Te Awa issue 54 by Te-Awa

We do this together Â

#54 May 2017

te awa

Cover image Great Greens supporter, Liz Gaiduch Photo by Tim Onnes Back cover Green logo art Jade Ormsby

greenparty@greens.org.nz Phone 04 801 5102 Level 2, 17 Garrett Street, Te Aro, Wellington PO Box 11-652, Wellington

The charter is the founding document of The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand.

Ko te kawenata te pukapuka whakaū o te Rōpu Kākāriki o Aotearoa, Niu Tireni.

The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand accepts Te Tiriti o Waitangi as the founding document of Aotearoa New Zealand; recognises Māori as Tangata Whenua in Aotearoa New Zealand; and commits to the following four Principles:

E whakaae ana te Rōpu Kākāriki ko te Tiriti o Waitangi te pepa whakaū (kawenata) o Aotearoa, Niu Tireni; e whakaae ana te Rōpu kākāriki ko te iwi Māori te tangata whenua o Aotearoa, o Niu Tireni, ā, ka mau pūmau te rōpu Kākāriki ki ngā mātāpono e whā e whai ake nei:

To have Te Awa sent to you as a pdf rather than as a paper copy, or for queries about distribution, greenparty@greens.org.nz

Information for Contributors Te Awa is published quarterly in February, May, August and November. Before submitting material, please check with the Guidelines for Contributors, which you can obtain from the editor. References do not appear in the print version of Te Awa, but are appended to the pdf of the magazine that is available online. Opinions expressed in Te Awa are not statements of Green Party policy, but must not bring the Green Party into disrepute.

Database Challenges John Ranta • 4 Two Controversial Policies of 2016 Caroline Glass • 5 How We’ll Change the Government John Ranta & Danna Glendining • 6-7

Budget Responsibility Rules James Shaw • 13

Te Marautanga Kakariki

Authorised by Gwen Shaw, Level 2, 17 Garrett St, Wellington

SchMOUzing with Labour Debs Martin • 4

Help the Party Achieve Success in Learning and Development Stefan Grand-Meyer • 14

The Green Party Charter

Te Awa Board Elected members Nicola Patrick (convenor), Katy Watabe Caucus Denise Roche Policy Nick Marryatt Communications Ron Elder Te Rōpu Pounamu Rochelle Surendran

Learning From Global Greens Metiria Turei • 3

Neoliberalism and the Greens Umesh Perinpanayagam (A member’s view) • 12

Te Awa | The River

Copy editor Liz Gray Reviews Janine McVeagh Advertising Alex Matthews ads.magazine@greens.org.nz

From the Party

Bold Beats Bland Jeanette Fitzsimons (A member’s view) • 8-9

#54 May 2017

Editor Dave Kennedy 027 258 6686 editor.magazine@greens.org.nz

Editorial Dave Kennedy • 2

Ecological Wisdom The basis of ecological wisdom is that human beings are part of the natural world. This world is finite, therefore unlimited material growth is impossible. Ecological sustainability is paramount. Social Responsibility Unlimited material growth is impossible. Therefore the key to social responsibility is the just distribution of social and natural resources, both locally and globally. Appropriate Decision-making For the implementation of ecological wisdom and social responsibility, decisions will be made directly at the appropriate level by those affected. Non-Violence Non-violent conflict resolution is the process by which ecological wisdom, social responsibility and appropriate decision making will be implemented. This principle applies at all levels.

Tikanga Toi Potapotae Ko te putake o te tikanga toi potapotae ko te tangata he wahanga no te ao tuturu. Ko te ao nei he taparepare, waihoki, kihai e taea kia tupu haere mo ake tonu atu Me ukauka te tikanga toi potapotae koia ra te tino taumata. Kawenga Papori Kihai nga rawa o te ao e tipu haere tonu. Waihoki, ko te mea nui ke ko te kawenga papori, e whiwhi ai tena ki ona tikanga ano ki era rawa, ki te wa kainga nei, ki tawahi ranei o te ao. Whakarite Totika E oti tika ai nga tikanga toi potapotae, me nga kawenga papori, ma nga whakarite totika a nga hunga e pa pumau tonu ana ki era take, ara, ki nga hua hoki a era whakarite. Aukati Whakarekereke Me aukati te whakarekereke, e kitea ai te huarahi tika, e eke ai nga tikanga toi potapotae, nga kawenga papori, tae noa atu ki nga whakarite totika, e tau ai te rangimarie. Ko tenei ahuatanga e pa ana ki nga tairanga katoa.

Our Networks Maori Politics Marama Davidson • 14 Local Government Democracy in New Zealand is in Deep Trouble Matt Lawrey • 15 Union Greens Denise Roche • 16 Rural Greens Sarah Roberts • 17 Pasifika Greens Trish Tutou & Tim Baice • 17 The Myth of the War Between the Millennials and the Baby Boomers Elliot Crossan • 18

Global Greens Young Greens at the Global Greens Congress Michael Brambleby-Shelford • 19 The Global Greens 4th Congress, Liverpool, United Kingdom • 20-21 Global Parliamentarians Collaborate Kennedy Graham • 22 Asia-Pacific Greens Federation Planning for the Future Melanie Chapman • 23 Green World Lois Griffiths • 24 Growing Our International Vote The International team • 25

Greens Have Their Say Modern Day Land Grab or Treaty Settlement? Maureen Titchener & Dorthe Siggaard • 26 Awakening Community in Whangarei Ash Howell • 28 Nuclear Free Future Thomas Nash • 30 Responding to the Dangers of Sugar – Over Half a Century On Kate Fulton • 31

Flax Roots Action The Value of Urban Transport – Demonstrated Ian Wells • 32 Great Green Stall Northland Branch • 34

MP Reports Climate Change Study Report Sparks Cross-Party Collaboration Kennedy Graham • 35 Julie Anne Genter / Gareth Hughes • 36 Steffan Browning / Catherine Delahunty • 37

Reviews Beyond Tribal Loyalties Lois Griffiths / Investing in People and the Planet Dave Kennedy • 38 Two Percent Solutions for the Planet David Hodge / The Whistleblower Janine McVeagh • 39

Remember please!

Copy deadline for the August 2017 issue is July 15.

Living Economies Expo Dr Chrys Horn • 40

Craft Corner Te Awa is printed on FSC-Certified Paper

Architecture and Landscapes Inspire Caroline Glass • 41

Contents

Green Bites The Greens in North & South magazine! Nozz Fletcher • 40

This issue is a landmark one in the history of this magazine. At 48 pages it is the largest ever, and we have Spencer Levine to thank for the wonderful new design. Te Awa continues to reflect the growth of the Party, and #54 is a “great” step forward as we head into election mode. The Candidates’ Conference in February displayed the strength and depth of the Green Party’s candidate pool. We are a party bursting with talent, skills and useful experience that would add tremendous value to a future government. We also have capable candidates who can properly represent the demographic and cultural diversity of Aotearoa, something we have struggled to do in the past. All members have had the opportunity to shape the team, who will potentially become the Green Caucus in a Labour– Green Government, by voting on their preference for list ranking. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand is part of a global network of Green Parties that are having a growing influence on politics in many countries. There are now 86 recognised Green parties around the world www.globalgreens.org/member-parties. The European Greens recently hosted a Global Greens Congress in Liverpool and you’ll find reports from our delegates and some images from the event. New Zealand is a significant member of the Global Greens and, together with the Australian Greens, has a leading role in the Asia Pacific Greens Federation. Lois Griffiths writes a regular column for the magazine that documents what is happening for Greens in other countries. Climate change continually comes up as the major issue for many Green Party members, and some have voiced concern that this doesn’t appear to be a campaign priority. Kennedy Graham has worked tirelessly to form a crossparty climate change group, GLOBE NZ, that includes 35 members from all parties. This group instigated the recently released Vivid report, http://www.vivideconomics.com/ publications/net-zero-in-new-zealand, on scenarios that would bring about emissions neutrality for our country 02

Learning from Global Greens Metiria Turei

by 2050. (Kennedy provided the background to this in the February issue.) This creates the beginning of a proper strategy for New Zealand, and is a huge step forward. The special parliamentary debate resulted in unusually non-acrimonious speeches across the house in support of the Vivid report, many recognising Kennedy’s leadership role. This is a significant achievement (read about it on page 35). Obviously, we want to have a great result in September so that we have the mandate to implement as many of our policies as we can. That will involve some hard work and real commitment to our campaign strategy. Already there has been some media interest in our new candidates and constituency elections, and the North & South feature story provided us with some useful early exposure. In this issue the Campaign Committee convenors explain how the 2017 campaign strategy was developed and what it will involve. The Great Greens launch provided a fun and positive beginning to the campaign. Being part of a Government will necessitate wellmanaged and timely communication to keep our membership informed. Metiria was able to use the Liverpool congress to draw on the learnings of other Green Parties in this area. It is important that our members can question leadership and caucus decisions, and that we can have robust discussions about the things we are passionate about. Te Awa provides a voice for the flax roots of the party that enables communication of informed personal viewpoints. In this issue members have expressed concerns about recent Party announcements and decisions, and you will be able to see different perspectives presented. To be a resilient and effective party in government we need to continually communicate and listen to each other respectfully. However, compromise will be an increasingly important part of our appropriate decision making processes as we continue to work with Labour and approach the responsibilities ahead in a unified fashion. These are both exciting and challenging times.

It was fantastic to attend the Global Greens Congress with Kennedy Graham, Young Greens rep Michael Bateley-Smith and Melanie Chapman, our International Secretary. It was the largest Congress yet, with over 1900 Greens from around 80 countries converging on Liverpool. It was a wonderful experience to be with so many Greens who are facing such similar excitements and stresses as we are at home. My priority was to talk to Greens who had been in government so that I could learn from their experiences. And I got some great advice; from the Groenlinks of the Netherlands, Swedish Greens, German Greens, Australian Green Party and others. Some had been in and out of governments for years, for some it was their first time or first negotiation. All had the same message. The Party chooses Government together, works hard in Government together, celebrates the gains and weathers the hardships together. Together or not at all. This is the message we must take to heart as we head into the most exciting election campaign since 1999. Then we were new and breaking into Parliament for the first time under our own name. This time, after many years of experience, we are now intending to break into Government for the first time. We need that same energy, strength of purpose and care for each other as we had in 1999. There are main two challenges I think we face, one for the members and one for MPs. Members are responsible for our political direction. The membership agreed to the MOU with Labour that set us on this path and heralds our future coalition. You will also decide whether we go into coalition or not. And so from this point on, you need to be engaged with and be advocates for the political direction we have agreed together to pursue. In this Te Awa you will read more about the political strategy and direction of our campaign to create a new government and put the Greens at its heart. You will read critiques of this strategy too. You may have questions and you should ask them. We all need to be confident about the messages we are sharing and be ready to share and stand up for them.

Members of Parliament and our eventual Ministers are responsible for delivering on that political direction. We have to give you as much information as possible so you know what we are doing, contribute to those decisions and hold us to account for the inevitable hard choices we will have to make. The Swedish and German Greens talked about how their coalition agreements were positive and effective, but it was the surprise issues that no one expects that caused their parties real hardship. In Germany, it was the war in Serbia; in Sweden, it was migration policy. In both cases, they said the single most important lesson was to keep up the best possible communication with party members to keep the organisation together. That was the priority, and then the party would, in those situations, understand the hard calls, even if some didn’t agree. That may mean the Party concedes policy it holds dear to stay in government. It may mean the Caucus loses the privilege of being Ministers and leaves government. This is the best advice I received. Participatory democracy means we all contribute to help make the best possible decisions for us all. This was a constant topic at the Global Greens Congress as political parties and Green movements discussed how Greens seek and use political power. New Zealand was often held up by the speakers and presenters as a great example of that: our strong Caucus of 14, our 20 years in Parliament, and our creative and effective use of MMP.

