Journal of Undergraduate Research at The College of Saint Rose, Vol. II

Journal of Undergraduate Research at the College of Saint Rose

Volume II Spring 2011

Contents Editor‘s Introduction Ryane McAuliffe Straus……...…………………2 Editorial Board…………………………………………………………3 Ousting an Economic Enemy: U.S. Motivations in the Overthrow of President Arbenz in 1954 Kevin Bates……………………4 Introduced by Keith Haynes Homosexual Intimacy in Kiss of the Spider Woman: Challenges and Submissions to Dominant Ideology within Confines of Prison Mikayla Consalvo………………………………...31 Introduced by Vaneeta Palecanda The Attempt to Enslave: Jane Eyre and the Struggle for Identity Kelsie Forte………………………………………….……...41 Introduced by May Chan The Effect of Deindustrialization, Economic Restructuring, and Demographic Changes in Urban Environments: A Case Study of Buffalo, N.Y. Theodore Traver…………………..51 Introduced by Ryane McAuliffe Straus Falling Back on Stereotypes: Assessing Whether Teachers Entering the Workforce Cling to Preexisting Notions of Gender, Race and Class in the Classroom Louise Kavanaugh and Elise Newkirk………………………………………..………73 Introduced by Jannette Swanson Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship: It Matters Brandon Milonovich………….……………………………105 Introduced by Deborah Kelsh Examining the Correlations Among Personality, Political Attitudes, and Biased Mock Juror Decision-Making Stephanie Carbone…………………………………………127 Introduced by Nancy Dorr Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols in a Complementary Health Care Setting Robert Arciuolo and Caroline DuVernoy………………………..…………..147 Introduced by Kari Murad Call for Papers: Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume III….159

Editor’s Introduction Ryane McAuliffe Straus Associate Professor of Political Science I am very pleased to present the second issue of the Journal of Undergraduate Research at the College of Saint Rose. This volume of eight articles represents some of the best work produced by Saint Rose undergraduates in the past academic year.

Publication in the Journal is both a considerable achievement and a pre-professional training opportunity. All papers undergo a double-blind review process and are given significant feedback, both substantive and stylistic. Authors must respond to this criticism fairly quickly over their winter break, and they conduct further revisions after a second review. As with the first volume, publication in this issue was very competitive. The call for papers garnered 19 submissions from three schools within the college, and eight were offered provisional acceptance. All authors undertook the opportunity to improve their work, and all eight provisionally accepted submissions are published here.

These articles represent the wide-ranging interests of Saint Rose students and their respective faculty advisers. The Journal is organized in terms of increasing technicality; we begin with explorations in the humanities, then move on to papers in education and the social sciences, and end with a study in microbiology. Each article is introduced by the faculty member who oversaw its original draft, often as part of a class requirement.

As this Journal becomes a more established part of the campus culture, I would like to thank my supportive Editorial Board and other faculty reviewers. I remain very appreciative of President Sullivan‘s clear support of this project. Provost Szczerbacki has offered guidance and resources, and remains an integral part of this initiative. Special thanks go to David Goldschmidt for his invaluable help with formatting the final product. Finally, the student authors are to be congratulated for their hard work and dedication.

Editorial Board Editor Ryane McAuliffe Straus, Department of History and Political Science School of Arts and Humanities Lori Bindig, Department of Communications Michael Brannigan, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies Cailin Brown, Department of Communications May Chan, Department of English Eurie Dahn, Department of English Jenise DePinto, Department of History and Political Science Theresa Flanigan, Department of Art Dennis Johnston, Department of Music Kate Laity, Department of English Angela Ledford, Department of History and Political Science Jeff Marlett, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies Karen McGrath, Department of Communications Silvia Mejia, Department of Foreign Languages/American Studies Kim Middleton, Department of English Erin Mitchell, Department of Foreign Languages Marda Mustapha, Department of History and Political Science Dan Nester, Department of English David Rice, Department of English Rone Shavers, Department of English Dan Thero, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies Bridgett Williams-Searle, Department of History and Political Science School of Mathematics and Sciences Amina Eladdadi, Department of Mathematics Rob Flint, Department of Psychology David Goldschmidt, Department of Computer Science David Hopkins, Department of Biology Ian McDonald, Department of Computer Science Richard Pulice, Department of Social Work Ann Zak, Department of Psychology Ann Zeeh, Department of Biology School of Education Deborah Kelsh, Department of Teacher Education Christina Pfister, Department of Teacher Education Elizabeth Yanoff, Department of Teacher Education School of Business Janet Spitz, Department of Business Administration

Kevin Bates

Introduction to “Ousting an Economic Enemy: U.S. Motivations in the Overthrow of President Arbenz in 1954” Keith Haynes Professor of History During the past half century, scholars of U.S. relations with Latin America have been vocal participants in diplomatic historians‘ broader disputes about the objectives of U.S. foreign policy. 1 This increasingly sterile debate originally cast ―idealists‖ and selfproclaimed ―realists‖ as the dramatis personae in a sappy melodrama; the former celebrated the ―noble ideals‖—i.e., liberty, equality, democracy, and human rights—that allegedly motivated U.S. policy, and the latter criticized them, arguing that the historic failure to match high-minded ideological commitments to limited military capabilities endangered the nation‘s strategic security. 2 Then, the passion play took on new meaning with the arrival of ―revisionists,‖ led by William Appleman Williams, who denounced both as apologists for a corporate capitalist state bent on securing economic prosperity by battering down the closed doors of Great Power empires and revolutionary nationalism in the developing world. 3 For two decades, Williams and his ―New Left‖ disciples dominated the historiography of U.S. diplomatic history, 4 even as selfstyled ―realists‖ took shelter in the sister discipline of political science and launched a sometimes-vicious counterattack. Protected by their new intellectual allies, they now increasingly described themselves as

Mark T Gilderhus, ―U.S.-Latin American Relations, 1898-1941: A Historiographical Review,‖ in A Companion to American Foreign Relations, ed. Robert D. Schulzinger (Wiley-Blackwell, 2006), 134-148; Michael J Kryzanek, U.S.-Latin American Relations, 3rd ed. (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996); Abraham F. Lowenthal, ―United States Policy Toward Latin America: "Liberal," "Radical," and "Bureaucratic" Perspectives,‖ Latin American Research Review 8, no. 3 (October 1, 1973): 3-25.

2 Jerald A Combs, ―Norman Graebner and the Realist View of American Diplomatic History,‖ Diplomatic History 11, no. 3 (1987): 251–264; Samuel Flagg Bemis, ―American Foreign Policy and the Blessings of Liberty,‖ The American Historical Review 67, no. 2 (January 1, 1962): 291-305; George F Kennan, American Diplomacy, 1900-1950 (London: Secker & Warburg, 1952).

3 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 1st ed. (Cleveland: World Pub. Co, 1959).

4 Robert Buzzanco, ―What Happened to the New Left? Toward a Radical Reading of American Foreign Relations,‖ Diplomatic History 23, no. 4 (Fall 1999): 575; Lloyd C. Gardner and Thomas J. McCormick, ―Walter LaFeber: The Making of a Wisconsin School Revisionist.,‖ Diplomatic History 28, no. 5 (November 2004): 613-624.

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Ousting an Economic Enemy ―post-revisionists‖ and attacked ―the emerging revisionist consensus,‖ 5 deploying myriad new methods or approaches (e.g., postmodernism, post-structuralism, postcolonialism, and social or cultural history) to distract from the revisionist focus on ―the economic or material aspects of U.S. foreign relations.‖6 In his much-discussed Stuart L. Bernath Memorial Lecture in 1999, Robert Buzzanco lamented the resulting decline of revisionism and called for ―a renaissance of critical, materialist studies in diplomatic history.‖7 Kevin Bates, in ―Ousting an Economic Enemy: U.S. Motivations in the Overthrow of President Arbenz in 1954,‖ joins a new generation of younger scholars seeking to rejuvenate the classic revisionist interpretation of U.S. foreign policy objectives. In the following essay, Bates draws upon an impressive body of primary sources to argue that, in mobilizing the Central Intelligence Agency and other resources of the U.S. government to topple the democratically elected presidency of Jacobo Árbenz Gumán, the Eisenhower administration sought to destroy a regime whose nationalistic economic policies damaged U.S. business interests in Guatemala. Moreover, if allowed to succeed, Arbenz‘s approach might have become a model for other Latin American countries and the newly emerging postcolonial nations in Africa and Asia, thereby threatening the broader class interests of corporate business around the world.

Mark T. Gilderhus, ―An Emerging Synthesis? U.S.-Latin American Relations since the Second World War,‖ Diplomatic History 16, no. 3 (July 1992): 429-452; Thomas J. McCormick, ―Drift or Mastery? A Corporatist Synthesis for American Diplomatic History,‖ Reviews in American History 10, no. 4 (1982): 318–330.

6 John Lewis Gaddis, ―New Conceptual Approaches to the Study of American Foreign Relations: Interdisciplinary Perspectives*,‖ Diplomatic History 14, no. 3 (1990): 405– 424; John Lewis Gaddis, ―The Tragedy of Cold War History: Reflections on Revisionism,‖ Foreign Affairs 73, no. 1 (1994): 142-154; Kristin Hoganson, ―Whats Gender Got to Do with It? Women and Foreign Relations History.,‖ OAH Magazine of History 19, no. 2 (March 2005): 14-18; Susan Jeffords, ―Commentary: Culture and National Identity in U.S. Foreign Policy,‖ Diplomatic History 18, no. 1 (Winter 1994): 91; Elaine Tyler May, ―Commentary: Ideology and Foreign Policy: Culture and Gender in Diplomatic History,‖ Diplomatic History 18, no. 1 (Winter 1994): 71; Robert James Maddox, The New Left and the Origins of the Cold War (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1973).

7 Buzzanco, ―What Happened to the New Left?,‖ 32.

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Ousting an Economic Enemy: U.S. Motivations in the Overthrow of President Arbenz in 1954 Kevin Bates Social Studies: Adolescence Education Major; Class of 2010 In the study of diplomatic relations, it is obvious the United States played a significant role in shaping world affairs during the twentieth century. Although officials in Washington attempted to extend American influence across the globe, the policies pursued in Latin America were arguably the key factor in helping the United States build and maintain its superpower status. Yet, even with this general agreement among scholars, the true motives behind these policies have been under serious academic debate. The three main theories contend that American policymakers during the 1900s sought to promote democratic ideals, strategic power, or economic strength throughout Latin America. These opposing viewpoints are clearly present in the scholarly literature analyzing the events and policies leading to the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) covert mission, Operation PBSUCCESS, to overthrow the popularly elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in the summer of 1954. Despite the public remarks made by U.S. politicians and diplomats at the time, declassified documents from the U.S. government reveal that Operation PBSUCCESS resulted from a fear among American officials that President Arbenz’s nationalistic reforms would hinder U.S. business and economic interests within Latin America.

Introduction While advising a young Donald Rumsfeld, President Richard Nixon essentially dismissed Latin America‘s relevance on U.S. foreign policy with the general observation that ―people [just] don‘t give one shit.‖1 Regardless of Nixon‘s crude assessment, it is overwhelmingly clear that U.S. policies and actions within Latin America have played ―an indispensable role‖ in the development of the United States as a true global power during the twentieth century. 2 Even with this virtual consensus, the true motives behind U.S. policy in Latin America have been under serious academic debate for many years. In general, the three main arguments contend that during the 1900s, U.S. officials primarily aimed to promote America‘s ideological values, strategic 1

Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Henry Holt and Company, LLC., 2006), 1.

2 Ibid.

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power, or economic interests throughout the region. Of numerous case studies, the motivation behind the Central Intelligence Agency‘s (CIA) covert operation (Operation PBSUCCESS) to overthrow the democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in the summer of 1954 has been one of the most widely examined and contested issues among diplomatic scholars in the past fifty years. Yet, despite decades of scholarship and debate, the use of recently declassified CIA and State Department documents makes it clear that the adoption of Operation PBSUCCESS by high-ranking Washington officials was in direct response to the perceived threat to American business and economic dominance in Latin America posed by President Arbenz‘s nationalistic reforms.

Historiography As noted, the secondary literature dealing with the objectives of U.S. foreign policy contains countless interpretations, all attempting to illustrate how and why specific events or themes took place throughout the past. Typically, historians define the foundation of U.S. foreign affairs by three distinct schools of thought: ideological nationalism, strategic realism, or economic revisionism. The first theory, nationalism, finds its origins in the revolutionary and republican ideals of American society. Essentially, this viewpoint argues that U.S. foreign ambitions continually seek the promotion of ―uniquely‖ American principles abroad, including self determination, liberty, and democracy. In Democracy & U.S. Policy in Latin America During the Truman Years, Steven Schwartzberg depicts an America ―that genuinely holds itself accountable to the twin principles of democratic solidarity and respect for the national sovereignty of other peoples.‖ 3 While spreading freedom across the globe, many nationalistic authors contend that the United States has simultaneously had to protect itself and its allies from a wide variety of undemocratic forces.

Philip Taylor, in ―The Guatemalan Affair: A Critique of United States Foreign Policy,‖ describes Guatemalan society during the early 1950s as a ―people largely inexperienced and misled in the political arena, and without practical criteria for the Anglo-Saxon notion of ‗democracy.‘‖ 4 From this vantage point, Taylor insists Guatemala‘s political, economic, and cultural ―backwardness‖ made it extremely susceptible to ideologies such as communism. With such a threat against American-styled democracy in the Western Hemisphere, Taylor

3

Ibid., xiii.

Philip Taylor, ―The Guatemalan Affair: A Critique of United States Foreign Policy,‖ The American Political Science Review 50, no. 3 (September 1956): 787.

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concludes that U.S. policy makers had no choice but to support a move against the left-leaning Guatemalan leader in 1954.

Although many historians still maintain a nationalistic outlook towards U.S. foreign policy, the dominance of the theory among the academic community declined sharply after the first part of the twentieth century. With the dawn of the Cold War, numerous scholars, forming what has become known as the ―realist‖ tradition, became critical of an American foreign strategy based simply on the principle of spreading democracy. Hans Morgenthau, often viewed as one of the fathers of realism, describes world politics as a state of war between nations, making states continually and primarily interested in increasing their own power in comparison to that of others.5 In this pursuit of selfpreservation, statesmen need to ―think and act in terms of interest defined by power.‖6 Though in agreement that America had acted in defense of its democratic ideology throughout the past, the proponents of realism argue that democratic morals and international freedom should be minor pillars, if present at all, in the makeup of U.S. foreign policy.

Instead, U.S. actions should aim to advance America‘s desired international order and strategic power first and foremost. Greg Grandin, seeing this shift in American diplomacy after WWII, notes that Washington‘s ―support for Latin American democracy was conditional on the maintenance of order- and [the United States] began to develop contacts among military officers, religious leaders, and politicians it identified as bulwarks of stability.‖ 7 With these realist notions, the United States needed to protect itself and its international security by any means necessary, especially in its power struggle against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Using Morgenthau‘s basic premise pertaining to international relations, Richard Immerman, in The CIA in Guatemala: the Foreign Policy of Intervention, claims that both President Harry Truman (1945-1953) and President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961) constructed the basis of their Guatemalan policies on the growing tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. 8 With the world divided in two hostile and nuclear camps, Truman and Eisenhower decided that ―Latin American policy [must] reflect the overarching objective of containing [Soviet] Communism.‖9 Viewing his socialist reforms as a sign of Soviet 5

Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1960), 51.

6 Ibid., 50.

7 Grandin, Empire's Workshop, 42.

8 Richard Immerman, The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982), 9.

9 Ibid.

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penetration within Latin America, Immerman concludes Arbenz became a prime target for expulsion by U.S. officials during the turbulent period of the early 1950s.

Even with the rise in popularity of realism during the latter part of the twentieth century, many scholars began rejecting the foundations of both nationalism and realism in their studies of international relations. These ―revisionists,‖ viewing democratic ideology and strategic power as second tier issues in the minds of Washington elites, emphasize that U.S. foreign policy has primarily aimed to promote American economic interests abroad. In The Second Century: U.S. - Latin American Relations Since 1889, Mark Gilderhus, speaking about U.S. aims in Latin America, argues that ―U.S. leaders wanted trade, resources, and [economic and political] security.‖ 10 Revisionists, in more specific terms, conclude that the protection of private American enterprise, capital, and land around the world is of the upmost importance to the majority of U.S. diplomats. With the magnitude of investments obtained by American companies within Latin America during the twentieth century, Louis Perez Jr. reasons that American officials saw the region as its own ―mare clausum;‖ America‘s special sphere of influence. 11 Considering Latin America‘s importance to the health of the U.S. economy, revisionists often make the case that officials in the State Department chose to support Latin American rulers whom they believed would best uphold the status quo of American economic supremacy. The support for these leaders, the vast majority of whom were ruthless dictators, is a clear indication for revisionists that the United States cared more about its economic security than democratic promotion. To this point, Perez states ―These were [authoritarian] regimes that… committed unabashedly to the defense of American interests…. Most of them collaborated loyally carrying out their role as junior partners of American hegemony in the region with unparalleled devotion.‖12 Along with the backing of dictatorships, revisionists also cite instances of U.S. involvement in the domestic affairs of many Latin American countries as verification of their economic premise. As revisionists often point out, the majority of Latin American governments interfered with by the United States had intended, at least publicly, to curve or hinder America‘s economic dominance over their 10

Mark Gilderhus, The Second Century: U.S. - Latin American Relations Since 1889 (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 2000), 246.

11 Louis A. Perez, ―Invention, Hegemony, and Dependency,‖ Pacific Historical Review 51, no. 2: 180-181.

12 Ibid., 183.

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own country. A key example of this was the covert orchestration of Operation PBSUCCESS. In The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power, Susanne Jonas takes the position that Arbenz‘s agrarian, social, and labor reforms, meant to reduce Guatemala‘s economic dependence on the United States, came to threaten the interests and landholdings of American companies both within Guatemala and Latin America as a whole. This danger to America‘s sphere of influence caused Washington to take very aggressive action against Arbenz‘s regime. In Jonas‘ opinion, ―The overthrow of Arbenz is one of the clearest examples in modern history of U.S. policy being affected by direct ties of public officials to private interests.‖13 From this evaluation of scholarly interpretations, it is clear that historians see an ideological, strategic, or economic motivation behind Operation PBSUCCESS. Naturally, these three perspectives share certain similarities. First, all three conclude that the United States did in fact play a rather large and covert role in supporting the overthrow of Arbenz in June 1954.14 Second, each perspective acknowledges that most Washington policy-makers, deeming Arbenz a ―communist,‖ called for the removal of the Guatemalan leader. 15 Lastly, the nationalist, realist, and revisionist points of view all agree that the U.S. government firmly believed that events in Guatemala would have major implications on the political, ideological, and/or economic developments elsewhere in the region (otherwise referred to as the ―domino theory‖).

Despite these similarities, the vital difference between the three is the way each interprets what actually motivated the U.S. government to act against the Arbenz regime. Unfortunately, as with any study on human behavior, there is no way of proving without a shadow of doubt what the true intentions of American officials were when they plotted and executed Operation PBSUCCESS. Additionally, it would be incorrect to claim that U.S. policymakers were only concerned with one perceived danger (ideology, strategic power, or economics) and not the other two. Yet, even with these intellectual caveats, the documentary record clearly indicates that Washington was indeed more concerned with the economic danger that Arbenz‘s policies posed to American businesses and investments within Latin 13

Susanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder: Westview Press, Inc.), 32.

14 Stephen Streeter, ―Interpreting the 1954 U.S. Intervention in Guatemala: Realist, Revisionist, and Postrevisonist Perspectives,‖ The History Teacher 34, no. 1 (November 2000): 61.

15 Ibid.

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America than it was with strategic or ideological issues. With the use of several CIA and State Department manuscripts, the following chronological narrative will attempt to demonstrate how this economic inclination in the minds of American leaders ultimately led to the ousting of President Arbenz in 1954.

Original Research Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Guatemala, after decades of political turbulence following its independence from Spain in 1821, remained largely unindustrialized, feudal, and poor.16 With only a small number of landed elites, natives and peasants comprised the vast majority of the Guatemalan population. Despite this social stagnation, the increased patterns of globalization around the turn of the century fully ―wrenched Guatemala into the world economy.‖17 Turning away from basic subsistence, the Guatemalan ruling class began creating large coffee plantations to meet the expanding demand within the international market. With rising coffee profits came increasing amounts of private investment and capital from foreign owned companies. The majority of these corporations came from the United States, whose economy and industrial capacity was growing exponentially in the early part of the twentieth century. 18 Through a growing partnership with a successive line of economically liberal dictators, American enterprise flourished in Guatemala. Meanwhile, governmental codes of forced labor in Guatemala ensured a steady flow of native and peasant employees for these American companies. 19 By the end of the ―Rolling Twenties,‖ the Boston based United Fruit Company (UFCO) owned nearly two-thirds of all the cultivated land in Guatemala while its subsidiary, the International Railways of Central America (IRCA), had a virtual monopoly on the country‘s primary transportation system. 20 Unfortunately, with only one major export commodity, the Guatemalan economy plummeted during the early 1930s as the international coffee trade fell victim to the Great Depression. 21 With Dean Acheson, ―Policy Statement Regarding Guatemala,‖ May 2, 1951, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1951), 1416, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity= FRUS.FRUS1951v02.p1437&id=FRUS.FRUS1951v02&isize=M. 17 Piero Gleijeses, Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1945-1954 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 10.

