The ISSUE. Sudan. Vol.1 Issue3 Jan-Feb 2011 by The ISSUE

January-February 2011

SUDAN: Struggles of God, Grit and Grain.

Volume 1 | Issue 3 www.theissueonline.com The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

In this ISSUE Note from the editor / 3 From North to South: One Sudan Becomes Two / 6 The Battle For Darfur / 8 Women in Sudan / 12 Lionhearted, Humble & Hopeful / 14 Referendums and Secessions in World Politics / 18 In Sudan, An Election and a Beginning / 20 Further Reading & Viewing / 24 Support Us! / 25

Cover photo by Ron Haviv of VII Photo Agency [www.ronhaviv.com] [www.viiphoto.com]

The ISSUE would like to thank: Gary Knight, Ron Haviv & Alina Grosman of VII Photo Agency Stephanie Serino & Phyllis Collazo of The New York Times The Centre for Studies in Social Justice, University of Windsor Dr. Abdel Salam Sidahmed, Department of Political Science, UWindsor Enrique Chacon, International Student Centre, UWindsor Mathiang Chot

Note from the editor. With this year’s prevalent democracy movements across the Middle-East and Northern Africa, the collective vox populi of the Arab World have reached an unprecedented level - toppling long standing regimes and igniting reassessments of conduct by governments. Inspired by these valiant movements for democracy, The ISSUE decided to explore Sudan’s procession toward democracy. On the 9th of January this year, a referendum took place to determine whether Southern Sudan should become a sovereign nation. The results of this referendum favoured the independence of Southern Sudan, rebuilding hopes of a peaceful society. However, the complexities and challenges of this region may obscure these hopes. “The obvious questions to be asked are what are the real causes for the repeated failures that generate instability and chronic problems, and whether there is a way out”, states Dr. Abdel Salam Sidahmed, professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Windsor, and an acclaimed expert on the region. This ISSUE delves into these questions while providing a background to understand the secession, as a new chapter in history unfolds. In order to elaborate the grievances of the Sudanese people, this ISSUE features exclusive photographs from the prestigious VII Photo Agency. These photographs were taken by two internationally acclaimed photojournalists and founding members of VII - Ron Haviv and Gary Knight. Their award winning works have been exhibited across the world - from the Louvre in Paris to the UN Headquarters in New York – and have been featured in leading publications including Time Magazine, Newsweek, and National Geographic , amongst several others. On behalf of The ISSUE, I extend my sincere gratitude to Ron and Gary for making these generous donations to fulfill the purpose of this publication. This ISSUE intends to ignite a sense of global leadership, and help you induct a pursuit to ensure that the struggles of the Sudanese people were not in vain. As a international community, our combined efforts are dire to bring justice and an end to their gratuitous struggles, and reinvigorating their hopes.

- Rahul Radhakrishnan

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Used under Creative Commons license.

The red portion displays the projected boundaries for an independent South Sudan from July this year. The secession of South Sudan splits Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest country into two autonomous regions.

Assess.

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From North to South, One Sudan Becomes Two by Uriel Marantz In the first month of 2011 alone, Sudan has already held a referendum on southern secession and counted preliminary results. In an impressive show of voter turnout from South Sudanese within the country and expatriates living abroad, nearly 99 percent of the ballots supported seceding from the Republic of the Sudan in the North and establishing the Republic of South Sudan. The largest country in Africa is poised to split itself in two as of July 2011, with an impending referendum due to be held in the next few months on the status of the Abyei region, an oil-rich historical waypoint between the northern and southern halves of Sudan. In addition to the tricky question of Abyei, many other issues will need to be dealt with systematically during this upcoming year as a highly sensitive period of political transition unfolds. While centrifugal forces continue to reshape the very fabric of Sudanese society, the year 2011 promises to be a decisive one for the people, the country and the destiny of Sudan.

the entirety of the country in 1983, the African Animists and Christians of the South resisted and civil war returned to the country for more than two decades (1983 – 2005).