We have the strength, the experience and the heart to do this right. As long as we do it together.

Photo Green Party candidates at the Candidates Conference

From the party

Editorial Dave Kennedy

Metiria Turei is the Co-leader of the Greens

Two Controversial Policies of 2016 Caroline Glass

It’s nearly one year on, and our Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Labour has stood a small test of time. Our six-weekly MOU meetings have helped to build relationships outside the debating chamber and across the Party divides. We understand each other more, and we speak frankly. But we are two separate political parties. Although we both have an avowed intent to change the Government this coming election, that doesn’t mean we sit in each other’s pockets. As much as we have stated we will work together politically to give New Zealand a choice, that is post-election. Up until the election, we are both vying for the Party vote. We are a bold political force, with strong policies, and a line-up of candidates that exceeds all previous capacity. There will no doubt be internal differences on how we portray ourselves over the next six months as we attempt to secure and grow our vote. Constructive debate, challenge and acknowledgement of differences across our own internal Party spectrum should be encouraged - we are a growing Party. But we must not become the death of ourselves. NGO circles call it the “circular firing squad” - in which internal differences divert us from the real issues. We need to win an election and negotiate a strong post-election coalition agreement; or let the broader populace suffer under another Nationalled Government. The cross-petal (Caucus/Policy Committee/Executive) Strategic Planning Facilitation Group (SPFG) has been entrusted with the responsibility of developing guidelines to help us focus on the key work to be done in the lead up to any coalition negotiations. That work was done ahead of the 2014 election, and SPFG have been taking the pulse of the Party on key issues in the past year. You’ll see more of that discussion at the July AGM. ExPol, the External Political Relations Group, has been set up with senior Party members who have wide experience of Parliament and its processes. It continues to be an important sounding board for any discussions with Labour and in preparation for post-election negotiations. Those will be crunchy discussions, and we will be guided by Party feedback. If we are in a position to form a Government, it will be your delegates to the Special General Meeting that will make the final decision. So let’s campaign hard for the Party vote, and ensure Greens are a strong part of a progressive government. Go well, as you continue this effort for political change.

We are in the middle of bedding in the Greens’ new database and members’ website. The plan was to have both systems functioning by the end of last year. We did get the member database in by that deadline, but have been struggling to get it singing, thereby delaying the members’ website. Firstly, we have had to clean up messy data from the old system. Secondly, while we got fairly extensive training there have been challenges in setting up good business practices. The biggest challenge has been to make sure we can get new information, particularly financial transactions, into the system quickly and accurately. Finally, we struggled to set up relationships correctly, particularly making sure that certain donations were being credited as membership subs, which is tricky with members who have set up automatic payments. That caused headaches, including the embarrassing situation of us emailing longstanding members to say that they were lapsed when in fact they weren’t, and with many of them paying APs. That’s not how we want to operate and we apologise for any frustration caused or apparent lack of appreciation it demonstrated. It’s been a mission, but it’s nearly over. Events didn’t unfold as we would have liked, but we had already reached a point of no return. We are confident the Party’s infrastructure will be in a much better place when it’s all completed. In the meantime, we want to thank all the staff and volunteers who have helped with the transition, and you all, too, for your patience, as we make this important, though at times painful, investment in the future of the Party.

This is part 2 of an interview conducted by Rachael Goldsmith, Policy Committee member and candidate for Clutha Southland

Photo John with his daughter Debs Martin is the Party’s female Co-convenor

John Ranta is the Party’s male Co-convenor

Assisted Dying Louisa Jackson, a member who had done research into the law around assisted dying and euthanasia for her law degree, was interested in facilitating an issue group on assisted dying. This topic hadn’t been identified as a priority for the party, but she was enthusiastic and there was significant interest about it at the 2010 Summer Policy Conference. The issue group went ahead and did a lot of work, which broadened into including end-of-life services, such as palliative care and living wills, with the aim of them being considered alongside assisted dying to ensure a robust policy covering all options. But the Policy Committee couldn’t get agreement from the membership to go ahead with the assisted dying policy. The points around end-of-life planning and palliative care, however, were ratified in 2014. In 2016 we decided to look at the feedback from 2013 to see if we could create a policy that would reach member approval. The main change we made in the end was making policy only for people who are terminally ill, as the issue of people with chronic, non-terminal conditions created disability and human rights issues. The concern was that although it would be voluntary within the law, people might feel pressured because they felt like a burden. With that change presented to the membership, we were able to ratify the policy. This was a five year journey. I’m still not sure if it was ratified due to a country-wide change in mood towards the issue or by removing the most contentious issue, but it was very satisfying to see it become ratified policy! Drug Law Reform In 2008 I was asked to take over the facilitation of the drug and alcohol law reform issue group discussion. We worked on alcohol law reform first, as it was a pressing health issue. We ratified policy on that, then looked at expanding it to other drugs. However, it was not an election priority for 2011, so the issue group was put on hold by the Policy Committee, as we had a lot to work on for the election. The policy was put back on the table before the 2014 election. Many US states had legalised cannabis, and the issue of synthetic highs and the harm caused by them in NZ was worrying. The introduction of the Psychoactive Substances Act meant cannabis wasn’t able to be tested, but new substances were. There was a definite feeling within NZ that other countries were heading in a constructive direction, while we were heading backwards. Kevin Hague, in his health spokesperson role, was interested in revising our current policy and submitted a discussion document for the Policy

Committee to work with. It was decided that this was a high priority, and we worked through proposed changes with the issue group. Discussions took place until the group agreed on changes, and it was put out for member feedback. When we reviewed the feedback, we saw there were some details we didn’t have agreement on, so we decided to keep the general intent, and remove specific points. For instance, the issue group decided on an 18+ age restriction for legal cannabis usage, but a Dunedin Study concluded that the brain did not seem to be mature enough for marijuana until a person is in their 20s. With mixed evidence in front of us, we generalised ideals like having an age limit, but not naming one - leaving room to be responsive to new scientific evidence. In the section on ‘miscellaneous drugs’, where we had said we would review laws around personal use vs dealing, we ended up concluding that we would leave that open ended and say we would review legislation around currently prohibited drugs. Assigning various legal statuses around possession, use and sale would preclude changes in legal status and their consequences. Out of all our policies, I’m most proud of this one! Getting consensus on this policy was difficult, due to how fraught the issue is within both our membership and society, and how it’s one that people hold very strong views about.

Photo Caroline supporting marriage equality

From the party

Database Challenges John Ranta

From the party

SchMOUzing with Labour Debs Martin

Caroline Glass is the Convenor of the Policy Committee

How We’ll Change the Government John Ranta & Danna Glendining

Photo from the left Mojo, Aaron, Metiria, Gareth, James, Sarah, John, Lou, Caroline, Tanya, Andrew, Nigel, Eleanor, Danna, Eugenie, Marama, Deborah, Denise, Chargn, Jan, Kennedy, Gwen, Celestina

We’ve done our research. We’ve learned a lot since the 2014 election. We’ve paid especially close attention to the Sanders campaign in the US, and Green Party members may already have noticed a suspicious similarity to Bernie’s ground campaign and messaging. We’ve commissioned our own research of New Zealand Green voters, and available voters. And Metiria Turei just returned from a Global Green conference with important lessons from our fellow Greens around the world. The most important finding has been understanding the diversity of our current and available voters. We know people vote Green, or consider voting Green, for many different reasons – and that we need to communicate with as many of them as possible during the campaign. The voters we’ve been talking to in our research and outreach work are mostly younger, more likely to be women and ethnic minorities, and to be living in economically precarious circumstances. They share our core values, but they are nervous about what the first Green government might look like and the impact it would have on their lives. To win their support, we need to demonstrate we can be trusted in government. That’s the thinking behind the Budget Responsibility Rules announced alongside Labour recently. It has nothing to do with capitulating to big business and neoliberalism, but rather addresses the concerns of ordinary people considering voting Green. We simply won’t get the mandate to bring about meaningful and sustainable change if we can’t show them that a Green government will be a stable and responsible government. Sometimes we get apprehensive when we feel like the party isn’t focused on the issues and values that we feel are most important to our members. That’s understandable. But remember that diversity and the celebration of difference are core Green values, and that one of the main goals of the campaign is to persuade new people to vote for us. Our ability to change the government and deliver Good Green Change relies on convincing as many, and as diverse a range of New Zealander as possible, to vote Green.

We can win! The poor decisions the National government has made during its eight and a half years in government are catching up with it. From the housing crisis, the poisoning of our rivers, the epidemic of homelessness and the gutting of the mental health system, there is widespread dissatisfaction with the broken status quo and a growing desire for change. National’s new leader, Bill English, is less capable of selling his government’s multiple failures than his predecessor, John Key, but as Finance Minister he’s fully responsible for them. We can win. But it’s going to be hard. National is experienced, ruthless and very well-financed. Economic indicators often influence election outcomes, and so far this year we’ve seen GDP growth and larger-than-forecast budget surpluses, which often favour incumbents. This year one of our major challenges is the rapid changes in the media industry. Their business model has collapsed, and most media outlets are haemorrhaging journalists. There’s less coverage of policy- and valuesrelated stories, as media outlets focus on viral stories to maximise clicks from social media. For example, members sometimes ask our MPs why they don’t talk about climate change more often. The answer is that they talk about it all the time. It just doesn’t get covered in the media that much. We’ll continue to talk about climate, and inequality, and social justice, and all the other issues that are core to the kaupapa of our party, and we’ll be releasing policy throughout the campaign. But we’ll also be earning coverage in the digital and soft media space with gifs, social media, magazine covers. Like it or not, it’s a crucial component of modern campaigns.

How can you help? Like we said, we’re big fans of Bernie Sander’s campaign. We’re closely following his model: training teams of volunteers to carry out phone calling and door knocking, and being funded by small donors to free us from the corporate obligations that leave the larger parties compromised and unable to deliver real change. Not everyone has the resources to donate, but if you do, please do so. And PLEASE sign up for our door knocking and phone calling campaigns. It’s fun (no, really: it actually is quite fun), and with the recent changes in the media landscape it is almost the only way we can meaningfully communicate our values and policies to the rest of the country. If you’re frustrated by the superficiality of political coverage and want things to be better, this is the way you personally can help make that change. By changing people’s minds, we’ll change the way they vote. Then we’ll change the government. And then we’ll change New Zealand.

From the party

Election Day is 23 September. With less than six months to go, the Campaign Committee outlines the challenges, strategy and tactics behind growing our vote and changing the government.

John Ranta and Danna Glendining are the Campaign Committee Co-convenors

Bold Beats Bland Jeanette Fitzsimons

Photo Jeanette Fitzsimons (right) chained to the gates of the Clandeboye Dairy Factory earlier this year to protest against Fonterra’s use of coal.

When the Green Party was formed – and I’m talking 1972 – it was founded on radical ideas that excited people and inspired them: zero economic growth, zero population growth, women’s equality, racial equality, cleaning up rivers by a requirement to take your water downstream of your discharge, taxation of land and capital, and anti-nuclear (well before that fight was won). It required risk. But inevitably as a party gets closer to power, it becomes scared – scared of rocking the boat, scared of bad publicity, scared of controversy. Let’s just get into government by being bland and then we can do exciting things. Not only is this dishonest, it is also wrong. People don’t vote for bland and cautious. By trying to neutralise the arguments people have against us, we neutralise ourselves. We tell everyone what we are not. Not what we are. Our opponents used to attack us for cannabis policy. That was a smoke screen. They couldn’t openly attack our policies on economic fairness. Now the smokescreen is “unable to manage the economy.” What they mean is: unlikely to manage it in the interests of the 1%. The answer is not to become more like them. Our economic system is fundamentally rotten. No effective change can happen within it. We could raise benefits and parking charges, but the banks and the big corporates would continue their stranglehold on our country. Sales of our most special land to wealthy refugees from the climate crisis they know they have created would continue to accelerate. Benefits and the average wage are never going to rise as fast as rents and mortgages. This close to an election is not the time for detailed policy for fixing a completely broken economic system. That work has to start in October. This is the time for bold rhetoric that points to the real causes of our predicament and provides a short, inspiring picture of what it could be like instead.

