as a consequence of the percolation of fluids through a solid, will still be produced and thus will go on contaminating the water and the soil. After six years, it is said that the amount of produced gases and leachates decreases but its production will only be properly nullified after thirty years. After closing down the dump, the postclosure phase is set in motion. This involves the 47

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leachates that generate a lot of humidity.

are tired of the dump remaining on the same place since years. Moreover, during the rain season, the channel, running along the main road close to the dump, is filled with water and people start fish ing there. Kids living nearby the dump don’t have the knowledge nor the education to know about what can be done or not, leading the dump to become unhealthy and dangerous for the inhabitants.

Elseways, Mr. Veralde, announces that in 2015 the law of ‘basura cero’ was enforced. This, to stimulate people to recycle at home and to penalize those who don’t. At first, it took us a great deal of effort, he reveals, but consequently people gained more awareness about the problematic. Nevertheless, we are struggling to achieve the objective to reduce the waste to a maximum. Our goal is to recycle 20% of the waste, which is still a small amount. Currently 2%-3% of the waste that enters Normandía is recycled.

Regarding recycling activities in the city of Santa Cruz, there are a lot of informal recyclers in the area near the dump. They consist of poor women and kids, collecting recyclable waste. The collected waste, collected by them, is brought to companies by the so-called ‘middlemen’. In general, these middlemen melt the recycled material and subsequently sell it to national or foreign companies. These are the informal recycling activities emerging in the city and do not pertain to the municipal system.

Other informal clandestine activities are emerging recycling some materials, but the amount is still limited. They collect trash on the street and sell it to companies for re-use or for its transforming into raw materials. MELISSA ASCARRUNZ architect and graduate in architecture at UPSA about the effect of the landfill on the inhabitants

MAURICIO LOPEZ HURTADO engineer and employee at Centro de Educación Ambiental GAD Santa Cruz about environmental surveys

Melissa claims that already in 2011, EMACRUZ announced the closure of the landfill of Normandía in the next two years. Furthermore, they revealed they would transfer the landfill to a metropolitan landfill connected to different districts like Cotoca, Paurito, Santa Cruz, etc. Today, in 2018, the landfill is still operating on the same site, despite the objectives they had planned in that period.

In 2015, an investigation has been conducted about the landfill site of Normandía, being the first one realized since its initiation in 1996. Until then, the real impact in relation with the environment was indetermined. A certain level of contamination was detected in the matter of organic material as a result.

‘I even went talking to one of the engineers employee of Emacruz’ she says ‘and he told me that, back then, the dump could not survive for another year. So I don’t know how they managed to operate for six more years.’

Additionally, a series of operational shortcomings were found due to the construction of the dump being initialized without a final design. The survey established that the operational lifetime of the dump would be until the 30th of June 2018. However, because of an alien number of factors, the need was conceived to extend its operational

A lot of people, living close to the dump, are protesting and complaining about the smell. They 48

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framework for one more year, by reason of not having a determined new landfill site to dump all the solid waste of Santa Cruz.

There is currently only one prestigious school in district 14: Don Bosco, which instead of receiving 1150 students instead of 700, forming classrooms of at least 40 students. Students come from other distant neighborhoods, obliged to come alone to school by bus, since the cost of having the adult joining them would be too high. Other schools in other neighborhoods don’t have the same level of education, inciting parents to enroll their children in the more distant school of Don Bosco.

In 2015 the law of Basura cero was implemented but, as Mr. Lopez Hurtado states, considering this on short-term basis this law is slightly utopic, because it should rather become a campaign of conscience and education. “The fact that I”, Mr. Lopez Hurtado reveals, “implement a significant improvement of the services would mean an increase of taxes, which consequently will provoke demonstrations of the inhabitants and the mayor being fired as a result.”

The establishment of the school has been made possible thanks to a Spanish priest and the parental input of the community of the neighborhood of Normandía, by raising money organizing festivals and communal activities. All the equipments and services available in this area, were established thanks to this priest and the inhabitants, that want the best for their community. They are convinced that, by waiting for the municipality to act, nothing will be done and as they say, the complaining does not shape solutions.