Severe political instability wracked Sudan throughout the 1980s, and the civil war showed no signs of relenting as the current president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, seized power in a military coup d’etat in 1989. Since then corruption and scandal has ensued under al-Bashir’s regime, and alternating patterns of repression or neglect of Sudan’s politically weak constituencies and territories has resulted. This is, after all, the root cause of both the long-running North-South civil wars and the humanitarian disaster in Darfur, which began in early 2003 and has sparked tensions with neighbouring Chad as well. It is worth pausing for a moment and reviewing some disturbing statistics. During the 17 years of the first civil war, hundreds of thousands of Sudanese were displaced, and out of the 500,000 that lost their lives, four in Perhaps it is easiest to start at the beginfive were unarmed civilians. During the 22 years ning, with Sudanese independence from joint Brit- of the second civil war, 4 million Sudanese citizens ish-Egyptian colonial control in the mid-1950s. became refugees while most of the roughly 2 milThe inability of the central government in the lion casualties were killed not by fighting but by northern capital city of Khartoum to inaugurate a famine and disease. Similar conditions in Darfur federal parliamentary system inclusive of southand western Sudan have resulted in approximateerners and responsive to their political demands ly 3 million displaced refugees and close to led to the country’s first civil war between North 300,000 helpless victims of war, starvation and and South (1955 – 1972). Ideological differences, sickness. In a country of just over 40 million peoeconomic stagnation and political wrangling led to ple, which could have been 45 million if no deaths a series of civilian governments paralyzed by the and 50 million if no refugees, the sheer magnitude issues of sectarianism and factionalism being of these shocking figures demands reflective retoverthrown by military coups. In 1972, the Addis rospection. Ababa Agreement gave the South limited autonoThe peace treaty of 2005 that ended the 22 my and temporarily halted civil war for the next -year long state of civil war between northern and decade. When the Arab and Muslim-led governsouthern Sudan stipulated certain conditions ment attempted to implement Sharia Law across The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

which made the recent referendum on secession possible. Aside from the immediate cessation of hostilities, revenues derived from oilfields – located mainly in the South – were to be shared between North and South, employment opportunities were to be allocated in proportion to regional population sizes, Islamic law was delimited to the North, and the South would be given increased autonomy until 2011 so that a referendum could be held to determine the region’s fate. After decades of little to no investment in the South combined with the effects of war, malnutrition and poverty, prospects for development in this part of the country were far from positive. Southerners are not only divided among Animists and Christians, but rival African tribes compete for grazing and herding pastures for their livelihoods. In a region the size of France, only a few dozen kilometres of paved road exist. The capital city of Juba is realistically going to be moved to a location better suited for diplomatic representation, urban expansion and economic growth. Since northern Sudan has the infrastructure and southern Sudan has the hydrocarbon reserves, interdependence is a distinct possibility. This is why the Abyei region, which for much of the past decade has constituted onequarter of Sudan’s total oil exports, is likely to be a flashpoint for renewed hostilities in the months ahead. Thanks to its location as a historical transit point between North and South, Abyei has recently become the site of contestation between northerners and southerners for control of its mineral deposits. Reports have surfaced that the Sudanese military is deploying forces along its border regions to deter rebels from the Darfur conflict, and dozens have died in clashes in the region over the past few weeks over the planned referendum on whether Abyei remains with the North or joins the newly independent South. In July of 2009, an international tribunal based in The Hague, Netherlands, redefined the borders of the disputed Abyei region by giving the North legal ownership of some oil de-

posits but leaving others in the hands of the Ngok Dinka, a symbolic victory for an ethnic group with tribal loyalties to the South. The reality is that the Republic of South Sudan will be a landlocked country dependent on pipelines through the North and its seaports to export oil and stimulate economic development, a precarious situation at best. President Omar al-Bashir has recently cozied up to the principle of secession for southerners in an apparent bid to eliminate the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for him over atrocities committed in Darfur and to ease American sanctions imposed on Sudan since 1997 for alleged support of terrorism. Recent riots and waves of social unrest originating in Tunisia and radiating eastward to other Arab states have manifested themselves in Khartoum in the form of antigovernment protests highlighting Sudan’s economic inequalities and oppressive political atmosphere. As leaders of the South rebuild war-torn towns and invest oil revenues into desperately needed roads, ministries, hospitals, school and factories, the world will be watching to see what secession means for Sudan. In the year 2011, Sudan will be a mainstay of front-page news stories. One can only hope it will be good news.

Uriel Marantz is currently working towards his MA in Public Policy at the University of MichiganDearborn. He is also completing a MA in Political Science from the University of Windsor. He is also a chief contributor to The ISSUE.