Jeanette Fitzsimons is the former female Co-leader of the Green Party

A Member’s View

When the world is defined by uncertainty and fear - terrorist attacks, overwhelming numbers of refugees, freak weather events, lost jobs, financial turmoil - there are two kinds of responses. One is to turn inwards, put up walls against everything unfamiliar, foster hatred of everyone who is different, and cut the links of friendship, tolerance and reciprocity. The other is to look outwards, searching for hope and inspiration, embracing our common humanity. Politicians respond accordingly. The first response elects Trump, sees Le Pen surge in the polls and Farage gain power in the UK, achieves Brexit, and changes the political balance in the Nederlands and Austria. People look for leaders who will give them someone to blame and who promise them security. The second reaction sees Bernie Sanders almost become president of the US; and Jeremy Corbyn take over the UK Labour Party’s popular support. A few years ago Trump, Sanders and Corbyn were unthinkable, except as minority fringe actors. But last year proportionally more people voted for Sanders in the primaries than have ever voted for the Green Party, despite his much more radical message. Against opponents like these, Hillary Clinton, by far the most experienced and capable manager of the nation, should have swept Trump and Sanders off the board. She didn’t. People were not attracted by a middle of the road, capable, safe and risk-averse approach. Since Occupy gave us the language of the ‘1%’, and ‘political corruption and corporate greed’, there has been a deep disillusionment with the status quo and thus Hillary, and a willingness to take risks – in some cases (Trump), stupid risks. As the Arab Spring has shown, this feeling is not confined to Europe and the US. In NZ, life is reasonably comfortable for most and the rest are not politically active. The deep disillusionment with the status quo is shown in low voter turn outs and the popularity of mindless TV circuses. Yet there is a yearning for something better. We know who is going to provide the first response of blaming those who are different. That game plan up to the election is clear and the followers are ready. It is not yet clear whether anyone will provide the second response – the hope, the inspiration, the excitement of a turning point in history. The Opportunities Party has tried to fill that gap and it is frustrating to see them coming out with exciting ‘new’ ideas that we have nurtured for decades but never been brave enough to articulate. But it is not capturing the public’s imagination.

Can social and environmental crises be addressed under the Budget Responsibility Rules?

One of the key features of neoliberalism is creating institutions and laws that limit the ability of democratic governments to transform the economy in ways that could benefit the wider population. Quoting an IMF study, Julie Anne Genter describes a neoliberal policy approach as follows: “The first is increased competition, achieved through deregulation and the opening up of domestic markets, including financial markets, to foreign competition. The second is a smaller role for the state, achieved through privatization and limits on the ability of governments to run fiscal deficits and accumulate debt.” On Friday, 24 March, James Shaw and Grant Robertson announced the Budget Responsibility Rules (BRR) for a future Labour–Green government. Reported as a Green initiative, James Shaw stated: “I don’t think there has been a situation in [NZ] where political parties have released a set of budget responsibility rules or principles for how we’re going to propose a budget in advance of an election.” A key feature of the rules is a limit on core government spending to 30% of GDP: “During the global financial crisis Core Crown spending rose to 34% of GDP. However, for the last 20 years, Core Crown spending has been around 30% of GDP and we will manage our expenditure carefully to continue this trend.” Susan St John states that government spending “is currently at a very low level.” Holding spending to 30% means cuts in services due to demographic changes. The Child Poverty Action Group analysis of the 2016 budget stated: “The period 2015 to 2020 shows a remarkably stable relationship between estimated and forecast spending and GDP [at] around 30%... One impact of these budget settings is that there are fewer resources available for other objectives... There is no new spending available for other priorities… There is in fact around $1 billion less available... This reduction means tangible reductions in spending on health, education and family support.” Economist Brian Easton commented that current government spending is 29.6%: “Were Labour and the Greens in power today, their promise amounts to spending an extra $1.1b this year. The list of what additional spending they might desire almost certainly exceeds $1.1b.” For example the current shortfall in the health budget is estimated at $1.85 billion even before considering the amount required to expand health services that Green Party policy advocates. The ability to reallocate spending within the current budget appears limited. For example shifting spending in transport away from unproductive roads to rail is positive, but will not provide for spending in other areas. Further, James Shaw has stated, “We’re not going to stop any projects that have already started.” (Double Shot interview, March 2017.)

Budget Responsibility Rules James Shaw These self-imposed restrictions raise questions as to how Green MPs will address the many crises they have spoken about requiring urgent action: the climate, biodiversity, homelessness, housing, child poverty, inequality, prisons, mental health, and the crisis in manufacturing. These are not considered crises under the BRR, which only permits deviations from limits on government spending and borrowing in the case of “a significant natural event or a major economic shock or crisis.” While James Shaw has justified the BRR on the basis that campaign-highlighted policy publicised before the 2014 election fits within its limits, those proposals were clearly inadequate to address the crises we face, and fall far short of the ambitions of ratified Green Party policy or principles. The first such proposal released since the BRR, the “Public Journalism Fund”, highlights the inadequacy of such an approach. The Fund, which would create around 75 jobs a year to address “cuts to staff numbers [across the media],” clearly falls short of protecting or creating “a strong fourth estate.” Over the period 2006 to 2013, census figures reveal a loss of 1044 jobs in the sector, a continuing trend. While the BRR announcement in itself further normalises ‘fiscal responsibility’, as Council of Trade Unions economist, Bill Rosenberg, stated, “The message it gives is that government spending is a bad thing, rather than something we need to do for a good society.” Of particular concern is the proposal to create “a body independent of Ministers of the Crown who will be responsible for determining if these rules are being met.” This was advocated for by the Business Roundtable and ACT during the amendment of the Public Finance Act in 2004. Such a body could become an enduring legacy of a 2017 Labour–Green government, further entrenching the principles championed by Ruth Richardson in the 1994 Fiscal Responsibility Act. References will be available with online version. Ed.

Umesh Perinpanayagam is the male Co-convenor of the Green Left Network

More than two months ago I joined with Grant Robertson and Andrew Little to launch the joint Labour– Green Budget Responsibility Rules (BRR). This has generated considerable discussion in the Party. Some members have supported it, some have opposed it, and many still have lots of questions about what it means. The reality is that the crises of climate change, species loss and inequality mean that we have to make fundamental, structural changes to our society and economy. Like you, I am absolutely committed to transforming our society into one that lives in harmony with nature, and ensures every person has what they need to live a good life: a warm, dry home, excellent, publicly-funded healthcare and education, and a decent income. This work is urgent – and that is why it is so vital the Green Party gets into Government this year. That urgency is why I think most Green Party members have been greatly supportive of our work with Labour to change the government. And one reason we announced the BRR. The Party’s research has identified a large number of New Zealanders who like our environmental and social policies but who are nervous about what a Green Government might mean for the economy. They worry about how Green change could affect their own job security and their cost of living. Regardless of whether that’s true or not, it’s what people believe. If we want to convince these people that it’s worth supporting us and our policies, we need new ways of talking to them. The BRR helps them to trust us to make the changes we need to make our country a fairer, cleaner place to live, and provide stability at the same time. Using new language can be uncomfortable and challenging for us. And we find this every election campaign – many will remember the tension over the use of the slogan, “For a richer NZ”, in 2011. But while it can be said the BRR use the language of the dominant paradigm, they have also been carefully constructed to ensure they won’t limit our ability to deliver significant progress on both climate change and inequality. One specific concern from members and supporters is about whether this commits us to government spending being 30 percent of GDP. What the BRR says is that a Labour–Green Government would keep central government spending to a range consistent with recent history – which is between 28 and 34 percent of GDP. That range gives us a lot of room to move. A second specific concern we’ve heard is about the commitment to pay down debt to 20% of GDP by 2022. This is slower than that promised by National. At the 2014 election the Greens were committed to paying down debt faster than National. This time, we felt we needed an expanded fiscal envelope for spending on our priorities.

These rules do give us room to spend significantly more in our priority areas, including reducing child poverty, cleaning up rivers, fixing the housing crisis, and moving to a low-carbon economy. As Susan St John from Child Poverty Action Group said in her post on The Daily Blog the BRR doesn’t tie us down all that tightly. (I recommend her post – www.thedailyblog. co.nz/2017/03/29/these-fiscal-rules-arent-the-beginningof-the-end/ – for anyone who hasn’t had a chance to read it yet.) We made sure of this while we were developing and negotiating the BRR with Labour. Had these rules been in place before the 2014 election, we could have made all the same policy promises that we did make, with room to spare. Most importantly, they commit both us and Labour to implementing broader measures of success than just GDP. After decades of advocating for it, we’re actually now in a position to finally change the way the Government measures quality of life, the state of the environment and the health of the economy. And, as they say, what gets measured, gets managed. In our first term of government, when we are delivering the social and physical infrastructure that our environment and people desperately need, we will be able to change the terms of the debate around “the economy” far more effectively than we can do in opposition.

In short, the BRR will not hinder us from making the structural changes that are needed. In fact, they are an important part of demonstrating to voters that we can work effectively with Labour next term, and that demonstration is critical if we are to change the Government.

From the party

A Member’s View

Neoliberalism and the Greens Umesh Perinpanayagam

James Shaw is Co-leader and Green Party spokesperson for climate change, finance and economic development

Māori Politics

Like other organisations, the Green Party needs a robust learning and development programme to be successful and efficient. Supporting members and volunteers throughout the Party to develop and strengthen the skills we need is the mission of the Learning and Development Committee (LDC). Are you interested in contributing to LDC’s programme to help the Party achieve success? The Committee is currently looking for four additional members who have the following skills and experience: • Secretary: key responsibilities include taking notes at meetings, circulating the agenda in advance, circulating minutes afterwards, maintaining lists of action points, organising meetings. • Training Coordinator: key responsibilities include filing the various training documents and other resources, and organising training sessions. • Webinar Coordinator: key responsibilities include commissioning, curating a database of webinars and other e-training modules for various Green Party roles and activities. • General Committee member, with Branch and/or other group experience (including networks).

In October last year our Green Māori caucus met with the Ratana leadership in response to a challenge that was issued to all political parties to establish a more profound relationship with them. In that meeting, Metiria Turei outlined our Green values and charter to the leadership. Her kōrero was very positively received by Ratana because they realised how closely aligned their visions were to our Green ones. We have since been back three times. When I entered Parliament as a Green MP almost a year and a half ago, I was able to prioritise the Māori Development portfolio. This was a first for the Green Party. Despite the time when there were only a few Green MPs, or the portfolio previously having to share a co-leader workload, Metiria Turei, Catherine Delahunty and other Green MPs have built a solid and respectable footing in Māori politics. Catherine Delahunty’s Public Works member’s bill to prevent more Māori whenua from being confiscated, Jan Logie’s persistence with ensuring tamariki Māori are placed with whānau Māori, our te reo in schools announcement, our cross-party inquiry into homelessness, our work opposing state house sell-offs and many other topical issues have all contributed into the Greens being seen as champions of Māori political aspirations. Being our first te reo-speaking MP has meant I have been able to expand on our Green work in Māori places with more regularity and relevance than previously. It has been a privilege to contribute. With the appropriate focus and approach, the Greens can continue to build on our support from Māori communities. Rawiri Taonui pointed out in an article in February this year that one third of our increased party vote between 2008 and 2011 came from a spectacular sevenfoldplus increase (from 5,400 to 38,700 votes) in the Maori electorates. This means that sustaining Māori constituent support needs to remain a clear Party priority in our long-term building of the Green movement and our visions for a better world.