OTB REPRESENTATIVES inhabitants of the neighbourhoods about their life around Normandia All of our interviewees are representatives of neighborhood councils or OTBs. In general, they all feel bothered by the close location of the landfill. Having to live in bad conditions, they all hope that we, four architecture students, can serve as a ‘light’ to relieve them from the complications the dump causes them since 30 years. Furthermore, A great feeling of dissatisfaction arises by knowing that the dump will extend its operation workframe for one more year.

Furthermore, they commented that apart from schools, they lack communal parks, social and cultural areas where people can gather together for activities. The existing football courts particulary attracts boys, which is why they would like to have other areas where not only boys, but also girls, or adults of both genders could meet. Apart from that, they feel that green spaces are missing where people can sit down and enjoy the nature.

The smell of the dump infiltrates in the patios of the houses, making it uncomfortable to sit outside. Moreover, the inhabitants of district 14 dislike being identified as a neighborhood surrounding the dump. People consequently associate them with being poor and unhealthy. Besides, there is a lack of attention from the municipality, provoking shortcomings of municipal services and equipments.

49 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

CONCLUSION The research of the landfill of Normandia can be used as a case study to implement and redevelop old landfills into community assets. With its 60 acres of dumping area, the landfill represents the biggest one of Bolivia. Consisting out of all residential waste of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, the nonindustrial waste of the hospitals, limited amounts of waste of private companies and car tires, no direct toxic waste should be present. Due to the monitoring by the private company ‘Emacruz’, any contamination of the ground has been avoided as much as possible.

communal services. Due to the present conditions, the landfill of Normandia presents itself as an interesting case study to investigate future possible redevelopment of old landfills in function of the surrounding communities and city. Representing the arise of illegal residential settlements and the creation of numerous informal economic activities, the landfill area consists out of a specific set of conditions that need to be respected with the closure of the dump. The manner in which the neighbourhood will experience a positive or negative effect will depend on the set of interventions.

In addition to the controlled dumping within the borders of the landfill throughout the years, a change can be noticed among the location of the landfill. There was a first dump where the current neighbourhood Gallito is located. After the consolidation of the land around, the dump closed and became what it is today: a residential neighbourhood with a small plaza as a local center. Due to the economic growth of Santa Cruz de la Sierra during the second half of the 20th century, the city started expanding uncontrollably. Poor immigrants started illegally claiming land to build their houses on. After some failed attempts of the municipality trying to implement an artificial city border as a planning instrument, the expanding urban area reached the municipal dump. The original deserted location got surrounded by settlements with the exception of the maintained ecological border zone along the west side of the dump. The fact that the dump and its neighbourhoods around it are not officially part of the city means that they don’t receive any help of the local government for providing basic

Throughout the developed and the developing world, landfill sites continue to be created. In the city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia, the landfill Normandia will be closed within one year, leaving a contaminated mountain full of waste and affecting a new location, located further away from the city center. Once the landfill will be vacant, it will function as a derelict and contaminated site that will not be available for immediate use without intervention. The benefits of landfill redevelopment in developed countries are for the moment not yet well documented, an overviewing research about brownfield redevelopment can however give more insight in the future opportunities. In order to restore the desired values and functions of the landfill, benefits of landfill redevelopment must be identified for the developing country. Considering the potential end uses of the future closure of the landfill at Barrio Normandia, a variety of options can be explored by the community 50

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

planners, municipal government of Santa Cruz and Emacruz. Within this essay, an overview of common beneficial uses of closed landfill sites is incorporated to illustrate the potential options. Furthermore, a masterplan consisting out of several design strategies will guide the reader towards the understanding of a potential created new community asset. It is clear that there is a need for an approach that explores both the opportunities of a city scale as well as the ones on the scale of the local neighbourhoods. Considering that after the definitive closure of the dump, it will take 20 to 30 years for the dumping area to be clear for a larger scale function to be implemented. This means that the borders of the landfill area should be protected in a way that there is no illegal ground occupation possible. Before this major area becomes available, it is important to focus on the local economic opportunities, strengthening the social coherence and providing the requested services. Afterwards, city-scale functions (suitable for a covered landfill) can be implemented to attract people to come from the city centre towards Normandia. All of this combined should improve the living conditions of the inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhoods and clearing Normandia of the bad reputation it has.

