ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The project has been possible only because of the help of number of people from college, and my family who have extended their support and wisdom. I would like to acknowledge the efforts taken by my guide for his insightful comments and constructive suggestions throughout the semester. I would also like to thank Rohan Shivkumar, Mayuri and Sarah George for their assistance in shaping the structure of my thesis. Finally, a special thanks to all my friends who have always stood by me and made my journey of the past five years an enjoyable and memorable one. This project would not have been possible without the help and guidance of all these people.
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Abstract Religion plays a significant role in our lives. It holds a very important space in the social and political fabric of the country, even though we are a secular country. Religion and its conflicts have shaped our history and continue to guide our interpersonal interactions.
role of the mosque has shifted from a space of congregation, learning and a public space to being limited only for the use of conducting prayer. The thesis questions if a relation can be established between the mosques internal sociospatial organization and the city? And will such a relationship contribute in (understanding the mosque) creating a platform for a dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims?
The most dominant conflict in the country has been one related to Islam, owing to the chain of unfortunate events taking place in the world today; there is a negative connotation to this religion than many other, resulting in a highly stigmatized approach to the religion. This thesis aims to modify the way people interact with the Muslim community by creating a space that promotes mutual understanding and harmony. Public spaces provide a platform where people can interact with each other. Urban spaces such as plazas, gardens, markets, streets and religious institutes long acted as centers of public life where people encounter each other socialize and exchange goods and have face to face interactions. Public spaces act as catalysts to bridge cultures and act as arenas for differences to be encountered and negotiated. In terms of architecture that represents Islam structures have rarely changed or evolved. The mosque in that sense is the main identity of Islam. It plays an emblematic role in the architecture of the Muslim world. However the
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Contents 1. The city, Pluralism and Architecture
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2. History of Muslims in the City
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3.Tracing ‘Muslim Spaces’ in the City
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3.1 Muslims in the City 3.2 Riots, Boundaries and Production of ‘Muslim Spaces’ 3.3 The City’s Response to ‘Muslim Spaces’
4. The Mosque, Madrasa and Jama’at Khana
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4.1 Idea of Islamic Institutes 4.2 Markets & Mosque
5. Sifting Through The City
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5.1 Site Selection 5.2 Byculla 5.3 Programs
6. Technology Intent 6.1 The Idea 6.2 Tool Kit 5.3 Programs
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7. Case Study
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7.1 SuperKilen 7.2 Friendship Centre 7.3 Green Mosque
List of Figures
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References
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Mumbai has always been an amalgam of cultures. It has been a city of diversity ever since its genesis. Diversity is a given everywhere. Even as people wrestle with the subject of diversity they are brought together by energies of popular culture and food.
Pluralism unlike the abstract liberal ideal of tolerance is an ideal of respect. The idea of pluralism is to create a dialogue. It is the idea to understand cultural difference as richness and allow cross fertilization of cultures to take place through conversations and recognition of each other world views and resolve conflict with dialogue and trust.
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plurality is a risk rather than richness.
But while one may eat one another’s food and dance one another’s dance, we do not boldly address the deep differences that divide us.
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What is the role of architecture in such a situation? Winston Churchill wrote that:
We shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us, the same can be said for the cities and the spaces within it.
Diversity has often also lead to marginalization and ghettoization of minority communities under the dominance of the majority. It can and has meant open conflict and even war. Diversity is only the raw material of culture that must develop an ethos of pluralism. Unlike like diversity pluralism is a choice.
Which ultimately shape the form of our communities, their design favoring or hindering the interaction between cultural or ethnic groups.
What we are now towards the idea of diversity is tolerant. The term “tolerance” itself suggests that “one is putting up with something for which one might not have any kind of respect”. But with the advent of identity based nationalism people more than often tend to become more intolerant towards one and other. This identity based politics has led to the lack of integration of different culture which creates significant tension; it has created a perception that
The built environment can provide a stage for the conflict to be choreographed and bridge the gap through dialogue and compromise. Architecture can build plural spaces that promote diversity and create common ground for our living together.
Mostafavi, Mohsen(2016). Architecture and Plurality. Lars Muller Publishers, Aga Khan Award For Architecture
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The Islamic rule in Bombay began in 1348 and continued till 1534. After the definite establishment of the Musalman Rule in Mahim a large number of Muhammadans also traveled to Mahim. 1 Muslim groups have lived in Mumbai for about 700years1, they have come from various parts of the country particularly from the Konkan Coast (considered to be the first place from where Muslims migrated), Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Deccan and Kerala. Historically the Muslims of Mumbai have never been a single entity. Their presence has always been marked by heterogeneity. And in fact by some estimates, Mumbai has the most heterogeneous grouping of Muslims than any other city in South Asia.
Fig2.1: Muslim migration routes to Bombay
1. As per the Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island (1909) Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Muslim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533
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Fig3.1: Sheik Memon Street, Native Town, Bombay
Beside the general classification of Muslims based on the doctrine, the city’s Muslims can be classified in several other ways including by language, place of origin, class, caste and occupation. The major groups in the city are the Konkani Muslims, the Moplas, the Iranis, the Dawoodi bohras, the Sulaimani bohras, the Aga Khani khojas, the Kutchie Memons, the North Indian, UP and Bihari Muslims and the Deccanis. A sizeable percentage of Muslims and several other communities in the city have historically lived in community based enclaves. During the 15th century most Muslims settled near the ports of Mahim and Bandra, as they were controlled by the Sultan of Gujarat, Mohammed Shah, who eventually lost them to the Portuguese in 1530. The seafaring community of Konkani Muslims settled around Mazgaon docks as many of them excelled in ship repairs, whereas the Memons who were mainly traders settled in the southern parts of the city. The Bohra and Khoja trading communities from Gujarat who comprised of a significant portion of the city’s Muslims settled in Bhendi Bazaar making it the hub of craftsmen. With the setting up of handloom power mills in the city many Muslims from Uttar Pradesh and other parts of north India settled in central Bombay.
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Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Muslim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533
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Mixing of different religious communities unfolded in the public spaces of the Iranian cafes serving a varied clientele and through the enclosures of shrines and mosques.
Their diversity can be seen manifested in the form of the facades v of buildings, Sufi shrines, jamaat khanas, clock towers and mosques all emerging from singular or cross patronage of different groups residing here making their niche in the city.
3.1 | Muslims In The City The city has “traditionally been a mosaic of subcultures” to use a term by urbanist Christopher Alexander, to describe a place where people “choose to live ad still experience many ways of life different from their own”. 1 The native quarter developed as a collage stitched according to regional and religious factors. It always has and still does appear as an “interlaced horizon of architectural styles and facades traversing eras, design use, material, communities, regions a religious dominations.” 2 “The presence of such densities emerges from the areas’ history as a trading zone with influences coming from innumerable trading communities from the Indian Ocean Trade Route.” 2 The Muslims have had a long relationship with the city. Their influence can be clearly seen in
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the buildings in Dongri, Bhendi Bazaar and Mohammad Ali Road.
Iranian traders, the Ismaili Aga Khanis, Memons and Bohras from Gujarat all introduced new “forms of architecture to the area through their patronage of religious buildings.” 1
The Mughal Masjid built in 1853 utilized the turquoise blue Iranian architecture style, while Indo-Saracenic style was introduced to the area by the clock towers and the Ismaili jamaat khanas. The Memon traders brought in the Rajasthan Haveli facades combined with gothic facades to the Musafir Khana built for Hajj pilgrims in the 1900s. The presence of community halls, mosques and homes created enterprises that helped migrants claim a space in the city. Often leading to places in the city being defined in terms of religious or linguistic terms; but the edges to these areas were always amorphous. While they were segregated based on religion, the public realm, markets and festivals became spaces for them to interact.