Each member is appointed for a renewable two-year term. The time commitment is approximately five hours a month, including a monthly one hour videoconference, and two face-to-face full day meetings each year. If you have any questions about the roles or work of the Committee, please contact Felicity Timings (ftimings@ gmail.com) or Stefan Grand-Meyer (stefan.grand-meyer@ greens.org.nz). LDC is a Standing Committee, appointed by and accountable to the Party Executive. It assists the Party to build the capacity and skills needed to achieve the Party’s objectives as determined by the Executive. In particular, it focuses on training (including Candidate training), volunteer recognition, succession planning, activating membership and research. It is also the governance body for the Branch Development Coordinator, who supports Branches across Aotearoa New Zealand. The current members of the Committee are: • Felicity Timings, female co-convenor • Stefan Grand-Meyer, male co-convenor • Brent Barrett • David Rees • Kate Mitcalfe (Branch Development Coordinator) • Mikaere Curtis (Te Rōpu Pounamu) • Suzanne Menzies-Cullen.

Marama Davidson

Matt Lawrey

Māori Candidates 2017 Stefan Grand-Meyer is male Co-convenor of the Learning and Development Committee

Local Government Democracy in New Zealand is in Deep Trouble

Marama Davidson MP writes on behalf of Te Rōpu Pounamu

We have councils that are not representative of the diversity of the communities that they are supposed to serve, we have shockingly low voter turnout rates, and the organisations that should be taking an interest in these problems exhibit a stunning lack of urgency when it comes to addressing them.

I don’t think it’s going too far to call it a crisis, and former Prime Minister Geoffrey Palmer agrees. In a recent interview he highlighted our local government voter turn-out rate (42 percent of eligible voters) as an example of a crisis in the legitimacy of our democratic process; the kind of crisis that led to Brexit and Trump. A good example of how we’ve ended up in this mess is Local Government New Zealand (LGNZ) and the Remuneration Authority’s (RA’s) attitudes towards childcare. Check it out: following last October’s elections, first term Hurunui District Councillor Julia McLean made headlines when she said that unless she received childcare support, she would be taking her baby to meetings. Predictably Julia was demonised by anonymous haters on Stuff and crucified by talkback callers. The RA’s chair, Fran Wilde, responded by saying a childcare subsidy was “simply something we cannot do” and that the policies would not be reviewed for one person. It’s no secret that in regional New Zealand the RA’s policies unfairly advantage the rich and retired while disadvantaging almost everyone else who would like to serve on a council, particularly if they have young kids. When I read Julia’s story I got in touch and offered to help. As far as I was concerned what Julia was calling for seemed totally reasonable, particularly when you consider Hurunui District Councillors only get paid $19,000 pa. The RA allows for phone, internet and mileage expenses to be claimed, so why not childcare? Julia and I met in Culverden and thrashed out a plan. We came up with a letter calling on LGNZ to engage with the RA to address the issue and to devise a formula to provide compensation for childcare to representatives who are the primary caregivers of young children. Next we went looking for supporters. We had to do this fast to get the issue on the agenda for the LGNZ National Council’s December meeting. The letter bore

the names of 43 past and present elected representatives, including former Wellington Mayor, Kerry Prendergast, Christchurch City Councillor and former mayor, Vicki Buck, and numerous Greens. The letter expresses the shared belief that the more councils look like their communities, the more relevant local government will be to New Zealanders, and the greater the likelihood of people voting. It states, “We believe the cost of childcare makes it difficult for many parents of young children to consider running for council, particularly in the regions where remuneration levels are lower.” The letter also explains that the existing scheme of 20 hours free childcare for three- to five-year olds is of little help to councillors with children under three, or during school holidays for councillors with children over five. LGNZ took its time getting back to us. In fact, we didn’t receive a written response confirming its position until February; the membership had decided not to take a position on the issue and had passed the letter on to the RA. This was followed by a deafening silence from the RA until we chased it up, only to be informed in March that no date had been set, but that the issue would be considered as part of a review of local government “in due time.” I don’t think that’s good enough. LGNZ’s refusal to take a position on the issue and the RA’s decision to kick it for touch makes it hard to escape the conclusion that these organisations do not understand the seriousness of the problems facing local government, or that they simply don’t care. Fortunately the 43 people who put their names to our letter do care, and Julia and I are going to continue to fight for better representation and the rights of parents of young children to be part of our democratic process. The debate is far from over.

Photo Matt makes a stand with Julia Matt Lawrey is the Green Party candidate for Nelson and a second term Nelson City Councillor

Our Networks

From the party 14

Help the Party Achieve Success in Learning and Development Stefan Grand-Meyer

Our Networks

I’m proud to be the Greens spokesperson for industrial relations and am grateful to be supported in my role by our Union Greens network. The network is made up of about 150 members, who are also members, delegates and officials of various trade unions. It makes sense to me that union activists, belonging as they do to the largest civil society democratic organisations in our country, would also be active in our democratic political party. The role of unions in addressing inequality is irrefutable. For those in paid employment, organised labour is the best way to achieve the redistribution of wealth for fairer, more sustaining incomes, and safer and healthier working conditions. When we mark Workers’ Memorial Day on 28th April, we remember that about 40 workers a year are killed on the job; another 600-900 die from work-related illnesses and close to 6000 more suffer serious injuries at work. This appalling record means New Zealand workers are four times more likely to die on the job than those in the UK, and twice as likely compared to Australian workers. The most dangerous jobs in this country are in agriculture, farming and horticulture. They’re also the sectors that, when checked by labour inspectors, are least likely to be complying with minimum labour standards. Interestingly these are also the industries where many employers say they need migrant workers, who are vulnerable to exploitation in these circumstances.

We know that unionised work sites are safer worksites. And if we need evidence of the effectiveness of trade unions in fighting for fair pay, the recent agreement reached between the Government and the ETū union, the NZ Nurses’ Organisation and the Public Service Association will see 55,000 rest home and community support workers get a $4 to $7 per hour immediate pay increase, in line with pay equity principles. As we get closer to the election, I’ll be meeting more frequently with union leaders. I’ll also be attending delegates’ training and meetings, which offer opportunities to put forward our good Green solutions and policies. Unions are as keen to change the government as we are, so we will be looking for ways to organise together to do just that. In the meantime, if you are a union member you can help with the campaign by inviting your local candidate to meet your workmates and by recruiting your delegates to join in with local calling and doorknocking activities.

Rural Greens Sarah Roberts

Pasifika Greens

In March, Rural Green Party members participated in The People’s Climate Rally, timed to coincide with the 2017 Petroleum Conference in Taranaki. Hundreds of people attended the People’s Climate Rally, whose message was the need to move on and leave coal, oil and gas in the ground because they contribute to climate change. In recent years, the government has used the Petroleum Conference to announce the ‘Block Offers’ available for the annual tender for petroleum exploration permits. Energy Minister, Judith Collins, announced the 2017 Block Offer, which covers more than 400,000 square kilometres, including 4,000 square kilometres of onshore Taranaki and Southland. Much of Taranaki’s land and sea is now covered by exploration and production permits. Well sites and production stations are near homes and properties. There are no national oil and gas rules in New Zealand. The human health impacts of the petroleum industry are documented internationally. Drilling and fracking chemicals are toxic. Well sites have the potential for a blowout or gas release, affecting areas up to 2km away. The risks of catastrophic events; air pollution; hazardous chemicals; excessive noise and light; and undetonated explosives from seismic surveys all undermine the health and safety of local families and communities. The rally featured both protest and education. On Wednesday hundreds protested outside the conference venue. Fracking tours were organised to show what it is like to live next door to industry activity and how it affects the locals first hand. On Thursday a ‘Day of Solutions’ was held. There was an electric car display, talks and workshops. There was a wide range of speakers. Dr Terrence Loomis, independent researcher and Visiting Research Scholar at the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies at Victoria University, spoke about his recently published book, Petroleum development and the environmental conflict in Aotearoa New Zealand. Former Green Party co-leader, Jeanette Fitzsimons, along with climate activists Joanna Santa Barbara and Pat Baskett, shared “Our Climate Declaration: A People’s Movement for Climate Action.” Josh Curd, Massey University and Tihikura Hohaia project research assistant, discussed Taiepa Tiketike, the sustainable energy research occurring at Parihaka. The rally ended with a Karanga Tangaroa, a Pasifika call to Tangaroa and a ceremonial closing. The New Zealand Petroleum Conference will return to New Plymouth in 2018. The coalition that organised the People’s Climate Rally also plans to be there.

Our Pāsifika Greens fāmili has grown this year! We have welcomed several new members and have gained two wonderful Pāsifika candidates: Teanau Tuiono (Manurewa candidate) and Leilani Tamu (New Lynn candidate). We were extremely proud to have our fabulous candidates named in the top 20 of our initial Party List and we look forward to supporting them to get into Parliament come 23 September! Behind the scenes, our Pāsifika Greens have been working away by holding fono to talanoa and planning the year and campaign ahead, as well as kicking off discussion on the development of our Pāsifika policy umbrella. We have also been in the scene by having a large presence at the annual Pasifika festival at Western Springs (a shout-out to Nive Kennach for her amazing organisation in pulling us all together!). Apart from supporting our two Pāsifika candidates, our plan this year is to continue to grow our voices and be heard locally, nationally and globally on matters of climate change, indigenous ecological wisdom and equality. We are spoilt for talent within our Network and we are lucky to have a dedicated group filled to the brim with expertise and engaged broader Pacific networks. It is an exciting time to be Pāsifika! Mālie!

Photo Mua Strickson-Pua, Hayley Holt, Julie Zhu, Barry Coates, Teanau Tuiono, Shari NevaMoffatt, Stefanie O’Brien

Photo Signing the Every Child is Worth It pledge with NZEI delegates Denise Roche MP is the Green Party spokesperson for workplace relations and safety and is a member of the Union Greens

Trish Tutou & Tim Baice

Sarah Roberts is female Co-convenor of the Rural Greens

Trish Tutou and Tim Baice are Co-convenors of the Pasifika Greens

Our Networks

Union Greens Denise Roche

Young Greens at the Global Greens Congress Michael Brambleby-Shelford

Young people in Aotearoa face enormous challenges. Much of the millennial generation cannot realistically dream of being able to afford to own a home, and are subjected to shockingly poor conditions in a rental system that has no proper regulatory framework. The labour market is dominated by temporary, part-time and low-waged jobs. Employment is only going to become more scarce as automation becomes cheaper than even the worst paid workers and we have to compete with machines for the means to a living. And catastrophic climate change, which will eventuate if no action is taken, will destroy living standards and threaten a total breakdown of society. Our generation and our children will bear the brunt of this rapidly approaching calamity. It is tempting, on assessing the predicament millennials are in, to draw conclusions that lead to a narrative of intergenerational warfare. The temptation is to say that the baby boomers rigged the rules in their own favour and created an era of wealth and enrichment that would be unsustainable in the long term and would rob younger generations of opportunity and prosperity. This temptation must be resisted and this narrative rejected. The current harsh conditions that young people face are the result of political choices made by the representatives of businesspeople and landlords, who own this land and most of its contents. These people benefit themselves at the expense of a much bigger class of people - the vast majority who have to work to earn a living. The diverse working class of Aotearoa, young and old, of various genders, sexualities and ethnicities, whether Tangata Whenua or Tangata Tiriti, has been robbed of its wealth by our economic system, and the majority of millennials are now feeling the harsh effects. The unemployment and inequality that exploded under the first wave of neoliberal governments resulted in people with previously stable jobs having no wealth or agency left, causing many to take their own lives in despair. That same blight is hitting our generation of workers now. We must stand alongside older generations in solidarity - as a class - and say that, young or old, the vast majority of New Zealanders are harmed by free market economics. Intergenerational warfare is, to use a suitably antiquated colloquialism, baloney! The solution to the economic woes faced by various generations of New Zealanders is a new type of socialand values-based politics, to quote fellow millennial and author, Max Harris. Our current system treats people as consumers to be milked, and as workers to be exploited, to be paid as little as possible and charged as much rent as possible, in order to maximise the profits of the owners of land and industry. The only way to counter this is a political narrative and policy solutions based on the fundamental premise that human beings are inherently trustworthy, creative and deserving of rights and social security!