51 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

PART 3 // DESIGN STRATEGIES FROM TOXIC LUNG TO A COMMUNITY ASSET Taking the current transformation of Santa Cruz de la Sierra into account, we can expect a continuous growth of the city, attracting immigrants, which will result in an expansion of the city surface, as well as a densification and consolidation of certain existing neighbourhoods. The attempt to keep the residential neighbourhoods at least one kilometre from the borders of the dump has failed. This means that people living around the dump are affected by the hazardous smell of the lagunas and everydays addition of waste depending on the direction of the wind.

a clear border is needed around the landfill. We use the analogy of a medieval fortress where a water canal or a wall is used to protect the castle from being attacked and taken by the enemy. Along a physical border, local functions would be implemented. These could activate the borders as public space without occupying them for housing. Later, when the dumping area is clear for occupation, city-scale functions could be implemented. In what follows we propose a general masterplan with different phases over time. Furthermore, we propose specific functions and border strategies for each side of the landfill. Along with that references and vegetation species should give an impression of what the area could look like. It is important to notice that additional soit tests for ph value and nitrogen levels are necessary, since we donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t know for sure today whether the land is fertile enough. Also, at any location with contaminated soil, a protection layer of clay (depending on the type: flowers, bushes, trees) is required before planting the vegetation.

Keeping the informal economies and the neighbourhoods around the landfill in mind, thousands of people will be affected by the closure of Normandia. On the other hand, it offers a unique opportunity for Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The open land will have a mountain landscape, which is nowhere else to be found in this outstretched part of the department. After the definitive closure of the landfill, it takes at least six years before there is a decrease in toxic gases and fluids on the landfill. Furthermore, the land needs 20 to 30 years to be cleared before it can be available for people to use it. To avoid the landfill area from being taken by illegal ground occupation in the meantime (similar to what happened to the last landfill, currently a consolidating neighbourhood called Gallito), it is necessary to develop adapted design strategies. We propose different design phases over a span of 30 years. After the official closure of the landfill,

Fig. 3.2 Prototype of a medieval fortress fortification. [Sophie Leemans, 2018] 52

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

Fig. 3.3 Proposed masterplan overview of Normandia. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 53 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

2020 1&2

2030 3

decrease of toxics

Fig. 3.4 Proposed timeline of the Normandia landfill. [Sop

current situation

CLOSING the landfill

PROTECTING the dumping area

today

2019-2020

2020

Trucks arrive daily from the city to deliver new amounts of waste. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s dumped in the dumping area and partly recycled in the industrial halls.

The landfill closes and another one opens further away. The main road is used to get to this alternative dump. The recycling centre gains more capacity and starts processing all car tires.

A physical border is established to avoid illegal ground occupation. Only on the east side it is possible to integrate a new buffer zone.

towards a new waste management system

border strategies

54 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

040

2050 5

phie Leemans, 2018]

ACTIVATING the borders

EXPANDING to the centre

IMPLEMENTING city-scale functions

2025

2030

2040-2050

Specific local functions are established along the border. They activate the area as a public space, instead of a residential settlements.

When necessary, the local functions have the possibility to expand towards the centre of the landfill over time. Car tires will disappear because of the advanced recycling process and lagunas can be closed one by one.

After the dumping area is clear for human use, city scale functions can be implented. The whole area is opened for public use.

north // local cemetery east // recycling centre and non-food agriculture south // communal axis west // forest and plant and flower market

center // city park and amfitheatre

55 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

TOWARDS A NEW WASTE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM Knowing that there will be a new landfill further away from the city, it is clear that if there is no change in the management of the waste in Santa Cruz, history will repeat itself. When the last landfill (Gallito) closed, it started consolidating as a residential neighbourhood. The city expanded and reached the Normandia landfill as well. It is important to step away from the waste management system that is being used in Santa Cruz nowadays. Instead of paying the trucks per kilo of waste they bring in, there should be a system that stimulates separating plastics, organic waste, paper, leftover, electronics, etc. In this way it will be easier to recycle useful materials and products and give them a second life.