18 Thomas O'Brien, The Century of U.S. Capitalism in Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 27.

19 Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala, 17.

20 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 10.

21 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office), XXIII, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/ 16

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bankruptcy and unemployment skyrocketing, the Guatemalan aristocracy decided the country was in desperate need of an even stronger leader who could restore political and economic stability. For them, Jorge Ubico was exactly the type of caudillo (strongman) that they were seeking.22 Despite his ―reputation for… cruelty‖ while a Guatemalan governor, the U.S. Embassy determined to swing its full support behind Ubico as the country‘s new leader. 23 In February 1931, in a one candidate race, Ubico was elected to the Guatemalan presidency. 24 As a nation that publicly prided itself on being the international promoter of fair and free democracy, the United States‘ support of a one man Guatemalan election in 1931 seems quite the paradox. Furthermore, due to his known ―reputation‖ as an abusive and pitiless leader, Washington must have realized that Ubico‘s presidency would really be a dictatorship. These two rather apparent points should dispel any idealistic notion that the United States has always and consistently promoted international democracy. Yet, for more proof against an America ―that genuinely holds itself accountable to the… principles of democratic solidarity,‖ 25 one needs to look no further than the actions taken by the U.S. government during Ubico‘s thirteen-year dictatorial rule over Guatemala.

After taking office, Ubico, described later by Secretary of State Dean Acheson as ―one of the most ruthless of all Guatemalan dictators,‖26 promptly suspended all constitutional rights and attempted to rid the country of any political opposition. 27 Seeing Guatemala as his own ―personal domain,‖ Ubico controlled nearly everything and, after a process of enriching himself and his political allies, became the largest landowner in the entire country. 28 In hopes of stabilizing the economy, Ubico vigorously defended the rights of private property owners to encourage further foreign investment from American companies. To accomplish this goal, Ubico outlawed labor unions, increased bound labor through the use of vagrancy laws (―all those Indians who owned no land or less than a prescribed amount were ordered to hire themselves out to landowners for at least one hundred days a year‖), cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=article&did=FRUS.FRUS195254GUAT.I0008&id= FRUS.FRUS195254Guat&isize=M. 22 Kenneth Grieb, ―American Involvement in the Rise of Jorge Ubico,‖ Caribbean Studies 10, no. 1 (April 1970): 12.

23 Ibid.

24 Immerman, The CIA in Guatemala, 32.

25 Schwartzberg, Democracy & U.S. Policy in Latin America, xiii.

26 Acheson, ―Policy Statement,‖ 416.

27 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXIII. 28 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 18.

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and legalized the murder of Indian employees as a means to further control the Guatemalan population. 29 With such favorable open market measures, along with the granting of generous concessions and special privileges to foreign companies, UFCO (the largest invested American company within Guatemala) understandably identified itself with Ubico‘s oppressive regime. What may not be clear, despite its initial endorsement, was how the U.S. government, the self-appointed global policeman of democracy, viewed Ubico‘s long reign as the authoritarian ruler of Guatemala. New evidence indicates that not only did Washington approve of Ubico, it took rather extensive measures to help sustain his dictatorship.

As previously noted, Guatemala was at the point of financial bankruptcy when Ubico was elected in 1931. With few domestic options, Ubico turned to the American businesses to help solve his country‘s economic crises. Yet, for UFCO and others to build a mutually beneficial relationship with Ubico, the U.S. government needed to be fully on board. To the enjoyment of Ubico and UFCO, the State Department entered into preliminary discussions with the Guatemalan government regarding a new trade agreement in January of 1934.30 As the basis of these negotiations, the U.S. and Guatemalan governments agreed to a commercial treaty which, according to Secretary of State Cordell Hull (1933-1944), ―remove[d] or reduce[d] existing barriers to trade, including import tariffs.‖ 31 Essentially, with such an agreement, UFCO and other U.S.-based companies could now ship the vast majority of Guatemala‘s coffee beans and bananas out of Guatemala and into the United States nearly free of charge. In an effort to highlight the advantages of reciprocal trade for the Guatemalan Foreign Minister, U.S. diplomat Matthew Hanna reported that ―it was the desire of my Government… that any special trade arrangement with Guatemala should be for the mutual benefit of both countries, and that he could count on our effort to make the arrangement of benefit to Guatemala.‖32 29

Ibid., 12-13.

Francis Sayre, ―First Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala,‖ Jan. 4, 1934, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934), 280, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0346&id=FRUS. FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

31 Cordell Hull, ―Thirteenth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala,‖ Sept. 25, 1934, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934), 288, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0353&id=FRUS. FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

32 Mattew Hanna, ―Sixth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala,‖ July 24, 1934, in Foreign Relations of the United States 30

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At first glance, coordinating a free trade agreement with a hemispheric neighbor may seem to have very little to do with the underlining motives of U.S. foreign policy. The fact is, however, that the United States has historically used its economic power to either support friendly regimes or to undermine governments which Washington has determined distasteful. In the case of Guatemala, the 1934 trade agreement not only played a significant role in stabilizing the country‘s economy but also for keeping Ubico in power.

In addition to receiving favorable economic sanctions, the Guatemalan tyrant was a major recipient of American arms as a concrete measure to help shore up the nation‘s domestic social order. 33 The chief example of these undisclosed deals came in 1942 when the world‘s attention primarily focused on events occurring in Europe and Asia. After firmly establishing himself as an ally to the American war effort, President Ubico requested that the Guatemalan army receive a portion of the arms and equipment being lent out by the U.S. government through its Lend-Lease Program.34 Using the war as a pretext, Ubico reasoned, according to a telegram sent to Secretary of State Hull, that ―the United States government should lend Guatemala what she needs to arm herself so she may be ready for that defense [against the Axis powers].‖35 Yet, considering Guatemala‘s actual involvement in the war was virtually non-existent, both governments knew Ubico‘s true intentions. American arms, as they had been in the past, were vital in Ubico‘s mission to silence his political critics. Even with this extremely undemocratic use of military equipment, the State Department approved Ubico‘s request which, from an internal memorandum, allowed the Guatemalan government ―to buy arms which it needs for its own defense and local use.‖36 The United States, as the heralded champions of ―democracy,‖ obviously sought to keep its fiscal and military backing of Ubico‘s oppressive dictatorship a secret among the international community. In (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934), 285, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0350&id=FRUS. FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

33 Grieb, ―American Involvement in the Rise of Jorge Ubico,‖ 10.

34 Fay Allen Des Portes, ―Telegram Pertaining to Lend-Lease Agreement,‖ Jan. 22, 1942, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942), 433, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type= article&id=FRUS.FRUS1942v06&did=FRUS.FRUS1942V06.I0012&q1=guatemala.

35 Ibid.

36 Fay Allen Des Portes, ―Internal Memorandum Regarding Arms Sales to Guatemala,‖ March 10, 1942, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942), 438, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1942v06.p0451&id=FRUS. FRUS1942v06&isize=M&q1=guatemala.

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Ousting an Economic Enemy a telegram sent to Hanna on July 17th, 1934, Secretary Hull ―desired that no publicity be given [to the trade agreement] for [the] time being.‖37 As this quote clearly indicates, Washington‘s steadfast approval and support for Ubico from 1931 to 1944 undermined its public persona as the ideological defender of freedom and democracy.

Moreover, according to documentary records, there seems to be very little evidence supporting the claim that maintaining Ubico‘s totalitarian regime was ever essential to America‘s national security.

Considering the pre-Cold War period of Ubico‘s rule, defending the spread of Soviet communism was hardly on the minds of American leaders as the country actively joined the Allied war effort against Germany, Italy, and Japan. From these facts, Ubico‘s exemplary treatment of American companies and protection of private property must have accounted for Washington‘s overall approval and support for the dictator‘s regime.38 This claim becomes even clearer as one examines the dramatic shift in U.S. policy during the decade after the Guatemalan Revolution.

By the mid-1940‘s, Guatemala had almost completely recovered from the instability of the Great Depression. Inspired by the Ally war against fascism in Eurasia and President Roosevelt‘s global declaration of the ―Four Freedoms,‖39 a small yet formidable Guatemalan middle-class emerged and began opposing Ubico‘s harsh totalitarian rule.40 United by a mutual frustration over the lack of political freedoms and economic opportunities within Guatemala, an increasing amount of local merchants, businessmen, workers, schoolteachers, university students, and nationalistic property owners who fell out of favor with the dictator, joined the anti-Ubico crusade in the early summer months of 1944.41 Following a series of non-violent demonstrations in and around the Guatemalan capital to publicize their cause, the killing of a young schoolteacher named Maria Chinchilla by a member of Ubico‘s army on June 25th solidified the revolutionary

Cordell Hull, ―Fourth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala,‖ July 17, 1934, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934), 283, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0349&id= FRUS.FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

38 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 21.

39 Stephen Schlesinger and Stephen Kinzer, Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 26. The Four Freedoms included ―freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and freedom from fear.‖ 40 Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala, 22.

41 Ibid., 23.

37

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Kevin Bates movement.42 With a general strike crippling the country and waning support from American officials, who saw the current regime as an ―unreliable,‖ Ubico had no choice but to resign from office on July 1st, 1944.43 To stabilize Guatemala‘s political climate, the army appointed General Federico Ponce Vaides as president. However, Ponce‘s basic reincarnation of Ubico‘s former policies did little to quiet the democratic fervor still resonating throughout the country. 44 In an assessment of the growing hostilities brewing among the Guatemalan populace, U.S. Ambassador Boaz Long cabled to the State Department in early July that ―the next five months will see intensified political activities and a considerable state of political ferment.‖45 As summer turned to autumn, it became clear that the antidictatorial movement would accept nothing less than a full-fledged overhaul of the Guatemalan government. Most important to this revolutionary coalition was the establishment of a constitutional democracy that guaranteed civil liberties and free elections. 46 Unable to maintain order, a military coup d‘état ousted Ponce after only three months in power. Acknowledging the will of the people, the leaders of the overthrow and interim government (Captain Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, Major Francisco Javier Arana, and Jorge Toriello Garrido) scheduled an open presidential election before the New Year. 47 Finally, after months of protest and decades of social injustice, the Guatemalan Revolution culminated with the selection of Juan José Arévalo as President of a new and democratic Guatemala in December 1944.

As a famed university professor and formally exiled nationalist, Arévalo seemed to be the perfect candidate to carry Guatemala into its new age of equality and freedom. The main revolutionary newspaper, El Liberator, reported that Arévalo was ―a man without a blemish, with the experience, the talent, the strength of character, and the idealism that our people need.‖48 Along with his obvious endorsement from the revolutionary political parties, Arévalo‘s upper-middle class upbringing and ―white‖ complexion helped secure 42

Nick Cullather, Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala, 1952-1954 (Stanford: Standford University Press, 1999), 10. In the early 1990s, Cullather was given access to the CIA‘s classified archives in what was known as the Agency‘s ―openness initiative.‖ 43 Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 26.

44 Ibid., 29. Following in the footsteps of Ubico, Ponce ―intensified political surveillance, prohibited private meetings and demonstrations and kept the government in the hands of soldiers.‖ 45 Boaz Long, ―Telegram to Washington After the Fall of Ubico,‖ 1944.

46 Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala, 23.

47 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXIV. 48 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 34.

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Ousting an Economic Enemy initial backing from the majority of Guatemala‘s landed elites and even from the U.S. Embassy. 49 However, as Arévalo‘s nationalistic policies took shape, Washington‘s stance regarding the new leader shifted dramatically.

Upon taking office in March 1945, Arévalo made the reshaping of Guatemala‘s political and economic structure his top priority. In a program he referred to as ―Spiritual Socialism,‖ Arévalo implemented a string of reforms intended to modernize the country‘s export-oriented economy, raise the general living standards of landless peasants, promote agrarian redistribution, increase educational opportunities, protect the rights of workers, and further ensure that Guatemala‘s political system remained a democracy. 50 Unsurprisingly, with millions of dollars invested in the country, UFCO viewed these highly nationalistic reforms as a very real menace to its Guatemalan operations. Most alarming for UFCO at the commencement of Arévalo‘s regime were Articles 91 and 92 in the new Guatemalan Constitution. 51 According to Article 91, the Guatemala government ―recognized the right to private property, except under circumstances in which that right might impinge upon the national interest.‖52 Similarly, Article 92 stated that ―the government would be legally empowered to expropriate land at any time to fulfill the needs of society at large.‖53 Regarding the powerful language of these provisions as potentially damning to its substantial landholdings, UFCO quickly turned to Washington for assistance. In a memorandum of conversation produced on November 29th, 1946, Robert Newbegin, the Acting Chief of Division of Central America and Panama Affairs, informed his colleagues at the State Department that Arthur Pollan, UCFO‘s Vice President, had ―inquired as to what steps the Department might be able to take in the event of expropriation [of the company‘s land by the Guatemalan government].‖54 Spruille Braden, the Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs, replied to UFCO‘s inquiry 49

Ibid., 32-35. In the election of 1944, Arévalo received nearly 85% of the Guatemalan vote.

50 Robert Holden and Eric Zolov, Latin America and the United States: A Documentary History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 203.

51 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXIV. 52 Ibid.

53 Ibid.

54 Robert Newbegin, ―Memorandum Regarding the United Fruit Company's Concern Over the Possible Nationalization of its Railway Lines and Expropriation of its Land in Guatemala,‖ Nov. 29, 1946, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946), 890, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/ FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1946v11.p0908&id=FRUS.FRUS1946v11&isi ze=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

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seven days later in a letter written to John Simpson, a Chairman of the company‘s main subsidiary group (IRCA). As a clear sign of Washington‘s future policy regarding Arévalo, Braden wrote ―I wish to assure you [UFCO/IRCA] that the Department is always ready to be of any appropriate assistance.‖55 In addition to the reformist ideals worded in the revolutionary constitution, UFCO‘s already negative attitude towards Arévalo‘s regime worsened as his government passed the 1947 Labor Code and the 1949 Law of Forced Rentals. Essentially, the provisions of the Labor Code guaranteed workers the right to unionize, the right to strike, a forty-eight hour work week, social security coverage, minimum wages, adequate working conditions, and put restrictions on women and child labor.56 With Ubico‘s vagrancy laws and other harsh labor policies abolished, Arévalo‘s Labor Code seemed to be implicitly targeting the country‘s largest employer, UFCO. Moreover, the Law of Forced Rentals required land owners to lease a portion of their uncultivated land to peasants at an affordable rate.57 As Guatemala‘s principal landholder, which intentionally kept a third of its land uncultivated for the purposes of crop rotation and maintaining high demand, the prospect of losing land to basic subsistence farmers extremely disappointed UFCO. Consequently, with these alleged measures taken against the company‘s Guatemalan operations, UFCO became the chief source of opposition to Arévalo by the end of his tenure in office. 58 Similar to UFCO‘s declining impression, the U.S. government, despite early proclamations of support, increasingly made known its hostilities toward many of Guatemala‘s new domestic programs throughout Arévalo‘s six year presidency. Due to his prolabor policies, many State Department officials and several of President Truman‘s top advisors publicly accused Arévalo of being a Soviet inspired and backed communist.59 Thus, many scholars have argued that the perceived ideological and tactical link between Arévalo and the Soviet Union appears to have laid the foundation of Washington‘s antiArévalo policy. However, a more in-depth examination of newly Spruille Braden, ―Reply Memorandum Regarding United Fruit Company's Concern Over the Possible Nationalization of its Railway Lines and Expropriation of its Land in Guatemala,‖ Dec. 6, 1946, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946), 892, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/ FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1946v11.p0909&id=FRUS.FRUS1946v11&isi ze=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

56 Immerman, The CIA in Guatemala, 54.

57 Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 41.

58 Acheson, ―Policy Statement,‖ 1417.

59 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXIV-XXV. 55

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declassified documentation discredits any relevance to this ideological/strategic claim.

Internally, despite propaganda to associate Arévalo with Marxism, there was mutual agreement within the State Department that Arévalo was anything but a practicing communist. Arévalo, himself being openly anti-communist, publicly stated before his election that communism was ―contrary to human nature.‖60 As time passed, it became apparent that Arévalo‘s doctrine of Spiritual Socialism was nothing more than populist rhetoric. 61 Without a realistic socioeconomic plan, Arévalo‘s idealism did little to change the country‘s status quo. Even with the government‘s granting of broader voting rights, trade unionization, and greater political participation, the vast majority of Arévalo‘s nationalistic goals were minimally, if at all, implemented.62 By the end of his term in March of 1951, Arévalo‘s administration had all but forgotten Articles 91 and 92 of the Guatemalan Constitution, 63 sparingly enforced the provisions of the Labor Code, and, according to the Office of Intelligence and Research in the U.S. State Department, the Law of Forced Rentals was ―honored far more in breach than in observance.‖ 64 Nick Cullather, in his analysis of classified CIA material, affirms the State Department‘s inner acknowledgment of Arévalo‘s anti-communist tendencies: ―Arévalo‘s regime allowed substantially greater freedoms, but remained essentially conservative. Political parties proliferated, but most were controlled by the ruling coalition party….National laws restricted the right to strike…[and] the Army remained in control of much of the administration, the schools, and the national radio.‖ 65 Furthermore, at no time during his presidency did Arévalo push for the legalization of the Communist Party. 66 From these assessments, Arévalo, in spite of Washington‘s public allegations, could have by no means posed any great danger to the ideological solidarity of the Western Hemisphere.

In addition to this unfounded threat against democracy, Washington, in response to the growing tensions of the Cold War, continually broadcasted a ―concealed‖ connection between Guatemala City and Moscow during Arévalo‘s presidency. However, several inhouse appraisals of possible communist or Soviet activity within 60

Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 32.

Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 38-39.

62 Ibid.

63 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXIV. 64 Department of State, ―Analysis of Arévalo's Agrarian Reform,‖ Mar. 5, 1953, in Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 43 65 Cullather, Secret History, 11.

66 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 38.

61

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Kevin Bates America‘s southern realm again prove quite the contrary. A State Department intelligence briefing at the end of 1946 regarding Soviet infiltration in Latin America concluded that ―there is no indication that if any real communists exist, they have an appreciable influence.‖67 Likewise, a memorandum highlighting Washington‘s relations with Guatemala produced on May 29th, 1950 by William J. McWilliams, the State Department‘s Executive Secretariat, exonerates Arévalo‘s administration from being under any sort of Soviet control: ―While it is true that the Communists are influential both within the Government and without, especially in the labor unions, they do not hold key positions in the government.‖68 Invariably, democratic and strategic anxieties clearly carried little value in the apprehension Washington held for Arévalo‘s revolutionary regime. As a result, economic motivation becomes the only reasonable conclusion to draw regarding the formation of the antiArévalo position by the U.S. government. Although many of the provisions in the Constitution, Labor Code, and Law of Forced Rentals were never fully implemented, the reformist undertones of Spiritual Socialism nevertheless caused numerous officials in Washington to view Arévalo as a potential threat to America‘s financial empire within Latin America.

To exasperate the already hostile situation, UFCO, as it had since the beginning of Arévalo‘s term, continued to apply pressure on the U.S. government for protection against any labor or land reform passed by the Guatemalan government. This pressure is noticeably evident in the official transcript of communication between Thomas Corcoran, a lawyer representing UFCO‘s Guatemalan investments, and Thomas Mann, Director of the Office of Middle American Affairs, on May 15th, 1950: ―In the course of the conversation he [Corcoran] said that he believed it would become increasingly necessary for the U.S. to exercise a greater degree of control over Latin America and that there would be a growing demand in the U.S. for a Latin American policy which would open up the way for larger investments.‖69 In an internal Department of State, ―Soviet Policy and Objectives in the Other American Republics,‖ Dec. 31, 1946, in Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 98-99.

68 William McWilliams, ―Memorandum Regarding the Current Relations with Guatemala,‖ May 29, 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 900, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/ FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page= 900.

69 Thomas Mann, ―Memorandum of Conversation Between Corcoran and Mann,‖ May 15th, 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 889, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx? type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1950v02.p0905&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M. 67

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Ousting an Economic Enemy policy assessment during the same year pertaining to UFCO‘s increasing demands upon the State Department, John Fishburn, the Labor Officer in the Office of Regional American Affairs, unmistakably acknowledged the fact that U.S. protocol in Guatemala was primarily based on the company‘s fiscal concerns: ―In large measure our relations with Guatemala appear to hinge on the…problems of the United Fruit Company.‖70 From the wealth of documentary evidence proving Washington‘s overarching desire to protect private investment and American enterprise, namely UFCO, during Arévalo‘s presidency, two in particular fully exemplify the accuracy of Fishburn‘s claim. In a memorandum of conversation between Arévalo and U.S. Ambassador Richard Patterson on January 9, 1950, the interpreter John Barrett asserts that ―After the usual greetings he [Patterson] presented to the President the compliments of President Truman, stating that although his government fully appreciates the problems of President Arévalo, it is nevertheless disturbed at the continued mistreatment of United States business concerns by Guatemalan labor. The Ambassador… pointed out that cordial relations between Guatemala and the United States cannot continue if the persecution of American interests does not cease.‖71 Similarly, in a memorandum on May 17 th, 1950, Milton Wells, the U.S. Charge in the Guatemalan Embassy, furthered the scope of the State Department‘s Guatemalan objectives: ―The Embassy believes that American business enterprises operating abroad legitimately are entitled to the appropriate measure or degree of protection by the United States Government if and when discriminated against in fact; and that it is a duty of the Foreign Service to render appropriate assistance in such cases.‖72 Notwithstanding the mounting climate of discomfort within the State Department regarding the Guatemalan situation, Arévalo John Fishburn, ―Memorandum Regarding U.S. and the United Fruit Company's Relations with Guatemala,‖ April 19, 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 880, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit= Go+to+page&page=880.