I was lucky enough to represent Young Greens Aotearoa at the four-day Global Greens Congress in Liverpool, an international greens conference which happens every five or so years, and is hosted by a different organisation every time. Over 2,000 greenies from all over the world attended the conference, the days packed with informative discussions, and reports of success and struggles from every part of the planet. While there I met a number of international Young Greens from across the globe, along with the awesome and amazing (can’t stress this enough!) Asia Pacific Greens Federation (APGF) Young Greens. Eleven countries from the Asia Pacific region were represented in the youth caucus. Part of our task as delegates was to elect two of our region’s members to the global steering committee. Four members from our region put their names forward, with the two successful candidates being almost unanimously selected. Zoe Lee, from Taiwan, and Janmejai Tiwari, from India, will represent us for the next five years on the committee. Both Zoe and Janmejai showed leadership from day one and I look forward to seeing both of them excel in their roles. Another of our tasks was to discuss possible amendments to the Global Young Greens charter. Our federation met with a number of countries from around the world to work on an amendment to ensure no one region could dominate the vote through numbers alone. Even if the largest federation, Europe, votes unanimously on a vote, it will still need to have at least one of the other three federations vote with it to ensure the vote passes. This gives our smaller federations a real opportunity to be more involved in the voting process, and ensure global young greens have an international goal, not a European one. Towards the end of the conference, our federation was able to come together and discuss the future of our own region. We agreed that strengthening our ties and creating a real presence within our region is something we’d like to work on over the coming years. We plan on doing this by creating a board of representatives from each country in the Asia Pacific, whose main goal will be to establish and maintain an active youth-led regional organisation, that we hope will one day become an effective driver of good green change within our region. It was a true honour representing you all at this conference and I really think it’s important that we ensure we have stronger youth representation both regionally and internationally at similar events. We can do this by having more NZ youth involved in APGF. There will be roles available within the federation later this year, with a possible trip to Taiwan as early as next year for those who put their hands up! Come and get involved, meet our regional whanau, and work together on good green change for our region, and our world. Nga mihi.

There is a bogus idea that somehow baby boomers are responsible for young people suffering precarious work and housing conditions, and growing up with an increasingly at-risk environment. But baby boomers have also suffered due to market economics. The argument needs to be seen for what it is: a distraction from the real systemic causes of inequality.

Elliot Crossan is the Co-convenor of the Young Greens

Zoe Lee, Janmejai Tiwari and Michael

Young Greens table at Congress

Global GlobalGreens Greens

Our Networks 18

The Myth of the War Between the Millennials and the Baby Boomers Elliot Crossan

Michael Brambleby-Shelford was the Young Greens rep at Global Greens Congress

The Global Greens 4th Congress Liverpool, United Kingdom The GPANZ delegation to the Global Greens Congress in Liverpool, at the end of March, was tasked with some clear objectives across a very busy and productive four days. Metiria collected learnings from Green colleagues in government, in coalitions and those negotiating to be in government. Kennedy doggedly pursued the re-invigoration of the Global Greens Parliamentarian Association, and met with success. Mike ably represented NZ on the Young Greens network of the AsiaPacific Greens Federation (APGF). He was also our public-relations machine, fronting for NZ on the Global Greens stage.

Photos both pages, left to right Top row Scottish welcome to Liverpool Congress; Metiria and Reinhard BĂźtikofer, Co-chair of the European Green Party; Metiria welcoming APGF delegates. Middle row Congress audience; Mike representing New Zealand on stage; Caroline Lucas, Co-leader of UK Green Party.

Global Greens

Global GlobalGreens Greens

Bottom row Metiria with Natalie Bennett, previous leader of UK Greens; Young Greens from around the world; Dr Richard Di Natale, Australian Greens leader; various Green federations on stage.

Asia-Pacific Greens Federation Planning for the Future

Global Parliamentarians Collaborate Kennedy Graham

Melanie Chapman

The following statement of purpose was adopted: The GGPA, being composed of elected members of legislatures, shall work collaboratively together as one network, while operating at two levels of national and subnational action, in pursuit of the following objectives: 1. To be active, in a coordinated manner, in our parliaments on issues of identified global concern, in order to influence the governments of our countries and serve the public whom we represent, towards the goals specifically identified by the Global Greens; 2. To develop a mutually-reinforcing and mutuallysupportive network of MPs, as individuals, to help us each to become most effective in our parliamentary action, and realise our potential as movers of positive global change; 3. To achieve positive change for Green goals at the global and regional levels through the strengthening of international institutions, including more parliamentarian representation and decision-making influence in those bodies.

The Global Greens 4th Congress in Liverpool, 30 March - 2 April, was one of the infrequent opportunities for the Asia-Pacific Greens Federation (APGF) to meet face-to-face. The APGF Council - the governing body managing APGF’s operations - met immediately following the Global Greens Congress. Since passing the APGF Constitution in Wellington in June 2015, and with membership going from strength to strength, the need for an APGF strategic plan was clear. A number of the less-established green parties in the AsiaPacific region were keen to acquire learnings and expertise on governance, policy and campaigns from other parties, such as the New Zealand Greens. Developing a strategic framework was one of the main goals of the APGF meeting in Liverpool. The meeting agreed the framework would focus on four main areas: 1. Supporting APGF 2. Governance of member parties 3. Policy 4. Campaigns The strategy will also look at ways the APGF might increase its financial sustainability into the future. As well, APGF operations will need to be more accessible to a greater number of member parties, through use of a wider range of languages and better ITC technologies. A raft of possible activities to support the Asia-Pacific strategy emerged during discussions.

Photo Kennedy Graham with Elizabeth May, leader of the Green Party of Canada

Photos from top APFG delegates at Global Greens Congress; Green issues are global issues; Global connectivity in action

Kennedy Graham MP is the Greens spokesperson for foreign affairs

Melanie Chapman is the Green Party’s International Secretary

Global Greens

One of the highlights of the recent Global Greens Congress in Liverpool was the consolidation of the Global Greens Parliamentarian Association (GGPA), after its ghost-like existence since the previous Congress in Senegal in 2012. A meeting plus a social occasion with about 70 MPs, convened by Kennedy Graham (NZ) and Elizabeth May (Canada), established a potentially strong network of Green parliamentarians. Four regional convenors were appointed: Kennedy Graham, Asia-Pacific; Elizabeth May, Americas; Äsa Romson, Europe; and Didace Pembe, Africa. The relationship between GGPA and the Global Greens Coordinating Committee was agreed, with Evelyne Huytebroek (Belgium) as the GGPA rep on that Committee. And the Global Greens Ambassador, Christine Milne (Australia), was co-opted to assist GGPA. It was agreed that, in light of administrative/financial constraints, the network would focus on two areas for the foreseeable future: climate change action in parliaments; and any emergency items that arise.

Growing Our International Vote The International team

Sweden The Swedish Government has unveiled a very ambitious new climate law, as Jakop Dalunde, Green Swedish MEP, explains. “First of all, the new climate law will make Sweden lower its carbon emissions by 85 percent over the next 30 years. Thus the law will give Sweden clear goals and a long-term climate policy. This will likely promote climate investments and create more green jobs. We all know that a green economy creates more jobs and a clean environment improves our health. We hope to inspire other countries in Europe to follow our example, as well as the EU.”

Did you know that almost one million New Zealanders live overseas? That’s almost as many as live in the whole of the South Island/Te Waipounamu. And these globe-trotting Kiwis vote Green at a disproportionate rate. In 2014, 26.5% of the international votes were cast for the Green Party. Overseas votes, as part of the wider Special Vote pool, have helped us get an extra MP in the last three elections. In the past, our volunteer efforts have been centred around London, which has had an active branch since James Shaw lived there in 2008. But this year we’re taking our message global. So we’ve rebranded our most visible online presence, the Kiwi Greens UK blog and social media, to ‘Kiwi Greens Global’ to reflect our wider audience and invite participation from all corners of the world. We have volunteers all around the UK, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Africa, the Middle East, New York, California, Canada and Australia. We even have one hardy volunteer spreading the Green message from his home in Guernsey in the Channel Islands. Charles Hurford thinks he might be the only Kiwi on the island but he’s still determined to make a difference this year. Our message is simple - the most important thing is to vote (only 38,000 Kiwis voted from overseas last election), and then to vote for the Greens. We’ve proven we’re the only party taking international Kiwis seriously. The London branch hosted Metiria Turei for two days following the Global Greens Congress, and filmed a video targeted at international Kiwis. Metiria also met up with dozens of UK-based Kiwis and shared her personal vision for the future of New Zealand. We also gate-crashed the annual Waitangi Day pub crawl in London, handing out stickers and spreading the Green message, and got a Facebook Live shout out from James and Marama Davidson to all Kiwis overseas.

Global Greens

European Green Party European Green Parties are calling on the nine European banks from six different countries that invest in the Dakota Access Pipeline to divest from it. The Greens explain that the purpose of this huge pipeline project is to transport oil across the United States with the aim of reducing the costs for delivering large oil reserves to markets. The pipeline is opposed by Native Americans of the North Dakota Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, as it is being built very close to their reservation, and crossing the Missouri River, which is the tribe’s primary source of water. European Greens want the migration pact signed with Turkey in March 2016 to be scrapped. Greens/EFA copresident, Ska Keller, said: "One year on from its signing, the EU must now call time on its disastrous migration pact with Turkey. Its human and political costs are unacceptable. The deal has resulted in a terrible situation for refugees. Thousands are stuck on the Greek islands under unbearable conditions, without any hope that their asylum claims will be processed any time soon. We cannot continue with this deal in good conscience. For as long as it continues, the Member States give the Turkish President Erdogan leverage against the EU and make it much more difficult to take effective action against the worsening human rights abuses under his rule.”

Australia Greens co-Deputy Leader and Foreign Affairs spokesperson, Senator Scott Ludlam, moved a motion calling for a UN Commission of Inquiry into human right abuses in Myanmar (Burma), against the minority Rohingya Muslim people. “What is happening to Rohingya people right now is devastating. For years and years we have seen institutionalised marginalisation and discrimination. Now we are witnessing horrifying atrocities like gang rape, brutal beatings, disappearances and killings. I welcome the fact that the Australian Parliament can put aside partisan divides to speak out about the persecution of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. I look forward to seeing the Australian Government use its influence to try and resolve this escalating crisis.”