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Fig3.1.2: Ismaili Khoja Jama’at Khana Clock Tower, Dongri
1. Dalvi, Mustansir (2013). Mumbai Two Decades After; Landscape of Exclusion, Mindscape of Denial. Economic & Political Weekly, 48(7) 2.Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .‘Where There is No Architect’: Histories from the Native Town of Bombay. Ajam Media Collective, Blog
1. Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .‘Where There is No Architect’: Histories from the Native Town of Bombay. Ajam Media Collective, Blog
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Post-independence many parts of the ‘old city’ were often termed as problem areas which became synonymous to areas with large Muslim population. The 1992-93 riots further changed the social geography of the city that lead to the increase of ghettoization and exclusion of the Muslims in the city. It is necessary to take into account how Islam and the Muslim community is framed within the larger socio-political context both globally and locally. “Globally terrorism and religious fanaticism is more than often being equated with Muslims. This has led to a general islamophobic attitude of people.” 2 In India the rise of identity based politics, has intensified and right wing fundamentalist groups have consolidated their hold across religions, this has not only increased but was also noticeable during the nation-wide riots that broke out after the Babri Masjid demolition and other following incident. This has led to a noticeable hardening in the attitude towards Muslims resulting in visible lines in the city between Hindus and Muslims. Though, today they are drawn rather more subtly.
The socio-spatial divides in the fabric of the city happened through the process of segregation and ghettoization. These segregations are not complex and layered but have happened based on a few parameters that led to the out-migration of Muslims and Hindus in areas where they were a minority.
Fig3.2.1: Effect of Riots in Inner city
3.2 | Riots, Boundaries And Production Of ‘Muslim Spaces’
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“Even today, the public sphere of this area moves in waves through the day, with people using Pedro Shah’s shrine at Victoria Terminus as a resting space, the small Iranian tea cafes for leisure and the permanent and temporary markets spaces for shopping and recreation.”
The socio-spatial transformations changed the secular character of the city creating areas where “they” live and places where “we” do not go.”
“Bombay now a provincial Mumbai has become a paradigm of many contestations, disconnections and excommunications; with globalization and isolation going hand in hand.” It is this complex setting we study the emergence of “(in)-visible ‘Muslim Spaces’” in the city, that have been a result of several factors.
Such socio-spatial transformations have changed the mixed secular character of the city and have paved way for communal and occupational division. Even though before the riots there were Muslim and Hindu dominated pockets they were seen as matters of cohabitation and personal life choices.2
Muslim spaces are spaces that are marginalized and inhabited predominantly by Muslims. Even though it is very simplistic to call it “a ‘Muslim space’ because of its inhabitants, but since the reasons, the constituents and the being-ness of this marginalized space is very different from other spaces of isolation and seclusion, it is necessary to demarcate that difference,using this temporary term.” 1
Fig3.2.2: Effect of Riots in Inner city
Fig3.1.2: Ismaili Khoja Jama’at Khana Clock Tower, Dongri 1. Dalvi, Mustansir (2013). Mumbai Two Decades After; Landscape of Exclusion, Mindscape of Denial. Economic & Political Weekly, 48(7) 2.Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Mulsim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533 Bhide, Amita(2013). The City Produced. Urban Development, Violence and Spatial Justice in Mumbai
1. Unni, Arvind (2015). Reading the “Muslim Spaces” in Bombay(Mumbai) through Cinema. Mumbai Reader(2015), UDRI, chapter 17 2.Bhide, Amita(2013). The City Produced. Urban Development, Violence and Spatial Justice in Mumbai
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According to police accounts, a lot of people fled the city, but economic necessities caused a large section of them to return within a years’ time. After the riots, some people went back to their old occupations, other switched jobs and started working in places where they felt safer. The riots did not merely create physical boundaries but also resulted in the conceptualization of the ‘other’. 1
that the city has been reorganized. “There are areas where “they” live. There are places where “we” do not go.” 3
Fig3.3.1: After the riots of 1992-93 many returned to normalcy over time, Jama Masjid is one such place
Mass migrations of Muslims who lived in certain pockets in Hindu dominated areas moved to already Muslim dominated neighborhoods of south and central Mumbai - Nagpada, Madanpura, Dongri, Pydhonie, Byculla, Mazgoan and Bhendi Bazaar.
3.3 |The City And Muslim Spaces 3.3.1 |The City Reaction to The ‘Muslim Spaces’ “The city functions as a doppelganger on itself with different set of rules to different set of rules applying to different areas and ofcourse to different religious affiliated communities”. The relationship between the physical space of the city and the embodied space of the Muslim body creates a very particular semiotic zone. This involves a semiotic spread of being Muslim
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Others went to live in the extended suburbs of Mira Road, Thane, and Mumbra. Post the riots the Muslims felt that they would be more secure in surroundings which would have Muslim population and as a consequence Muslims relocated and sought refuge in areas with co-religionists, the refuges turned into enclaves and as more Muslims settled there permanently turned these areas into ghettos.
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Muslims living in the suburbs moved towards Jogeshwari east, Malvani, Govandi, and Kurla, middle-class Muslims moved to Millat Nagar complex in Andheri West and the poorer Muslims sought refuge in Bandra East, Bharat Nagar slums. 2
Neighborhoods now had hard edges, with overt displays of religious identity in the public spaces that over time became entirely different. With the onset of the riots the trend of ethnic cleaning or spatial purification was set into motion. This kind of exclusion affects Muslims in various forms ranging from exclusion from jobs, deprivation of amenities and lack of housing in mixed neighborhoods.
Being Muslim through clothes, food practices, and rituals and through name.
With the emergence of identity politics, disputes between the communities are often caused by defilation of community symbols or attacking members from the opposite community. Such events are organized with the involvement of political parties.
After the 1992-93 riots the older localities the commercial dominant areas returned back to significant semblance, but things had substantially changed in terms of the attitude of the city towards them. The old collegiality was replaced with bitterness for each other.
More than the physical ghettoization of Muslims into certain areas of the city, it is in the mental maps created as a result of this 1. Bhide, Amita(2013). The City Produced. Urban Development, Violence and Spatial Justice in Mumbai 2.Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Mulsim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533 3. Dalvi, Mustansir (2013). Mumbai Two Decades After; Landscape of Exclusion, Mindscape of Denial. Economic & Political Weekly, 48(7)
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The alienation from the majority community has led to “Muslims huddling together in the ghettos”. “Housing societies in Mumbai routinely prevent inclusion into their membership based on religion, language and dietary habits”.
1. Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .The CIty and The city.The Funambulist Magazine 4 (March-April 2016): Carceral Environment 2. Bhide, Amita(2013). The City Produced. Urban Development, Violence and Spatial Justice in Mumbai
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Despite large scale development Muslims only seem to find housing on the outskirts of the city or within their own enclaves
Despite the large scale building activities taking place in the city, Muslim ‘friendly’ development only seems to take place only on the fringes of the city in places such as Badlapur, Nalasopara and Mumbra. The one exception to this is the Bhendi Bazaar redevelopment, propelled by the affluent community leaders of the Bohras. Buildings in the dense inner city are being redeveloped to house more than 20,000 people over time. It is planned as a haven for the bohra community, such development further reinstates the fact that Muslims seeking housing in mumbai will find it only within the ‘Muslim Spaces’.