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The Battle For Darfur by Giovanna Roma I am always amazed as to how many Canadians sympathize for people in the developing world without understanding why. We always accept what happens in other countries far, far away because we think conflict is normal; yet, we never take the time to fully understand the conflicts and situations. We never ask why they happen - it is just accepted. However, if one were to look deeper into a conflict, he or she would probably realise that it is much more complicated than he or she thought. Conflicts cannot be fixed by donations or sympathy, but they can be understood in order to spark an international discussion and facilitate peace negotiations. Thus, by reading this article, I hope you will help spread awareness of the conflict in Darfur.

What fuels the conflict in Sudan? Grievances in the country run deep and can be blamed mostly on its colonial experience. Colonial Britain created a political culture that was based on separating the North and the South and then reunited them without worrying about the consequences. Yet, most recent conflicts in Sudan were ignited by the same thing that is keeping us so warm this bitter winter – oil! In the 1970s this precious resource was discovered in Southern Sudan. Ever since, tensions between the northern and southern regions have emerged. The South claims that it should benefit from the oil profits, while the North claims that the profits belong to her. To make things worse, Sudan is almost a land locked country - that is, only a small portion of the north-east has free access to the Red Sea. As a result, the South is forced to Sudan’s past. Around 1898 the British claimed transfer its oil to a refinery in Northern Sudan, control of present day Sudan in alliance with Egypt. This colonial power then imposed arbitrary where it is then shipped to Port Sudan for export. borders ignoring cultural and ethnic settlements. Naturally, the profits from the crude stage of proFurthermore, the colonialists decided to divide the duction to the exported product are not fairly Sudanese territories into a Northern Arabic prov- shared with the rest of Sudan. Thus, conflict ince which promoted Islam and a Southern African emerges. province which promoted Christianity. To make What does this have to do with Darfur? Darfur things worse, the British favoured the North’s eco- is a region located in Western Sudan. Like Northnomic potential and invested much more into its ern and Southern Sudan, it too is composed of a infrastructure than the South. Then, in the mid multitude of ethnicities and cultures. The people 1940s, the British decided to change their minds of this region have long suffered from the natural and reunited the Northern and Southern provinc- conditions of their surroundings. Disputes soon es under one government – an act that was basiemerged between the ethnic communities and the cally a recipe for disaster. In 1956 Sudan gained Arab nomads for land. The government, being independence from Egypt and the United Kingcomposed mostly of Arab-Muslims itself, naturally dom, but this freedom was very short lived with favoured the Arab nomads. As a result, conflict enthe emergence of civil war. Sudan would never re- sued and two radical rebel groups formed: the Sually be at peace again. dan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). In 2003, the rebels began to violently rise up against the national govThe ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

ernment. In response to this hostility, the government sent in “self-defence militias;” yet, many are under the impression that the government has actually been using oil profits to fund the Janjaweed – an armed rebel group that is mostly comprised of Sudanese Arabs – to fight off both the SLA and JEM. In 2004 the Bush Administration controversially accused the Sudanese government of genocide.

lapsing. After reading these facts, it is obvious that the Darfur conflict is a clear case of genocide.

What is the status of Darfur now? In 2005 the United Nations declared that indeed both the Sudanese government and the Janjaweed were (and still are) responsible for the mass civil injustices in Darfur. As a result, the UN delegated authority to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to begin an inAccording to the United Nation’s Convention on the vestigation of “war crimes” in Darfur. In mid 2009, Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, acts of gen- the ICC accused President Bashir, head of the Govocide are those “[...] acts committed with intent to ernment of Sudan, of war crimes and crimes destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, against humanity. A warrant for the President’s arracial or religious group, as such: rest was issued, but since the ICC “relies on member states” to fulfill the arrest, no action has been (a) Killing members of the group; taken thus far. Furthermore, in 2007 the United (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm States imposed “economic and diplomatic sancto members of the group; tions” against Sudan in hopes of establishing peace (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group in Darfur. Although the Government of National conditions of life calculated to bring about Unity and the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army its physical destruction in whole or in (SLM/A) signed a peace agreement in 2006, viopart; lence in Darfur has not ceased. Just before the New (d) Imposing measures intended to preYear, “the Government of Sudan began a major milvent births within the group; itary offensive against the SLM” according to a (e) Forcibly transferring children of the Washington briefing. group to another group.” In brief, there is no doubt that the conflict in The Janjaweed have been accused of several Darfur is very complex and still on the winding atrocious acts including rape, torture, murder, forced displacement and the burning of entire vil- path of resolution. The recent referendum in favour of the autonomy of Southern Sudan will surely imlages. Authorities have been reluctant to give an actual total number of deaths in the Darfur conflict, pact Darfur. Will this cause a chain reaction inspirbut it is estimated that anywhere between 70,000 ing Darfur to ask for the right to self government? Only time will tell. to 450,000 have died. In addition, approximately 2.5 million people have been displaced as a result of the conflict – a matter which further destabilizes neighbouring areas. To make things worse, at the height of the conflict, humanitarian workers wanting to help were turned away; some were even killed. The United Nations was even forced to deliver food and supplies to the region by air. Still, the Sudanese government has been accused of blocking aid to its citizens. Consequently, humanitarian missions to Sudan have recently been at risk of col-