Fig. 3.5 Location of the city landfills. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

To realise this, along with the sorting bins in public spaces, it is necessary to nurture people to start sorting their waste at home. Education is of utmost importance in this case. Children should learn the importance of sorting waste from a young age at school, bringing this knowledge to their families. Besides the sorting of residential waste, there should be taxes for the biggest polluting companies and grants for the ones that stimulate sustainable waste management.

Fig. 3.6 Towards a new waste management system. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

To realise these ambitions, knowledge is key. There could be campaigns by the municipalities raising awareness or a mobile workshop space changing location every day to show students, children, inhabitants and businesses how to take advantage of the economic opportunities of sorting and recycling.

Fig. 3.7 Teaching about sorting in schools as a catlyst to educate the population. [Sophie Leemans, 2018] 56

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BORDER STRATEGIES Since the 2006 Urban Plan has shown that an administrative border doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t stop people from building settlements, it is necessary to think about physical borders to avoid illegal ground occupation on the dumping area of Normandia. Multiple strategies can be implemented simultaneously. Fig. 3.8(a) A water border. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

(a) water At north and east sides along the border of the landfill, water gathers naturally, forming streams and lagunas. Artifical water streams could prevent people from crossing. If necessary a wetland can be added. (b) wall or a canyon A wall is an effective way to stop people from taking land. On the other hand, building a wall also makes people curious to know what is happening on the other side and functions a strong border, allowing people to come very close to the border itself. If there is no other option, a wall can be partly integrated in the border. Integrated systems like functions making use of a wall (street art, stacking of goods, a wall of a building) in a positive way can be considered. Similar advantages and disadvantages apply to a canyon as a border.

Fig. 3.8(b) A wall or canyon. [Sophie Leemans, 2018]

(c) open landscape buffer If there is a sufficient amount of land available, an open landscape can function as a border as well. This is only suitable when a function is implemented (agriculture, park or cemetery) in a way that it is not possible anymore to take over the land. If the land is owned by private people, it is necessary to close a deal for renting or buying the land. If necessary, expropriation could be applied.

Fig. 3.8(c) Open landscape as a buffer zone. [Sophie Leemans, 2018] 57

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

NORTH // CEMETERY AS A BUFFER At the north side the residential settlements have reached the direct border of the landfill domain. Only a metal fence is separating the least consolidated parts of the neighbourhood from the landfill. To avoid further consolidation we propose a local function that would make people respect the land in such a way that they wonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t try to occupy it anymore as residential area. The local church is located within 100 meters from the landfills fence, giving the opportunity to establish a cemetery. The columbarium niches could function as a temporary wall, opening up later when the leachates and car tires disappear, making space for a serene landscape.

Fig. 3.9 A local cemetery a buffer zone. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 58 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

REFERENCES

Fig. 3.11 General cementario in Sucre, Bolivia. [www.emilyluxton.co.uk, 2014]

Fig. 3.12 Orival Wood Cemetery in Flesquieres, France. [www.cwgc.org, 2018]

Fig. 3.13 Geranios

Fig. 3.14 Jazmin de Seto

Fig. 3.15 Copa Globosa

Geranium robertianum

Murraya paniculata Jack

Robinia pseudoacacia

medicinal and ornamental plant

fast growing tree

grows very fast, blooms from September to February

fragrant, sweet smelling, white flower, blooms from September to December

ornamental, does not have deep roots

VEGETATION

Fig. 3.10 Woodland Cemetery in Stockholm, Sweden. [thestockholmguide.com, 2015]

Fig. 3.16 A local cemetery a buffer zone. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 59 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

EAST // RECYCLING & AGRICULTURE COMBINED WITH COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES The east side of the landfill is the only one that has enough open space left to implement a broad buffer zone in between the future residential area and the current border of the dump. We propose to fill this up with non-food agriculture activities to avoid intoxication of food plantation. The existing natural laguna would become part of an artificial canal which would serve as a physical border. The recycling activities in the existing halls on the landfill will expand in the future, since they will have a strategic location on the way to the new landfill. Additionally, small recycling (work)shops could be established in the future residential area east of the buffer zone.