Under the article 19(1) (c) the Supreme Court allows housing societies to sell or lease apartments to those of a single religion. Muslims are routinely denied houses by “mutual consent” for ownership or lease. This further hardens the demographic edges
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Cinema and media play a vital role in adding to the city’s perception of Islam and Muslims. The transformation of the artistic representation of religious groups in India it has always been a questioned and debated topic.
of Muslims in mainstream cinema. “The ‘Muslim Spaces’ in these movies correspond to the transforming nature of the Muslim neighborhoods in the city. In the film ‘Dastak’ (1970) set in a neighborhood close to the red light area, the residents were a heterogeneous mix of people with Muslims having a prominent presence. Religious buildings were not used as markers to define the neighborhoods identity but proximity to the rail line was the landmark. The thriving connection with the ‘other’ city ensured life in the mainstream and a responsible State also helped in negating the marginalization associated with the red light district.
Bollywood cinema tends to form content for commercial success and has often failed to portray Muslims in India realistically. The depiction of Muslims in Bollywood has changed from Muslim the ‘comedian in the 1970s to that of Muslim the ‘smuggler’ in 1980s, then to Muslim the ‘jihadist’ in 1990s and now a collective acceptance of Muslims in India as ‘victims’ of bias and neglect.
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between communities as Muslims often have to fall back on homes within the enclaves.
”The sequential transformation and sidelining of Muslims in the reel life suggests the sequential process of marginalization and 1 creation of ‘Muslim Spaces’ in the city.”
Cinema acts a as tool to study this marginalization as manifested in the physical built form of the city.
Films such as Dastak (1970), Salim Langde Pe Mat Ro (1989), Naseem and Bombay (1995) and Aamir (2008), have a “realistic narrative of Muslims in Bombay and break away from the distorted and stereotypical representation
Fig3.3.3: Poster of Salim Langde Pe Mat Ro, 1989
Dalvi, Mustansir (2013). Mumbai Two Decades After; Landscape of Exclusion, Mindscape of Denial. Economic & Political Weekly, 48(7)
1.Unni, Arvind (2015). Reading the “Muslim Spaces” in Bombay(Mumbai) through Cinema. Mumbai Reader(2015), UDRI, chapter 17
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But the Muslim neighborhood changed to a homogeneous isolated community without any formal connection to the ‘other’ city in ‘Salim Langde Pe Mat Ro’ (1989) presents a picture of despair and anguish for the Muslims who are detested in Bombay, and who opt for violence to earn a living. The absence of State is filled by smugglers and gang lords. The presence of the red light area and rail lines suggests isolation and immobility of Muslims in Bombay; mosques emerge in the form of identity markers.
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The religious identity of ‘Muslim Spaces’ is portrayed with the innumerable towering minarets of mosques
Fig3.3.4: Poster of Aamir, 2008
‘Aamir’ (2008) presents the most heightened version of the ‘Muslim Space’. It depicts a glamorous global Mumbai which is contrasted with the homogeneous, isolated and criminalized Muslim underbelly in Mumbai. The rail line and trains become an intrinsic part of the film and disconnection with the ‘other’ city is portrayed by the community being against it. The emergence of religious identity is portrayed with the innumerable towering minarets of mosques.
’Bombay’ (1995) narrates a story about a couple from different religious faiths, who fall in love and elope from the conservative village to cosmopolitan Bombay. And yet ironically they find themselves in a Bombay that is provincial, divided along communal lines.”
In all the movies discussed , the presence of the railway tracks, proximity to defunct mills and the red light district, set the premise of Muslims. Today, if one walks through Umerkhadi, Nagpada and other Muslim neighborhoods in Mumbai, one notices these elements of the built form in plain sight, but they are more perceptible in the films. 1
In this case the animosity is visible in the ‘volatile borders’ of rioting communities. Religious institutions become prominent markers and nodes of violence. The audibility of trains and mills suggest the marginality, and a predominant Hindu presence also suggested the proximity to Muslim neighborhood.
1.Unni, Arvind (2015). Reading the “Muslim Spaces” in Bombay(Mumbai) through Cinema. Mumbai Reader(2015), UDRI, chapter 17
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Fig3.3.5: Map showing the Railway lines and Muslim and Hindu dominated areas in the city, an understanding from the movies discussed and conclusions made.
Nowadays the ‘native town’ is tucked under the J.J. flyover, providing a quick and easy passage over the dilapidated and congested neighborhood of Dongri, Bhendi Bazaar, Pydhonie, Nagpada and Umerkhadi.
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The result is the homogenization of a vibrant and heterogeneous area below transforming it into a ‘ghetto’ in the 1 popular imagination
This “swift bureaucratic decision solved not just the issue of congestion but also provided a bypass to the ‘Muslim problem’ of the city.”Setting a “new horizon of surveillance” over the Muslim town. 2
Fig3.3.6: J.J Flyover soaring over the ‘native town’
1. Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .‘Where There is No Architect’: Histories from the Native Town of Bombay. Ajam Media Collective, Blog 2.Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .The CIty and The city.The Funambulist Magazine 4 (March-April 2016): Carceral Environment
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3.3.2|The Interaction Of ‘Muslim Spaces’ With The City Muslim groups in the city have come from various parts of the country and settled in different parts on the city based on their skills such as the Konkani Muslims settled in the Mazgaon docks, the Memon traders in south Bombay, the Bohra and Khoja traders settled in Bhendi Bazaar making it the hub for craftsmen. Many who came in as laborers lived in central Mumbai around the mills. Their influences can be seen in terms of built form, though mosques, Dargahs and Musafir khanas.
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Even though native town and Mohammad Ali road, its main aorta is now hidden under the JJ flyover, it still functions as a thriving wholesale market with a plethora of services to offer. Apart from its various markets: Nul Bazaar, Bhendi Bazaar and Chor Bazaar. The native so called “Muslim Town” offers the city a window into its Muslim culture. ` The biggest connect between the between the city and its Muslims apart from trade is the ‘Muslim cuisine’ that can be found during Ramadan and Urs celebrations in street shops lining the narrow by-lanes around the mosques.
Unlike other festivals in the city, the mosque or Dargah are permanent makers of the events on the periphery of which celebrations take place
Apart from the socio-spatial nodes created by the idea of trade ( markets and food) , a different kind of space is created by the influence of language, music and art. The Mahim Dargah Mela and the Bhendi Bazaar Urdu festival held every year, creates such spaces in the city.
Unlike other festivals in the city, Muslim festivals are often an extension of prayer, making them temporal to a particular space during a particular time frame, making the mosque a permanent marker of these events, in turn making the ‘Muslim cuisine’ specific to the ‘Muslim Spaces’. This brings people from all over the city to these ‘Muslim Spaces’.
Fig3.3.8: Minara Masjid during Ramadan
Most Muslims are self-employed traders in wholesale or retail businesses or working in the unorganized manufacturing sector – mainly in karkhanas producing ‘Zari’, embroidery, leather goods or sweatshops, a lot of them are also involved in furniture making and wood carving. If they are in service it is mostly as electricians, mechanics, plumbers or taxi drivers. Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Mulsim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533
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Fig3.3.7: Chor Bazaar
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The 10 day Urs celebrations around the Mahim Dargah, celebrates the Muslim culture by organizing a mela every year on the Mahim beach with several events ,dance, lectures, Qawwalis and games being held for people of all age groups. This festivals draws people from all faiths to it.
The Muslim social, a film genre in Hindi cinema that flourished in the 1950’2 and 1960’s, portrayed and critiqued the Islamic culture in India. Muslim socials are divided into two categories: “classic Muslim socials” that explore Nawabi culture and focus on upper class or elite Muslim families, and “new wave Muslim socials” that portray middle class Muslim families who experience economic problems, discrimination and communal violence.