Giovanna Roma is a student of Political Science at The University of Windsor, and an executive member of the Undergraduate society for IR and Political Science students.

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Photo by Gary Knight ÂŠ Gary Knight/VII www.garyknightphotography.com www.viiphoto.com Published with permission of the photographer and VII Photo Agency. The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

Women in Sudan by Felicia Gabriele It is an irrefutable truth that Sudanese women are forced to endure the most unimaginable tragedies. Unfortunately, they are also considered as second class citizens throughout this nation.

illegal for women to wear pants in public. The normal punishment for such an “offence” is usually flogging, and the amount is usually forty lashes.

Furthermore, Women in Northern Sudan are directly affected by the implementation of Islamic Sharia laws, which make it extremely difficult for them to become autonomous individuals. Sharia law governs virtually all areas of life including personal hygiene, family roles and duties, social conduct, relationships with Muslims and nonMuslims, religious practices, financial affairs, and many others. In Sudan, Sharia law is also applied very stringently when it comes to the proper covering of women’s bodies. In fact, in 2009, a former journalist and UN employee, Lubna Hussein and a dozen Sudanese women were arrested for violating Article 152 in Sudanese law which deems it

“the poorest of the poor and the marginalized of the marginalized.” However, the prospect of an independent South Sudan gives the women a new hope that their lives will improve. Separation brings the hope that women will be liberated from oppressive Islamic laws and the discrimination that follows. However, regardless of this renewal of hope, women still face traditional forms of discrimination such as domestic violence, early and forced marriages, and discriminatory dowry practices. Also, eighty-four percent of girls and women aged between fifteen and twenty-four cannot read. The number of boys enrolled in primary schools is three times that of girls, even though girls and

Women in Northern Sudan are certainly used to this form of punishment since it occurs The word ‘Darfur’ has become synonymous quite frequently. In fact, a recent case has gone viwith unthinkable crimes perpetrated against ral and has spurred international condemnation women and children. Thousands of women have against the cruel application of Sharia law against been raped, killed, and displaced as a result of the Sudanese women. A video of a woman screaming conflict between rebel forces and the statefor mercy while being flogged by Sudanese offisponsored militias. Even women in refugee/aid cials is indicative of the inherent violence towards camps were not free of this violence because it women in the Sudan. This very draconian applicawas common that whenever women left the tion of Sharia law makes women’s participation in camps to gather wood, charcoal, or water, there politics and other forms of leadership virtually imwould be militia soldiers waiting to rape them. possible because they must rely on their husGang-rapes therefore were commonplace and one bands, fathers, or other male relatives to manage victim stated that a group of twenty militia soltheir assets. They are not allowed to apply for diers took turns to rape one woman who ventured bank loans and all forms of credit are only extendoutside the camp. Amnesty International also has ed to men. Moreover, gender segregation is a realiindicated that women were systematically raped ty. For example, women are expected to stand at in front of their mothers, fathers, husbands and the back of buses. Furthermore, women must to other relations. Also, many women were taken as wear opaque clothing that covers them from head sexual slaves. Infanticide was a reality because of to feet, and if they are in violation of this law, they the stigma attached with raped women. Rape in are flogged. Therefore, because of their lack of authis context is a weapon just like a rifle, but the tonomy in all respects, these women are restricted wounds suffered from rape are much severe and from leadership roles and are fundamentally longer-lasting. These wounds cut deep and detrapped in an oppressive way of life. stroy the very fabric of society because women The former leader of the Sudan Peoples’ represent the continuation of society and when Liberation Movement, John Garang, once said their bodies are defiled, so is society and its future. about the women of Southern Sudan that they are

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women make up sixty percent of the population.