Fig. 3.17 Agriculture activities combined with recycling centres. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 60 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

REFERENCES

Fig. 3.19 Barter of waste for food in Shanty town, Cairo, Egypt. [TRT World, 2018]

Fig. 3.20 Waste processing by women in Chennai, India. [Uttaravani, 2018]

Fig. 3.21 Urucu

Fig. 3.22 Sao

Fig. 3.23 Toboroci

Bixa orellana

Trithrinax schizophylla Drude

Chorisia speciosa Ravenna

native shrub or small tree

small tree

deciduous tree

seeds are used to make red body paint, lipstick & as a spice

leaves are used to make Sao hats and textile, traditional craft of Bolivia

six months of fruit which has silklike fibers and is used for making ropes, stuff pillows, textile, etc.

VEGETATION

Fig. 3.18 Slum entrepreneurs in Dharavi, Mumbai, India. [Firefly Daily, 2018]

Fig. 3.24 Agriculture activities combined with recycling centres. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 61 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

SOUTH // COMMUNAL AXIS Todays entrance to the landfill is situated at the southern part of the area, which defined by a main road. This road is mostly defined by houses built very close to the street, as an expression of the ownership of the land. Barely any space is left for slow traffic to move around and often houses are very close to the electricity network. We propose a boulevard as an urban prototype. Multiple functions requested by the inhabitants could be established, realised through crowdfunding and profits of the recycling business. Some proposed functions are hand crafts workshops, a community centre, a teachers school, a technical high school, a (mental) health centre etc.

Fig. 3.25 Community centres along the main road. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 62 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

REFERENCES

Fig. 3.27 POSAD de Omgang in Nazareth, Belgium [POSAD, 2018]

Fig. 3.28 Streetscape Policy, city of Marion [Making Marion, 2018]

Fig. 3.29 Palm tree

Fig. 3.30 Paraiso

Fig. 3.31 Mora

Attalea phalerata

Melia azedarach

Maclura tinctoria

tall, common tree

exotic ornamental tree

medium to large tree

produces flowers throughout the year and fruits twice per year

grows fast, no control or mantenance required

ideal for sidewalks, no control or maintenance required

VEGETATION

Fig. 3.26 London for cyclists in United Kingdom [ngenespanol, 2018]

Fig. 3.32 Community centres along the main road. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 63 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

WEST // FOREST AND PLANT NURSERIES Today, the western border of the landfill is being protected by a 90 meters wide ecological strip. The original plan for the landfill suggested a large agricultural zone. Since the land the closest to the landfill has been illegally occupied as residential neighbourhood, this is no longer possible. The residential settlements are precarious and the space in between very open, but a future consolidation is to be expected. In the nortwest, a natural water stream is formed, which could be traced back to a canal functioning as a physical border. Since there is no space for an open landscape border, we propose a dense forest combined with plant nurseries.

Fig. 3.33 Forest and plant nursery. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 64 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

REFERENCES

Fig. 3.35 Haniz nursery in Merlimau, Malacca. [My Green Finder, 2018]

Fig. 3.36 Workaway NGO near Santa Cruz de la Sierra. [www.workaway.info, 2018]

Fig. 3.37 Aloe vera

Fig. 3.38 Chino

Fig. 3.39 Coffee

Aloe vera

Codiaeum sp. Rumph

Coffea

medicinal plant

exotic potted plant

principal plantation

blooms the whole year, popular house plant, often utilized for cosmetic use

popular garden plant

exported to many countries, especially Europe

VEGETATION

Fig. 3.34 California. [www.firstimagenurseryllc.com, 2018]

Fig. 3.40 Forest and plant nursery. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 65 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

CENTER // CITY PARK AND AMPHITHEATRE Only 20 to 30 years after the the closure of the landfill, the area will be clean enough to be used as public space. The size of the landfill requests a city-scale function which transcends the local character of the borders. We propose a green park, with low-maintenance extensive vegetation including a view point or mirador at the top. The park can be entered by foot, by bike or by horse, to enjoy the nature and the view over the city. At the western side of the dumping area, the topography allows us to implement an amphitheatre which could be used for multi-purpose activities like concerts, open air movie nights, speeches, theatre performances etc.