Mumbai as a city has been developed on the lines of trade and commerce, even though the communal riots created divides in the city, the people have managed to blur these edges over time, in the regards of trade and commerce.
secular building in nature, that can used as a socio-cultural platform for prayer,religious and secular meetings, learning and rest and shelter. Its is more secular and integrated in the everyday life as compared to other religious institutes.
However one cannot ignore the fact that the mosque has emerged as the identity on the ‘Muslim Spaces’ in the city.1
This thesis aims to open up the profane spaces of the mosque to non-Muslims so as to create a interaction between Muslims and nonMuslims, blurring the edges furthermore.
The mosque in design has always been a
The classic Muslim social often included ghazals, Qawwalis, Urdu poetry and music forms something that has always been associated with Islamic culture. Fig3.3.10: Inner City skyline, showing the Muslim town and J.J flyover
The success of films such as Najma (1939) and Pukar (1939) lead to Hindi cinemas based in Bombay becoming the hub for Muslim socials and it employed a large number of Muslim producers, directors, singer song writers, musician and actors. Opening up Islamic culture, its music and language to everyone in the city, having a large scale influence.
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The Bhendi bazaar Urdu festival organized by the Urdu Markaz, celebrates the forgotten relationship of Urdu and the city. Bhendi Bazaar was the home to great progressive Urdu poets of post independent India such as Kaifi Azmi and Saadat Hasan Manto ,Urdu flourished and evolved in these busy streets of Bhendi Bazaar. Its’ by lanes the hub and the Irani cafes their “addas”.The festival is organized by the Urdu Markaz, that working to promote Urdu in Maharashtra in an attempt to highlight the city’s link with the language most of which is forgotten.1
Films such as Naseem (1995) from the “ new wave social “ “charted the narrative of a young school going girl in the months leading up to the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992”. The story moves forward with her grandfather telling her stories of life marked by communal harmony in the pre-independence city of Agra, as they experience the city getting divided on communal lines.
1.http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-mumbai-first-ever-bhendi-bazaar-urdu-festival-to-be-held-in-jan-2014-latamangeshkar-invited-1917029
1.Unni, Arvind (2015). Reading the “Muslim Spaces” in Bombay(Mumbai) through Cinema. Mumbai Reader(2015), UDRI, chapter 17
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Fig4.1:Jama Masjid, Ahemdabad
GATEWAY FOR CHAPTER, Idea of Islamic Institutions MOsque image idea of mosque
The Mosque The mosque is the principal religious building of Islam. It provided a place to live, food and accommodation for travelers, facilities for teaching, administration and burial all this in addition to its principal function of worship.
Fig4.1.2 :Different mosques had different social programs
Islamic architecture encompasses a wide range of religious and secular buildings, a single institution could house several functions of different natures.
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Throughout the middle ages and right up to the modern times, the mosque has had close links with facets of education,scholars and books. It was in the mosque that scholars would gather for discussions lectures and hear the latest works being read.
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4.1|Idea of Islamic Institutes
Wandering scholars would seek shelter in mosques. “These effectively took over functions of hostelries and with additional features such as soup kitchens, hospitals and even morgue.”
The multifunction nature of Islamic institutions meant that a “Muslim did not only worship in a mosque, they received education not only in a madrasa, they were buried not only in a mausoleum, when travelling they did not only lodge in a Caravan Sarai.” This phenomenon of ‘Multiple foundations” can be seen when a mosque, madrasa and mausoleum were built adjoining each other.
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The mosque served a host of functions on a regular and occasional basis.
The prophets house was the very first place used for congregation. It was used for lounging, holding discussion, dancing and convalescing. This same building was also used for prayer by the prophet and his companions, making his house the very first type of mosque.
Fig4.1.1: Mohammad’s House, the very first mosque 1. Covered area for Prophets companions 2.Covered prayer area 3.Rooms 4.Entrances 5.Courtyard
Hillenbrand,Robert(2013) Islamic Architecture- Form, Function and meaning. Edinburgh University Press
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In the 9th and 10th century, mosques were open day and night and were used to shelter travelers and the poor from varied religions.
Fig4.1.3:Mosque as a social hub
Later only in theory did the mosque maintained this dual role of a secular and religious building.
“The mosque did not primarily did not begin as a religious center.” It was only by degrees that the sanctity of the mosque was asserted. Parts of the mosque were held to be sacred such as the mihrab, the minbar and the tomb of the saint who might be buried there. The mosque was now treated in entirety as sacred. Rules such as the removal of shoes became obligatory, worshipers were to preserve silence and decent conduct and the role of the women in the mosque became more defined, formulating the mosque we know now.
With the development of Islamic institutes with specific purpose several functions that were housed in the mosque were removed and treated as separate institutions.
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Over the years several different programs have been associated with the mosque Stables
Baths
Types of Non-Religious Programs associated with the mosque
Guest Rooms
Treasury is located opposite the main entrance to the mosque.
Prayer Hall Location
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Ratio of Non-Religious and Religious functions
There is a small covered colonnaded prayer hall, in line with the larger open courtyard that acts as a prayer space.
Umayyad Mosque, Damascus
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Three types of non-religious functions Stables Baths Guest Rooms
The peripheral covered areas are the madras cells which continue for three floors
The central courtyard is the only prayer space, the covered and semi covered spaces are for other purposes
The prayer hall is located at the far end of the building, it is a covered colonnaded space
Sultan-Han Caravan Sarai, Turkey
Mahmug Gawan Madrasa, Bidar
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Public Utilities
Madras
School Units
Market
The entrance of the mosque is flanked by the market, inviting to the general public, the covered area is shared by the madras and prayer hall.
The non-religious functions occupy one-third of the entire space.
Several types of non-religious functions have been associated with the mosque, the most common being that of a market, that are extremely public in nature.
be found within or attached to the mosque. The madrasa were often found inside the mosque premise and required entering into the mosque.
The other functions associated with the mosque are that of a madrasa, school or library. The is no restriction to the type of programs that can be associated with the mosque. From the study done even a stable or a guest house can
The prayer hall is the main covered and uncovered courtyard space, always aligned to the qibla and mostly rectangular in shape for ease of following the imam while praying.
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The courtyard form the prayer hall. The courtyard has a madras on the left and right side. The far end of the mosque is the covered prayer hall.
The prayer hall is divided by the non-religious functions.
Bayezid II, Turkey
Mosque of Wazir Khan, Lahore
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The madrasa developed as an institution of high education usually residential in nature in which “traditional Islamic sciences - hadith, tasfir, fiqh and so on - were taught.”
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century onwards this was supplemented by explainations and commentry which went hand in hand with dispute for the mosque was obviously not the ideal place. The madrasa began as a simple room in the teachers house itself. It is “highly unlikely that the earlier madrasa were substantial public buildings.”
The madrasa was a response to the specific need of the Muslim community.
It was very common for the madrasa to be attached to the house of the founder, or often were located beside or within the mosque itself.
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In the first centuries of Islam information was transmitted by diction. From the 10th
The Mausoleum
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The Madrasa
The secular mausoleum was no more than a memorial and help create cross cultural connections.
The mausoleum is no different from the funerary architecture practiced in many differet culture. Under the Islamic tradition “that any place could serve as a masjid” mausoleums “to some extent could be regarded as surrogate mosques “.
In the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent certain shrines, quite often of sufi saints bridged the gap between Hindus and Muslims for they were worshiped by both faiths.
They were charitable institutes often richly endowed and able to provide on temporary basis food and serve as places of respite.