Although the women of Sudan have and The traditional notion of women’s discrimi- continue to suffer great tragedy and oppression, as long as a hope for a better tomorrow is seared in nation and disadvantage is therefore still very their hearts, they can achieve better lives. The much alive in Sudan, but many Sudanese women world will see smiles upon their faces only after believe they can make a new tradition. They are they overcome insurmountable odds. emboldened by the prospect of independence. There are many organizations that are dedicated to provide the Sudanese women with the tools need- Felicia Gabriele is a student of Political Science ed to express individuality. One such organization, at The University of Windsor, and an executive the ROOTS project, was launched in 2009 to help member of the Undergraduate society for IR and unemployed women, single and young mothers, Political Science students. displaced women, and elderly, disabled women. As a result of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005 between the North and the South, an Interim Constitution was adopted, and it called for a twenty-five percent quota for women’s participation in government. Today, only nineteen percent of women hold positions in the South’s legislature. Many Southern women see this number rising in the future under independence.

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Lionhearted, Humble & Hopeful by Rahul Radhakrishnan For some of us, our immediate desires tend to supersede our ambitions. However, fixing these are only a matter of self-discipline and do not necessarily pose as a hindrance to our goals. On the other hand, there are many amongst us who have intently derived an ambition from the midst of the consistent fear of losing their life. One such individual is Mathiang Chot, a student at the University of Windsor from Sudan, who has surpassed several besetting obstacles during his youth, and is now motivated to extend a helping hand to those in need.

are strictly contained within these camps and are required to survive off of trivial rations of food, and contaminated water. Even though they seek refuge from violence, Kakuma is far from a safe haven. These camps are riddled with regular assaults by Kenyan bandits who exterminate on the grounds of racial differences – hence, essentially targeting the entire campus. The notoriety of living in such a camp seemed incomprehensible to me, until I was given a first-hand account of the life of a refugee in Kakuma. “It was really hard living in Kenya”, says Mathiang. “We were trying to cope with the arid climate conditions, and protect ourselves from bandits at the same time.” He told me, he had to be armed with handmade spears to protect himself and his compatriots from gun-wielding bandits, who initiated random attacks on the camp – claiming the lives of many. Oftentimes, the terrified refugees had to reciprocate attacks with spears and rocks in order to obstruct the bandits from entering the property. Taken aback by his description, I mumbled, “Weren’t you scared?” He stated, “I have witnessed horrible massacres and attacks for as long as I can remember – from the massacre of my tribe [Southeastern Dinka Massacre] to the Kenyan massacre in 2003. This was not something that was out of the ordinary for me; the only thing I could do is protect myself from harm, and hide whenever I could.”

The documentary and book, The Lost Boys of Sudan, depicts the struggle of three Sudanese orphans who fled from their homeland to evade the grasps of a brutal civil war. They recount the struggles of a fleeing refugee – winding through forest trails, barefoot and unprotected from the African wildlife, swimming against powerful currents in rivers whilst battling hunger and fatigue. All this is done knowing that their life in refugee camps is not going to be a fairytale, but still marginally better than from where they flee. The Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and other militia forcibly recruit males, especially orphans, at a very young age and train them to fight for unprincipled ideologies of religion and ethnicity. Comprehending the complex rationale behind the violence in the nation of Sudan is a feat. Samuel Huntington’s theory on the Clash of Civilizations maintains that Sudan, being a cleft country between Islam and Sub-Saharan AfriMathiang Chot, an aspiring doctor, currently ca, is at an ideological intersection, thus making it studies general sciences at UWindsor. His educaprone to such turbulence as witnessed over the tion at the university is sponsored by the World past several decades. University Service of Canada’s [WUSC] Windsor A major refugee camp, Kakuma, is located in chapter. He describes this opportunity as the most the secluded northeast region of Kenya. Kakuma – “incredible chance that I’ve had in my life.” He feels Swahili for nowhere – is only but a beginning of a that the contributions that he could make as a doclonger and harder struggle for survival. Refugees tor in this country are minimal, as he knows that The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

his duty and his heart belong to where he hails from - where millions desperately need medical aid.