71 John Barrett, ―Memorandum of Conversation Between President Arévalo and Ambassador Patterson,‖ Jan. 9, 1950 in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 865, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit= Go+to+page&page=865.

72 Milton Wells, ―Reply Memorandum Regarding U.S. and the United Fruit Company's Relations with Guatemala,‖ May 17, 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 890, http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1950v02.p0905&id=FRUS. FRUS1950v02&isize=M. 70

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finished his full tenure in office without any form of U.S. intervention.73 For its part, the American government pinned its hopes on Jacobo Arbenz, president-elect after the 1950 elections, to reverse the nationalistic and pro-labor trends initiated by Arévalo.74 As a career military officer, Arbenz represented, in the mindset of the State Department, a seemingly conservative ally who would hopefully move to protect foreign investment and open market policies. Although optimist, it was clear throughout the Department that its future Guatemalan policy depended solely on Arbenz‘s economic platform as Milton Wells describes in his November 1950 Department memorandum: ―Now that Lieutenant Colonel Jacobo Arbenz has been elected to succeed Arévalo to the Presidency on March 15, 1951, the big question on everyone‘s mind is ‗Will Arbenz divorce his administration from the strong Communist influences which have compromised the present Government?‘‖ 75 A month later, Wells narrowed his economic assessment by writing ―In my personal opinion, the Arbenz administration will have to decide once and for all whether Guatemala will give fair treatment and encouragement to foreign capital or whether it will proceed along the road to nationalism.‖ 76 The precision of Wells‘ analysis was verified in the State Department‘s official Guatemalan Policy Statement produced within weeks after Arbenz‘s inauguration. In the first section of this extensive manuscript, Dean Acheson, Truman‘s Secretary of State, describes one of the chief objectives of U.S. policy in Guatemala as being ―[t]o bring about the establishment in Guatemala of favorable conditions for the conduct of business by U.S. interests on mutually advantageous terms.‖77 Continually stressing the importance of maintaining an open market in Guatemala, Acheson goes on to state that ―it is our policy to impress upon Guatemalan officials the desirability of employing… private U.S. capital for the development of their resources.‖ 78 In terms ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXV. Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 134.

Milton Wells, ―Speculation Regarding Arbenz' Attitude and Future Policy Toward the Communists,‖ Nov. 15, 1950 in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 922, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit=Go+to+ page&page=922. Using the notion of ―communism‖ to represent ―leftist nationalism‖ was a recurrent tactic employed by numerous officials within the State Department during the Cold War to heighten internal fears regarding economic enemies.

76 Milton Wells, ―Memorandum of Conversation Between Keilhauer and Wells,‖ Dec. 30, 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 931, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type= goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page=931.

77 Acheson, ―Policy Statement,‖ 1416.

78 Ibid., 1420.

73 74 75

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To the dismay of U.S. policymakers and UFCO executives hoping for a return to conservatism, President Arbenz turned out to be a hardened nationalist determined to carry out the principles of the Guatemalan Revolution. 80 In his inaugural speech, Arbenz promised his fellow Guatemalans actual economic and social changes intended to make the country no longer dependent on American enterprise: ―Our economic policy must necessarily be based on strengthening private initiative and developing Guatemalan capital…. Foreign capital will always be welcomed as long as it adjusts to local conditions [and] remains always subordinate to Guatemalan laws.‖ 81 Unlike Arévalo, Arbenz seemed intent on setting forth a concrete socioeconomic plan to break UFCO‘s financial hold over the nation.

Despite reframing from quick and radical change, Arbenz gradually increased many of the reforms initiated by Arévalo‘s regime including further social improvements for women and landless peasants, nationalization of various industries and public work projects, broader enforcement of the Labor Code and Law of Forced Rentals, introduction of rent controls and income taxes, and the legalization of the Communist Party. 82 Regardless of his more aggressive approach to Spiritual Socialism, Arbenz knew from the beginning of his presidency that the largest issue keeping Guatemala in a state of perpetual reliance on the United States was its agrarian structure; UFCO remained the country‘s principal employer and landowner.83 To eradicate this economic hindrance, Arbenz‘s government took a dramatic step on June 17th, 1952, when it passed Decree 900, or otherwise known as the Agrarian Reform Law. Virtually overnight, UFCO, which previously owned roughly 550,000 acres of Guatemalan land, lost 400,000 acres to Arbenz‘s government to be redistributed among Guatemalan society. 84 With a foreign policy founded on the protection of American business, Washington obviously found Arbenz‘s land reform act utterly unacceptable. In his analysis of CIA documents, Gerald Haines 79

Ibid., 1419.

Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 134.

81 Jacobo Arbenz, ―Inaugural Speech,‖ March 15, 1951, in Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 32.

82 Gleijeses, Shattered Hope, 134-170.

83 ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954,‖ XXV. 84 O'Brien, The Century of U.S. Capitalism in Latin America, 133.

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Kevin Bates contends that the State Department‘s anti-Arbenz policy was indeed largely shaped by the threat he posed to America‘s economic hegemony within Latin America: ―As early as 1952 US policymakers viewed the government of President Arbenz with some alarm.

Although he had been popularly elected… [his] policies had damaged US business interests in Guatemala.‖ 85 Under intense pressure from UFCO, the Truman administration, in April 1952, began looking into measures that could potentially derail the Arbenz regime.

By 1953, after additional expropriation of UFCO‘s land, President Eisenhower decided that it was time to act against the Guatemalan leader before his nationalistic reforms had the chance to spread elsewhere in Latin America.86 Under the guidance of the Dulles brothers (John as Secretary of State and Allen as the Director of the CIA), both of whom were former members of UFCO‘s law firm, Eisenhower ordered the CIA to initiate Operation PBSUCCESS to overthrow Arbenz. 87 The CIA, in the process of a year, mobilized an international anti-communist propaganda campaign and implemented various economic and psychological techniques to destabilize Arbenz‘s power over his own government. On June 16, 1954, after months of training and arming by the CIA, the exiled Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas and his small army of followers crossed the Honduran border and headed straight for Guatemala City. 88 With little international support, Arbenz was forced to resign from office on June 27th. The installation of Armas, a conservative anti-reformist caudillo, as the country‘s new president effectively ended the democratic aspirations of the Guatemalan Revolution.

Conclusion For a region that Nixon deemed irrelevant, it is ironic how heavily involved the United States actually was in Latin America during the twentieth century. As the documentary record proves, the United States, in an effort to strengthen its economic empire, consistently intervened in Latin American politics to ensure the continuation of open market conditions that were favorable to private U.S. enterprise and investment. The fiscal motivation behind American foreign policy is clearly exemplified in this case study of Guatemala from the fall of Ubico in 1945 to the CIA sponsored overthrow of Gerald Haines, ―CIA and Guatemala Assassination Proposals 1952-1954,‖ June 1995, 1, National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB4/ciaguatemala1_1.html.

86 Haines, ―CIA Assassination Proposals,‖ 4.

87 Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala, 31.

88 Haines, ―CIA Assassination Proposals,‖ 8.

85

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Arbenz in the summer of 1954. Theoretically, if the United States lived up to its public persona as the international promoter of freedom and democratic ideology, it should have supported Arbenz‘s popularly elected regime. Moreover, the State Department‘s anti-Arbenz position could not have formed over strategic concerns because, according to Haines, ―most high-level US officials recognized that a hostile government in Guatemala by itself did not constitute a direct security threat to the United States.‖89 Thus, it is obvious that Washington‘s implementation of Operation PBSUCCESS came as a direct result of Arbenz‘s socioeconomic reforms, changes that made Guatemala a threat to U.S. business throughout Latin America.

Bibliography Secondary Sources Aybar de Soto, Jose. Dependency and Intervention: The Case of Guatemala in 1954. Boulder: Westview Press, Inc., 1978.

Gilderhus, Mark. The Second Century: U.S. - Latin American Relations Since 1889. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 2000.

Gleijeses, Piero. Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1945-1954. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.

Grandin, Greg. Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism. New York: Henry Holt and Company, LLC., 2006.

Grieb, Kenneth. ―American Involvement in the Rise of Jorge Ubico.‖ Caribbean Studies 10, no. 1 (April 1970): 5-21.

Holden, Robert, and Eric Zolov. Latin America and the United States: A Documentary History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Immerman, Richard. The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982. ―Introduction to Guatemala, 1952-1954.‖ Foreign Relations of the 89

Ibid., 1.

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United States, XXIII-XXVI. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/ FRUS/ FRUSidx?type=article&did=FRUS.FRUS195254GUAT.I000 8&id=FRUS.FRUS195254Guat&isize=M. Jonas, Susanne. The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Sqauds, and U.S. Power. Boulder: Westview Press, Inc. Morgenthau, Hans. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Knopf, 1960.

O'Brien, Thomas. The Century of U.S. Capitalism in Latin America.

Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999.

Perez, Louis A. ―Invention, Hegemony, and Dependency.‖ Pacific Historical Review 51, no. 2: 165-194.

Schlesinger, Stephen, and Stephen Kinzer. Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Schwartzberg, Steven. Democracy & U.S. Policy in Latin America during the Truman Years. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003.

Streeter, Stephen. ―Interpreting the 1954 U.S. Intervention in Guatemala: Realist, Revisionist, and Postrevisonist Perpectives.‖ The History Teacher 34, no. 1 (November 2000): 61-74.

Taylor, Philip. ―The Guatemalan Affair: A Critique of United States Foreign Policy.‖ The American Political Science Review 50, no. 3 (September 1956): 787-806.

Primary Sources Acheson, Dean. ―Policy Statement Regarding Guatemala.‖ May 2, 1951. In Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1951. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx? type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1951v02.p1437&id=FRUS.FR US1951v02&isize=M.

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Barrett, John. ―Memorandum of Conversation Between President Arévalo and Ambassador Patterson.‖ January 9, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 865-866.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit= Go+to+page&page=865.

Braden, Spruille. ―Reply Memorandum Regarding United Fruit Company's Concern Over the Possible Nationalization of its Railway Lines and Expropriation of its Land in Guatemala.‖ December 6, 1946. In Foreign Relations of the United States, XI: 891-892. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1946v11.p0909&id=FRU S.FRUS1946v11&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

Cullather, Nick. Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala, 1952-1954. Stanford: Standford University Press, 1999.

Department of State. ―Analysis of Arévalo's Agrarian Reform.‖ Mar. 5, 1953. In Gleijeses, Piero. Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1945-1954. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.

———. ―Soviet Policy and Objectives in the Other American Republics.‖ December 31, 1946. In Gleijeses, Piero. Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1945-1954. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.

Des Portes, Fay Allen. ―Internal Memorandum Regarding Arms Sales to Guatemala.‖ March 10, 1942. In Foreign Relations of the United States, VI: 437-439. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1942v06. p0451&id=FRUS.FRUS1942v06&isize=M&q1=guatemala.

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Kevin Bates ———. ―Telegram Pertaining to Lend-Lease Agreement.‖ January 22, 1942. In Foreign Relations of the United States, VI: 433-434.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=article&id=FRUS.FRUS1942v06&did=FRUS.FRU S1942V06.I0012&q1=guatemala.

Fishburn, John. ―Memorandum Regarding U.S. and the United Fruit Company's Relations with Guatemala.‖ April 19, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 880-884.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M&submit= Go+to+page&page=880.

Haines, Gerald. ―CIA and Guatemala Assassination Proposals 19521954,‖ June 1995. National Security Archive. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB4/ciaguatemala1_1.html.

Hanna, Mattew. ―Sixth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala.‖ July 24, 1934. In Foreign Relations of the United States, V: 284-285.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0350&id=FRU S.FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

Hull, Cordell. ―Fourth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala.‖ July 17, 1934. In Foreign Relations of the United States, V: 283. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0349&id=FRU S.FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

———. ―Thirteenth Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala.‖ September 25, 1934. In Foreign Relations of the United States, V: 287-288.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0353&id=FRU S.FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

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Mann, Thomas. ―Memorandum of Conversation Between Corcoran and Mann.‖ May 15, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 888-889. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/ FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS. FRUS1950v02.p0905& id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&isize=M. McWilliams, William. ―Memorandum Regarding the Current Relations with Guatemala.‖ May 29, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 897-901. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&is ize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page=900.

Newbegin, Robert. ―Memorandum Regarding the United Fruit Company's Concern Over the Possible Nationalization of its Railway Lines and Expropriation of its Land in Guatemala.‖ November 29, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, XI: 890-891. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1946v11.p0908&id=FRU S.FRUS1946v11&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

Sayre, Francis. ―First Discussion Respecting a Trade Agreement Between the United States and Guatemala.‖ January 4, 1934.

In Foreign Relations of the United States, V: 280-281.

Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1934v05.p0346&id=FRU S.FRUS1934v05&isize=M&q1=united%20fruit%20company.

Wells, Milton. ―Memorandum of Conversation Between Keilhauer and Wells.‖ December 30, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 931. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1950v02&is ize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page=931.

———. ―Reply Memorandum Regarding U.S. and the United Fruit Company's Relations with Guatemala.‖ May 17, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II: 889-891.

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Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1950v02.p0905&id=FRU S.FRUS1950v02&isize=M. ———. ―Speculation Regarding Arbenz' Attitude and Future Policy Toward the Communists.‖ November 15, 1950. In Foreign Relations of the United States, II:922-925. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950. http://digicoll.library.wisc. edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS 1950v02&isize=M&submit=Go+to+page&page=922.

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Homosexual Intimacy

Introduction to “Homosexual Intimacy in Kiss of the Spider Woman” Vaneeta Palecanda Associate Professor of English In the ―Literary Theory and Criticism‖ class for which this paper was written, students were asked to choose a critical approach-film theory, gender studies, or feminist theory--that informed their reading of the novel Kiss of the Spider Woman. Students were also expected to demonstrate how other schools of thought strengthened their claims or broadened the scope of their inquiry. While performing critical analysis, they addressed the following questions: Do the protagonists embody/resist/question gender normatives? What does the text call into question? Are apparent contradictions and seeming ambiguities resolved in the text? What conclusions can you draw about gender/sexual normatives? Mikayla Consalvo has chosen a gender/queer studies approach, wherein she examines dominant ideologies regarding sexuality and gender.

In her paper, Consalvo demonstrates how both Molino/a and Valentin are outside Law because of their particular persuasions, one because he identifies himself as the archetypal woman of film noir, and the other because of his political affiliation. She demonstrates how the prison cell where they are imprisoned because of their infractions becomes a ―liberating space‖ for them to examine those very infractions. Favoring film theory, in reading the feminine of film noir, she calls attention to the arbitrary nature of hetero-normative codes and, at the same time, points to behaviors that such codes engender.

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Homosexual Intimacy in Kiss of the Spider Woman: Challenges and Submissions to Dominant Ideology within Confines of Prison Mikayla Consalvo English Major: Class of 2012 Using the character Molina of “Kiss of the Spider Woman” by Manuel Puig to show how subjugated members of a society are coerced by the dominant ideology, especially in terms of sexuality, gender norms and identity, this paper analyzes the ways in which that coercion takes place in the setting of a prison in 1970s Argentina. The paper also explores the signs according to which the marginalized, specifically imprisoned, homosexual, and transgendered Molina, conduct themselves within structures imposed by society to survive in it.

Within any society, those not in power often struggle to obtain it. When expectations to meet the needs of those in dominant positions are created and imposed upon the inferiors, those who are subjugated are defined in relation to their potential for utilization by those in control.

It is within this context that gender norms are established, acceptable sexuality defined, and mores of forming identity instituted.

In instances in which one does not conform to either gender or sexual expectations, however, it becomes necessary to attempt to mold one‘s identity in a way that conforms with established norms. Consequently, those marginalized are in a frustrated state of limited conformity in that they will never find true societal acceptance and are always vulnerable to becoming tools of the ideology that repudiates them.

In Manuel Puig‘s 1976 novel Kiss of the Spider Woman, the character Molina functions as this marginalized individual, inasmuch as he is an excluded subject pertaining to sexuality in the ideology of 1970s Argentina. In the novel, prison inmate Luis Molina narrates the plots of film noir movies he‘s seen to his roommate Valentin Arregui to pass time and find respite from their imprisonment. Through a conversation between the prison warden and Molina, who was charged with corruption of a minor, the effete Molina is revealed to be operating as a spy on Valentin, who was imprisoned as a political rebel, in order to be released so that he may return to his ill mother. The betrayal does not prevent an intimacy between the prisoners to form, and they become lovers. On the day of his release, Valentin urges Molina to carry a message to his fellow political activists, and the unknowingly followed Molina complies. While Molina delivers the message, a

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shootout is initiated by the police and Molina is mortally wounded. The novel concludes with a scene depicting Valentin‘s stream of consciousness during which the audience gathers he has been brutally tortured and is being given anesthesia by a physician.

As a male who presents himself as a female, Molina is at odds with the dominant ideology that accepts only individuals whose behavior aligns with established gender expectations, namely heteronormativity. Because of this discrepancy, Molina faces self, societal, and interpersonal rejection. Although he has identified himself as a woman, an act of subversion to the dominant ideology, it is clear that he still operates within the framework laid out by the ideology. The choice made by Molina to perform the acts deemed appropriate to those of a different gender is in itself subversive; yet ironically, once he has assumed the acts of a woman, those acts conform to expected female conduct.

The reader is able to witness the struggle that inherently results, as Molina‘s contradictory behaviors, though always feminine, exemplify the dichotic stereotypes of women. Namely, his traits are representative of both the conniving, sexual, destructive female and the nurturing, maternal, good-natured woman. In an evaluation of the pole of female archetypes that encompasses the conniving image of woman, Janey Place describes appearance in film noir of ―the dark lady, the spider woman, the evil seductress who tempts man and brings about his destruction‖ (44). At times, Molina‘s motivations seem characteristic of a femme fatale from the film noir movies he recounts. For example, spying on Valentin to gain political information and motives involves befriending him and, through both deception and seduction, using him as means to freedom from imprisonment. Agreeing to discover the secrets Valentin protects and relay them to the warden, which would be the destruction to which Place refers, indicates Molina‘s role as the ―spider woman.‖ Molina believes that his release would increase his ill mother‘s chances of survival, and thus has little choice but to be a tool for those in control, namely the warden, who are seeking political domination.

The inmate is making an effort to gain freedom; therefore, this hegemonic agreement can be seen as one of a transactional nature. If he cooperates with the warden, who embodies a state apparatus that utilizes repressive penalties against those who do not conform (Althusser 700), he will be rewarded. Molina has thus become a tool of ideology because he needs what it can offer.

This is a recurring motif of film noir: an individual (usually a woman, which we can consider Molina based on his actions) seeks control and power through the avenues available, however distasteful

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or even criminal such avenues might be. These tend to be means detrimental to the male protagonist of the plot, a role filled by Valentin in Kiss of the Spider Woman. An example is found in the 1944 film noir ―Double Indemnity,‖ in which a woman seeks to empower herself by arranging the murder of her husband by another man, to the other man‘s considerable detriment.

Identifying as a woman and suffering the associated disadvantages causes Molina to have not only a quid pro quo relationship with the warden, however, but also with the man he is betraying, Valentin. His understanding of what it means to be a woman implies he expects to fulfill a subordinate, oppressed role. When he describes the mother of a character from one of the films he has seen, for example, he indicates with admiration the propensity of women to satisfy the wants and needs of men. ―She has that marvelous thing of certain respectable ladies,‖ he says, ―…[which is] they go on being women and wanting to please‖ (Puig 17). This indicates that to Molina, the role of a woman is fulfilled only when evaluated in relation to her usefulness to others. In ―Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,‖ Laura Mulvey notes that within a patriarchal society, women can be expected to define themselves in relation to men (1445), wherein the woman is the ―other.‖ Hence, Molina is constantly offering ways to help Valentin, despite his agreement with the warden, and it is in these efforts that Molina takes on the polar opposite of the archetype of the evil seductress, defined by Place as ―the virgin, the mother, the innocent, the redeemer‖ (44). In other words, at times Molina serves the role of the nurturing caretaker.

This is no more evident than when Valentin suffers from food poisoning, which Molina knows was intended by the warden to weaken the political rebel. Valentin unexpectedly finds Molina taking on the role of nurturer when Molina offers to wash Valentin‘s feces-stained sheets and then his body.

As he washes his cellmate, Molina directs: ―Spread your legs a little more…. That‘s it.‖ ―But it doesn‘t disgust you?‖ Valentin asks, surprised at Molina‘s capacity. He is answered very simply with a ―Be quiet,‖ and Molina continues to wash him (142). Maternal in the most obvious of ways, Molina looks after Valentin as he would an infant, unembarrassed by neither feces nor the act of cleaning another.

Molina‘s lack of embarrassment is a theme throughout the novel, suggesting he has grown accustomed to the role he has assumed.

Later, when the intimacy between the two characters reaches a physical level, Molina once again demonstrates his comfort with the subversive and his desire to please others. ―Valentin,‖ he offers, ―If you like, you can do whatever you want with me… because I want you to‖ (218), at

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Homosexual Intimacy once delegating sexual pleasure to be a priority for the ―male‖ participant and intimating that he wants his body to be an instrument of that pleasure, as Mulvey would suggest was expected of those participating in the role of the female. Once again, Molina is meeting Valentin‘s needs, though this time needs of a much more directly libidinous nature.