Hillenbrand,Robert(2013) Islamic Architecture- Form, Function and meaning. Edinburgh University Press
The Caravan Sarai
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The caravan sarai as the name suggests is a building for caravans. Its is a large courtyard surrounded by small cells, the courtyard was used to keep animals while the cells to lodge traveller.
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With the development of Islamic institutes with specific functions, that were once housed in the mosque were now built as separate institutions.
Caravan Sarais in towns and cities along with being places of rest, also served as commercial centers or places for the Sufis to congregate
Caravan sarais in the city had to be designed to accomodate shopkeepers and merchants on a permanent instead a merely temporary basis.
In an urban setting the concentration of trade naturally linked the building to be associated with trade functions such as buying, selling, display and storage of goods.
Caravan sarais built in an ubran area operated on a very different basis from those in the counrty side.
The Jama’at Khana The jama’at khana was and is used as a place for gatherings. It was built as distinct space housed in a separate structure, usually located within a mohalla, or enclave. In the absence of a mosque in the area, it was also used to conduct prayers.
complexes, such as Taj Mahal in Agra. Primarily the jama’at khana is used as a space to conduct cultural gatherings, special occasions such as weddings, feasts and other event aligned with special days and for communal meals.
The jama’at khana was a space particular to several localized communities of the South Asia, and can be seen in the Mughal
Hillenbrand,Robert(2013) Islamic Architecture- Form, Function and meaning. Edinburgh University Press
Fig4.1.5 : Taj Mahal, agra, Left: Jama’at Kahna Center: Mausoleum, Right : Mosque
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Fig4.1.2.1 : Map marking the known Islamic institutes in Mumbai
4.1.2|Islamic Institutes In Mumbai Mahim Dargah
Mughal Masjid
Haji Ali Fig4.1.5 : Taj Mahal, agra, Left: Jama’at Kahna Center: Mausoleum, Right : Mosque
Raudat Tahera
Diamond Jubilee High School For Girls
Saifee Masjid
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Hasnabad Dargah & Jamatkhana
4.2|Market & Mosque
Transitional spaces between the mosque and the city streets become interfaces to create interactions between Muslims and Non-Muslims, the markets are on such key space.
There have always been some spaces in the mosque that can not only be categorized as a part of the inside of mosque, but also the outside. These transitional spaces become interfaces to create interactions between the street and the mosque and Muslims and non Muslims. The gate spaces, that is the threshold between the quiet interiors of the mosque and busy exterior, the courtyard and the transition space in the exterior of the mosque before the gates that belongs both to the mosque and the street, that indicate direct integration with the immediate context. Since the mosque has multiple gates it has multiple transition spaces that are often linked to each other via markets that form pedestrian hubs, weaving the Mosque into it urban context. Two such examples have studied to understand how markets help weave the mosque into the city
Gol Masjid
Minara Masjid
Aazam,Ziad.The Social Logic of the Mosque: A Study in the relationship between Building Typology And Urban Morphology. The Welsh School of Architecture, Cardiff University
Jama Masjid Anjuman Islam Institute
Haj House
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4.2.1|Jameh Mosque of Isfahan, Iran Located in the historic centre of Isfahan, the Masjed-e Jāmé (‘Friday mosque’)is a remarkable illustration of the evolution of mosque architecture over twelve centuries, starting in ad 841. It is the oldest preserved edifice of its type in Iran and a prototype for later mosque designs throughout Central Asia. The complex covers more than 20,000 m2. A distinctive aspect of the mosque is its urban integration. Positioned at the center of the old city, the mosque shares walls with other buildings abutting its perimeter. Due to its immense size and its numerous entrances, it formed a pedestrian hub, connecting the arterial network of paths crisscrossing the city. Far from being an insular sacred monument, the mosque facilitated public mobility and commercial activity thus transcending its principal function as a place for prayer alone.1
Fig4.2.1.1: Market street in Isfahan connecting different Islamic Institutes 1.https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-art-history/west-and-central-asia/a/the-great-mosque-or-masjid-ejameh-of-isfahan http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1397 Fig4.2.2.2: The gate, transition space and the market
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Islam Habib Masjid
Minara Masjid
Fig4.2.2.1: Minara Masjid during Ramadan
4.2.2|Minara Masjid, Pydhonie Minara masjid is located at the junction of the main road Mohammad Ali road and Ibrahim Merchant Mohammad road. It is the largest mosque in the area and is the most important one for the muslim community in the area due to which there is high amount of activity during the Friday namaaz and festivals especially Ramadan.
Noor Hospital
There is high density of pedestrian movement in the area. During the Friday namaaz and important festivals some of the by lanes are shut to vehicular traffic during the night . 10-15 minutes prior to prayer time the area around the mosque is transformed into an open area mosque and the streets are shut down for this period of time.
Nakhuda Mohammad Masjid
Fig4.2.2.3: Activity mapping of Minara masjid during friday namaaz and the Khau gali that gets created during the 30days of Ramadan
Stalls during Ramadan Mosques Resdential Buildings Friday Namaaz
During Ramadan the road adjacent to Minara masjid transform into a food market and is shut to vehicular traffic for a large part of the day due to the quantum of people. This goes on for the entire month of Ramadan.
Density of people during a festival
Fig4.2.2.2: Minara Masjid during Friday Namaaz
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Fig5.1.1 : Sites selected in Mumbai
5.1 | Site Selection Since the thesis aims to create an interaction between Muslims and non-Muslims site were selected bases on certain criteria’s such proximity to a mosque, cosmopolitan nature of the site, openness to such and intervention and good public and vehicular connectivity. The following sites were chosen: Mahim Dargah fair ground Hatemi Masjid Al Dawoodi Masjid Gol Masjid Haj House Anjuman Islam Institute of Management Studies
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The following sites were selected as interesting nodes to intervene in the in-between spaces of the junction between the Old City and Fort:
1.Mahim Dargah Fair Ground The fair ground is a large open space located on Mahim causeway and used for the 10day Urs festival celebrations.
3.Haj House The site is located near Manish Market and CST station. The Haj Committee of India commonly known as Central Haj Committee (CHC) is housed in this Building. Except for a month before Haj the floors are given on rent for weddings and other functions.
The site was selected due its location, i.e. Mahim, where most of the Muslims initially settled down in city. However, building on the fair land would mean taking over a large open space, near the koliwada settlement, that is used for other purposed through out the year.
Fig5.1.4 : Haj House
4.Anjum Islam Urdu School Masjid Fig5.1.2 : Mahim Fair Ground
2.Al Dawoodi Masjid The site is located near Charni road station in D ward. It has Saifee hospital to its left, Bohri Muslim cemetery behind it and a hostel to its right. .
Located near the Anjum Islam Urdu school and opposite CST station. The masjid building is five storeys, with the ground floor used for prayers and holding exhibitions. The remaining floors are a boys hostel. The site is within the compound wall, sharing one side with JJ college, resulting zero interaction with the street.
Fig5.1.5 : Masjid inside the institute
5.Gol Masjid There is a cross over bridge from the station that is built between the masjid and the hostel, which is used by a lot of people. The building is in such a location there is a lot of foot fall as it is located on the main road, the station exit, hospital and colleges.
The site is located near Walter Dsouza Park, it is in the middle of the road. The site creates and interesting spaces for interaction but lacks area for intervention.
As per the thesis intent the masjid will be brought down and rebuilt. How ever the foot print of the building is only 1000sq.