Fig. 3.41 A city park and amfitheatre. [Catherina Vanschoenwinkel, 2018] 66 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

REFERENCES

Fig. 3.43 Whakatane amphitheatre [Stuff.co.nz, 2018]

Fig. 3.44 Amphitheatre at the Acropolis in Athens, Greece. [www.agefotostock.com, 2018]

Fig. 3.45 Artificial grass

Fig. 3.46 Mission grass

Fig. 3.47 Copaibo

Pennisetum polystachion Schult

Copaifera langsdorffii

articifial grass

perennial grass

tree

Terra Armor, engineered Synthetic grass from Watershed Geo unearthing

grows easily and very fast, roadside weed, extensive vegetation

does not require maintenance nor watering, relatively shallow roots, ideal location is in open parks

VEGETATION

Fig. 3.42 Seneca Vogel landfill, Pennsylvania. [Watershed Geo, 2018]

Fig. 3.48 A city park and amfitheatre. [Carole Dewandre, 2018] 67 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

CONCLUSION Considering that the city will continue to expand and the current problems concerning the dump and its surrounding settlements, it is an issue that has to be avoided at all costs. It is important to plan and design strategies for the future use of the closed dump, as well as for the new coming landfill. This to make sure history will not repeat itself.

fortress, is used as a natural border in combination with plant nurseries in the west. The green buffer zone, originally provided by the municipality around the dump, has now been invaded by illegal settlements. Only a narrow open space remains. A dense vegetation, like a forest could be implemented here. Further plantations can be sold in the nurseries.

After closing down the landfill, leachates and toxic gases will still be produced for at least 30 years, making it impossible to implement new functions on the landfill right away. This means that no design intervention can be planned in this duration. As we have seen in the past, illegal settlements will thrive if no alternate design, or physical border is planned. In this way, the dump becomes a source of diseases and unhealthy living ways for the people.

In the north, the residential settlements have reached the direct border of the landfill. A cemetery is proposed to create an open landscape of varied environments. It would serve for the local church making sure further settlements are discouraged. Next, in the east, a recycling area is already established. These activities will be extended, and other workshops will be installed further away from the border, to upcycle garbage into sellable products.

We propose different strategies that would be implemented in a time span of thirty years, considering that the production of leachates and toxic gases will decrease and thus the opening of a new community park will be made possible. We start with the proposal of several functions, placed in the surroundings of the landfill to protect the dumping area and to avoid illegal ground occupation. These points of interest are serving for the local neighbourhoods, responding to the local needs of its habitants. After decontamination of the landfill in thirty years, the local functions can expand towards the centre, and city scale functions can be realised for public use.

In the south, where the current entrance of the dump is located, public functions requested by the inhabitants can be implemented. Those are realised by crowdfunding and recycling businesses. Finally, on the site of the dump itself, a green space is implemented as popularly requested by the inhabitants. This together with an amphitheatre can enable city scale public activities. The height of the artificial mountains, create a mirador which is currently absent in the city. More importantly the design strategies, the education and general knowledge about waste management should be taken into account. It is of

A water channel, analogue to the medieval 68

LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

great importance to raise awareness, by realising campaigns, applying taxes or grants for sustainable waste management and stimulating recycling activities. It is important to understand that this landfill is the result of mismanaged garbage disposal activities. To avoid a similar scenario in the future, waste should be managed by segregation at source, so that recycling is possible. Instead of searching for end of the pipe solutions like in the case of barrio NormandĂa.

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PART 4 // ANNEXES SOURCES WRITTEN LITERATURE [Fernandez-Maldonado, 2002] Fernandez-Maldonado, A.M. (2002). Changing spatial logics in Latin American metropolises. [Gaya Ábrego, 2007] Gaya Ábrego, D. (2007). Historia y folklore de los barrios cruceños. Bolivia: Editorial El Pais. [Köster, 1983] Köster, G. (1978). Santa Cruz de la Sierra, desarrollo, estructura interna y funciones de una ciudad en los llanos tropicales. La Paz y Cochabamba, Bolivia: Instituto de ecología y centro pedagogico y cultural portales. [Limpias Ortiz, 1990] Limpias Ortiz, V.H. (1990). Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Architecture and Urbanism (Unpublished master dissertation). [Limpias Ortiz, 2001] Limpias Ortiz, V.H. (2002). Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Arquitectura y Urbanismo. Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia: Imprenta Landívar. [Morris, 1994] Morris, A. E. J. (1994). History of urban form, before the industrial revolutions. England: Longman Scientifi c & Technical. [Wessels, 2009] Wessels, R.M. (2009). Urban development of Santa Cruz de la Sierra (Unpublished master dissertation). TU Delft, Delft, The Netherlands. [Velis, 2017] Velis, C. (2017). Waste pickers in Global South: Informal recycling sector in a circular economy era. Waste Management & Research, 35(4), 329-331. DOI: 10.1177/0734242X17702024. [Velis & Wilson, 2015] Velis, C., Wilson, D. (2015). Waste management – still a global challenge in the 21st century: An evidence-based call for action. Waste Management & Research, 33(12), 1049-1051. DOI: 70 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