on sand. He participated in the referendum in January, and firmly expressed that the secession was imperative. His hopes remain intact, but his dreams and prospects have broadened. He dwells upon Unfortunately, Mathiang’s family was directmaking the most out of the opportunities that are ly affected by the agonies of violence in his home in front of him – an aspect that many of us seemcity of Bor, in South Sudan. At the timid age of 10, ingly undermine, ignore or take for granted. Mathihe was sent to Kakuma, with hopes to lead a better ang’s primary school teacher foresaw a thoroughlife, by his primary school teacher who made arbred international citizen in him, one that I now rangements with the driver of a food relief convoy have had the privilege to meet, and befriend. He truck to have him brought to a safer place. I assume was once a lost boy from Sudan, but his aspirations that his teacher recognized Mathiang’s emotional of attending medical school are deep instilled and strength and vibrant personality at a very young inspired simply by the promise of tomorrow. age. He reflects on his past education, “I couldn’t have ever imagined to be sitting on a chair like this, “I have to [become a doctor]. Then I will go and studying amongst students who have a sense home.” of belonging; who have a home. I used to study English and Mathematics by writing on the sand Rahul Radhakrishnan is the Founder & while sitting under a tree on a log of wood.” Editor-in-Chief of The ISSUE. My curiosity implored me to ask: “After witnessing and experiencing several atrocities in your youth, has it affected your current personal outlook in any way?” His response had me at a loss of words.“For me, there are no worries here.” he says. “Right now, I will show this school that I am capable to excel academically, because for the next three years, I have nothing to worry about. I have witnessed several significant things, but those worrying things have been left in my childhood. Back in Kenya, I used to be constantly harassed, just because I was Sudanese and there would be no legal action taken whatsoever! That would never happen here - I’ll never have to face something of that nature again. There are people back home who I can really help, and that is where I see myself in the future; I know that is the place I am supposed to be. I used to be one of those children who could not get clean water. Now, I am getting clean water! These things have driven me, motivated me, to someday help the people who are suffering today - like I once did.” Mathiang, who turns 22 this year, has come a long way from bloodshed, bandits, and scribbling The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

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Daily life in the town of Fina. FIna had a prewar population of 7,000 which increased to 17,000 as people from surrounding areas fled there for safety. Photo & Caption by Ron Haviv ÂŠ Ron Haviv / VII www.ronhaviv.com www.viiphoto.com Published with permission of the photographer and VII Photo Agency The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

Referendums and Secessions in World Politics by Uriel Marantz As recent events in Sudan have shown, internationally endorsed referendums can be powerful political tools for achieving sovereign statehood and national self-determination. Just over a month ago from January 9 – 15, 2011, southern Sudanese citizens flocked to polling stations all over the country to cast their ballots in support of a referendum advocating secession from the North and the creation of what is likely to become the newest member of the United Nations, the Republic of South Sudan. This referendum should be seen as a long overdue policy solution for one of the most dysfunctional states ever seen on the world stage. Ruled by colonial administrators for centuries, Sudan officially achieved independence in 1956 but has been at war with itself for nearly five out of the six decades it has existed. Millions have died as a result of fighting, starvation and illness, and millions more have been displaced and made refugees in the process. According to the terms of a peace treaty struck between the North and South of the country in 2005, as well as the results of the referendum which that very same treaty enabled, secession will ideally start a new chapter in the blood-soaked, conflict-ridden history of Sudan.

ciple also known as national self-determination. While the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires gave way to many newly sovereign states, the Western European imperial machines maintained their overseas domains for decades more. This concept was not then as closely linked to democracy and popular participation as it is today, especially outside of the West. It was only with the end of the Cold War, when liberal democracy seemed set to devour all other ideological orientations and Francis Fukuyama famously proclaimed that ‘The End of History’ had arrived, that referendums were given directly to the people to democratically legitimize the doctrine of self-determination.