The Greens have condemned the Israeli Government’s most recent expansion further into the West Bank. Senator Ludham said, “This so-called ‘Regularisation Bill’ makes settlement outposts built on privately-owned Palestinian land in the West Bank retrospectively ‘legal’. It’s a bill that decriminalises land theft. Amid huge international outcry, with even Israel’s own Attorney-General saying the bill is unconstitutional, there’s been not a peep from the Australian Government.” USA The Green Party strongly condemned President Donald Trump’s unilateral cruise missile strike on a Syrian government airfield, and has called for a halt to further overt and covert US military action. Greens have called for an internationally cooperative and impartial investigation of the nerve gas attack in Idlib province that killed scores of civilians. Greens, criticizing war drumbeats from Democrats and the media, are seeking to revive the anti-war movement. Green Party leaders noted that unilateral attacks on another sovereign country posing no immediate threat to the US violate international law and treaties to which the US is a signatory. The Green Party also calls for the US to admit Syrian civilians, especially children, who are fleeing the war. The Greens have also strongly criticized US raids in Yemen, air assaults on Mosul and a mosque near Aleppo, that have killed scores of civilians. Green Party calls Trump "criminally negligent" for reckless policies as the climate crisis worsens. Anika Ofori, member of the Louisiana Green Party and Green Party Black Caucus said, "The Trump administration’s environmental agenda in the era of climate change can be compared with President Bush’s inaction during the days before Hurricane Katrina’s landfall in Gulf states, except that the whole planet will suffer the consequences.” Photo Marama Davidson after speaking of her experience on Womens Boat to Gaza, wearing a gifted traditional Palestinian dress Lois Griffiths has compiled Green World for Te Awa for many years, and takes a keen interest in world affairs

Our volunteers will be out and about meeting New Zealanders in every corner of the world. Whether it’s handing out flyers outside gigs or pubs, or running our own events, we’ll be there. In the past we’ve run special screenings of All Blacks games, had enrolment parties to sign people up to vote, organised summer barbecues and run events with wellknown speakers. We’ll also be phone calling, door knocking and emailing Kiwis all the way up to Election Day. Overseas voting is open from 6 to 22 September, and our handy video guide to the ins and outs of international voting will soon be live at http://overseas.greens.org.nz

Making a video with the London branch

Can’t miss New Zealand Greens!

We are still looking for passionate volunteers in every corner of the world. Anyone interested, or who knows any interested people, should contact us via http://overseas.greens.org.nz/volunteer, or email simon. wood@greens.org.nz (Europe/Africa/Middle East/North America) or megan.bradyclark@greens.org.nz (Australia/ Asia-Pacific/South America). We are especially looking for volunteers keen to contribute to our Australian operation. If you have whanau or friends living overseas then please give them a shout and a poke to get informed and involved at http://overseas.greens.org.nz/. Plus follow our blog at http://kiwigreensglobal.org/ and Like and Share KiwiGreensGlobal on Facebook, and @NZGreensGlobal on Twitter and Instagram. With your help this can be the biggest Green overseas voting turnout ever.

Global Greens

Green World Compiled by Lois Griffiths

Modern Day Land Grab or Treaty Settlement?

As is often the case, it takes a lone voice to raise awareness and alert a local community to a situation or issue with potentially negative impacts. Shaun Lee, a Point England resident, long-time community volunteer and environmentalist is that person with regard to the proposed re-zoning of 11.9 hectares of Point England Reserve. The Point England Reserve Development Enablement Bill would create a separate area of land within the reserve and re-zone it as residential. Tāmaki Regeneration Company (owned by Auckland Council and central Government) would build 7500 new homes within the reserve over the next 15 years. Bordered both by state houses and million dollar homes, the reserve looks out over the Tāmaki Estuary. Greater intensification to cater for the anticipated population increase of 20,000 is necessary, but this reserve land should not be utilised - despite the million dollar views. Shaun garnered the support of local community members and formed www.savepe.org.nz. This dedicated group has been instrumental in alerting the public, community boards, and council and central Government politicians to their concerns about the re-zoning of the reserve. Why and how this is happening is a complex battle between different parties with different vested interests. This bill is currently opposed by the Auckland Council, Maungakiekie-Tāmaki Local Board, Labour, New Zealand First, Royal Forest and Bird Protection Society as well as significant numbers of the local community. The Green Party has abstained. One complication is that the bill would allow for the sale of the land to Ngāti Paoa. What we have is a commercial transaction in which the Government intends to sell to Ngāti Paoa re-zoned reserve land for a housing development and dedicated space for a Marae as part of a treaty settlement. However should Ngāti Paoa or another iwi choose not to purchase the land, the bill provides an opportunity for the purchase of the land by the private sector. It is important for Ngāti Paoa to be compensated. We are not in opposition to their right to economic redress, but not at the expense of protected reserve land and the environment. The environment and wildlife species will suffer. Numerous submissions to the bill have made this abundantly clear. One such concern is that the reserve is the roosting habitat of between 50-90% of the remaining wild shore birds in the Tāmaki Estuary and covers 50% of the nesting ground for the endangered NZ dotterel. In addition, the bill removes statutory requirements under the Resource Management Act for consultation, public engagement and environmental assessment. If this precedent-setting, fast-tracking bill is passed into legislation, what is to prevent the same things happening to other reserves?

The Green Party’s reasons for abstaining are outlined by Eugenie Sage and Marama Davidson in their blog from 12 April called ‘Point England: An almighty mess in the making’ (see http://blog.greens.org.nz/2017/04/12/) What is clear is that the values of the Green Party and the Green Party Charter of ecological wisdom, social responsibility and appropriate decision-making are contravened by the bill. However the party’s over-arching commitment to Te Tiriti o Waitangi means any opposition in response to these concerns are re-framed within the context of an irregular attempt at a treaty settlement. Alternative options have been proposed but, and we quote from the report issued by the select committee in response to submissions, “Any new proposal involving other development land or any adjustment to the current proposal would require renegotiation with all parties that could potentially be affected.” So why not take the time to do this? The bill as it presently stands pits the community in opposition to Ngāti Paoa, local government against central government, the environment against development, and Green Party members against Green Party members. Meanwhile Shaun Lee can see that the process initiated by Nick Smith, the Minister for Building and Construction and, ironically, the Minister for the Environment, means this precious reserve land could well be lost and his hopes for the birdlife dashed. In response, he has now launched a new petition called SaveOurReserves.org.nz. He does not want what is happening in Pt England to be repeated anywhere else in New Zealand. This is a challenging issue for a number of Auckland members and Eugenie’s and Marama’s blog post (identified in the article) is essential reading. Related thoughts on balancing treaty obligations with environmental concerns were also presented in Issue 50 - Ed Photo (top) Dorthe Siggaard at point England Reserve (right) NZ dotterel Photos by Rolf Sigaard

From the party

Greens Have Their Say

Maureen Titchener & Dorthe Siggaard

Maureen Titchener and Dorthe Siggaard are Auckland-based Greens

Over the past five years, Whangarei has been undergoing a slow revolution, with community hubs, education initiatives, micro-funding and public art projects reaching into the realm of genuine community development. The people of the district are shifting from a place of disempowerment to one of believing another world is possible. Here’s part of the story. In 2013, a small group of individuals, inspired by similar spaces here and overseas, founded a community bike workshop, Whare Bike. Housed in an unoccupied warehouse, now called Wood, the generous property owner trusted the group to be able to start light (so light, in fact, that it didn’t even have a bike pump when it opened), pay no rent, and begin to develop the space. Too large to rent as a whole, and not specifically suitable to those who could afford it, the group began to split the space up into manageable sections. A wholefood hub moved from a suburban carport to the space; Ovenbird coffee roasters were incubated; and the small business that builds the composting toilets used at Splore, the Treaty Grounds on Waitangi Day, and festivals moved there. Another food co-op and a vegetable market joined later, along with the environmental education organisation, EcoSolutions. It is has also variously been a theatre, a workshop, a couchsurfing magnet, circus hub, and home to 40 sailors on their way to deliver donated resources to Fiji following a cyclone. The need for space was so great that the group expanded next door, providing a home for Te Taitokerau Healthy Homes, E-Waste Recycling, the local ‘Food For Life’, and Whangarei Food Recovery. Lessons in alternative ways to look at property rights, learned overseas (particularly from the Netherlands), have been proven here: that space is a powerful community enabler, and when treated as a collective resource it can be transformative. Wood was a testing ground. It is loose, informal, without much recourse to regulation. ONEONESIX while also transformative, has been the opposite. A local theatre collective, Company of Giants, borrowed an abandoned central city church from Whangarei District Council (WDC) in late 2014 for two weeks. They are yet to give it back. Battling through much of 2015 to prevent a fast food giant from buying it and knocking it down, from the beginning the Giants were deep in council minutes, long term plan rules, and supportgathering. With a petition of over 500 signatures and a convincing case, in 2016 the WDC revoked its decision to sell, renting it to the theatre collective for a single dollar. In that year, the space altered from empty and decaying to having over 9,000 visitors (more than 10% of Whangarei’s population). This far exceeded all council expectations, leading to a three-year, $1 per annum lease renewal.

The foundational elements of the process were radical inclusion, and a focus on relationship preservation. A radio control car club used the space on the same day as a roller disco; Urban Dream Brokerage held a workshop for WDC, Northland Regional Council and other organisations in the same week as Beagle community radio held free, liveto-air afterschool gigs by young bands; Holly Smith and the drop-in community choir sang there within hours of each other; on Tuesdays, Te Wananga o Aotearoa’s mau rakau class precedes Kendo, and on Thursdays it precedes No Lights No Lycra. The experience has shown that the enabling and empowering of human action, development and care can be easy – with Wood, it was as simple as providing a slightly tumble-down space, within which people were able to start classes, organise events, and build small businesses. In late 2016 ONEONESIX launched a Pledgeme fund to cover the year’s outgoings. The target of $6,000 was reached within 36 hours, and went on to almost double. This shows the incredible community support for inspirational, shared projects. Effectively, all the people who donated had already done so through the rent concession given by WDC. But they all opted to pay more (a lot more in some cases), to see something they believe in flourish. What Whangarei’s experience shows is that if we are enabled to create things we deeply believe in, include everyone and tell the story well, we are happy to pay for them – in time, effort, money and care. Wood / Whare Bike: vimeo.com/86134653 ONEONESIX: youtu.be/Wr6ePCV4HQY

Photo (top) Good fun DIY bike repairs (right) At work at Whare Bike Ash Holwell is a co-founder of Whare Bike, Wood, Company of Giants, ONEONESIX, Beagle Radio, Whangarei Food Recovery, and is the Green Candidate for Whangarei.

From the party

Greens Have Their Say

Awakening Community in Whangarei Ash Howell

Nuclear Free Future Thomas Nash

Responding to the Dangers of Sugar – Over Half a Century On Kate Fulton

As a little girl, Setsuko Thurlow survived the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima. In April, she spoke these words to the United Nations. The occasion was the opening of the first negotiations on nuclear disarmament to take place for 20 years. 130 countries gathered to negotiate a legally binding instrument prohibiting, and eventually eliminating, nuclear weapons. The historic gathering is testament to the work of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), a coalition of civil organisations from around the world. I was privileged to be part of ICAN through the organisation I co-founded, Article 36, which sits on the campaign leadership group. I know how strong the opposition has been and how hard people have worked to get this far. While informed observers were buoyed by the launch of negotiations, mainstream media focused on who weren’t participating; the US, UK, and Australia among others. Their first question was: “what impact will this have without the US?” It’s understandable in a world where a small number of wealthy, militarised countries wield so much power. But for me, the real story is one of hope, equality amongst nations and a commitment to humanity. The real story is 130 countries working together, challenging the most destructive weapons ever. It’s people standing up for a world without nuclear violence, rejecting injustice and inhumanity. We face a tough choice in our turbulent post-Brexit, post-Tump world. Will people be divided by fear, or choose hope and work together to build a better world for everyone? In 2017, the choice for hope put a nuclear ban treaty on the table. Aotearoa has always been a strong supporter of nuclear disarmament. We set the agenda in 1987 by passing the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act. In April, two-thirds of the world’s nations joined us in launching global talks to ban nuclear weapons.