Fig5.1.3 : Al Dawoodi Masjid
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Fig5.1.6 : Gol Masjid
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5.2 | Byculla Byculla, an extension to Mazgaon was once a low lying swamp that submerged during high tide. With reclamation in the early 19th century it grew into a wealthy residential suburb which attracted the richest of Bombay’s citizens and its most sophisticated infrastructure. To walk through Byculla today is to be in two places at once – Mumbai in its past, and its future. Congested, grimy and still largely working class, but increasingly crowded in by residential high-rises. It was the first railway line that connected Bombay with Thane in 1853 changing everything the open spaces attracted the mills and the mill workers transforming the port city into an industrial, urban centre. Apart from the mills, Byculla is also know for the Byculla market located near the station and its furniture and timber market that attracts a large number of people. Traditionally Byculla has been inhabited by Parsis, Christians, Jews, Hindus Jains and Muslims, which is reflected in numerous religious buildings that dot it fabric the most prominent being Gloria Church, Motisha Jain Derasar, St. Anne’s Church and the Magen David Synagogue. Byculla is also home to the oldest Zoo,Jijamata Udyaan and Museum, the Dr Bhau Daji Lad Museum. Since the thesis aims to create a space for interaction between Muslims and non-muslims the cosmopolitan and cultural nature of Byculla is a suitable site for the thesis. Fig5.2.1 : Byculla and Mazgaon Map, showing the religious dominances
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Fig5.2.2 : Site plan
5.2.1| Hatemi Masjid Hatemi Masjid is a Dawoodi Bohra mosque built in 2012. It is located on the far end of Mazgaon on Matharpakhadi road opposite the Eastern express highway. It has proximity to two stations Reay Road and Dockyard both on the Harbor Line.
current existing land use map, is vacant land. Given the cosmopolitan nature of the site, proximity to a mosque and the connectivity due to the eastern express highway and the railway line the intervention will function as a meeting place for the diverse residents of Byculla and Mazgaon and as an attraction for the rest of the city.
The masjid is surrounded by residential area on three sides and a large open plot that initially belonged to Atlas Mills that according the
Fig5.2.3 : Skyline of Eastern waterfront and the Eastern express highway
Religious Institutes & Dominance Muslims Hindus Christians Parsis Jains
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Fig5.2.4 : Religious Institutes and dominance
Movement Bus Stop Train Stations
Spaces
Heavy Traffic Light Traffic
Open Space
Expressway Vehicular Nodes
Parks
Pedestrian nodes
Cemetery
Existing Land Use Cemeteries Cemeteries Industrial use Residential
Institutes
Slums
Court
Public Utility Transport
Hospital
Vacant land School
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Open space
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Fig5.2.5 : Site study diagrams
5.3 | Programs The idea of the thesis is to propose a social space to promote cultural exchange, interreligious coexistence and a common ground for interaction between Muslims and nonMuslims, furthermore make the mosque a space to develop religion as a culture. By taking the idea of a ‘külliye’ as a blueprint and use the essence of the Islamic institutes to fit modern day needs. The programs developed are :
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Market edge Amphitheatre: Providing a performance space for Urdu plays, Qawwalis and other performance arts. Rehearsal room
What is a ‘Külliye’? ‘Külliye’ a group of structures built around a mosque under charity organizations were established by the imperial family, high-level state dignitaries or wealthy people. The goal was for the fund to last indefinitely. They were a self-supporting system in which the income of some operations are used to sustain the main purpose of the külliye. Thus, most of the külliyes had to have a revenue producing commercial operation. Mosques, schools, hospitals, caravansaries, hospices, public kitchens, fountains, and mausoleums are among components of the külliyes.
Caravan Sarais
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Soup kitchen: space to sit together and eat, creating discussion over food.
Jama’at Khana
Islamic studies centre Lecture rooms Bookstore Library Art studios and Workshop space : learn about Islamic art in India and elsewhere, woodcarving, zari work etc.
Madrasa
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Galleries and Exhibition space Vegetable garden Since the site is surrounded by residential area ad schools Gymnasium Playground
Fig5.3.1: Idea of the programs is to create interactions between people http://tomiillustration.com/Accenture
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Fig6.1.1: Technology Intent
6.2|Tool Kit 6.2.1|Light Screens Light represents the divinity of God in Islamic culture making natural light an integral part of Islamic architecture. It plays a significant role in shaping the interior spaces of the buildings. The particularly intriguing mediator of light is the screen.
6.1 |The Idea Since the thesis proposes a space to create an interaction between Muslims and nonMuslims. The urbanistic and architectural design of the institute exceeds the stereotypical notions regarding Islamic institutions and interprets the characteristic Islamic architectural elements in a contemporary manner.
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Screens tend to blur the distinction between interior and exterior space. They not only act as ornamental decorations and keep spaces cool, but the shadows created by a jali weave intricate patterns through rooms and corridors. Resulting in the materiality of a building comes to life .
The screen in traditional Islamic architecture is used to filter harsh sunlight, and it was developed out of necessity in the hot, harshsun climates of the Middle East and Asia.
The use of screens in Islamic architecture is not confined to the past. Architects have continued to reinterpret the concept of “screen” in new and innovative ways through the 20th century and even today. Fig6.2.1: Jali in Fatehpur Sikri
The intent is to build a project that not only suits the identity of the Muslim communities but simultaneous reflects the character of the local area
The building techniques and elements used for the project are influenced by two factors the key elements of Islamic architecture and the architectural elements observed around the site, formulating a tool kit of elements to use.
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North Light Truss
Courtyards, Arcades and Gardens
Byculla used to house many of the city’s textile mills until the mills shut shop and moved out of the island city. The mills brought in a typical kind of architecture with them, the most striking feature apart from the tall chimneys are the North light trusses.
North light trusses are used for short spans in industrial workshop-type buildings. They allow maximum benefit to be gained from natural lighting by the use of glazing on the steeper pitch which generally faces north or north-east to reduce solar gain. 1
6.2.2|Water Fountains and Reflecting Pools Water is used in Islamic architecture for several reasons. It is both a symbolic representation of purification and life and practically used to cool the air and ablution purposes.
Water is an important component in Islamic gardens and courtyards. The traditional layout of the paradise gardens is rectilinear with a central pool or fountain and four extending water courses.
It is used aesthetically to emphasize visual axes, reflect the surrounding environment, and visually multiply the adjacent architecture and its decorative detailing (e.g. the reflecting pools and watercourses at the Alhambra and Generalife in Granada, Spain).2
Courtyards are large open spaces surrounded by buildings. It helps in lessening the impact of climatic variations such as extreme heat and cold and torrential rains. It helps in air circulation and getting in natural light.
The arcade is a series of arches carried by columns or piers it is a passageway between arches and a solid wall, or a covered walkway that provides access to the institutions around the courtyard. In warmer or wet climates, exterior arcades provide shelter for pedestrians. The walkway may be lined with stores.
Courtyards have been a vital part of Indian and Islamic architecture for a very long time. In Islamic architecture courtyards are a part of every historic and traditional mosque with a howz (pool) for abulation and fountain for drinking water, in the middle.
Arcades mediates between the inside and outside extremes of light, wind and temperature. Gardens formed a lagre part of the public realm with social infrastructure during the Mughal era. The were usually attache dto larger complexes and provided a scenic view of the buildings grandeur.
In public institutions courtyards act as gathering spaces. Courtyards are open to sky spaces that are surrounded by an arcade.