Still, he is aware that Valentin might not be as secure with homoeroticism. ―It doesn‘t disgust you to have me caress you?‖ he asks, expressing uncertainty as to Valentin‘s ability to comfortably engage in physical intimacy with another man. Embarrassment can be directed at emotional attachment, though, and not simply physical intimacy. When confessing his affection towards Valentin, for instance, Molina pauses to assess whether he is embarrassing his cellmate. ―Yes, a little,‖ Valentin responds, and the restrictions on their affinity are confirmed. But, within the confines of their prison cell, Valentin is capable of repeatedly engaging in homosexual acts and continues building an emotional connection with Molina, as well.

The setting of the novel greatly contributes to Molina‘s wherewithal to satisfy Valentin‘s needs, especially those sexual desires of which he is deprived. In the first pages of the novel, we learn of this deprivation as Molina tells Valentin the plot of a film. Some involve seemingly innocuous items of which the prisoners are deprived. For example, as Molina references food Valentin says, ―Don‘t talk about food… Really, I‘m serious about it.‖ (14). Some, however, are more taboo, as is referenced when Valentin goes on to say, ―No food and no naked girls‖ (14). The reasons behind his assertion are revealed earlier in the chapter: ―No erotic descriptions,‖ Valentin says, ―This isn‘t the place for it‖ (4). Within the confines of the prison walls, Valentin‘s resistance indicates there is no room for bodily enjoyment. As the novel progresses, however, the opposite holds true. Molina is able to satisfy Valentin‘s appetite for food as well as his sexual appetite, further testament to his inclination to satisfy the needs of a man.

The connection is made by Valentin‘s stream of consciousness at the conclusion of the novel, a glimpse into his thoughts induced by torture. ―But you enjoyed it, and I shouldn‘t forgive you for that,‖ (280) declares his internal construction of Marta, a bourgeois woman he knew and loved prior to his imprisonment. He responds that the spider woman, Molina himself, ―pointed out to me the way through the forest with her finger, and so I don‘t know where to even begin to eat so many things I‘ve found now‖ (280). Confronted by this creation of Marta, which can be interpreted to represent his own repressed bourgeois attitudes, he feels as though he must justify his intimacy with Molina and does so by arguing that Molina fulfilled his needs. In this

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sense, given that needs existed that were not met except through sexual relations, it would appear that the relationship between the cellmates was ―a poor second choice,‖ an attitude towards homosexuality John D‘Emilio warned against adopting (175). The confrontation and consequent justification would indeed imply that Valentin resorted to Molina with no other available options; on the other hand, this could simply be a reflection of the dominant ideology imprinted on the minds of Valentin and Molina that has forced them to defend their abberation.

Valentin and Molina have developed consciousness based in an ideology that marginalizes homosexuality, and their interactions and understandings of those interactions stem from that paradigm. As D‘Emilio states, ―Each generation comes of age having internalized a heterosexist model of intimacy and personal relationships‖ (175), suggesting ideology constructs the image of heterosexuality to be what is normal, or, more implicative, natural. It follows, then, that Valentin‘s stream of consciousness would remit skepticism and that Molina would be inclined to assume a subordinate, coddling role in the relationship.

Yet, this undermines the true nature of their relationship. Instead of conceiving the prison cell as a limitation that posed homoeroticism as the only means for assuaging the demands of the libido, it is possible to understand the prison cell as a space for Molina and Valentin to explore homosexuality and intimacy without state intervention.

John D‘Emilio argued for the influences of restriction on homosexual expression in terms of the effects of WWII. According to the theorist, the war ―freed millions of men and women from the settings where heterosexuality was normally imposed….Others could become gay because of the temporary freedom to explore sexuality that the war provided‖ (172). In light of this, the prison cell ironically can be viewed as a liberating structure in a sexual sense, allowing for both physical and emotional intimacy between Molina and Valentin.

Commenting on the connection between confinement and their relationship, even before it reaches sexual intimacy, Valentin says, ―In this case, the two of us are locked up here, so there is no struggle, no fight to win, you follow me?‖ (202), going on to say: We could make any damn thing out of it we want; our relationship isn‘t pressured by anyone….In a sense we‘re perfectly free to behave however we choose with respect to one another, am I making myself clear?... Because, well, outside of this cell we may have our oppressors, yes, but not inside. Here no one oppresses the other. The only thing that seems to disturb me, because I‘m exhausted, or conditioned,

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Homosexual Intimacy or perverted… is that someone wants to be nice to me, without asking anything back for it (202).

Here, Valentin demonstrates two things. First, he establishes the security offered within the cell. It is as if one could infer that the prison cell, designed to keep threats to society such as Valentin and Molina securely away, has become a hovel for exploration outside of societal norms. Secondly, he is alluding to the exchanges usually expected for kindness and suggesting they might not apply here.

Molina, who has experienced more rejection than the heterosexual Valentin in regards to sexual expression, resists this take. ―If I‘m nice to you,‖ he explains, ―it‘s because I want to win your friendship, and, why not say it? Your affection‖ (203); in this sentiment a conceptualization of a friendship or any other intimate bond is clearly defined by Molina to include acts that earn the relationship, which is not something freely given.

Molina relates to Valentin a previous relationship that entailed such effort, indicating his relationships follow a pattern. He tells Valentin about a waiter with whom he was infatuated; like Valentin, the waiter identified himself as heterosexual. Attention should be called to what quality possessed by the waiter initially attracted Molina, who we know has been labeled a pervert in accordance to the dominant ideology. Molina says, ―That look that makes you see sometimes how bad he feels, how sad. And it‘s what attracted me, and made me feel more and more like talking to him‖ (64). This is not the typical inciting force to a relationship; it is not the meeting of a good-looking man and the attractive woman he approaches at the zoo in Cat People (4) or the dancing couple at a Mexican celebration of Mardi Gras in the fifth movie, which is never named, that the cellmates discuss (224). Rather, it is an outcast from society spotting a vulnerable man.

The society that rejected Molina is predisposed to recognize this as seductive sin: psychoanalysis popularized a theory of seduction that involved an older homosexual man, ―set out to seduce‖ another, and determined it responsible for the ―spread‖ of homosexuality (99).

This is directly linked to the purpose of Molina‘s incarceration—―the corruption of minors‖ (148). In this light, Molina is worse than a deviant to dominant ideology: he is the woman of film noir who lures innocent men away from the path of righteousness. But this view is projected onto the individual already declared a pervert.

Homosexuality, because it was defined as an aberration to acceptable human behavior, was forced to be explored in shadows with the dismay of society widely perpetuated. Just as Valentin, in his political activism, must conduct political actions in secrecy as they are societal

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digressions, Molina must learn to pursue romantic interests under the scrutiny of a sexually repressive culture.

Molina tells Valentin there was an explicit rebuff at first: ―It was because I‘m gay that he didn‘t want to let me come near him….

You have no idea how much trouble I went through to convince him to come have coffee with me‖ (65). In terms of a homosexual functioning within an ideology that ostracizes him, Molina‘s persistence and the waiter‘s resistance both make sense. And once Molina sees there is no chance of a sexual relationship (69), he assumes the role of caretaker, telling Valentin about an illusion he maintained in which the waiter would live with him. He says: I‘d help him, and make him study. And not bother about anything but him, the whole blessed day, getting everything all set for him, his clothes, buying his books, registering him for courses… and make him not worry about anything at all, nothing except himself, until he got what he wanted and lost all that sadness of his for good, wouldn‘t that be marvelous?

(69) In the film A Pervert’s Guide to Cinema, Zizek explains that this is the exact definition of a pervert: an individual who perceives his or herself to be ―the instrument of others‘ jouissance…there to serve the other‖ (Dir. Sophie Fiennes). For the man who identifies as a woman and has no means of sexual expression that are deemed appropriate, the designation of pervert is then inevitable as perversion applies to any individual who deviates from ideological standards. Any relationship is only possible through subordination, through appealing to the needs of a man. Being an instrument for others is now not only a pattern of behavior, but is furthermore a transformation of identity.

At times, Valentin‘s comments dispute many aspects of the dominant ideology, especially pertaining to sexuality and gender, and thereby alter Molina‘s perception of self within that ideology. The reformer does this by responding to Molina‘s aforementioned description of the woman whose goal is to please. Valentin calls the behaviors Molina has idealized slave-like and alludes to the tendency of such an attitude to be imprinted in the minds of the sons of women such as the one being described. ―And she was in perfect agreement with the whole system, and she didn‘t rebel, and she fed her own son the same crap‖ (16), he says in a representation of his disapproval of oppressive roles. Molina rejects a dissection of the norms that lead to his own oppression, replying, ―it makes me angry the way you brought all this up‖ (17). It seems as if Molina is not concerned for the

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subjugation of the woman; moreover, he actually defends it. Later, however, Valentin becomes more direct. ―If you enjoy being a woman,‖ he tells Molina, ―you shouldn‘t feel any the less because of it…you don‘t have to make up for it with anything, with favors, or excuses. You don‘t have to…submit‖ (243). Once more, Molina adheres to societal expectations: ―But if a man is…my husband, he has to give the orders.‖ Valentin responds that such a relationship is a form of exploitation (244). We could applaud Valentin‘s efforts at discourse and recognize good intentions, yet throughout the novel, Valentin actually perpetuates the very exploitation he is dismissing.

Just two scenes prior to this, Valentin expresses that he feels as if he owed Molina. ―If you like something, that makes me happy, because I feel like I owe you something…because you were nice to me, and I‘m grateful‖ (222). He is referring to the sexual encounters, in which Valentin himself filled the dominant role and through which his sexual drives were fulfilled, as a form of compensation for Molina‘s kindness. The nature of their relationship becomes transactional. It follows, then, that Molina will agree to help Valentin when he is released from prison, even if it leads to his death. The terms have been established: Valentin gives, Molina gives back.

Prior to his release, Molina is asked to help Valentin with his political goals. He refuses, saying, ―I don‘t want to hear a word of it‖ (251). Valentin employs a strategy reminiscent of the warden evoking images of the failing health of Molina‘s mother: ―Wouldn‘t you like me to get out of here someday, too?‖ (252). Valentin persists until Molina breaks down, but in refusing to advance a political agenda he wants no part of he is refusing to be exploited. Later in the novel, another reference to a transaction is made. After one more sexual encounter, Molina is indebted to Valentin once again. He seals his fate, saying ―I‘ll do whatever you tell me‖ (263), in spite of all his former protestations. By agreeing, Molina embarks on a path that will end in his death. We can turn to Valentin‘s final stream of consciousness to cement our argument: She‘s asking me if it‘s true all that stuff in the papers, that my cellmate died, in a shootout, and she‘s asking if it was my fault, and that yes, I am very sad, but there‘s no point in being so sad…let‘s hope that he may have died happily [because he died for a just cause] (279).

But Molina did not die for a just cause, or at least that was not his intention. He died in an effort to please Valentin.

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It is possible that the relationship between Valentin and Molina was sincere, and there exists substantial evidence that suggests they both cared for one another. Unfortunately, within the confines of dominant ideology, they were destined to exploit one another. Molina deceived Valentin to be released from prison sooner and pleased him in hopes of obtaining affection, while Valentin found his libidinous needs and companionship met through Molina. Eventually, the conditions of society led them to an inevitable death.

Works Cited Althusser, ―Ideology, and Ideological State Apparatuses.‖ Literary Theory: An Anthology. Ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan.

Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2004. Print.

E‘milio, John D. ―Capitalism and Gay Identity.‖ Powers of desire: the politics of sexuality. Ann Barr, ed. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983. Print.

Mulvey, Laura. ―Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.‖ Visual and other pleasures. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989.

Print.

Place, Janey. ―Women in Film Noir.‖ Women in Film Noir. New ed.

London: BFI Publishing, 1998. Print.

The Pervert’s Guide to Cinema. Dir. Sophie Fiennes. Perf. Slavoj Zizek. P Guide Ltd., 2009. DVD. Puig, Manuel. Kiss of the Spider Woman. New York: Vintage International, 1979.

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The Attempt to Enslave

Introduction to “The Attempt to Enslave: Jane Eyre and the Struggle for Identity” May Chan Associate Professor of English The madwoman in the attic continues to haunt readers of Charlotte Brontë‘s 1847 novel, Jane Eyre. Notorious enough to become an occasional punchline of casual conversation, this iconic figure has been a recurring touchstone of critical response. In their groundbreaking feminist study of Victorian novels, The Madwoman in the Attic (1978), Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar posited Bertha Mason Rochester as an angry, avenging figure needing containment, an uncanny version of the author herself. Postcolonial interpretations often read Bertha as the exploited Creole whose family resources grant financial security to her husband but earn her an exile to the the attic of Thornfield Hall after her husband and master subjugates her body, mind, and voice as permitted through the conventions governing marriage.

In this essay, Kelsie Forte argues that it is not only Bertha but Jane herself who is enslaved by the patriarchal discourse on slavery and the repressive Christian ethics that reinforce it. Jane Eyre is often seen as a quiet onlooker to Mrs. Rochester‘s expressions of anger, perhaps approving Mr. Rochester‘s efforts to subdue his mad wife, but Jane‘s silence may not be so quiet and acquiescent. Gilbert and Gubar‘s interpretation of Bertha Mason as mirroring Jane Eyre‘s inner state emerges with full force when we look at how the rhetoric of slavery embodied by Bertha Mason reinscribes itself in the text and on the white British female body through Jane Eyre‘s regular references to Oriental harem girls and despots. Both Bertha Mason and Jane Eyre become unruly, heathen bodies that must bend to Rochester‘s will, one that barely sublimates sexual desire while it attempts to utilize a corrupted Christian ethic to effect his bigamous plan.

Charlotte Brontë‘s father was an evangelical Anglican minister, which meant abolitionist ideas would have been a prevalent part of the family discourse during the 1830s when the evangelicals pushed the abolition of slavery through Parliament. In Jane Eyre the rhetoric of slavery coming from the West Indian plantations couples with the even older collective memory of the Ottoman Empire and its place in the British imaginary. Lady Mary Wortley Montagu‘s descriptions of visiting harem inmates appeared in her Turkish Letters (its popular name) which were circulated privately starting in 1761. Her letters were written during the period of her husband‘s ambassadorship

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and inspired generations of women travelers and feminist thinkers afterward with the images of females cloistered by Turkish sultans, simultaneously supporting and challenging the notion of sexual slavery in the harem. This form of female slavery with its sexual implications is invoked frequently when Jane Eyre becomes engaged to Edward Rochester.

Kelsie Forte‘s essay shows the reader how the language of slavery customarily heard about the West Indies comes to bear on the white, British female body. Systemically working to keep women silently in their places are other women, namely Helen Burns, who has uncritically accepted her enslavement to Christianized masters, similar to the colonized native person‘s acceptance of English education in Homi Bhabha‘s study of British India. Kelsie Forte argues for a widespread system of female repression when it comes to understanding the world of Jane Eyre, presenting a more damning picture of the endemic repressiveness of Christian ethics covering for an ethos of female enslavement in the Victorian period.

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The Attempt to Enslave: Jane Eyre and the Struggle for Identity Kelsie Forte English Major; Class of 2011 In Charlotte Brontë’s novel Jane Eyre, the main character, Jane Eyre, is forced into three situations during the course of the novel that threaten to enslave her. The first occurs at Lowood when Helen Burns attempts to enslave her, the second by Mr. Rochester at Thornfield Hall, and the last at Moor House by St John Rivers. The purpose of this paper is to examine three attempts at enslaving her and reveal how each of these attempts helped shape Jane’s identity and win her freedom.

In the year 1833 England passed the slavery abolition act which, as its name states, abolished slavery throughout most of the British Empire, including the West Indies, by August of 1834. A technicality of this act was that only slaves six years and under were considered truly free; all those older than six were considered apprentices for the next five years while their owners received compensation money for their loss.

This had a significant impact on Charlotte Brontë‘s novel Jane Eyre, written in 1847. In the beginning of the novel, Jane lives under constant abuse at the hands of her relatives. She is sent to Lowood where she meets a young girl named Helen Burns. Years after Helen dies, she takes a governess position at Thornfield Hall where she falls in love with its master, Mr. Rochester. After asking for her hand, it is discovered that he is already married to a madwoman, Bertha Mason from the West Indies, hidden in the tower. Jane runs away and falls into the arms of the Rivers family, St John, Diana and Mary, who are later discovered to be her cousins. One night, after hearing Rochester‘s disembodied voice shouting for her, Jane returns to Thornfield to find it a burnt shell. She discovers Bertha set the place on fire and killed herself. The attack left Rochester disabled and blind. Jane returns to him and they marry, the novel ending in the typical happily-ever-after story. However, several times throughout the novel Jane is nearly enslaved by her companions. The first time it occurs is by Helens Burn at Lowood, the second by Mr. Rochester at Thornfield and the last by St John Rivers at Moor House.

Jane escapes the attempts at enslavement in different ways.

During the first attempt, she discovers the power of words. In her essay ―Speech and Silence in Jane Eyre,‖ Janet Freeman explores Jane Eyre

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and the power of words. When Mr. Brocklehurst, the owner of Lowood, and Mrs. Reed, Jane‘s aunt, talk about sending Jane to Lowood, ―Jane's powerlessness, in the presence of those two, is conveyed by the way they dominate her speech‖ (Freeman 690). Jane does not speak because she does not have the power to. Once there is mastery over Jane, she falls silent. This theme is common throughout the novel when all three of her potential masters, Helen Burns, Mr. Rochester and St John Rivers, force silence upon her. The significance of this enslavement is that the more Jane is tied to the association of slavery, the more she fights against it and grows. By referring to Jane as a slave, a creature with no identity, Jane becomes stronger and becomes her own person.

Becoming a strong person at Lowood is difficult. All of the girls at Lowood are forced to be silent on several occasions. Freeman has already told us that words ―are the instrument by which Jane Eyre learns to understand and master the world‖ (690). The adults at Lowood are forcing silence upon the girls, including Jane, therefore oppressing them so they cannot master their own world. They are related to slaves numerous times. Jane is fed burnt porridge, something that slaves might have eaten. The girls of Lowood are treated very poorly, and given very little food, water and clothing. Mr. Brocklehurst sees these girls as ―living medals‖ (Brontë 76). Slaves and servants were seen as medals; the more you had, the richer and more powerful you were. When it got to be very cold, the water the girls were given freezes and they are unable to wash their nails. Miss Satchard ―flog[s]‖ Helen for not washing her nails (Brontë 65). To this day, flogging, or whipping, is associated with slaves as it was a common punishment for them.

Despite being a slave to Mr. Brocklehurst herself, Helen Burns attempts to enslave Jane by both silencing her and indirectly calling her a heathen. Jane first encounters Helen reading and asks her questions about herself. Helen answers most of them then quickly says ―You ask rather too many questions‖ (Brontë 61). Jane is silent for the rest of the evening. Jane was assuming power by speaking but loses it immediately upon being told to be silent.

Helen has adopted the religion of her masters and tells Jane, after hearing Jane‘s thoughts of retribution, that ―heathens and savages hold that doctrine; but Christians and civilized nations disown it‖ (Brontë 69). Jane is being called a heathen in need of education and is enslaved by the term. By calling her a heathen, Helen is essentially enslaving Jane to the Christian ethics. By enslaving her, Jane must fight to free herself from the similarities of being a slave and she turns to Christianity. It becomes her way out of slavery by freeing her from

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being called a heathen. As Helen lies on her deathbed, she tells Jane that she is ―going to God‖ to which Jane replies ―Where is God? What is God?‖ (Brontë 97). Helen teaches her of her faith and Jane rises from her ―heathen‖ thinking to this enlightenment of civilized folk, thereby freeing herself from her heathen enslavement. She becomes educated and enlightened of the Christian religion, therefore changing her from a heathen to a free Christian. This is Jane‘s first step towards her heaven on Earth. She is now becoming aware of a life after death as well as the morals of society. She is forming her religious background that will help guide her choices in the future.

Jane‘s first meeting with Mr. Rochester occurs when his horse slips and sends him tumbling to the ground. When asked about her identity, Jane replies, ―I am the governess‖ (Brontë 135). She does not identify herself by her name, but by her position, her status as a servant to the household. Ruth Yeazell, author of ―More True Than Real: Jane Eyre’s Mysterious Summons,‖ explains in her essay how the magic and summons in the world of Jane Eyre help form Jane‘s psyche. She writes, ―Jane encounters the man she is to love not as his equal, but as his employee‖ (131). Right from the start, Jane solidifies her position of lower status by simply stating her employment rather than her name.

Almost immediately Rochester begins his attempt to enslave Jane. Rochester finds that ―Jane is most acceptable to him when she holds her tongue‖ (Freeman 694). Jane‘s silent obedience is just like that of a slave‘s. Slaves were obedient even if the orders were degrading. They called their owners masters and they did not question the orders they were given. ―You will not speak to him on any pretext,‖ Rochester tells her after Mason is attacked by Bertha (Brontë 242).

Rochester takes away the power of her words and Jane is oppressed by the silence. Even through this, however, Jane still falls in love with him despite the oppression of her power and identity.

This master/slave relationship between Rochester and Jane is explored in Joyce Zonana‘s essay ―The Sultan and the Slave: Feminist Orientalism and the Structure of Jane Eyre.‖ Zonana observes how the use of wording relating to the East shows the reader the master/slave relationship between Rochester and Jane. Zonana finds Rochester ―commands and Jane is "obliged" to obey, though she feels degraded by that obedience‖ (592). Jane does whatever he asks without question and refers to him as master. Rochester has so much power over her that she cannot fight it.