Self-determination is the freedom of the people of a given area to determine their own political status, but what exactly is a referendum? Simply put, it is the process of referring a political question to the general electorate. When this political question involves national selfdetermination and secession, international politics can become very interesting indeed. The Republic of South Sudan is just the latest case in which an organized political community invoked their right to self-determination via referendum to peacefully and legitimately secede from a country without The basic principle behind the use of refer- the need to wage a bloody and costly war for indeendums to decide whether or not the people of a pendence. More than 30 new countries have been certain territory wish to govern themselves and recognized since 1990 at a rate of 3 every two become an independent political entity goes back years, most of which owe their existence to the to the heyday of World War I and the emergence dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Balkanizaof Wilsonian Liberalism in the United States. tion of Yugoslavia. Of the remaining dozen-or-so, American President Woodrow Wilson declared in only a handful achieved independence by using his now famous ‘Fourteen Points’ that the defeat- national referendums, but the trend is clearly ed European empires were morally obligated to growing. The degree of news media saturation, grant the nations within their imperial domains the ease with which graphic imagery and sensitive the right to determine their own destinies, a prin- information travels the world’s telecommunicaThe ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

tions networks, and the moderating influence of international public opinion makes violence an increasingly untenable tool for achieving political sympathy or sovereignty in today’s day and age.

but Kosovo – a state with almost 2 million people – passed multiple referendums since the 1990s on top of unilaterally declaring statehood before it achieved comparable results. The fact that more than 100 countries still refuse to recognize Kosovo Even when referendums were not used, it was either the support of the mobilized masses or testifies to the highly political and overly politithe acceptance of top-down political processes ini- cized nature of national referendums on secession tiated by national leaders which legitimized seces- and independence. sionist tendencies. Popular protests in support of Long gone are the days of imperial adventurism and colonial conquest, but so too are the German unity following the Berlin Wall’s fall led invariably to the reunification of East and West in more recent days when these empires collapsed 1990, but no referendum was needed. Decades of and waves of decolonization spawned new states all over the world. In this imperfect world, some destabilization and conflict pushed the North and states are created more inept than others. Rather South Yemeni governments toward unification in 1990 as well, but no referendum was used here ei- than resorting to the use or threat of force, civilized ther. Czechoslovakia’s fragmentation in 1993 into political discourse provides for the option of the Czech and Slovak Republics was made possible ‘referring a political question to the general electorate’ – also known as holding a referendum. For via parliamentary procedure amid fairly divided public opinion, but again, no referendum. In an in- now the results of Sudan’s referendum are unknown, but most analysts concur that its future efteresting counter-example, the Quebecois held two fects are likely to be greater tolerance for minorireferendums to secede from Canada, both of which ties and greater cooperation between rival factions failed to achieve independence in 1980 and 1995 – in the region. Other countries in conflict-prone aralthough 49.42% voted in favour in 1995, a result eas with secessionist movements will no doubt be which could have created a new North American watching unfolding events as a result of this most country if tens of thousands more votes out of milrecent referendum closely and carefully. If needlions would have gone the other way. less bloodshed can be avoided and democratic asThe first successful use of the national refer- pirations fulfilled, more referendums may be in store for 2011 after all. endum to attain secession and sovereignty occurred not in Europe or the Americas, as some may have expected, but in Africa. After warring for 30 years with Ethiopian forces, separatists held a na- Uriel Marantz is currently working towards his MA in Public Policy at the University of Michigantional referendum in 1993 to establish the new Dearborn. He is also completing a MA in Political state of Eritrea. Another long-running quest for Science from the University of Windsor. He is also independence is that of East Timor, a Southeast Asian country which declared independence from a chief contributor to The ISSUE. Portugal in 1975 only to be annexed immediately by Indonesia. Decades later, in an internationally recognized referendum sponsored by the United Nations, East Timor voted for and gained sovereign state status in 2002. Even Montenegro – a state with less than 700,000 people – held a national referendum in 2006 to officially secede from Serbia, The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

In Sudan, an Election and a Beginning By Barack Obama [As published in the New York Times on January 9, 2011] Not every generation is given the chance to turn the page on the past and write a new chapter in history. Yet today — after 50 years of civil wars that have killed two million people and turned millions more into refugees — this is the opportunity before the people of southern Sudan. Over the next week, millions of southern

the voting would be timely, peaceful, free and credible and would reflect the will of the Sudanese people. The fact that the voting appears to be starting on time is a tribute to those in Sudan who fulfilled their commitments. Most recently, the government of Sudan said that it would be the first to recognize the south if it voted for independence.