Fig6.2.4: Arcade and courtyard Fig6.2.2: The reflecting pools and at Generalife in Granada, Spain http://www.solaripedia.com/13/205/2085/wind_tower_convection_illustration.html
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http://www.solaripedia.com/13/205/2085/wind_tower_convection_illustration.html
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6.2.3| Windcatcher A windcatcher is a traditional Persian architectural element used for many centuries to create natural ventilation in buildings. The function of this tower is to catch cooler breeze that prevail at a higher level above the ground and to direct it into the interior of the buildings. It is essentially a tall, capped tower with one face open at the top. The major advantage of windcatcher is that they are passive systems requiring no energy for operation. Also, wind towers reduce electrical energy consumption and environmental pollution. One of the most common uses of the windcatcher is to cool the inside of the building it is often used in combination with courtyards and pools of water as an overall ventilation and heat-management strategy. Fig6.2.5: Windcatcher in Yazd
Fig6.2.4: Pools within courtyards, Friendship Centre, Bangladesh
Rainwater Mumbai receives heavy rainfall for four months of the years and water plays an important role in Islamic architecture, rain water can be harvested.
methods of draining rainwater from roofs using chains for the water to trickle down or pipes from the roof, it also add to the aesthetics of the building.
Rainwater and surface run off from the roofs can be collected into pool in the courtyards, that will help keep the building cool. Other
While excess rainwater can be collected for irrigation and other uses in the building using a rainwater harvesting tank. http://www.solaripedia.com/13/205/2085/wind_tower_convection_illustration.html
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7.1|Superkilen
“No matter where you’re from, what you believe, and which language you speak, it is always possible to play football together.”
BIG Architects Nørrebro, Copenhagen 2013
Superkilen is a long urban space wedging through one of the most ethnically diverse and socially challenged neighborhoods in Denmark. It was through an intense public participation process with the surrounding community, representing the voices of more than 60 nationalities in one of the most ethnically and economically diverse neighborhoods in Denmark. The public participation process ensured that the space is responsive to the many cultures represented in the neighborhood. In an area that is known for its wealth of diverse nationalities, the park has become a peaceful meeting ground where everyone can feel proud of their cultural heritage and participate in group activities.
Fig7.1.1: Map of Superkilen, a 750m long urban park
The programming was initially centred on sports, with the idea that sports can connect people of various backgrounds to play and interact, if they agree on rules of the game. Superkilen design sheds light on the positive dimensions of cultural diversity. It deploys humour for representation and play for utility in a respectful manner.
Fig7.1.2: : Moroccan fountain in the Black Market, while most of the objects and vegetation in the park have been imported from other cultural contexts and places. The park allows visitors to encounter and use these alien and exotic objects as an everyday life experience http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/superkilen
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7.2|Friendship Centre
The spaces are woven out of pavilions, courtyards, pools and greens, corridors and shadows. Large openings in the walls bring natural light and ventilation through the buildings, while a sequence of small courtyards and pools allow cool air to circulate.
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Kashef Mahboob Chowdhury/Urbana Gaibandha, Bangladesh 2011
The Centre was created to train staff of an NGO working with people inhabiting nearby riverine islands. It is located in an agricultural area susceptible to flooding and earthquakes. Simplicity being the intent the building is constructed out of brick to give the monastic feel. The design relies on natural ventilation and cooling, being facilitated by courtyards and pools and the earth covering on roofs. The joy of movement and discovery in the bare and the essential is what makes this gathering space a refuge for some of the poorest population
Fig7.2.1: Dining room, a space that brings people together
The access to the building from the earthen bundh is organised via two entrance stairs at opposite ends. The programme is then organised around a series of pavilions, courtyards and reflecting pools that collect rainwater. Cross-ventilation is taken advantage of right through the building – from the layout of the rooms and courtyards, to the detailing of the doors and windows, the building is kept cool with passive airflow. Fig7.2.2: The access to the building from the earthen bundh is organised via two entrance stairs at opposite ends. The program is then organised around a series of pavilions, courtyards and reflecting pools http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/friendshipcentre
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7.3|Green Mosque
The mosque is not only a place of worship, but a religious complex that supports many social activities and underlines the function of cooperation.
Onat Oktem, Ziya Imren, Zeynep Oktem, Uri Tzarnotzky Competition : Faith in Place, Wisconsin Unbuilt
The project team has designed the mosque not only as a place of worship, but as a religious complex that supports many social activities and underlines the function of cooperation. The mosque complex, composed of the main mosque building, a library, education and lecture halls, accompanied with a “soup kitchen”, strengthens the idea of getting together and socializing as a community, with social and cultural activities.
Fig7.3.1: Mosque entrance and courtyards
The complex not only acts as a continuous interaction space but also respects its user’s privacy. The ablution space and the prayer area are separated from the rest of the complex by different levels of entrance. The level difference also enables the gradual transition from public to semi-public and finally to private spaces of the complex. As the mosque is situated in a humid continental climate it is appropriate to benefit from the rain water and solar properties of the area for a more sustainable usage. Solar thermal cells placed on the dome of the mosque, green roofs on the rest of the building help cool and improve air quality.
Fig7.3.2: Public spaces
https://www.archdaily.com/82865/green-mosque-onat-oktem-ziya-imren-zeynep-oktem-uri-tzarnotzky
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List Of Figures
Chapter 4 Fig4.1:Jama Masjid, Ahemdabad , Author
Chapter 2 Fig2.1: Muslim migration routes to Bombay , Author Fig2.2: Areas where the different sects. of Muslims settled in the city, Melhotra, Rahul.Bombay to Mumbai Changing Perpectives
Chapter 3
Fig4.1.1: Mohammad’s House, the very first mosque 1. Covered area for Prophets companions 2.Covered prayer area 3.Rooms 4.Entrances 5.Courtyard , based of Fig4.1.2 :Different mosques had different social programs, Author
Fig3.1: Sheik Memon Street, Native Town, Bombay, Melhotra, Rahul. Bombay The Cities Within Fig3.1.1: Corner Shops of Bhendi Bazaar spill out onto the streets, Author Fig3.1.2: Ismaili Khoja Jama’at Khana Clock Tower, Dongri, based of https://www.flickr.com/photos/44243190@ N00/2446763903/in/photolist-HdXDD-HdCfW-HdCgJ-aSSuXR-9UybNV-4JdiEx/
Fig4.1.2 :Different mosques had different social programs Author Fig4.1.4 :Mughal masjid, Mumbai has a hammam attached to it, http://www.mid-day.com/articles/all-roads-leadto-bhendi-bazaar/15024019
Fig3.2.1: Effect of Riots in Inner city, based of http://www.thesundayindian.com/en/story/no-glasshouseshere/7/47056/
Fig4.1.5 : Taj Mahal, agra, Left: Jama’at Kahna Center: Mausoleum, Right : Mosque, based of https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Taj_Mahal_back_side_ view.jpg
Fig3.2.2: Effect of Riots in Inner city, based of http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/the-forgotten-riotmumbai-bombay-1992-riots-babri-masjid-demolition-4855121/