After Jane agrees to marry him, Rochester takes her out to get clothing and expensive things. Jane remarks "he smiled; and I thought his smile was such as a sultan might, in a blissful and fond moment, bestow on a slave his gold and gems had enriched" (Brontë 310). In this

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case, the sultan would be Rochester and the slave would be Jane. This ownership of Jane is explained in Arnold Shapiro‘s essay ―In Defense of Jane Eyre,‖ which as its title suggests, is an essay of the defense of Jane against critics. Shapiro writes, ―Rochester‘s attempt [is] to make her ‗Jane Rochester,‘ a creature bedecked with jewels and fine clothes‖ rather than simply being his fiancée (693). Rochester tries to show his worth through Jane as a slave-master did; the more slaves, or jewels, you have, the richer you are both in power and wealth. Jane does not like this and she finds ―the more he bought me, the more my cheek burned with a sense of annoyance and degradation‖ (Brontë 309). She knows he is dressing her up, ignoring her wishes to be plain, to show off his wealth and power. Rochester is also forming Jane‘s identity to be a figure of value rather than a human with a mind.

Focusing on how his new bride looks reflects the same way Rochester saw his first wife, falling in love with her because of her beauty. Rochester describes the first viewing of his mad-wife as ―a fine woman… tall, dark, and majestic‖ (Brontë 352). Bertha is a darkskinned woman from the West Indies, a place where, only a decade prior to the writing of Jane Eyre, all of the slaves were freed. We are given the impression that Bertha herself is one of these recently freed slaves. Rochester is given ―thirty thousand pounds‖ just to marry Bertha (Brontë 351). This is similar to slave owners receiving compensation for losing their free laborers. Rochester, the slave owner, is paid to marry Bertha, the slave.

Keeping in mind that Bertha is seen as a slave, we can see that Jane is becoming ensnared in Rochester‘s attempt to enslave her as she and Bertha‘s images are mirrored. When Jane tells Rochester of the ‗ghost‘ that entered her room, she says ―just at my bedside, the figure stopped: the fiery eyes glared upon me – she thrust up her candle close to my face and extinguished it under my eyes‖ (Brontë 327). This moment draws the reader back to when Jane was thrown into the Red Room in the beginning of the novel. The Red Room was the room that her uncle died in and was used for Jane‘s punishment as she was terrified of it. She had looked into the mirror in the room and saw her pale and fearful image. Now Bertha and Jane are on opposite sides of a mirror. Bertha is seemingly saying ―this is what you will become if you marry him.‖ It is a warning to Jane that she is already too deep into the oppression of her identity and the enslavement of herself and she must escape.

Without knowing what would happen, Jane contacts her Uncle John to ask for money so she would feel she was bringing something to the marriage. This letter, Zonana adds, ―alerts Rochester's brother-inlaw, Richard Mason, to Rochester's plans to become a bigamist, and

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Jane is freed from a marriage that would, in her own terms, have thoroughly enslaved her‖ (597). Bertha‘s existence is revealed and the marriage is called off. Jane wants to leave but Rochester urges her to stay. He tells her of his history as well as how he feels "hiring a mistress is the next worst thing to buying a slave: both are often by nature, and always by position, inferior‖ (Brontë 359). If Jane stays at Thornfield Hall, she will most certainly give in to him and become his mistress, which Rochester himself equates with slavery. Yeazell writes ―to become his mistress would be to surrender herself in every sense‖ (136). Jane would become his slave, losing her identity and any power she might have had. The reader will note that during his story, Jane hardly spoke at all. Rochester is gaining more power by holding back her speech and talking on his own. Finally, Jane intervenes and tells him to stop. She is slowly getting her power back, word by word, until she says ―Mr Rochester, I will not be yours‖ (Brontë 363). Jane has broken the silence and affirmed with the power of her words that she will not be his; that she will not be enslaved by him any longer. Jane leaves Thornfield Hall, running away from Rochester and escaping enslavement. She has grown powerful and is able to withstand the temptation of staying with Rochester.

When Jane finds the Rivers family, she introduces herself; ―My name is Jane Elliot‖ (Brontë 387). Even now, freed from Rochester‘s oppressive hold, she does not have a true identity, taking up an alias. When she is found out, she is not thought of as Jane Eyre, but as Jane Eyre, heiress to several thousand pounds. Her identity is not yet formed. This is dangerous as it means that she can still be enslaved.

She thinks she has found a brother in St John Rivers, however, she has found another master. As Freeman says ―words have power, in Jane Eyre. They also bestow power‖ (690). If words can bestow power, it must be the same in the opposite direction; words can take away power. St John takes power away from Jane with his words. Jane tells her readers that she ―fell under a freezing spell. When he [St John] said ‗go,‘ I went; ‗come,‘ I came; ‗do this,‘ I did it. But I did not love my servitude‖ (Brontë 459). St John‘s words are taking power away from Jane and forcing her into enslavement.

Shapiro writes that St John is ―the worst sort of teacher, since he would make his pupil his slave, instead of helping her achieve her own individuality. With him, Jane feels that she is losing all her freedom‖ (693). St John‘s enforcement of what language Jane should learn is an example of his enforcing of enslavement. St John tells her what to read, taking away her freedom of choice. He enslaves her using written words instead of spoken ones.

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Kelsie Forte As St John tells Jane of his plan and offers marriage, Jane ―felt his influence in my marrow – his hold on my limbs‖ (Brontë 468). St John‘s influence can be seen as physical and mental. He physically holds Jane back as well as mentally enslaves her. He mentally influences her marrow. The marrow of a person, found in the bone, is where the body‘s blood cells are formed. Blood cells allow a person to survive. Essentially, without marrow a person would die. Jane feels St John‘s influence in her marrow, which means he has influence over what creates her and keeps her alive.

Not only does St John want to hold influence over Jane physically, but also in the eyes of the law through marriage. An introduction to Jane Eyre, written by Stevie Davies and entitled ―Introduction,‖ covers several different topics, one of which talks about St John and marriage. Davies finds that when St John offers his hand in marriage, his offer is ―as invalid as Rochester‘s first proposal, for Rivers is, in the deepest possible sense, betrothed already‖ (xxii). St John is consumed by his religion, moving through life by questioning only which path will get him his mansion in heaven. He means to enslave Jane by binding her to marriage so that he may advance himself in the afterlife.

Marriage is not the only way in which St John tries to enslave Jane. Several times throughout the novel, Jane is referred to as being consumed by fire or being the fire itself. Eric Solomon, author of ―Jane Eyre: Fire and Water,‖ writes about the use of fire, water, and ice in Jane Eyre. Solomon finds that ―Jane … is guarding her own flame from the freezing heartlessness of St. John Rivers‖ (Solomon 217). She is under his ―freezing spell‖ that he put upon her (Brontë 459). His kisses are ―marble kisses or ice kisses‖ (Brontë 459). St John is the ice cold to Jane‘s flame. His power of ice is keeping her flame from growing even more powerful. She is unable to melt the ice around her and freezes in his oppressive enslavement.

Jane manages to refuse his offer of marriage and St John tells her ―tremble lest in that case you should be numbered with those who have denied the faith, and are worse than infidels‖ (Brontë 471)! St John is relating Jane to infidels, slaves and uncivilized folk who do not abide by the Christian rules and religion. He is, like Helen Burns, associating Jane with savages and enslaving her to the term ―heathen.‖ As they walk home, Jane ―read well in his iron silence all he felt towards me‖ (Brontë 472). This reference towards iron relates to iron shackles that bound slaves in their enslavement. Even though Jane is not the one who is silent, she is still shackled by the iron in his silence.

The power of St John‘s silence is equal to or greater than the order of silence given by any other in the novel.

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St John proposes again except this time he is gentle, drawing Jane in. ―He pressed his hand firmer on my [Jane‘s] head, as if he claimed me‖ (Brontë 482). His power over her grows so strong she can feel it physically now. When Jane is on the brink of accepting St John‘s second proposal, ―she calls out to Heaven for guidance and is answered by a voice coming ambiguously from the divine powers or from the depths of her own psyche‖ (Yeazell 140). This is similar to her adoption of Christianity when Helen‘s enslavement was imminent. Jane cries out for help and Christianity guides her towards her strength. She feels ―an electric shock‖ which ―acted on my [Jane‘s] senses as if their utmost activity hitherto had been but torpor, from which they were now summoned and forced to wake‖ (Brontë 483). She hears Rochester calling for her; his words giving her power instead of taking power away. It is as if she has assumed her rightful power and immediately grows strong enough to push away any attempt at enslavement: It was my time to assume ascendancy. My powers were in play and in force… I desired him to leave me. I must and would be alone. He obeyed at once. Where there is energy to command well enough, obedience never fails (Brontë 484).

Jane is freed from St John‘s grasp from the power of her words. Unlike before where St John‘s words held the power, Jane‘s words now have that power. She is successful in ordering St John away from her and successful in regaining the power which he took from her.

Jane succeeds in running away from St John and back to Rochester, who now depends on her for survival. They are essentially equal yet Jane still refers to him as Master and does all of his bidding.

However, this could be in relation to the Slave Act where slaves were given several years to technically be free but still work where they were as apprentices to their masters. Jane now has her own identity and power. She introduces herself to Rochester upon her return; ―I am Jane Eyre,‖ she says (Brontë 500). Powered by both speech and identity, Jane can no longer be enslaved by anyone. She writes that she and Rochester ―talk… all day long‖ (Brontë 519). Jane is no longer enslaved and oppressed by the silence. She has the power to say what she wants when she wants and the words are heard and respected. ―Reader, I married him,‖ she tells us (Brontë 517). Breaking down this simple sentence we can see Jane‘s power; ―Reader‖ addresses the audience, ―I‖ is the active subject, ―married‖ the active verb and ―him‖ the object. ―I‖ is the power of the sentence, ―I‖ being Jane while ―him‖ is the object, which is Rochester. Jane marries Rochester. She is not oppressed, enslaved or forced. She has formed her own identity.

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Through the enforcement of enslaving Jane, Jane becomes a good Christian, a powerful woman and she forms her own identity.

Helen Burns tried to enslave her to her heathen ways; Jane adopted Christianity. Rochester tried to enslave her by turning her into another slave; Jane learned to avoid temptation and escaped. St John nearly enslaved her into his stepping stone to a mansion in heaven; Jane‘s spirit overrode the attempt and she grew strong. Though the term enslavement has negative connotations applied to it, the attempt to enslave Jane helps her become Jane Eyre.

Works Cited Brontë, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. New York: Penguin Classics, 2006. Print.

Davies, Stevie. ―Introduction.‖ Jane Eyre. By Charlotte Brontë. New York: Penguin Classics, 2006. xxii-xxiv. Print.

Freeman, Janet H. ―Speech and Silence in Jane Eyre.‖ Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 24.4 (1984): 683-700. JSTOR. Web. 12 April 2010.

Shapiro, Arnold. ―In Defense of Jane Eyre.‖ Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 8.4 (1968): 681-698. JSTOR. Web. 12 April 2010.

Solomon, Eric. ―Jane Eyre: Fire and Water.‖ College English, 25.3 (Dec 1963): 215-17. JSTOR. Web. 20 April 2010.

Yeazell, Ruth Bernard. ―More True Than Real: Jane Eyre‘s Mysterious Summons.‖ Nineteenth-Century Fiction 29.2 (1974): 127-43.

JSTOR. Web. 12 April 2010.

Zonana, Joyce. ―The Sultan and the Slave: Feminist Orientalism and the Structure of Jane Eyre.‖ Signs 18.3 (1993)‖ 592-617.

JSTOR. Web. 12 April 2010.

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The Effect of Deindustrialization

Introduction to “The Effect of Deindustrialization, Economic Restructuring, and Demographic Changes in Urban Environments: A Case Study of Buffalo, NY” Ryane McAuliffe Straus Associate Professor of Political Science Political scientists who study U.S. politics focus on many different structures, institutions, policies, and problems. Some of these concentrate on problems related to urban areas. Common questions that scholars of urban areas ask include: What causes decay in our urban areas? Why do so many of America‘s cities have a declining urban core, surrounded by an exploding suburban ring? Why do our cities remain segregated, and what effect does segregation have on further urban development?

In ―The Effect of Deindustrialization, Economic Restructuring, and Demographic Changes in Urban Environments: A Case Study of Buffalo, N.Y.,‖ Theodore Traver attempts to answer these questions with a careful review of the academic literature and a case study of Buffalo, NY. In this paper, Traver makes several important contributions. First, he provides an excellent synthesis of Massey and Denton‘s1 work on segregation with William Julius Wilson‘s2 work on economic structure. While some people view these arguments as diametrically opposed, Traver makes a good case for seeing them as being deeply interrelated. Not afraid to use a laden term like ―underclass,‖ Traver tackles problems within the literature and argues that Massey and Denton overlook one of Wilson‘s key arguments. Rather than focusing on the exiting of the Black middle class from urban areas, which Massey and Denton (and other scholars) criticize Wilson of doing, Traver argues that the deliberate segregation central to the work of Massey and Denton should be seen as providing a larger backdrop against which we view the work of Wilson. Without the hypersegregation experienced by Buffalo and other cities, the economic structure that is the focus of Wilson‘s argument may have had different, and less race-identifiable, effects.

Second, Traver applies these and other theories to a careful case study of Buffalo, NY, an understudied city that typifies many of the problems discussed in the academic literature. In this portion of the paper, Traver relies on quantitative analyses available in the secondary 1

Douglas A. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).

2 William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

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literature, but keeps his focus on the relationship between Massey and Denton and Wilson throughout his discussion.

Third, Traver provides photos of his case study, an unusual approach that adds depth to his qualitative and quantitative analyses.

While the quantitative analyses in the case study are telling, there is no match for the visceral visual information provided by his personal photographs.

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The Effect of Deindustrialization

The Effect of Deindustrialization, Economic Restructuring, and Demographic Changes in Urban Environments: A Case Study of Buffalo, N.Y. Theodore Traver History and Political Science Major; Class of 2010 The aim of this paper is to examine the effects of deindustrialization on the urban poor in Buffalo, New York. It does this first by examining the dominant theories regarding the creation of the “underclass” in urban America, then analyzing data taken from Buffalo and Erie County during the decades prior to, during, and following economic restructuring. The paper finds the loss of manufacturing jobs to be the primary cause of urban plight.

Buffalo was once considered one of the most productive cities in the United States, and for good reason; during the nation‘s most industrial phase, the World War Two economy, 225,000 Buffalonians were engaged in war-related production, and heavy industry made up about 47% of the city‘s overall economy. 1 The once-robust urban economy, however, witnessed many large factories close in each decade since the war economy of the 1940‘s, leaving the city ridden with poverty (the city had a 25.6% poverty rate in 1990).2 Further troubling is that the African American community, which was largely employed in the manufacturing sector, had a staggering poverty rate of 37.4% in 1990.3 The struggle of the increasingly black city following deindustrialization was not as devastatingly felt by the surrounding white suburbs of Western New York, which saw a 12.0% poverty rate in 1990. 4 What were the causes and effects of the degradation of Buffalo from a booming industrial center into a rust-belt artifact rattled with high unemployment and high poverty rates, particularly among the black community? This paper identifies three major economic and structural causes. Firstly, economic restructuring in the global economy saw the exodus of hundreds of thousands of manufacturing jobs to the South and abroad, leaving Buffalo unable to establish itself as a worthy area to invest. In other words, job creation could not match David C. Perry, and Beverly McLean, ―The Aftermath of Deindustrialization: The Meaning of ―Economic Restructuring‖ in Buffalo, New York,‖ Buffalo Law Review 39 (1991): 352.

2 Neil Kraus, Race, Neighborhoods, And Community Power: Buffalo Politics, 1934-1997 (Albany: University of Albany Press, 2000), 33.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

1

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job loss. Secondly, white out-migration and black in-migration into the city from 1940-19705 (though continuing beyond 1970) exacerbated the effects of economic restructuring by removing investment from the region and leaving a disproportionate amount of unskilled workers in the city. Thirdly, segregation within the city has concentrated poverty and race heavily in a few areas. For example, one section of Jefferson Avenue on the city‘s impoverished East Side has a poverty rate of 50%, is 96% black, and 67% of the 1,669 adults do not have access to cars to seek employment outside of the ghetto.6 Each of these three factors is examined in this paper. The case study will show that economic restructuring can be seen as the root cause of both general demographic shifts and ―hypersegregation‖ within Buffalo. As a result of this finding, it will be argued that changes in the global economic structure are the primary factor in the economic struggle of urban blacks overall in ―rust belt cities‖ across the region.

Urban Post-Industrial Unemployment The economic, demographic and social ills of Buffalo are not unique. Of the 61 largest cities in New York (not including New York City), 25 have seen a population decrease in each decade since 1950, 7 Buffalo included. The pattern of suburbanization, most rapid from 1950-1970, left cities at great economic detriment. Compared to their surrounding towns, cities have suffered from higher levels of poverty, more vacant housing, fewer adults with a high school diploma, and more female headed households with children. 8 The topic of postindustrialism, particularly in the North where effects were most felt, stretches across several arguments. Firstly, the segregation work of Massey and Denton sets a vivid backdrop for the economic plight of the inner city.9 While examining all other literature, it is important to recall the role that deliberate structural segregation ―has played in mediating, exacerbation, and ultimately amplifying‖10 the harmful economic effects of deindustrialization.

Mary Ellen Warshauer, and Robert A. Dentler, ―Public School Segregation and Relation Population Characteristics of Buffalo, New York,‖ U.S. Department of Health, Education & Welfare: Office of Education, 28a.

6 Daniel Baldwin Hess, ―Access to Employment for Adults in Poverty in the BuffaloNiagara Region,‖ Urban Studies 42 (June, 2005): 1185.

7 Alan G. Hevesi, ―Population Trends in New York State‘s Cities,‖ Office of the New York State Comptroller: Division of Local Government Services & Economic Development, (December 2004), 1.

8 Ibid.

9 Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).

10 Ibid, 7.

5

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In their seminal work on segregation, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass, Massey and Denton assert that ―segregation is the missing link in prior attempts to understand the plight of the urban poor.‖11 The causes of increased unemployment within the urban black community following WWII alluded to by Massey and Denton has been argued extensively between two major camps: the liberal and the conservative scholars. The liberal argument primarily blames economic restructuring and structure in general for the creation of what Wilson calls the ―underclass,‖ 12 while the conservative literature allies itself with the ―dysfunctional culture‖ or ―inadequate cultural capital‖ model of Lawrence Mead 13 and Charles Murray.14 Each of the conservative scholars in part blames the liberal welfare state for the perpetuation of poverty.

In The Truly Disadvantaged, William J. Wilson identifies the ―economic structure of racism‖ as ―complex problems in the American and Worldwide economies that ostensibly have little or nothing to do with race, problems that fall heavily on much of the black population but require solutions that confront the broader issues of economic organization.‖15 Wilson furthers his argument by blaming deindustrialization as the reason for male joblessness, 16 which he asserts is central to the increase in single motherhood,17 a common trend in the urban black community. He argues that jobless men make unattractive husbands. Many African American women would rather raise a child alone than with the help of a jobless husband. The rate of black male joblessness rose considerably from 1960-1980,18 the twenty years of greatest deindustrialization, solidifying Wilson‘s structural argument.

The work of Wilson and other structuralists is empowered greatly when considered within urban segregation, yet the two arguments claim to be incompatible. Massey and Denton miss the general scope of Wilson‘s structuralist argument. They simplify his argument as blaming the black middle class‘s de-urbanization for leaving the ―isolated and truly disadvantaged black community lacking the institutions, resources, and values necessary for success in modern 11

Ibid, 3.

William J. Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass and Public Policy, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 100.

13 James B Stewart, ―Recent Perspectives on African-Americans in Post-Industrial Labor Markets,‖ The American Economic Review 87 (May, 1997): 315.

14 Massey and Denton, 6.

15 Wilson, 12.

16 Ibid, 100.

17 Ibid, 83 18 Ibid, 97.

12

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Theodore Traver society,‖19 and underplay Wilson‘s economic structure perspective.

Massey and Denton also argue ―that in the absence of segregation these structural changes would not have produced the disastrous social and economic outcomes observed in inner cities during these decades…it was segregation that confined the increased deprivation to a small number of densely settled, tightly packed, and geographically isolated areas.‖20 The goal of this paper is to show that these two theories on the urban poor are not disagreeable, but are deeply interrelated.

As manufacturing jobs left the cities and the economy overall began to restructure, those who were most economically stable and socially able left the ghetto, leaving what Massey and Denton describe as ―hypersegregation‖ in eight cities as of 1990. 21 Included in the eight cities were all urban areas that were heavily industrial during their histories: Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Newark, Chicago, Milwaukee and to a lesser extent, New York. It cannot be a coincidence that the largest areas of racial segregation are also the areas hardest hit by deindustrialization. Massey and Denton miss the connection between the structuralist argument and their work on segregation, but the links are clear, and they are structural; black urban poverty is exacerbated by racial isolation, especially because that isolation takes place in an area that saw significant job loss in the manufacturing center, where blacks were heavily employed. The byproduct of the two theories together creates an urban black community that is not able to locate work in a deindustrialized labor market, is unable to relocate out of the area because of economic struggle, and is racially segregated in ghettos that were ―manufactured by whites through a series of self-conscious actions and purposeful institutional arrangements that continue today.‖ 22 The conservative culture of poverty argument does not fit strongly within the overall body of work, considering the segregation and the economic structure arguments. There are two important aspects of the conservative argument. Firstly, conservatives such as Charles Murray argue that welfare programs have promoted urban black joblessness because they have decreased the incentive to work.23 Arising from this assumption is Oscar Lewis‘s premise that the ―culture of poverty‖ and welfare dependency ―‗tends to perpetuate itself from generation to generation because of its effect on the children. By the time slum children are age six or seven…they have usually absorbed 19

Massey and Denton, 117.