Most Kiwis are proud of our nuclear-free legacy, and want to see policy reflect this. I joined the Green Party and moved back home full of hope that, with a Green heart, our government will lead by example. We can have a big influence as a voice of reason and dialogue. That is sorely needed in international affairs right now. But we need a strong Green presence at the heart of government to make sure we get there. We can be greatly encouraged by these negotiations - as Kiwis, and as members of the international Green movement. The nuclear ban treaty reflects our Green kaupapa. The process has seen strong cooperation between states, civil society, UN actors and the Red Cross. It’s a model that’s delivered results on landmines, child soldiers, cluster bombs, international justice, the arms trade and climate change; an example of appropriate decision-making foiling the ‘power politics’ style of the nuclear-armed states. The process has put people and the planet first and has always been based on messages of hope for a safer world, a more peaceful and less violent world. Setsuko recalls seeing people in Hiroshima stumbling around carrying their eyeballs in their own hands. That’s the reality of nuclear weapons. The driving force for this nuclear ban treaty has been civil society, organised through ICAN. In February 2013, I co-authored a report, Banning Nuclear Weapons, that laid out the basics of the treaty now being negotiated. In just a few years, it has gone from being a sideline idea to the subject of UN negotiations. This is a tribute to the vision, tenacity and belief of a remarkable group of campaigners. The talks continue this June when diplomats will discuss a draft treaty. Opposition will only get stronger, but what looks certain now is that a treaty banning nuclear weapons is within reach. Its achievement will be a success beyond all odds and one that we should hope for, support and celebrate as Green Party members, and as citizens of Aotearoa and the world. Photo Thomas Nash fronting a nuclear free world Photo by John Chapman Thomas Nash is an international disarmament campaigner and Green Candidate for Palmerston North

Food is defined as ‘any nutritious substance that people or animals eat or drink, or that plants absorb in order to maintain life and growth.’ Documentaries like That Sugar Film and Supersize Me highlight the health consequences of consuming addictive and nutritionallypoor ‘food-like’ substances. Many of us know what we should and shouldn’t eat yet we seem unable to resist, due to the strength of addiction and misleading marketing. For half a century we’ve individually tried to navigate our way through the myriad of myths. It’s time for the government to show true leadership. As early as the 1930s medical professionals began to notice an increase in lung cancer. Prior to the increased popularity of tobacco smoking, lung cancer had been a very rare disease. In 1956, the British Doctors Study proved that smoking was causative in increasing the risk of lung cancer and heart attacks. Despite the scientific evidence and health risks being advertised, by 1984 Maori had the highest rates of lung cancers in the world. In 1985, nearly 30 years after the conclusive findings were published, the NZ Labour Government responded, leading the world with its development of a truly comprehensive smoking cessation policy. Committed to a preventative health care model, this policy included smoke-free public places, a 53% increase in tobacco prices, health warnings, and a ban on all tobacco advertising and sponsorship. It resulted in the most rapid rate of reduction of smoking in the OECD. Work is still needed to achieve a Smokefree Aotearoa 2025 for all communities; however this history demonstrates the effectiveness of public health policy in encouraging real changes to lifestyles. Like smoking tobacco, there is no refuting the scientific evidence that increased refined sugar consumption causes nutrition-related diseases, such as dental decay, type 2 diabetes, heart disease and metabolic syndrome. With this knowledge, the government has a moral responsibility to improve health outcomes. It is part of its duty of care to its citizens. You might be surprised to discover that the harmfulness of sugar been known since 1957! That’s right, 60 years ago.

Because the influences of sugar on our health involve more complicated mechanisms than the effects of smoking, the biochemistry of its effect was not as clear cut. Despite this, in 1972 Professor Yudkin, an expert in nutrition, published his findings on the dangers of sugar in Pure, White and Deadly. The extremely powerful sugar industry successfully discredited Yudkin, promoting saturated fat as the culprit for heart disease, and shedding doubt over the addictive nature of sugar and the harm it causes. The consumption of sugarsweetened foods and beverages continued to be deceptively promoted with images of wellbeing and happiness. Fortunately, some 60 years later, governments around the world are finally responding. While the current NZ government isn’t developing policy, there are now models from around the world that could be followed. In the UK, for example, a sugar tax on soft drinks, which have no nutritional benefit, will be introduced in 2018. Public Health England is also developing a comprehensive approach to reducing sugar consumption, including industry guidelines to reduce sugar consumption by 200,000 tonnes per year by 2020. With NZ obesity rates ranked third in the world (behind America and Mexico), a NZ Medical Association 2014 policy briefing, ‘Tackling Obesity’, identified a ‘public health crisis’ that it declared required the introduction of a comprehensive public health policy. It recognised that selfregulation of the food industry had not worked, stating “a prevailing ideology of individual responsibility and vested commercial interests have combined to thwart, dilute and undermine previous attempts at effective policies to counter the challenge of obesity.” Around 66% of NZ voters support a refined sugar tax, similar to the one being introduced in the UK. It might be expected that the current NZ government would at least consider the popularity of this tax, reflect on its ideology and respond. Surely the experience garnered from Aotearoa’s own hugely successful smoking cessation policy is evidence enough that such public health policies could work. Kate Fulton is a Nelson City Councillor and Green Candidate for West Coast-Tasman

Greens Have Their Say

“I want you to feel the presence of not only the future generations who will benefit from your negotiations to ban nuclear weapons, but to feel a cloud of witnesses from Hiroshima and Nagasaki.”

The Value of Urban Transport – Demonstrated Ian Wells A big issue for Christchurch is the future of our city - what kind of a city do we want? How can our transport systems keep up with the demand of so many businesses moving back to the CBD? Ilam Greens invited the Green’s spokesperson for transport, Julie Anne Genter MP, to join us on a bike tour of the new, separated bike ways emerging from the postearthquake construction in Christchurch. We had fine weather and, after arranging for a large crane to be removed from one of the bikeways just in time, were able to show Julie Anne one older and three brand new bikeways. Our local cycling community had a chance to travel with Ilam Greens candidate, David Lee, and other cycling Ilam members. We had easy stops at the new bus station (complete with electric bike charging points), a cycle repair centre, Gap Filler’s giant street video game, and the recently opened Earthquake memorial. Because we were travelling at the speed of a bicycle, we had time to discuss transport all along the way. It was a great opportunity to listen to Julie Anne as she filled us in on the transport decisions that are so needed in our country. And I highly recommend getting out and cycling for our future, with the Greens. We look forward to more fun and active events with Ilam Greens during this campaign. Photos by Rory Gilmore

Flax Roots Action

Ian Wells is a Christchurch Green

Great Green Stall Northland Branch

This great stall pops up at many events around Northland, and I would love to have images of other wonderful Green stalls for the next issue. Ed

Climate Change Study Report Sparks Cross-Party Collaboration Kennedy Graham

Eugenie Sage and Ans de Wolf at Dargaville Fieldays, campaigning on the swimmable rivers.

The report was published and launched in the Beehive Theatrette on 21 March and then at the Christchurch City Council and Auckland Council over the following two days. The Beehive launch was attended by 140 people, including the Speaker, the Minister for Climate Change, former PM Geoff Palmer, and the visiting OECD Environment Director, Simon Upton. On 13 April Parliament held a debate specifically on the Vivid Report – the first occasion in ten years that Parliament has held a debate on a specific issue. In opening the debate I asked, “Where to from here? I believe the report will be invaluable in facilitating policy debate in this country … Let us continue our discussions, informally around the table, and see how fast we can proceed, blending short-term and longer-term responsibilities. Because, ultimately, they are one and the same. And ultimately, we are all in this extraordinary saga together.”

Photo Kennedy and a number of cross-party MPs forming the GLOBE-NZ executive

MP Reports

Flax Roots Action

Our Green team at the Kaitaia A & P Show (February)

The Vivid consultancy report on New Zealand’s future greenhouse gas emissions pathway has come to fruition. The result has been impressive, and rewarding for the country. ‘Net Zero in New Zealand: Scenarios for achieving emissions neutrality in New Zealand in the second half of the century’, was completed after six months of intensive work, and submitted to GLOBE-NZ, the crossparty group of 35 MPs in Parliament. It can be found at: www.parliament.nz/en/get-involved/features/mps-collaborateacross-party-lines-in-response-to-climate-change/ The report identifies four scenarios for New Zealand’s climate future. The contractual terms required Vivid to produce scenarios consistent with the objectives of the Paris Agreement – essentially two main goals: net-zero global emissions in the second half of the century, while developed countries should ‘continue to take the lead.’ One scenario is called ‘Off-Track NZ.’ It is better than BAU, envisaging deep cuts in energy and transport emissions, but continuing agricultural trends. Neutrality is not achieved until into the 22nd century. Two scenarios show New Zealand achieving neutrality in the 2050’s and ‘60s. ‘Innovative NZ’ would find us with 100% renewable electricity and other innovative technology. ‘Resourceful NZ’ would envisage an ambitious afforestation programme of 1.6 million hectares. Critically, both scenarios would foresee significant changes in landuse patterns; in other words, less dairy and more forestry, horticulture and arable land. The report says a fourth scenario, ‘2050 NZ’, is possible. This would require, in addition to the most ambitious components of ‘Innovative’ and ‘Resourceful’, the closure of the most intensive emitting industries in New Zealand (aluminium, steel and oil refining). The report contains five conclusions, reflecting the above, and nine recommendations. It does not, however, contain policy prescription; that is left, through inference and debate, to MPs as policy makers and of course, ultimately, the Government.

Gareth Hughes

Steffan Browning

Catherine Delahunty

Kia ora, te whanau. I’m keeping very busy with the Health portfolio, as there are a huge number of organisations to speak with and issues to comment on. My priorities have been: speaking out about the ongoing underfunding of our health services; the crisis in mental health and the need for a nationwide inquiry; and drug law reform generally, and the urgent need for a law change to ensure sick people are legally able to use cannabis for medical purposes. I am working on a member’s bill specifically about medical cannabis, and I am hopeful that it could get the numbers to pass if it were drawn from the ballot. Green transport is an issue more popular than ever - the latest iteration of the Congestion Free Network (developed by Greater Auckland) was recently released and there is nearly universal support for a shift to building better public transport in Auckland. I am working to develop our policy packages for Wellington, Christchurch, and across the country generally, for use during our election campaign. Transport is a huge opportunity for the Green Party in government to make lasting changes that will benefit the climate, reduce inequality, and make our communities happier, healthier and more connected at the human scale. Finally, I have been thinking a lot about how we nurture our relationships with each other, even when we have political disagreements. Our diverse perspectives all contribute to our strength as a political party - but we can only integrate them if we listen to each other and work towards consensus. The kaupapa and values that we share in common are so much greater than the views that divide us. It’s easy and natural to focus on the points of difference, but I am confident we can each put in the mahi to acknowledge our common ground, and to treat each other with kindness and respect. Aotearoa, and the world, needs us to be our best together.

It’s been a busy autumn for me and I can’t wait for spring Green growth on 23 September! Work on Campaign Committee has stepped up a gear and I believe we’re in the best campaign shape ever. A real highlight was launching our new ‘Empowering NZ: Cheaper, Cleaner, Smarter Electricity’ policy to tackle energy poverty, get to 100% renewables and futureproof a smarter system. It’s taken two years, working with consultants and experts, and consulting members and businesses, and is something I am incredibly proud of. I also delivered a presentation to Auckland Council, who voted to divest from fossil fuels; opened the Wellington Cancer Society’s solar roof, which will save them hundreds of thousands of dollars; and launched a policy to restore RNZ’s funding and establish a Public Journalism Fund. I challenged the Government on oil drilling and seabed mining. I launched a petition to stop exploration in the Maui’s dolphin Sanctuary; campaigned against the oil exploration block offer next to Lake Te Anau; and revealed in Question Time, and in the media, a massive $885 million taxpayer liability for decommissioning old oil rigs – yet another fossil fuel subsidy! Over February and March I toured NZ’s universities and polytechs, promoting our tertiary education policies; and online I was promoting our team through my ‘Green MPs in a Podcast’ series. Whew!