Sudanese will vote on whether to remain part of Sudan or to form their own independent nation. This process — and the actions of Sudanese leaders — will help determine whether people who have known so much suffering will move toward peace and prosperity, or slide backward into bloodshed. It will have consequences not only for Sudan, but also for sub-Saharan Africa and the

Now, the world is watching, united in its determination to make sure that all parties in Sudan live up to their obligations. As the referendum proceeds, voters must be allowed access to polling stations; they must be able to cast their ballots free from intimidation and coercion. All sides should refrain from inflammatory rhetoric or provocative actions that could raise tensions or pre-

world.

vent voters from expressing their will.

The historic vote is an exercise in selfdetermination long in the making, and it is a key part of the 2005 peace agreement that ended the civil war in Sudan. Yet just months ago, with preparations behind schedule, it was uncertain wheth-

As the ballots are counted, all sides must resist prejudging the outcome. For the results to be credible, the commission that is overseeing the referendum must be free from pressure and interference. In the days ahead, leaders from north and

er this referendum would take place at all. It is for south will need to work together to prevent viothis reason that I gathered with leaders from Sulence and ensure that isolated incidents do not dan and around the world in September to make it clear that the international community was united in its belief that this referendum had to take place and that the will of the people of southern Sudan had to be respected, regardless of the outcome.

spiral into wider instability. Under no circumstance should any side use proxy forces in an effort to gain an advantage while we wait for the final results.

A successful vote will be cause for celebration and In an important step forward, leaders from an inspiring step forward in Africa’s long journey both northern and southern Sudan — backed by toward democracy and justice. Still, lasting peace more than 40 nations and international organiza- in Sudan will demand far more than a credible reftions — agreed to work together to ensure that erendum. The ISSUE Jan-Feb 2011 |

The 2005 peace agreement must be fully implemented — a goal that will require compromise.

continue to insist that lasting peace in Darfur include accountability for crimes that have been

Border disputes, and the status of the Abyei region, which straddles north and south, need to be resolved peacefully. The safety and citizenship of all Sudanese, especially minorities — southerners in the north and northerners in the south — have to be protected. Arrangements must be made for the transparent distribution of oil revenues, which can contribute to development. The return of refugees needs to be managed with extraordinary care to

committed, including genocide.

prevent another humanitarian catastrophe.

Along with our international partners, the United States will continue to play a leadership role in helping all the Sudanese people realize the peace and progress they deserve. Today, I am repeating my offer to Sudan’s leaders — if you fulfill your obligations and choose peace, there is a path to normal relations with the United States, including the lifting of economic sanctions and beginning the

process, in accordance with United States law, of If the south chooses independence, the internation- removing Sudan from the list of states that sponsor al community, including the United States, will terrorism. In contrast, those who flout their interhave an interest in ensuring that the two nations national obligations will face more pressure and that emerge succeed as stable and economically isolation. viable neighbors, because their fortunes are linked. Southern Sudan, in particular, will need partners in Millions of Sudanese are making their way to the the long-term task of fulfilling the political and eco- polls to determine their destiny. This is the moment when leaders of courage and vision can guide nomic aspirations of its people. their people to a better day. Those who make the Finally, there can be no lasting peace in Sudan right choice will be remembered by history — they without lasting peace in the western Sudan region will also have a steady partner in the United States. of Darfur. The deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent Darfuris — and the plight of refugees like Barack Obama is the president of the United States. those I met in a camp in neighboring Chad five years ago — must never be forgotten. Here, too, the world is watching. The government of Sudan must live up to its international obligations. Attacks on civilians must stop. United Nations peacekeepers and aid workers must be free to reach those in need. As I told Sudanese leaders in September, the United States will not abandon the people of Darfur. We will continue our diplomatic efforts to end the crisis there once and for all. Other nations must use their influence to bring all parties to the table and ensure they negotiate in good faith. And we will

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Women, young girls and boys leave an IDP camp to gather firewood. For some the work will take over 7 hours and lead them past government checkpoints and leave them exposed to attacks. All the people express fear and wish there was a more secure way to gather wood, essential for cooking in the camp. Girls as young as 8 have been raped, attacked and killed trying to get wood. Photo & Caption by Ron Haviv ÂŠ Ron Haviv / VII www.ronhaviv.com www.viiphoto.com Published with permission of the photographer and VII Photo Agency.

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