Ibid, 8.

Ibid, 221.

22 Ibid, 2.

23 Wilson, 16.

20 21

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the basic values and attitudes of their subculture and are not psychologically geared to take full advantage of changing conditions or increased opportunities which may occur in their life-time.‘‖24 Though there can be a connection between Massey and Denton‘s segregation work and the theses of the conservative scholars, to find the link within Wilson‘s work is surprising. Wilson, to his credit, carefully notes that ―ghetto-specific culture is a response to these structural constraints, and limited opportunities.‖25 To him, what he calls social isolation and concentration effects were born in racial segregation, but today are represented by the change in the class structure of the inner city. 26 Essentially, segregation and the loss of manufacturing jobs have created the underclass, where male joblessness associated with economic restructuring create a disadvantageous social environment.

Wilson‘s work, which combines the cultural argument of the conservatives with the liberal arguments, which point to segregation and economic restructuring as the driving causing of black urban poverty, does add some validity to the ―dysfunctional culture‖ argument of Mead and Lewis. With that said, this paper does not find culture to be a major cause of the plight of the urban power. The combination of segregation and economic restructuring towards services following deindustrialization best explains the unemployment rates seen in highly segregated black urban environments. Evidence of the highest segregation rates in the north and primarily amongst deindustrialized cities best connects the two arguments. As an aside, it should be noted here that more than just skill level or a ―dysfunctional culture‖ could be attributed to low black employment in the now service-based North. Wilson rejects current racial bias as a major cause of black urban poor,27 but racially biased service jobs may be less ethnically tolerant than in previous industrial jobs because of the nature of the work. In a factory, the product is the outcome of their labor, while in the service sector their labor is more directly attached to their physical being; in a racist world, their color is more evident.

Regardless of the effect of current racism, the studies of the empirical section of this paper find economic restructuring to be the primary cause of male joblessness, and in turn, the plight of the black urban community.

Oscar Lewis, ―The Culture of Poverty,‖ in On Understanding Poverty: Perspectives from the Social Sciences, ed. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (New York: Basic Books, 1968), 188 in Wilson, 13.

25 Wilson, 137.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid, 134.

24

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As will be demonstrated in the forthcoming empirical section of this piece, economic reconstruction in Buffalo led to an urban poor community that today is in dire straits. The decades-long decline into a service, rather than a manufacturing economy, combined with inequities commonly attributed to segregation, such as unequal education, leave a very narrow space for poor black employment.

Without employment opportunity, those stuck in the ghetto do not have hope of exiting, and without a change in labor markets or residential segregation, nor will their children. Though this is the case with many urban areas in the United States, Buffalo‘s economic history provides a narrative of deindustrialization paralleled by few others.

The Story of Economic Restructuring in Buffalo and the Job Market By the 1930s, when heavy industry made up the largest percentage of the American economy (outside of war production), the structure of industrialization in Buffalo began to shift. It was now becoming less a beacon ―of entrepreneurial manufacturing and more a region captured by the organizational logic of mass production industrialization wherein manufacturing would be carried in firms, built through corporate mergers and consolidations.‖ 28 This was the beginning of deindustrialization in the city though the WWII years of manufacturing prosperity lay ahead. With this shift, the owners of industrial production were not in Buffalo; rather their corporate headquarters were located far away. 29 This meant that Buffalo was for the first time dependent on the geopolitical economic shifts to come in future decades.

As the decades progressed, Buffalo‘s role as a major industrial center focusing on heavy products to be shipped by water was further solidified. In 1959, the St. Lawrence Seaway opened, offering another opening to the Atlantic Ocean outside of the Erie Canal, setting in stone Buffalo‘s already developed role as an industrial water-based economy. 30 This is an extremely dangerous set up, as economist Curtis J. Simon notes in his overview of unemployment and industrial diversity: Consider an extreme case in which each city has only one industry. Then, the unemployment that results from layoffs in one industry will never be offset by vacancies at another in the short run. By contrast, if each city has many industries, 28

Perry and McLean, 354.

Ibid.

30 Ibid.

29

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unemployed individuals laid off by some industries may fill concurrently occurring vacancies at others.31 Buffalo certainly fit the first scenario rather than the second, with a focus on heavy industry, which makes the factories closing between 1950 and 1970 even more devastating to those employed in them.

Buffalo is a sobering example of what can happen when the tides of the global economy begin to shift, and, as the old adage says, all of your economic eggs are in one manufactured basket.

Their dependence on one industry, as Simon suggested, had devastating effects on the economics of Buffalo, both before and after the completion of the St. Lawrence Seaway. Just after World War II ended the first major plant closed in Buffalo. The fact that the city had already set in stone its role as a heavy manufacturing center made the closing of the Curtiss-Wright Aircraft plant, which at one time employed over 40,000 workers,32 particularly challenging. Then, in the 1950s, the DuPont plant in Buffalo relocated to Ohio, and no new industry came to the region as new plants of Allied Chemical and Hooker Chemical, which already had plants in Western New York, were not opened in the Buffalo region, but were instead built in the South.33 The next decade saw American Shipbuilders close, along with ―five of the nation‘s largest grain milling operations.‖34 By the 1970s, deindustrialization was moving rapidly in the region. Many steel, auto and chemical plants closed in Buffalo, including Republic Steel and major component plants of Ford and General Motors. The closing of these plants alone saw the exodus of almost 25,000 jobs from the Buffalo region.

By the end of the decade, economic restructuring in the region was changing rapidly, and deindustrialization was in full swing. In 1950, four of the five top employment categories were in the manufacturing and construction sectors, but by 1980 four of the top five sectors were in the services: education, retail trade, financial services, and health care.35 The aggregate data from 1970-1981, the era of rapid deindustrialization in the region, was scarcely any better; almost 50,000 were jobs lost in manufacturing, or a 12.1% decrease. 36 Table 1 below demonstrates that though deindustrialization was working rapidly in the 1950‘s and continued until 1980, it was still Curtis J. Simon, ―Unemployment and the Role of industrial Diversity,‖ The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 103 (Nov. 1988), 715-716.

32 Perry and McLean 354.

33 Ibid, 355.

34 Ibid.

35 Ibid, 356.

36 Ibid.

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occurring at a devastating pace during the first third of that decade.

The manufacturing sector saw drastic job loss, particularly in heavy industries such as primary metals and transportation. The service sector perhaps demonstrates the shift in economics in the region, as losses were seen in transportation, trucking and warehousing and wholesale trade, and significant gains were made in the business and health sectors.

Table 1: Employment Change by Industry, 1979-198337 Industry Construction Manufacturing Primary Metals Transportation equipment Services Transportation Trucking & warehousing Wholesale Trade Business services Health Services

Employment Change (3,162) (41,543) (13,320) (8,490) (2,154) (1,915) (2,156) (6,914) 1,630 4,187

By the middle of the 1980s, however, economic restructuring was essentially complete. Manufacturing overall had net employment loss between 1983 and 1986, though it was less than 3,000 in total.

The primary metals sector continued to see significant job loss, with over 4,000 positions lost during the three-year period.38 The service sector was rapidly growing meanwhile, with a net increase in employment of 36,169.39 The primary areas of growth, as in the years prior, were in business and health services, with employment increases of 4,600 and 6,652 respectively. 40 A rebound was also seen in the area of wholesale trade, with a net increase of over 4,000 jobs. 41 This growth, though large, failed to make up for the previous job exodus and created little opportunity for employment for the under skilled black

37

Ibid, 358. (Information and formatting taken from Table 1, but not all of the sub sectors of employment were recreated in the text, which is why the aggregate losses in ‗manufacturing‘ and ‗services‘ do not match the totals in the specific portions of the economy listed below.)

38 Ibid, 360.

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid, 361.

41 Ibid, 360.

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urban poor, who had depended on manufacturing jobs for employment throughout the earlier decades.

Causes of Deindustrialization in Buffalo The deindustrialization of Buffalo was far from unique. All across the nation, employment in the manufacturing sector has decreased. As a share of American employment, the manufacturing sector decreased 80% from 1954 to 1997.42 Of that loss, it was felt hardest in the Northeast specifically, and in the Middle Atlantic region, commonly referred to as ‗the rust belt,‘ in general. In the same timeframe, the Middle Atlantic region lost 14% of its share of total U.S. production workers,43 which was caused by a number of different factors, including the history of unionization in the Northeast, a shift of production to the South, and the loss of Buffalo‘s transportation advantage.44 Within the discussion of unionization as a major cause for deindustrialization of Buffalo it is important to keep in mind that in the 1930‘s, a series of mergers placed national and multinational corporations in control of Buffalo‘s means of production. These companies were not spatially tied to Buffalo like the entrepreneurs of previous decades; now, production could move to where it was most efficient, even if they were still making a profit in heavily unionized Buffalo. As a result, manufacturing in Buffalo was relocated to the under-unionized South and overseas. The corporations could not sustain (or were not willing to sustain) the average manufacturing salary of Buffalo, which was $17.48 per hour, compared to the $12.61 per hour pay of employees in the East South Central States. 45 The wages were directly correlated to the percentage of union members as a percent of the workforce; total manufacturing employment trends were not surprisingly inversely related. 46 The fact that unionization had such an impact on manufacturing can be linked to the trend dating back to the 1930s when the structure of manufacturing in Buffalo changed from local entrepreneurialism to corporate mergers. These conglomerates had no vested interest in Buffalo, and had the ability to do business where the most profit could be made.

Union wages were not the only economic aspect driving manufacturing jobs Southward. As an effect of global economic Robert W. Crandall, ―The Migration of U.S. Manufacturing and Its Impact on the Buffalo Metropolitan Area,‖ (paper presented at Manufacturing Matters for the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Buffalo Branch, June 6, 2002), 4.

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid, 22.

45 Ibid, 18.

46 Ibid.

42

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Theodore Traver shipping trends, during the early 2000s the ―wave of foreign investment in U.S. motor vehicle production facilities has moved the center of gravity of the motor vehicle southward from Detroit…[Not one Japanese or Korean auto plant] has been built in the Middle Atlantic region. All have been built with easy access to Interstate Highways 55, 65, or 75.‖47 Water exports, which once solidified Buffalo as a manufacturing power house, were no longer the preferred shipping style; plants were now being built so parts could be trucked to assembly factories, ensuring more direct delivery.

The turn of the millennium provided other challenges for the Buffalo manufacturing economy. Until the World Trade Organization declared it illegal in 2001, the U.S. Canada Auto Pact of 1965 required auto companies to produce a large amount of their vehicles in Canada.48 As a result of this pact, the U.S. exported $2.5 billion in auto parts from Buffalo to Canada. This gave Buffalo a unique comparative advantage in vehicle parts assembly, resulting in large investment from car companies, including a $500 million upgrade General Motors poured into its engine plant in the region in the year 2000.49 The remnants of the comparative advantage, though now passed with the pact being deemed illegal, are still apparent. On a waterfront littered with closed factories, a productive Ford plant remains as a result of continued investment in Buffalo while most other sectors began to close down factories. A photo of the plant, along with shots of closed factories, may be found in the appendix to this article.

Deindustrialization, Post-industrialization, and Black Employment in Buffalo In 1980, as demonstrated by Table 1, the Buffalo economy was in rough shape. Job loss was seen in all sectors, and the unemployment rate was staggering: 9.5% among the civilian labor force (all person over age 16).50 By 1990, however, the economy began to rebound, as the unemployment rate fell to 4.6%. Hidden within that recovery, however, is a completely restructured economy.

Once rightly considered a blue-collar town, today it can be described as a ―pink collar‖ town, with little diversity in the growing occupational sectors.51 The black labor force, though seeing a rebound in the same time period, did not turn around as rapidly as did the rest of the civilian labor force. All women in the region saw great improvement in the 47

Ibid, 13.

Ibid, 15.

Ibid.

50 Perry and McLean, 371.

51 Ibid, 373.

48 49

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labor force, as their unemployment rate dropped from 8.7% in 1980 to 2.7% in 1990.52 By 1980, deindustrialization had hit the entire male workforce hard. They faced a staggering unemployment rate of 13.9%, a figure significantly higher than that of women in the same census. 53 This figure should not be surprising, because deindustrialization did not affect women‘s work chances; in 1960, only one half of one percent of women were employed as laborers, while 9.4% of working males in the city could be described thusly. 54 This figure, already declining, gives a snapshot of labor markets during deindustrialization. However, not surprisingly given their history as unskilled laborers, almost one quarter (24.6%) of black males in Buffalo were laborers in 1960, and that was decades after the onset of deindustrialization. 55 As a result, it was black males who were worst hit by the destruction of the manufacturing economy. Unemployment figures from 1980 show the unemployment rate of black males at 19.8%, or approximately one in five. 56 The restructuring of the Buffalo economy by 1990 did see black male unemployment drop dramatically from 1980 levels to 12.2%, indicating that some were able to find employment after deindustrialization. It is important to note that though male black employment did increase during the service-based rebound of the mid 1980s, in 1980 their unemployment rate was 5.9% higher than overall male unemployment, while in 1990 it was 6.14% greater than overall male employment.57 Though the differences between the figures seem small, it is important to keep in mind as a ratio, black unemployment was almost double that of overall unemployment in 1990, while in 1980 it was only 1.42 times as high.

Also hidden within the unemployment data in Buffalo are the effects the restructured economy had on earnings. Ever since the shift in the economy from a manufacturing base to a service base was solidified in 1990, the earnings per job has been dropping relative to other post-industrial cities (Milwaukee, Detroit, Toledo, Gary, and Cleveland) and the United States overall. 58 Damning as well for the male black work force is that between November 1998 and 1999 in Western New York, nearly a decade after the service shift began to lift the region out of economic free for all, construction and mining saw a 52

Ibid, 371.

Ibid.

54 Warshauer and Dentler, 26a.

55 Ibid.

56 Perry and McLean, 371.

57 Ibid.

58 George Palumbo and Mark P. Zaporowski, ―Western New York Economic News,‖ Canisius College, 3, (Fourth Quarter 1999), 3.

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2.76% employment decrease, accompanying the 1.79% decrease in manufacturing.59 The region overall saw a 2.13% increase in employment between November 1998 and 1999, most notably in the transportation, finance, services, and government sectors.60 These new employment sectors led Western New York to an overall employment increase of .20% during the year span, but that growth was 10% of the increase in United States‘ employment, which was 2.13%.

To conclude and synthesize the data above, employment, and male black employment particularly, was dramatically affected by deindustrialization in Buffalo. During the 1960s one in four black males were employed as laborers, and as the closing of factories accelerated in the coming decades, the effects were strongly felt with staggering unemployment. Although the black male workforce saw a rebound as the economy began to restructure, they still represent the largest percentage of the unemployed. The manufacturing and laborrelated employment of the late nineteenth to the mid twentieth century are not likely to return to Buffalo, as unionization and the loss of their comparative shipping advantage have created an environment where less than one percent of all job openings come from the manufacturing sector.61 With no low-skill employment sectors growing in the region, blacks will need to look to other sectors for employment if they want to succeed in the job market.

Broad Demographic Shifts in the Buffalo Region Suburbanization in the region began rapidly dropping Buffalo‘s population in the 1950‘s. In 1949, the city had a population of 580,132 and the remainder of Erie County had a population of 310,005.62 By 1960, however, the population of Buffalo dropped to 532,759 while the surrounding suburbs, which consist of the rest of Erie Country, grew to a population of 464,814. This suburbanization very much represented the ―chocolate city, vanilla suburb‖ trend George Clinton sang about in the 1970s: the nonwhite population was primarily limited to the city, with 62,071 residing in the city and only 5,108 nonwhites in the surrounding suburbs in 1960.63 The trend, which began in 1940, as represented in Table 2, was most pronounced when jobs vacated the city during deindustrialization.

59

Ibid, 8.

Ibid.

Perry and McLean, 371.

62 Warshauer and Dentler, 23a.

63 Ibid, 23a.

60 61

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The Effect of Deindustrialization Table 2: Population of Buffalo by Ethnicity64 Year/Ethnicity White Nonwhite Total

1940 557,618 18,283 575,901

1950 542,432 37,700 580,132

1960 459,371 73,388 532,759

1970 403, 841 107,350 511,191

Within the broad increase of the nonwhite population, there were interesting things happening. The primary work force population, though increasing, was decreasing relative to the overall nonwhite population, meaning that an increasing percentage of the workforce was nonwhite. In 1940, the ages 15-64 made up 72.3% of the nonwhite population in Buffalo, but by 1960 they comprised only 59.1% of the population.65 The staggering unemployment rates seen amongst black males during the 1980s in Buffalo may be a reflection of the coming to age of the 27,400 children under 14 in 1960. 66 These children, who grew up in the hypersegregated Buffalo schools, 67 likely did not get a fair education which would make them competitive in the restructured job market that had far fewer manufacturing jobs, which primarily employed lower-educated workers. As a result, these youngsters of the 1960s were ill-equipped for a post-industrial workforce, and would compete with one another for the low-skill jobs that remained in the market.

The out-migration of Buffalo did not end with the restructuring of the economy in 1990. The city lost 10.8% of its population between 1990 and 2000, closing a half-century which saw the population of Buffalo drop from 580,132 in 1950 to 292,648 in 2000.68 The experience in Buffalo is not unique to many other urban environments in New York, or other large manufacturing cities.

Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Pittsburgh, St. Louis and Cleveland all witnessed a steady population increase between 1900 and 1930, leveling off in the 1940s, then dropping dramatically from 1950 to 2000.69 This trend clearly coincides with the economic shifts associated with deindustrialization, and also were primarily race-based, as whites moved out rapidly to follow the tides of restructuring, and took their business and investment with them.

64

Ibid, 28a.

Ibid, 30a.

66 Ibid.

67 Ibid, 35.

68 Hevesi, 7.

69 Ibid, 2.

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The Hypersegregation of Poverty in Buffalo and Deindustrialization The effects of deindustrialization hit the most poverty-stricken areas of Buffalo the hardest. Of the fourteen high-poverty census tracts on Buffalo‘s predominately black East Side, all saw increases in poverty between 1970 and 1980, some of which were drastic.70 For example, one tract‘s poverty level more than doubled in the ten-year period, leaving it with a poverty rate of 50.8% in 1980; another increased from 31.6% in 1970 to 50.3% in 1980. 71 The increases in service jobs in the 1980s clearly did not help the region; only three of the tracts saw a decrease in poverty between 1980 and 1990, and only one of them saw a decrease of over seven percent. Overall, the black poverty rate rose to 37.4% in 1990, an increase of one percent from 1980, indicating that the community had not rebounded from the loss of manufacturing jobs.

Many hypersegregated areas were the poorest in the city a decade later, in 2000. One 4.3 mile tract had an adult poverty rate of 60%, another 4.9 mile area saw 54% of adults in poverty, and a 1.2 mile stretch of Jefferson Avenue had a 49% poverty rate.72 Each of these areas had a black population greater than 80%, and two of them were above 90%. The most severe case of segregation was on located Jefferson Ave., which was 96% black.73 These areas coincide largely with the division of census tracts by race seen in the 1960‘s. Essentially, the black ghetto in Buffalo is located along the Eastern port and stretches narrowly northward.74 This same region is home to a large amount of abandoned factories, possible employment opportunities for the black community that have vanished as a result of deindustrialization. Mirroring the trends in residency, Buffalo schools during the 1960s were enormously segregated. East High School (in the black East Side of Buffalo), a school of 1818 pupils, was 90.1% black in 1960. 75 Outside of East High School, only one school was less than 80% white, Bennett High School, 76 which is located in central-north Buffalo just at the north tip of the black ghetto.

Coinciding with great segregation in Buffalo‘s schools during the 1960s was decreased black educational achievement within the city.

Only 2.2% of Buffalo blacks had a four-year college degree in 1960,

70

Kraus, 33.

Ibid.

72 Baldwin Hess, 1185.

73 Ibid.

74 Warshauer and Dentler, 10c.

75 Ibid, 35.

76 Ibid.

71

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The Effect of Deindustrialization and only 21.5% had their high school diploma. 77 White educational attainment in the city sat at 5.2% for a four-year college degree and 31.2% for high school graduates. 78 What resulted from these figures is an intensely segregated and largely uneducated black community in Buffalo, without the skill set required to gain employment in an economically restructured labor market that was heavily dependent on service positions, which require higher levels of education than the manufacturing sector.

The location of Buffalo‘s ghetto demonstrates the link between deindustrialization and the presence of race and income segregation. During the industrial era, the segregated East Side at least had access to employment; over a quarter of blacks were employed as laborers in the factories along the eastern waterfront. As deindustrialization saw the closing of many factories along the coast close, the black community lost a significant source of employment.

The argument can be made that blacks on the East Side ought to relocate or travel outside of the ghetto to find employment, however many are economically unable to move and a high percentage of households within the ghetto do not own automobiles, as demonstrated

by Table 3.79 Their segregation is extreme because of low academic achievement (which could be attributed to unequal, segregated schooling), the loss of manufacturing jobs, and lack of transportation out of the ghetto. As a result of these factors, they are unlikely to rise out of the ghetto.