10.1177/0734242X15616055.

INTERVIEWS [Victor Hugo Limpias Ortiz, 2018] Interview with Victor Hugo Limpias Ortiz at 31 July 2018. [Claudia Canedo Velasco, 2018] Interview with Claudia Canedo Velasco at 31 July 2018. [Carlos Veralde, 2018] Interview with Carlos Veralde at 24 July 2018. [Melissa Ascarrunz, 2018] Interview with Melissa Ascarrunz at 28 July 2018. [Mauricio Lopez Hurtado, 2018] Interview with Mauricio Lopez Hurtado at 30 July 2018. [OTB representatives of Normandia, 2018] Interview with OTB representatives as inhabitants of Normandia at 1 August 2018.

LECTURES [Dent, 2017] Dent, A. (2017). To eliminate waste, we need to rediscover thrift. TED NYC. (https://www.ted.com/talks/ andrew_dent_to_eliminate_waste_we_need_to_rediscover_thrift/transcript)

VIDEOS [Miss Obey, 2013] Miss Obey. (2013). Landfill process. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=s-ps_0UFmfI

WEBSITES [Emacruz, 2018] http://www.emacruz.com.bo/ [Free Vector Maps, 2018] www.freevectormaps.com [Forbes, 2015] https://custom.forbes.com/2015/09/28/santa-cruz/ [UN Sustainable Development Goals, 2015] https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/ [Santa Cruz Urbana, 2015] http://sczurbana.blogspot.com/2015/01/entre-la-tradicion-y-la-modernidad. html [Waste Management Resources, 2009] http://www.wrfound.org.uk/ [Wikipedia, 2018] www.wikipedia.com

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The OTBs and the Vigilance Comm ntatives acting indep m political parties that were cons w of popular participation, esta They are given a voice in munic

They are given a voice in municipal development s and comunal decisions in order to decentralise the political system. While reading about OTBs, w LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA this SIERRA, BOLIVIA e perceived organ to be a detached autodidact community, organizing themsel 75

76 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA

l connected to different districts like Cotoca, Pa urito, Santa Cruz, etc. Today, in 2018, the lan dfill is still operating on the same site, desp ite the objectives they had planned in that p e riod. ‘I even went talking to one of the engineers employee of Emacruz’ she says ‘and he told me that, back then, the dump could not survive for anot her year.So I don’t know how they managed to operate 77 for six more years.’ A lot of people, living clo LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF and BARRIOcomplai NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA se to the dump, are protesting

e that we, four architecture students, can serve as

that we, four architecture students, can serve as our interviewees are representati a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;lightâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; to relieve them All from of the complications t ves30 ofyears. neighborhood councils or OTBs. In gene he dump causes them since Furthermore, ral, they all feel bothered A great feeling of dissatisfaction arises by knowi by the close location o f the its landfill. Having to live in bad conditions, ng that the dump will extend operation workf they all hop rame for one more year. The smell of the dump inf iltrates in the patios of the houses, making it u ncomfortable to sit outside. Moreover, the inhab itants of district 14 dislike being identified as a n eighborhood surrounding the dump. People c o nsequently associate them with being poor and unhealthy. Besides, there is a lack of attention from the municipality, provoking shortcomings of m unicipal services and equipments. There is curr 78 LOCAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE - ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CHALLENGES THE CASE OF BARRIO NORMANDIA, SANTA CRUZ DE LA SIERRA, BOLIVIA