It was fantastic (great even!) to get my Consumers’ Right to Know (Country of Origin of Food) Bill through its first reading and on to the Primary Production Select Committee, with 120 votes for it and only one against (from ACT). Horticulture NZ commissioned a poll with Consumer NZ, released a month ahead of the first reading, showing 71% of New Zealanders wanted Country of Origin Labelling (CoOL) and only 9% did not. I appealed to each party in Parliament, discussing with relevant Ministers and representatives the growing popular appeal and long standing campaign for CoOL, and on the day it came together. The Primary Production Committee accepted submissions until 18 May. With a tightening timeline ahead of Parliament before it rises for the election, it is unclear exactly what stage the Bill will get to this term. However with very strong sector support, such as from Horticulture NZ and NZ Pork, along with Consumer NZ and other consumer representatives, this Bill is looking good to become law under the incoming government Great Green-Labour of course! This has been a long campaign by the Green Party, industry and NGOs, with Sue Kedgley presenting a proCoOL petition of 39,000 signatures to Parliament in 2007. In 2011 Labour came over to the cause, and now National has joined. Just ACT seems to be prepared to be on record as preventing effective consumer choice.

The Education (Update) Amendment Bill is a dog’s breakfast. It will require a new government to undo the reckless undermining of the public system. We spent four hours tearing it apart in the House when we would rather have been building cross-party consensus for a quality public system that works for all children. The need to change the Government is painfully obvious in education. The early childhood sector is struggling with underfunding, group sizes, ratios of adults to children and more. State schools are dealing with the impacts of inequality on students, underfunding, trying to meet diverse learning support needs without support, the end of decile funding and the beginning of “targeting”, which looks like rationing. Teachers are looking for a vision beyond National Standards and NCEA targets. They want to be educators not assessors. Parents want children to be creative and happy, with good social skills, and signs of progress in their learning that recognise the unique learning pace of each child. Last election, the Green Party launched the school hubs policy. People in the education sector are still talking about it. They want school lunches, a school nurse and a facilitator to build community relationships and services based in schools. They have welcomed our proposal that Te Reo be a core part of the curriculum, once we have built the capacity to deliver it to all students up to year 10. We will be announcing new policy before the election. We will not be forgetting the students with learning support needs who have failed in the current system. It has been my privilege to be the Greens education spokesperson for most of the last eight years and I will miss the wonderful people I have worked with. My great hope is that we can change the government and put children, not privatisation, at the heart of education. Every child in every community deserves the best we can give them.

MP Reports

MP Reports 36

Julie Anne Genter

Investing in People and the Planet Robert Howell, BookPrint, 2017

Two Percent Solutions for the Planet Courtney White, Chelsea Green Publishing, 2015

The Whistleblower

Beyond Tribal Loyalties is a collection of 25 personal stories written by Jews from Australia, Canada, Israel, United Kingdom and the US. All the contributors had unquestioningly embraced the Zionist doctrine, wholeheartedly supporting Israel ‘right or wrong’, until something happened in each of their lives that caused them to re-examine their attitudes towards Israel and the Palestinian people. The editor, Avigail Abarbanel, an Israeli-born psychotherapist now living in Scotland and an activist for Palestinian rights, collected the stories hoping to find a common theme to explain what it was that led the contributors to make such a change in their views. What is clear from a number of the stories is that many of those who grew up in Zionist households, went to Hebrew schools and went on free Israel-funded ‘birthright’ trips, faced hatred, accusations of treason, ostracism, loss of friendships, sometimes within their own families, for even daring to criticise any action of Israel’s. The stories are all different. What Abarbanel concluded to be a common trait held by each writer is what she calls ‘emotional resilience’. By that she means “the ability to tolerate uncomfortable feelings, without avoiding them or trying to make them go away.” It means being able to “tolerate the experience of being disapproved of, disliked or even rejected by others.” Why read Beyond Tribal Loyalties? The stories provide a fascinating insight into another aspect of the situation in Israel and the Occupied Territories, a situation we Greens should try to follow if we are to be world citizens who ‘think globally’. They provide an opportunity to learn of some inspiring, brave people, including Jeff Halper of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, and Anna Baltzer, author of Witness in Palestine. Avigail Abarbanel hopes her book will inspire others to be able to take a stand against injustice wherever they see it. As she says, “We all have to learn to be more fully human.”

Large polluting multinationals generally have the upperhand in the battle to protect our planet and its people. Oil and mining companies, in particular, dominate the global top 20 in terms of wealth and influence, and many receive substantial subsidies despite the damage they cause. In this slim 70-page volume Robert Howell explains how ordinary people can shift the power balance considerably through our expectations as investors. Currently there is little scrutiny and demand for ethical investment and yet concerns around climate change have resulted in many big investors divesting from fossil fuels. New Zealand is lagging behind countries such as Norway and Sweden in how it manages investment funds on our behalf. It was recently revealed that our Superannuation Fund was supporting the manufacture of cluster bombs. Whether it be our personal investments, through the likes of KiwiSaver, or the expectations we place on our Government when managing our considerable ACC or Super Fund, we can advocate for an ethical approach to investment. Howell provides a succinct guide (supported by a useful glossary) to the investment world and explains how we can determine what an ethical company or investment portfolio looks like. We can only effectively advocate for change when we know what it looks like. Rod Oram calls this a “timely and important book” and makes the plea: “However modest are our own investments, we must all join the push to make KiwiSaver providers, banks and other financial intermediaries highly responsible and deeply sustainable investors.”

Two Percent Solutions for the Planet showcases 50 different innovative, low-tech, low-cost solutions for many of the world’s most pressing environmental problems, including erosion, desertification, climate change and biodiversity loss. "Two percent" refers, among other things, to the percentage of gross domestic product required to effectively address all of the above. Most of the solutions involve harnessing nature to accomplish a task far more cheaply and effectively than man-made technology can. Solutions include using beavers for flood control, training cattle to eat weeds, holistic planned grazing to sequester more carbon in the soil (reversing global warming and increasing resilience to drought and flooding) and using dung beetles to reduce parasite loads and nutrient run-off and to improve soil fertility. Other techniques described are keyline design to increase drought resilience, growing vegetables under solar photovoltaic panels, roller crimping cover crops to turn them into mulch without ploughing or herbicides, a mobile supermarket to supply fresh fruit and vegetables to communities too small to support their own permanent supermarket, using cattle to plant and fertilise seeds, placing rocks to slow creek flows and reduce erosion - and many other unique and ingenious innovations. The wide variety of problems and their solutions covered by this book make it a fascinating and essential read for anyone interested in healing the planet. It is also available as an e-book.

We’ve more or less stopped watching TV, instead we spend the occasional evening with Netflix. Often that will be watching a series, but the other night it was The Whistleblower, a 2010 drama based on events in post-war Bosnia in the 1990s. A Canadian/European production, The Whistleblower tells the story of how US policewoman, Kathryn Bolkovac, (played by Rachel Weisz) uncovers a sex-slave ring that is not only overlooked by the UN peacekeeping force in Bosnia, but is actively engaged in by some American individuals in the team. That is not really a spoiler as the film is so much more than plot: it is about ethics, corruption and deceit at the highest levels. Through its two main female protagonists (Vanessa Redgrave is the other) and its victims, the film analyses the nature of exploitation of human beings and shows the UN itself in a very unflattering light. Many deeper questions of poverty, inequality, culture, custom and international relations are asked. The filming, script and acting are top quality; the story unfolds with great tension and understated credibility. It ends with an update of the consequences of Bolkovac’s actions, putting it into perspective in terms of current events. Interesting that such a powerful story was told not by the US film industry, but by others. It is available on Netflix, DVD and Blu-ray.

Reviewed by Dave Kennedy

Reviewed by David Hodge

Reviewed by Lois Griffiths

Reviewed by Janine McVeagh

Reviews

Reviews 38

Beyond Tribal Loyalties Edited by Avigail Abarbanel, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012

Letters

The Greens in North & South magazine! Brilliant cover and copy in the May issue of North & South. As a longstanding greenie from Values days, I appreciated one of the themes running through Mike White’s article: the Greens may have changed their style since the early days, but the substance and principles of our green philosophy have stayed true and constant. Please buy it and, after showing it to friends, drop it in to your local medical centre. What a fantastic candidate list. We just have to get at least 20 MPs into Parliament in September! Kia kaha

Architecture and Landscapes Inspire Featuring Caroline Glass Living Economies Expo Extreme inequality, inaction on climate change, overuse of damaging fossil fuels, water pollution, housing crises, and the increasing recognition of threats to our food production systems are all indicators of a system in crisis. While we can and do debate what causes what, it is clear that our economic system is definitely part of the problem. At the Living Economies Expo in Lyttelton, Christchurch, 31 March to 2 April, a wide range of people from here and around the world got together to look at how we might foster change locally and nationally. We need change that will help us become more resilient and make our economic, social and environmental future better than it currently looks. We heard about reducing community debt using a strengths-based community approach, savings pools, community land trusts, timebanking and other community currencies that can be used as a means to trade locally. We heard about social enterprise, worker and consumer cooperatives, and mutual aid networks to help bring it all together. Deirdre Kent spoke about the kinds of changes that might be needed at central government level, and how these might be furthered in a time when governments everywhere remain intent on fostering growth. A key theme running through the Expo was the centrality of bringing our communities together, and valuing the many strengths that the people around us have to make these initiatives work. Lyttelton itself is a great example of a living economy, and most residents love living there because of it. Learning about these initiatives and trying them out is something that Greens everywhere can do. The organisers plan to share the information from the Expo as it becomes available. Check out the Living Economies Website, www. le.org.nz/, Google the key concepts identified above to learn more about them, or join the Living Economies Facebook group for further discussions. Dr Chrys Horn, Christchurch

Why do I paint? I think more than anything else I paint because I get ideas. Only a minority of my pictures are of real places, but most of the others probably start with ideas I see in real places. For example, in Wellington you can walk up the hill from Manners Street in the central city, and get to a hidden flight of steps called Allenby Terrace, which leads you through an old residential area, then you go up Mount Street and on up a path to an exposed cemetery. It is quite a dramatic series of different environments that you pass through. I could never draw a picture from life that shows that, because there is no way you can see it all in one view, but I have done a number of paintings that take the character of that journey and show it on one view. I grew up with a sister who was very good at music, and she attracted a lot of admiration for it. I very soon learned that I could not compete with her in that field, so I tried to become good at art because I wanted to feel the sense of achievement that she got from music. I did art at school, but I never got good marks. I also studied at Architecture school for a few years, and I’m sure that taught me ways of thinking that are relevant to art. I make oil pastel and ink drawings of urban landscapes, and occasionally rural landscapes with buildings in them. To start with, my interest was in drawing houses – the geometries of them, and then the rhythms set up by groups of houses. Later I also became interested in drawing churches and other distinctive building types, and in setting up contrasts between buildings and trees or landforms.

The artist at work

Catlins painting

But money isn’t the only thing you can bequeath. We were recently asked by a wonderful member if we would be at all interested in their bequeathing us an electric car. Such a generous offer! This car is much loved and has already saved several tonnes of carbon emissions in the time we have owned it.

Green Bites

Your Will Matters Bequests are a wonderful way to make a difference. As you may know, we have already been the grateful recipients of a couple of bequests last year. It is so kind of these generous people to consider us in their will.

If you are considering including us in your will, please let us know. Email Sonja.deely@greens.org.nz

Craft Corner

Nozz Fletcher, Picton

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