Table 3: Statuses of Highly Segregated Areas in Buffalo in 2000 80 Neighborhood

Number of Adults

Kenfield Best Street Jefferson Ave

956 912 1,669

Percent of Adults in Poverty 54 53 49

Percent of Households Without a Car 61 50 67

Percent Black

93 94 96

Conclusion and Questions for Further Research The economic and demographic changes of Buffalo over the last half-century are not unique; many industrial cities, particularly in the Northeast and Middle Atlantic states, have suffered from 77

Ibid, 24a.

Ibid.

79 Baldwin Hess, 1185.

80 Ibid.

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deindustrialization. The Buffalo data suggest that many of the struggles of the urban black community today can be attributed to the loss of manufacturing jobs in these cities. Racial segregation, which some scholars try to treat as a separate issue, coincides largely with economic restructuring. This happened in two ways.

First, with the loss of manufacturing jobs, so went the lowskill employment opportunities associated with them. As a result, the black community, which had low levels of educational attainment in the city, lost job opportunities to improve their economic standing.

Secondly, the historically more economically stable white community exited the city rapidly from 1950 to 2000 because of decreasing employment opportunities in the city. As a result, they took their service sector business with them into the suburbs, away from the black community, assuring they would not see the benefits. The data suggest that deindustrialization is a driving factor in both segregation and black unemployment, and is the primary cause for high unemployment rates among blacks. This is an important point to make in the academic work because it puts economic restructuring as a cause of surbanization, segregation, and the struggle of urban blacks in general.

Politically, this conclusion also has great implications. If indeed the loss of manufacturing jobs is to blame for urban black poverty by exacerbating the rates of suburbanization and segregation, then policies ought be enacted that aim at doing one of two things; either bring manufacturing (or other low-skill level) jobs back into urban environments, or create some type of jobs preparedness programs in the inner city. To restructure the economy would be a tall task; the comparative economic advantage once present in Buffalo and rust-belt cities like it has passed. Creating job preparedness programs, which has been advocated by Wilson, could improve black employment in the new service economy, but the programs would have to be comprehensive, and they need to start with the education system. Until black urban schools improve graduation rates and education in general, black entrance into the service sector will continue to be lax.

Another area that could be researched, mentioned briefly in the literature review, is the role race plays in blacks being underemployed in the service sector. Manufacturing jobs (outside of union jobs which historically have had race restrictions) have been historically race friendly. The nature of manufacturing may play a role in that fact. In industrial work, all the customer sees is the product; there are no colored fingerprints. However, in service work, employees are in direct contact with customers. Employers may fear their customers are racist, and as a result are apprehensive about hiring blacks to deal directly with them. Although other causes such as poor

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academic achievement may be barring blacks getting jobs in the newly structured service based economy, race may play a greater role than many scholars recognize.

Appendix All photos taken by Theodore Traver Photo One: A productive Ford plant along the waterfront. This plant remains productive primarily due to investment in the Buffalo region following the U.S. Canada Auto Pact of 1965.

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Theodore Traver Photo Two: A more typical shot of Buffalo‘s waterfront, with abandoned factories, and long idle trains which once transported finished products throughout the United States.

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The Effect of Deindustrialization Photo Three: A ―rust-belt‖ city living up to its name. Buildings such as these can be found throughout the city.

Work Cited Crandall, Robert W. ―The Migration of U.S. Manufacturing and Its Impact on the Buffalo Metropolitan Area.‖ Paper presented at Manufacturing Matters for the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Buffalo Branch, June 6, 2002.

Hess, Daniel Baldwin. ―Access to Employment for Adults in Poverty in the Buffalo-Niagara Region.‖ Urban Studies 42 (June, 2005): 1177-1200.

Hevesi, Alan G. ―Local Government Issues in Focus: Population Trends in New York State‘s Cities.‖ A Research Series from the Office of the New York State Comptroller: Division of Local Government Services & Economic Development 1 (2004).

Kraus, Neil. Race, Neighborhoods, And Community Power: Buffalo Politics, 1934-1997. Albany: University of Albany Press, 2000.

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MacPherson, A. ―Interfirm Information Linkages in an Economically Disadvantaged Region: An Empirical Perspective from Metropolitan Buffalo.‖ Environment and Planning 23 (1991): 591-606.

Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993.

Perry, David C., and Beverly McLean. ―The Aftermath of Deindustrialization: The Meaning of ―Economic Restructuring‖ in Buffalo, New York.‖ Buffalo Law Review 39 (1991): 345-383.

Palumbo, George, and Mark P. Zaporowski, ―Western New York Economic News,‖ Canisius College, 3, (Fourth Quarter 1999).

Simon, Curtis J. ―Unemployment and the Role of industrial Diversity.‖ The Quarterly Journal of Economics 103 (Nov. 1988): 715728.

Stewart, James B. ―Recent Perspectives on African-Americans in PostIndustrial Labor Markets.‖ The American Economic Review 87 (May, 1997): 315-320.

Warshauer, Mary Ellen and Robert A. Dentler, ―Public School Segregation and Relation Population Characteristics of Buffalo, New York.‖ U.S. Department of Health, Education & Welfare: Office of Education.

Wilson, William J. The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass and Public Policy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987.

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Falling Back on Stereotypes

Introduction to “Falling Back on Stereotypes: Assessing Whether Teachers Entering the Workforce Cling to Preexisting Notions of Gender, Race and Class in the Classroom” Jannette L. Swanson Full-Time Instructor of Sociology The following piece emerged from Louise Kavanaugh and Elise Newkirk‘s interest in Women‘s and Gender Studies and Sociology and embraces the interdisciplinary nature of these two majors. Sociology is the scientific study of societies and social groups, while Women‘s and Gender Studies is an interdisciplinary major that seeks to build an awareness of the rich history, contemporary status, and future possibilities for women. Both disciplines have a collective interest in understanding the role that gender plays within society.

Unlike sex, which is a biological concept, gender is seen as a social construct. To say that gender is a social construction is to say that the meanings and expectations attached to being a man or woman in American society are not natural, but rather created (or constructed) by people. This also suggests that what it means to be a man or woman in a society has some degree of fluidity and is subject to changing over time and place.

Kavanaugh and Newkirk initially wanted to do a more qualitative research project regarding the role of gender, race, and social class as it relates to mentorship but time constraints and community support made this endeavor difficult. As a result, they revised their study to be a quantitative research project that focused on future educators and their beliefs and expectations regarding gender, race, and social class. This was Kavanaugh and Newkirk‘s first exposure to quantitative research and analysis. Keeping in line with their interest in mentorship they chose to focus on education majors as teachers are often seen as role models and serve, either directly or indirectly, as mentors to their students. As a result, they were interested in examining the assumptions and expectations that Saint Rose education majors have regarding the gender, race, and social class backgrounds of their future students in the classroom. In particular, they were interested in exploring whether future educators subscribe to deeply entrenched beliefs, expectations, and stereotypes regarding gender, race, and social class in the United States or whether they discard these beliefs in an attempt to see all students as equal regardless of their backgrounds. Moreover, they sought to see whether students who already had experience student teaching understood gender, race, and social class differently than those who had yet to student teach – in

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short, whether firsthand experience in the classroom appears to influence one‘s understanding of the realities of gender, race, and social class.

Their work builds off of the work of Eduardo Bonilla-Silva who studies racial inequality and notes how few claim to be openly racist today and yet racial inequality pervades virtually every institution in American society. Kavanaugh and Newkirk were curious as to whether a similar approach exists regarding gender and class. Will future educators profess that gender does not matter, that they are not sexist – in face of very real gender inequality? Their work is meaningful as it lets scholars see how educators understand their classrooms and once this understanding is documented perhaps more intensive efforts can be made to address the large disparities that exist along the lines of gender, race, and social class in our nation‘s classrooms.

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Falling Back on Stereotypes: Assessing Whether Teachers Entering the Workforce Cling to Preexisting Notions of Gender, Race and Class in the Classroom Louise Kavanaugh Women’s and Gender Studies Major; Class of 2012 Elise Newkirk Women’s and Gender Studies Major; Class of 2010 The purpose of this research was to compare the responses of education majors who have student taught to those who have not, while taking the social identity (gender, race, and class) of the respondent into consideration. A 33-question survey sought to determine if one’s student teaching status influenced one’s own perceptions of gender, race, and class. The survey also measured attitudes surrounding mentorship. This survey was administered to education majors at the College of Saint Rose. The study included 49 students who have never student taught and 61 students who had student teaching experience.

Those with student teaching experience were more likely to hold stronger and more stereotypical views concerning gender, race, and class. Additionally, the respondent’s gender and race affected how they answered the survey questions. Male respondents were more likely than female respondents to suggest that girls have it easier in today’s society. Minority respondents were more likely to feel comfortable addressing issues of gender, race, and class in the classroom. Finally, the research showed that the majority of respondents agree on a general definition and importance of mentoring and see themselves as mentors.

Introduction Violence has been increasingly prevalent in today‘s school environment. While violence in the form of bullying has traditionally been associated with males, scholars Coleman and Kerbo find that girls partake in it as well and the consequences can be life threatening (69).

What we are witnessing is an upsurge in bullying initiated by girls. For example, CNN recently reported about a high school girl, Phoebe Prince, who was bullied to death by a group of female classmates (CNN News). If teachers are laboring under the assumption that bullying is primarily a male activity, then female bullying is likely to continue to fall under the radar. Moreover, if teachers continue to operate under the assumption that only girls require nurturing and care, then the reality of the Columbine shootings cease to be surprising.

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Bullying also centers on sexual orientation and continues to be a serious problem in schools today. Coleman and Kerbo argue that ―gay and bisexual teenaged boys attempt suicide seven times more often than other boys their age, and the younger they are when they recognize their sexual orientation, the more likely they are to try‖ (69). More recently, 18-year-old Rutgers University student, Tyler Clementi, took his own life when finding out that a video of himself engaged in a homosexual encounter was placed on the Internet. Author Stephanie Chen from CNN states, ―from traditional school-yard to cyber bullying, experts say the problem has expanded to elementary-school children and college students such as Clementi‖ (CNN Living). Opportunities for bullying are ever-increasing and as a result, the harmful consequences are greater than ever.

Educators and administrators are assigned the tasks of socializing and looking after the well-being of students during a typical school day. Could teachers‘ attitudes and assumptions towards their students be affecting those students? For example, many teachers do not see themselves as playing a role in the gender construction of their students. Authors Wilkinson and Marrett find that gender perceptions inevitably occur because teachers carry perceptions about gender that are reflected in their actions and interactions with students (80). A challenge is how teachers keep the negative effects of such stereotypes and biases out of the classroom that reinforce gender, race, and class inequality. Since children (students) are dependent upon adults (teachers), a teacher‘s ability to share knowledge and role modeling provides a significant amount of a child‘s socialization in how students perceive authority, how they treat others, and the kind of treatment they can expect from others in society.

In a technologically advanced world, interactions are more likely to be mediated through electronic devices than face to face.

Mentoring may be more useful as a resource than ever before.

Stereotypes offer a lens through which to view groups of people in a very vague sense, whereas mentoring focuses more on a one-on-one relationship. Authors Thomas and Thomas argue that when stereotypes rely on tradition and are viewed as real, they nevertheless will be real in their consequences (572). If mentoring is made a central tenet of education, perhaps children will have more support in cultivating and reaching goals in their adult lives. However, if stereotypes persist in the minds of teachers, they will unavoidably treat students accordingly.

That could potentially affect the life opportunities of many students.

The information presented raises questions. Are teachers aware of the specific needs of students? Does their ascribed status, such as gender, race, class and upbringing influence how they interact with

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and treat students and if so, to what degree? Do teachers initially enter the classroom open-minded and unwilling to subscribe to stereotypes, but then upon experiencing their classroom begin to fall back upon or rely upon commonly held stereotypes regarding gender, class, and race?

The central hypothesis of this research is that those who have yet to student teach will be less likely to subscribe to stereotypes regarding gender, race, and class; whereas those who have student taught will present more stereotypical views in regards to these issues.

This hypothesis arises from previous research done by Pope and Wilder who find that ―many pre-service teachers cling to pre-existing beliefs that include optimistic individualism, absolute democracy, and naïve egalitarianism, which cause them to fail to fully appreciate the complexity of obstacles that many students of diverse backgrounds have experienced‖ (323). Increasingly today students are being raised with egalitarian beliefs where gender, race, and class presumably shouldn‘t matter. Bonilla-Silva argues, ―most whites assert they don‘t see any color, just people; that although the ugly face of discrimination is still with us, it is no longer the central factor determining minorities‘ life chances‖ (1). However, when students see and become aware of the tremendous amount of inequality that persists in our society, they are often encouraged to think beyond stereotypes and asked to reconcile these beliefs with real inequality along the lines of gender, race, and class. In terms of gender, race, and class, we hypothesize that respondents of a particular group or background affects how they will answer questions about their group with more certainty and in a more favorable way.

The significance of this research is that it provides information on whether or not those who will one day be teaching recognize the importance of gender, race and class in the classroom environment.

Secondly, it assesses whether or not respondents buy into the believed stereotypes associated with gender, race and class, and what repercussions this may have for students‘ futures. Lastly, this research is important because it may help identify the potential benefits children gain as a result of mentorship and to further identify if respondents see themselves as mentors.

Literature Review Education plays a major role in a child‘s socialization. One‘s educational status affects that person‘s life chances; overall achievement and social status are often based on one‘s educational success. Therefore it is important to ensure that all students are given a thorough and equal education. Potentially, stereotypical notions of

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students can lead teachers to treat them differently and affect their futures. In the following pages we will consider gender, race, class, and the stereotypes associated with them.

Social Construction of Gender The socialization of gender conveys a complex set of gender rules and behaviors that sets boys and girls apart from one another.

These gender roles are taught from birth, and thus affect children in classrooms as early as pre-school. College students aspiring to become teachers have already acquired their own gendered prescriptions and personal images of gender. Given that this research explores how future teachers react to gender, race, and class in their role as teacher/mentor, it is important to understand that teachers sometimes exhibit these patterns or notions of sex/gender stereotypes when they interact with children. According to scholar Hilary Lips, teachers often rely on the prescribed expectations and ―are encouraged or discouraged to help shape the specific achievement pathways girls and boys choose to follow and the tasks they try to accomplish‖ (425).

Judith Butler, a well-known scholar in the field of women‘s studies, argues that gender can be viewed as a series of performative acts where the people affected are players, and a script for action is given by society (1). This means that even if sex is considered to be a biological trait, gender or how we act out being male and female, is not given or predetermined. Because social construction gives us a way of interacting with the world and people around us, gender roles as a construction can be useful for negotiating our lives. Unfortunately, because it is a construct, gender has produced stereotypes. Stereotypes are definitions used to describe groups of people; though they might be based on some actual social phenomenon, they are usually limiting and problematic ways of defining large groups. A common stereotype is that boys are naturally or innately better at math and the sciences. Hyde and Mertz argue that there is no innate, biological difference between the sexes (8801). Even so, it is important to gauge whether or not teachers agree with these findings.

Gender in Relation to Social Construction of Race and Class The gender of the respondent in relation to their own race and class, or the child‘s race or class, also needs to be examined. Research has been done focusing on attitudes of teachers before and after they enter the workforce. As our hypothesis suggests there may be a shift in attitude for student teachers. For example, the respondents who gain experience in the field of teaching are more likely to fall back on stereotypes when they see gender, race, and class differences opposed

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to non-student teachers who may think there are no differences.

The research of Eduardo Bonilla-Silva suggests that racial inequality is present for black minorities not only in education, but also in practically every aspect of social life. Few claim to be racist today, yet race still affects American life. Bonilla-Silva alerts readers to the danger that a color-blind ideology will soon pervade discussions of race in the United States (157). Color blindness is the perceived invisibility of race in a country where race has real consequences. According to Bonilla-Silva, ―the mechanisms of color-blind racism allow whites to advance positions that assure the perpetuation of white privilege….Thus, color-blind racism facilitates the perpetuation of racial inequality by obscuring the fact that there is even a problem to fix‖ (161).

Scholars have yet to extend how a similar type of ―blindness‖ operates in the analysis of gender and in the ways gender is understood.

However, it is possible that an individual could act in a gender-blind way like in a color-blind way. Perhaps for this reason, non-student teacher respondents are more likely to be gender-blind and not see gender differences because they live up to the expectation that boys are girls are equal. On the other hand, it is not entirely illogical to argue that early attitudes on gender, so common in our society, are likely to persist over time. In this sense, the student teacher respondents with classroom experience will more than likely see gender differences and will respond accordingly.

Therefore, we must ponder the question if teachers are sensitive to the individual needs of their students. Insensitivity to the individual needs of a student can manifest in class issues as well.

Research suggests that teachers favor poor young women over poor young men, and have the most harsh attitudes towards boys overall.

Amy E Auwarter and Mara A Aruguete argue that ―teachers rated high socioeconomic status (SES) boys more favorably than low SES boys, but low-SES girls more favorably than high-SES girls. Teachers perceived that low-SES students have less promising futures than do high-SES students. Findings suggest that teachers are likely to develop negative attitudes toward low-SES students in general, but especially boys‖ (243). The question arises, to what degree does this distinction affect the student-teacher relationship?

Role of Mentoring in Teaching Profession Mentorship includes guidance, encouragement and the fostering of skills for students. Feminist scholar Virginia Held argues that this kind of care between teachers and children is ―both a practice and a value‖ that helps shape the perceptions and understanding of a

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Louise Kavanaugh & Elise Newkirk child‘s world in addition to building trust and connectedness between persons (Bailey and Cuomo 504). In most cases, individuals are socialized to believe that caring, especially for children, is a feminine job. Findings are consistent with sociological research concerning gender segregation in the workplace that states men and women's occupational choice is gendered. Coleman and Kerbo find that 82% of those who choose to teach at the elementary school level are female (291).

Even though there is intrinsic value in caring for children, there is not a monetary parallel. An online Web source measuring teachers‘ salaries shows that men, who are more likely to teach high school, make more money on average than grade school teachers (―Teacher Salary‖). By reinforcing wage earner with masculinity and caregiver with femininity, the institution of education that employs teaching professionals not only fails to deliver gender equity, it is more than likely accommodating and contributing to the stereotypical life patterns and beliefs of gender roles and gender order. The challenge is how teachers keep the negative effects of gender stereotypes, including race and class stereotypes that intersect with gender, out of the classroom and out of the mentoring relationship between teacher and student. Depending on a teacher‘s positive or negative attitudes and beliefs toward gender, race, and class, his or her ability to effectively mentor students could either reduce the salience of gender, race, and class as a structural principle or it could have enabling outcomes that sustain the inequalities of gender, race, and class.

Methodology This research was conducted at the College of Saint Rose in Albany, New York. The College of Saint Rose is well known for its education program and many students choose to attend Saint Rose specifically for this reason. The undergraduate population at Saint Rose is primarily middle class, white, and female. Indeed, the college‘s ―Undergraduate Student Profile by Race and Gender for 2008-2009‖ shows that of the 3,051 undergraduate students attending Saint Rose, 80% of them are white and nearly 60% of them are female.

Variables The independent variables considered in the research are whether or not an individual had student teaching experience and the respondent‘s gender, race, and class. Whether the student has student teaching experience was operationally measured in question 30 (see Appendix A). Gender is conceptualized as a social construction associated with sex. Operationally, a respondent‘s gender or sex was

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measured in question 25 (see Appendix A). Race is a socially constructed category based on a person‘s skin color, face shape and other physical characteristics. Race is operationally measured in survey question 26 (see Appendix A). Class is defined by socioeconomic standing. It has to do with access to resources, the area in which an individual lives, and that individual‘s life chances. Operationally, the survey measured the respondent‘s social class in question 28 (see Appendix A). Finally, mentorship is conceptualized as a one-on-one relationship between two individuals where one individual has more access to resources and helps the less privileged reach some goal. The survey operationally measured whether the respondent identifies as a mentor in question 23 (see Appendix A).

The dependent variables being considered are whether one believes girls are as competitive as boys (see question 1 in Appendix A), if one believes girls need more emotional support than boys (see questions 2, 3, 4, and 12 in Appendix A), whether one believes that girls or boys express a stronger need for mentorship (see question 13 in Appendix A), what age group an individual would prefer to teach (see question 32 in Appendix A), whether an individual believes that girls have it easier in today's society (see question 9 in Appendix A), and how comfortable an individual feels addressing race, class, and gender in a classroom setting (see question 20 in Appendix A).

Sample Description The sample studied consists of 110 undergraduate students at the College of Saint Rose. The survey shows 67% of respondents had student taught, while 33% lacked student teaching experience. Female students accounted for 81% of the respondents and the remaining 19% identified as male. The vast majority, 94% of the respondents, identified as white. The age of the participants ranged from 19 to 46, with the highest population (66%) in the traditional college age of 1922. In terms of socioeconomic background, 28% of respondents considered themselves lower class, whereas 49% identified as middle class, and 20% identified as upper class. Three participants did not answer. These demographics are representative of Saint Rose as an institution that is majority female, middle class and white. These demographics limited our research capacities, but at the same time they offer, for our research, a set of people most likely to become teachers.

Measures Taken A 33-question survey (see Appendix A) was constructed and distributed. The first 9 questions were close-ended and showcased stereotypes about young men and women, and the respondents could

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choose Mostly True, Mostly False, Don't Know, or leave no answer.

Questions 10 - 13 asked respondents to decide who they thought expressed a stronger need for support or attention in some areas of school life. They could choose between Boys, Girls, No Difference, Don't Know, or leave the question unanswered.

Questions 14-16 were open ended and asked respondents to allocate percentages to the reasons they thought educational inequalities persisted along the lines of gender, race, and class.