Fig4.1.2.1 : Map marking the known Islamic institutes in Mumbai, Auhtor Mahim Dargah, http://dargahinfo.com/DargahDetails.aspx?DargahID=16
Fig3.3.1: After the riots of 1992-93 many returned to normalcy over time, Jama Masjid is one such place, based of http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-jama-masjid-crawford-market-mumbai-maharashtra-india-asia-97316146.html
Haji Ali http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-haji-ali-dargah-mumbai-maharashtra-india-asia-97303511.html
Fig3.3.2: Skyline of Bhendi Bazaar, showing how Muslims often find housing only in Muslim dominated areas, based of https://www.flickr.com/photos/humayunnapeerzaada/14496185709
Mughal Masjid, http://www.newsmobile.in/articles/2015/06/30/security-beefed-up-mumbai-mosques-afterkuwait-blast/
Fig3.3.3: Poster of Salim Langde Pe Mat Ro, 1989, https://rateyourmusic.com/film/salim_langde_pe_mat_ro/
Minara Masjid, http://www.flickriver.com/photos/santoshsinha/8016575293/
Fig3.3.4: Poster of Aamir, 2008, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aamir_(film)
Raudat Tahera, http://mapio.net/pic/p-46426831/
Fig3.3.5: Map showing the Railway lines and Muslim and Hindu dominated areas in the city, an understanding from the movies discussed and conclusions made by author
Saifee Masjid, http://mapio.net/pic/p-46426831/
Fig3.3.6: J.J Flyover soaring over the ‘native town’ based of http://mumbaipaused.blogspot.in/2012/01/jj-flyover.html Fig3.3.7: Chor Bazaar based of 1. https://www.expedia.co.in/pictures/india/mumbai/chor-bazaar.d6213680/shopping/ 2. http://www.minorsights.com/2014/10/india-chor-bhendi-bazaars-bombay.html Fig3.3.8: Minara Masjid during Ramadan based of 1. Masjid: http://www.panoramio.com/photo/62369394 2. crowd: https://www.flickr.com/photos/humayunnapeerzaada/3932305853
Haj House , Author
Anjuman Islam https://www.flickr.com/photos/23268776@N03/5273937918 Diamond Jublee HIgh School For Girls,based of https://www.flickr.com/photos/44243190@N00/2446763903/in/ photolist-HdXDD-HdCfW-HdCgJ-aSSuXR-9UybNV-4JdiEx/ Jama Masjid http://www.indiamike.com/india-images/pictures/jama-masjid-11 Gal Masjid, http://www.echarcha.com/forum/archive/index.php/t-37929.html tHasnabad Dargah : https://simerg.com/the-jamatkhana/happy-days-at-hasanabad/
Fig3.3.9: Mahi, Dargah during Urs baed of https://www.flickr.com/photos/humayunnapeerzaada/15833931579
Fig4.2.1.1: Market street in Isfahan connecting different Islamic Institutes https://in.pinterest.com/ pin/507499451740780873/?lp=true
Fig3.3.10: Inner City skyline, showing the muslim town and J.J flyover, Sorabjee. Jehangir, Above Bombay
Fig4.2.2.2: The gate, transition space and the market, https://www.flickr.com/photos/twiga_swala/6084616549
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Fig4.2.2.1: Minara Masjid during Ramadan Fig4.2.2.2: Minara Masjid during Friday Namaaz, https://www.flickr.com/photos/ humayunnapeerzaada/3408742459 Fig4.2.2.3: Activity mapping of Minara masjid during friday namaaz and the Khau gali that gets created during the 30days of Ramadan, Author
Fig6.2.4: Arcade and courtyard http://www.gettyimages.in/detail/photo/uzbekistan-bukhara-poi-kalon-islamic-high Fig6.2.4: Pools within courtyards, Friendship Centre, Bangladesh, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/ friendship-centre Fig6.2.5: Windcatcher in Yazdt, http://www.solaripedia.com/13/205/2085/wind_tower_convection_ illustration.html
Chapter 5 Fig5.1.1 : Sites selected in Mumbai, Author
Chapter 7
Fig5.1.2 : Mahim Fair Ground, http://www.dnaindia.com/locality/mumbai-north-central/festivities-full-swingmahim-fair-48394
Fig7.1: Friendship Centre, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/friendship-centre
Fig5.1.3 : Al Dawoodi Masjid, Author
Fig7.1.1: Map of Superkilen, a 750m long urban park, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/superkilen
Fig5.1.4 : Haj House, Author
Fig7.1.2: : Moroccan fountain in the Black Market, while most of the objects and vegetation in the park have been imported from other cultural contexts and places. The park allows visitors to encounter and use these alien and exotic objects as an everyday life experience, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/superkilen
Fig5.1.5 : Masjid inside the institute, Author Fig5.1.6 : Gol Masjid, Author Fig5.2.1 : Byculla and Mazgaon Map, showing the religious dominances, Author Fig5.2.2 : Site plan, Author Fig5.2.3 : Skyline of Eastern waterfront and the Eastern express highway, https://www.google.co.in/maps/place/ Saifee+Burhani+Park+Transit+-1/v
Fig5.2.4 : Religious Institutes and dominance, Author
Fig7.2.1: Dining room, a space that brings people together, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/friendshipcentre Fig7.2.2: The access to the building from the earthen bundh is organised via two entrance stairs at opposite ends. The program is then organised around a series of pavilions, courtyards and reflecting pools, http://www.akdn.org/ architecture/project/friendship-centre Fig7.3.1: Mosque entrance and courtyards, https://www.archdaily.com/82865/green-mosque-onat-oktem-ziyaimren-zeynep-oktem-uri-tzarnotzky/render_004 Fig7.3.2: Public spaces, https://www.archdaily.com/82865/green-mosque-onat-oktem-ziya-imren-zeynep-oktem-uritzarnotzky/render_005
Fig5.2.5 : Site study diagrams, Auhtor Fig5.3.1: Idea of the programs is to create interactions between people http://tomiillustration.com/Accenture
Chapter 6 Fig6.1: Bait Ur Rouf Mosque, http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project/bait-ur-rouf-mosque Fig6.1.1: Technology Intent, Author Fig6.2.1: Jali in Fatehpur Sikri Fig6.2.2: The reflecting pools and at Generalife in Granada, Spain, http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-torre-de-lasdamas-reflecting-pool-at-the-alhambra-palace-malaga-spain-92802522.html
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References
Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island (1909) Mostafavi, Mohsen(2016). Architecture and Plurality. Lars Muller Publishers, Aga Khan Award For Architecture
Khan, Sameera(2007). Negotiating the moholla: exclusion, identity and Muslim women in Mumbai. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(17), 1527-1533 Dalvi, Mustansir (2013). Mumbai Two Decades After; Landscape of Exclusion, Mindscape of Denial. Economic & Political Weekly, 48(7) Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .‘Where There is No Architect’: Histories from the Native Town of Bombay. Ajam Media Collective, Blog Unni, Arvind (2015). Reading the “Muslim Spaces” in Bombay(Mumbai) through Cinema. Mumbai Reader(2015), UDRI, chapter 17 Bhide, Amita(2013). The City Produced. Urban Development, Violence and Spatial Justice in Mumbai Zaidi, Sarovar (2016) .The CIty and The city.The Funambulist Magazine 4 (March-April 2016): Carceral Environment Hillenbrand,Robert(2013) Islamic Architecture- Form, Function and meaning. Edinburgh University Press Green, Nile(2011). Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean.Cambridge University Press https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-art-history/west-and-central-asia/a/the-great-mosque-or-masjid-ejameh-of-isfahan http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1397 https://www.gqindia.com/content/mumbai-byculla-becoming-cool/ http://www.akdn.org/architecture http://www.visitingistanbul.com/kulliye-mosque-complex.html http://www.solaripedia.com/13/205/2085/wind_tower_convection_illustration.html https://books.google.co.in/books?hl=en&lr=&id=DBqId4J_sIAC&oi=fnd&pg=PR7&ots=RsmamY6pvb&sig=EzdqRxoA5B-lnH0yIFMOuo-7GKA&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false http://www.islamicity.org/4375/light-as-a-decorative-medium-in-islamic-art-and-architecture/ http://classroom.synonym.com/the-use-of-light-in-islamic-architecture-12086576.html https://www.omicsonline.org/open-access/minorities-and-ghettoization-community-perception-coping-mechanism-and-everyday-struggle-2151-6200-1000212.php?aid=78677&view=mobile http://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai/wall-of-prejudice-do-mumbai-s-muslims-face-the-most-bias/story-EhzF6eCC3Vp9jGYYN7KIvM.html
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