Respondents were asked to determine to what degree they thought these persisting inequalities could be explained by lack of resources/support, lack of motivation, or natural/biological differences.

For example, Question 14 states that children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds score lower on tests, have lower graduation rates, and are less likely to finish college than upper class children. The respondent was then asked to indicate how much of this they felt is explained by lack of resources/support for lower-class children (structural explanation), lack of motivation on the part of the lower-class children (individual explanation), and how much of this inequality they feel can be explained by natural/biological differences (genetic explanation). Unfortunately, the complex nature of this question proved to be too confusing for many respondents as many of the returned responses failed to add up to 100%. Questions 17-24 were close-ended and respondents were given statements about their experience and comfort level in the classroom environment.

Respondents were asked to answer within a range from Strongly Agree to Strongly Disagree. Questions 25-32 covered demographic information. The last question was open-ended and asked, ―What does mentorship mean to you? What is mentorship?‖ To compile data more clearly, some variables were recoded. For example, Social Class was measured in question 28 (see Appendix A) and had six possible class categories and a Don‘t Know option. These categories were recoded such that Lower Class, Working Class, or Lower-Middle Class, were recoded into one category labeled Lower Class in this analysis, while respondents who identified as Upper Middle Class or Upper Class were recoded into one category labeled Upper Class. The age level that respondents preferred to teach was shown in survey question 32 (see Appendix A) and had four possible age levels to teach. These categories were recoded such that respondents who indicated that they wish to teach Pre-K and Elementary School were recoded as Early Education. Respondents who indicated that they wish to teach Middle School or High School were recoded as High School.

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The survey was approved by the Institutional Review Board to be distributed to classrooms at the College of Saint Rose. The survey guaranteed the student‘s anonymity and confidentiality. No names were collected and if less than five students answered a particular demographic question the same way, data was not presented so as to protect their identity. Initially, professors of education classes were contacted via email and asked to volunteer their class time. The survey was distributed to five education classes during class times near the end of the Spring 2010 semester. It took students approximately 10 minutes to complete the survey.

Results Univariate Tables and Results: Table 1. Respondents’ Reply to Whether Girls Need Help With Math and Science Frequency

Percent

Mostly True

30

27.3

Mostly False

64

58.2

Don't know

16

14.5

110

100.0

Total

Table 1 examines how all respondents responded to the statement ―On average, girls need more help with math and science.‖ The table shows very clearly that nearly two thirds (58.2%) of all respondents agreed that girls, on average, do not need more help with math and science. Thus, when students‘ teaching status is not taken into consideration it appears that the majority of respondents disagree with the notion that girls need more help with math and science.

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Table 2. Reply to Whether Respondents Have Good Role Models to Learn From

Frequency

Cumulative Percent

Percent

Strongly Agree

61

55.5

55.5

Agree

43

39.1

94.5

No Opinion

4

3.6

98.2

Disagree

2

1.8

100.0

110

100.0

Total

Table 2 displays the extent to which all respondents felt as though they had good role models to learn from and follow in their communities/schools. Nearly all respondents (94.5%) strongly agreed or agreed that they had good role models to learn from.

Table 3. Respondents’ Reply to Whether Educators Consider Themselves as Mentors

Frequency

Cumulative Percent

Percent

Strongly Agree

49

44.5

44.5

Agree

40

36.4

80.9

6

5.5

86.4

14

12.7

99.1

1

.9

100.0

110

100.0

No Opinion Disagree Don't Know Total

Table 3 addresses whether the respondents consider all educators who interact with children to be mentors. Approximately 80% of all respondents either Strongly Agreed or Agreed that educators are mentors, while just over 10% disagreed that educators are mentors.

Bivariate Tables and Results In order to perform a bivariate analysis, a Chi-Square test is frequently used. The Chi-Square test is commonly used by social scientists to determine if there is a statistically significant relationship

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between the independent and dependent variables under consideration.

The tests assist social scientists in determining whether the difference observed between the independent and dependent variables are due to error/chance or to a real interaction that is going on between the variables. The level of statistical significance that is acceptable with this sample size is .05, which means that less than five cases out of every hundred can be attributed to sampling error or chance if a relationship is found at this level of significance. A significant ChiSquare test result indicates that the two variables are not independent of one another and that a real interaction is going on between the two variables.

Table 4. Student Teaching Experience

by Conceptions of Female Competitiveness On average, girls are as competitive as boys are in school

Mostly Mostly True False Are you currently student teaching, or have you already student taught?

Total

Yes Count

No Count

Count

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44

15

72.1%

24.6%

43

1

87.8%

2.0%

87

16

79.1%

14.5%

Don't know

Total 2

61

3.3% 100.0% 5

49

10.2% 100.0%

7

110

6.4% 100.0%

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Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

12.386 14.727 .626 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 2 2 1

.002 .001 .429

Table 4 shows there is a significant relationship between student teaching status and how respondents perceived the competitiveness of girls. A Chi-Square test of independence was calculated and a significant interaction was found of .002. This falls within the acceptable range of 0-.05, although this result is somewhat imperfect because there are less than 5 respondents in each box. Those who had student taught were nearly 15% less likely to see girls as competitive as boys. Those who had student taught were over 20% more likely to suggest girls are not as competitive as boys. Those who student taught were also less likely to suggest that they didn‘t know whether girls are as competitive as boys. For example, around 10% of those who lacked student teaching experience indicated that they didn‘t know if girls were as competitive as boys, whereas only 3.3% of those who had student taught felt the same way.

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Table 5. Student Teaching Experience

by Gendered Need for Emotional Support On average, boys need as much emotional support as girls in school Emotional support No Don't Boys Girls Difference Know Total Are you currently student teaching, or have you already student taught?

Total

Yes Count

1

No Count

44

16

1.6% 72.1%

26.2%

3

25

17

6.1% 51.0%

Count

4

0

61

.0% 100.0% 4

49

34.7% 8.2% 100.0%

69

33

3.6% 62.7%

4

110

30.0% 3.6% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

9.061 10.610 3.012 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 3 3 1

.028 .014 .083

Table 5 reveals a majority of those who student taught and who had not student taught see girls as needing more emotional support than boys. Nevertheless, those who had not student taught were more likely to indicate that girls need more emotional support. Nearly three quarters (72.1%) of respondents who had student taught suggested that girls need more emotional support while 51% of those who had yet to student teach voiced the same opinion.

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Table 6. Student Teaching Experience

by Gendered Need for Mentorship On average, girls need as much mentorship as boys in school Mentorship No Don't Boys Girls Difference Know Total Are you Yes Count currently student teaching, or No Count have you already student taught?

Total

17

6

36

27.9% 9.8% 12

29

61

59.0% 3.3% 100.0%

7

26

24.5% 14.3%

Count

2

4

49

53.1% 8.2% 100.0%

13

62

26.4% 11.8%

6

110

56.4% 5.5% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

1.932 1.931 .159 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 3 3 1

.587 .587 .690

Table 6 portrays the relationship between student teaching experience and a belief about whether boys or girls express a stronger need for mentorship. A Chi-Square test revealed that there is not a statistically significant relationship between whether one has student taught or not and who needs mentorship the most. The obtained Chisquare value of 1.932 results in a significance value of .587, which is not within the acceptable range of below .05. It is possible that any observable relationship with this is due to chance or sampling error.

Despite a lack of statistical significance between the two variables, it is worth examining the data. Over half of all the respondents (regardless 88

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of student teaching status) indicated that there is no difference in who expresses a stronger need for mentorship, but when respondents did see one gender needing mentorship more, they were most likely to choose boys. A little over a quarter of all respondents suggest that boys express a greater need for mentorship, while only about ten percent see girls as needing mentorship more.

Table 7. Respondent’s Sex by Age Level Teaching Preference On average, respondent’s teaching level preference Early Education, high school No Plans Early High No to Ed School Preference Teach Sex

Male

Count

6

14

1

28.6%

66.7%

4.8%

79

8

1

88.8%

9.0%

1.1%

85

22

2

77.3%

20.0%

1.8%

Female Count Total

Count

0

Total 21

.0% 100.0% 1

89

1.1% 100.0% 1

110

.9% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

38.770 35.017 21.701 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 5 5 1

.000 .000 .000

Table 7 examines the sex of the respondent and the grade level where they wish to teach (Early Elementary Education/Pre-K-8 or High School/Grades 9-12). Male respondents were 29% less likely to teach at the Early Education level. A majority of male respondents were 66.7% likely to teach at the High School level. Female respondents are 90% College of Saint Rose

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more likely to teach at the Early Elementary level. It appears females are much more likely to aspire to teach Early Education, whereas males are more likely to be found in the High School education levels.

Table 8. Respondent’s Sex

by Belief that Girls have it Easier In Today’s Society On average, girls have it easier in today’s society than boys do

Mostly True Sex

Male

Count

Female Count Total

Count

Mostly False

Don't know

6

7

28.6%

33.3%

7

71

7.9%

79.8%

13

78

11.8%

70.9%

Total 8

21

38.1% 100.0% 11

89

12.4% 100.0% 19

110

17.3% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

17.847 16.346 .148 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 2 2 1

.000 .000 .701

Table 8 addresses how male and female respondents felt about girls having it easier in society than boys. The female respondents are significantly (80%) more likely to disagree that girls have it easier than boys. In contrast, male respondents were more likely to suggest that girls have it easier than boys. A poignant relationship is noted between the sex of a respondent and whether or not they believe that girls have it easier. Males are much more likely to answer that it is true, whereas very few females believe the same.

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Table 9. Respondent’s Race by Comfort Level in the Discussion of Race, Class and Gender in the Classroom On average, comfort in addressing/discussing gender, race, and class in classroom

Strongly No Strongly Agree Agree Opinion Disagree Disagree Total Race White Count

42

52

6

3

40.8% 50.5%

5.8%

2.9%

0

0

0

.0%

.0%

.0%

Non- Count 5 White 100.0%

Total

No Count Answer

1

0

0

0

50.0%

.0%

.0%

.0%

Count

48

52

6

3

43.6% 47.3%

5.5%

2.7%

0

103

.0% 100.% 0

5

.0% 100.% 1

2

50.0% 100.% 1

110

.9% 100.%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

61.997 18.908 .395 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 8 8 1

.000 .015 .530

Table 9 examines the relationship between the respondents‘ race and how comfortable they feel in addressing (discussing) gender, race, and class in the classroom setting. Both white and non-white respondents agree that they are comfortable discussing gender, race, and class in the classroom. Overwhelmingly, 100% of non-whites strongly agreed that they felt comfortable discussing gender, race, and class in the classroom. White respondents did not hold such strong views, as only 40.8% of white respondents strongly agreed whereas College of Saint Rose

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50.5% simply agreed that they felt comfortable addressing these issues in the classroom. Although white respondents agree to feeling comfortable, the response of Strongly Agee and Agree was split nearly 41% and 51% respectively.

Table 10. Respondent’s Class

by Conceptions of Who Needs More Emotional Support On average and based on respondent’s social class, boys need as much emotional support as girls

No Don't Boys Girls Difference Know Total Lower Class Count

3

% of Total Middle Class

Count

6

2.7% 20.0%

5.5%

1

% of Total Upper Class Count

34

17

.9% 30.9%

15.5%

0

% of Total No Answer Count % of Total Total

22

Count % of Total

13

8

.0% 11.8%

7.3%

0

31

.0% 28.2% 2

54

1.8% 49.1% 1

22

.9% 20.0%

0

0

2

1

3

.0%

.0%

1.8%

.9%

2.7%

4

69

33

4

110

3.6% 62.7%

30.0%

3.6% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Association N of Valid Cases

92

18.063 16.259 12.128 110

Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Df 9 9 1

.034 .062 .000

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Table 10 displays the relationship between the socioeconomic class of the respondents and whether they believe boys or girls need more emotional support. A majority of the respondents believe that girls need more emotional support than boys and social class appears to influence how strongly one subscribes to that belief. Middle class respondents were nearly 16% more likely to suggest there was no difference between who needs more emotional support, whereas nearly only 6% of lower class respondents, and slightly over 7% of upper class respondents answered in the same way. Those who identified as lower class students were more likely, over 3%, to say that boys need more emotional support, whereas the upper class respondents strongly disagreed, or zero percent, that boys required emotional support.

Discussion The original hypothesis was that Saint Rose undergraduate education majors who had student teaching experience were more likely to be aware of their perceptions of gender, race, and class than those who have not student taught. Those majors who had student teaching experience would have stronger opinions in general, and would most likely answer the survey questions in a stereotypical fashion. The data found that the gained experience of student teachers revealed that they are more likely to see gender differences, such as boys are more likely to be competitive than girls, that girls are more likely to need more emotional support, and boys are more likely to need more mentorship. The data also found that the race of the respondent revealed non-white education majors were much more likely to be comfortable discussing gender, race, and class in their classroom, whereas white education majors were more likely hesitant. Exploring the socioeconomic class of the respondent revealed that education majors from the lower class are more likely to say that boys need more emotional support than girls. Middle to upper class education majors did not see a significant difference in who needs emotional support.

The data also revealed that female students aspired to teach Pre-K through 5th grade, whereas male students wished to teach grades 6 through 12.

Social Construction of Gender Research on gender construction helps to explain the gender differences student teachers may identify within the classroom. Studies reveal that learned gender roles can potentially influence the academic and social lives of children in our society. The data analysis on the survey distributed showed a significant relationship between student teaching status and how an individual perceives their students. For

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example, Table 1 reveals almost all of the non-student teachers believed that girls are just as competitive as boys, whereas of those who have been in the field, 25% answered that girls are not as competitive as boys are. The hypothesis maintained that non-student teachers would have the mindset that this is simply a stereotype and by not seeing the gender differences, answer the survey questions accordingly. On the other hand, student teachers exposed to the classroom see the differences and have a more comprehensive understanding of the interactions between young children. They are also more likely to be able to make an assessment about the validity of the stereotype.

In this sense, it is possible that gender-blindness, like BonillaSilva‘s theory of ―color-blindness,‖ operates in much the same way where college education students with no classroom experience and with no observable child behaviors and attitudes fail to identify or acknowledge gender differences. Nevertheless, future teachers who cling to their own socially constructed gender beliefs and practices, and who possibly uphold egalitarian beliefs, are not only influencing a child‘s socialization and future potential, but also they could be perpetuating inequalities and prejudices without even knowing it.

Another common stereotype is that girls are more emotional than boys. These two examples showcase some very serious gender roles that boys are more aggressive and girls need more nurturing.

Those who had not student taught were more likely to answer that they did not know if this stereotype was true than those who had field experience. As is showcased in Table 2, those who have student taught agree that girls need more emotional support. It seems that as college majors leave their own campuses and move into an environment where they are given a great deal of responsibility, they begin to uphold the common stereotypes. Whether this is because they are pressured and need a way of perceiving the world, or because the stereotypes are actually based on something ontologically true, has yet to be seen.

Perhaps the phenomenon can be explained away by saying students will act how their teachers expect them to. If teachers expect that girls need more emotional support they would make that support more readily available for them, and if they assume that boys are more competitive, they might foster their abilities in ways they would not think to for girls. As aforementioned, there is actually no difference in the math and science abilities pre-determined by one's sex.

All individuals socially situated learn both male and female gender construction. Because the expectations of one gender are not hidden from the other, an attempt was made to measure how one's sex relates to the treatment and perception of students in the classroom.

Responses to the statement ―Girls have it easier than boys in today's

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Falling Back on Stereotypes society‖ are shown in Table 5. Statistics show that pay equity between genders has yet to be achieved and that the people in the U.S. most likely to be in poverty are women and children. In line with this information female respondents were unlikely to suggest that females have it easier in today‘s society. In contrast, a quarter of male respondents suggested that females have it easier in today‘s society. A third of all male respondents thought boys had it easier and nearly 40% did not know which sex had it easier in today‘s society. Our hypothesis concerning this question is that everyone would answer that ―of course girls don't have it any easier than boys,‖ because at least in terms of socioeconomics they have it harder.

Perhaps these answers are the result of the question's wording or the skewed pool of participants questioned. As aforementioned, teachers seem to be harshest towards lower class males, and have more sympathy to their female classmates. There is also clear research that teachers are much more likely to let boys talk out of turn, interrupt lessons, etc., than girls. Additionally, teachers are more likely to comment on the physical appearance of girls (dress/hair/handwriting/ etc.), whereas they focus more on the ideas and performance of boys. It is possible that this relationship is being shown in Table 5. It is also possible that student teachers, the same group of people who are answering that girls need more emotional attention, are seeing that girls get more of this attention, which means that boys who are not getting the attention have it harder in society.

Social Construction of Race The data revealed that non-white respondents were more likely to feel comfortable in discussing issues of gender, race, and class than white respondents. One explanation that is possible, as BonillaSilva points out, is that ―unlike whites, blacks realize that racism is structural and that lack of power and differential access to rewards is at the heart of America‘s racial situation‖ (171-2). He further argues that while ―whites hesitate and use double-talk to state their views on racial matters, blacks state their views clearly and without much hesitation‖ (171). Non-white respondents are much more likely to see and grasp the nature of inequalities that become evident in shaping their life chances.

White respondents may have difficulty relating to minority students. According to scholars Higginbotham and Andersen, ―students‘ precollege socialization forms a grid of attitudes and expectations about race and whiteness that is often reenacted and reified through their collegiate experience. As several white students reported, once in college they still did not think about themselves as

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being white-even in the presence of diversity; no one and no program invited or required them to‖ (161).

Unfortunately, many schools continue to lack support for minority culture. Coleman and Kerbo argue that educational policies are inherently racist and note how ―a study released by the U.S. Department of Education shows over the last 30 years there has been very little overall improvement in the gap between blacks and whites on math, science, and reading scores‖ (65). Since inequalities are found in every aspect of life for minority people, they are more likely to address issues of race.

Social Construction of Class Middle to upper class white people are often unaware that educational institutions in the U.S. disproportionately and intentionally direct resources and funding to educational locations that are very white. Coleman and Kerbo find ―social class to be the most effective predictor of achievement in class‖ (61). When school districts are directed by its socioeconomic aspects, for example, the more school taxes homeowners pay, the more likely the school district will have more resources, benefits, and higher educational attainment. In affluent neighborhoods teachers and students will more likely be white. Whites growing up with privilege are not necessarily aware of inequality because they do not experience it as such and they tend to be less comfortable discussing race and class publicly. In addition, Coleman and Kerbo state, ―evidence indicates that teachers expect less from lower-class students‖ (63). These findings reveal how race and class affect a child‘s school performance and life choices and in the way they are perceived and treated by faculty, staff, and their peers, all because of the color of their skin and where they live.

Significance of Mentorship A majority of respondents consider themselves to be mentors, as can be seen in tables 9 and 10. When asked ―What is Mentoring?,‖ respondents found teacher and mentor to be synonymous. Generally, mentors are defined as individuals that care for or assist less privileged individuals is some pursuit. Mentorship is conceived of as a one-on-one relationship, going above and beyond standard classroom requirements.

Our future teachers may be witnessing an increased need for female mentorship as a result of changing gender socialization roles, even though our findings suggest that boys require more mentoring attention (Table 3). Overall, more than 25% of all respondents see boys as having a stronger need for mentorship. This idea might depend on a male versus female perspective of mentorship. Even though there is a

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consensus about what mentoring is and whether or not teachers are mentors by default, there may be confusion about what mentoring manifests in. For example, if a male teacher thinks mentoring is helping a male student with sports or math or science, and a female teacher believes that female mentoring means discussing body image, a disconnect will arise. Lastly, mentoring questions are limited because they do not measure whether mentoring is academic mentoring or mentoring to help foster or build self-confidence in the child. This information is difficult to obtain since the majority of education majors see no difference in who expresses a need for mentorship.

Female teachers, in this case, the Saint Rose female education majors, aspire to teach younger levels of education as opposed to male majors, who aspire to the middle and high school. This could be supported by the ethics of care theory. The theory states that females are considered more nurturing and motherly and are thus better suited to teach and care for young children. The assumption that boys are more difficult to handle at adolescent and teen-aged years may discourage females from wanting to teach at these levels. The expectation that boys need role models and the higher rewards associated with teaching middle and high school age students could very well explain why men choose to teach at these education levels.

Conclusion This research shows that there is a statistically significant relationship between student teaching status and the way individuals view students based on gender, race and class. Overall, respondents answered questions in very similar fashions, agreeing for the most part that stereotypes are false. Even though stereotypical notions of gender, race and class increase for those who have student taught, respondents almost always agreed that stereotypes were false (whether or not they student taught). The commonality between the respondents might be due to their demographics.

A suggestion for improving the current research of this survey would be to interview the participating respondents. This may reveal if education students are answering questions honestly or if they are responding to questions based on political correctness. Also, the instructions for questions 14-16 of the survey (see Appendix A) need to be revised for the purpose of clarification and to reduce complication.

A suggestion is to have the respondent rank the given answers in order of importance/significance, rather than to give a percentage.

Furthermore, if respondents are willing to be interviewed, they should be asked questions about their opinions in line with gender, race, class and mentorship and whether they think that stereotypes are prevalent in

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Louise Kavanaugh & Elise Newkirk society. A question that may be posed could be ―Do you think other teachers stereotype, and if so, to what extent?‖ In the future this survey could be administered to a larger and more diverse sample of people, perhaps from different colleges. Similar research could showcase the importance of the one-on-one mentoring relationship and its benefits.

When local mentoring programs such as Girls, Inc., Big Brothers Big Sisters, and Equinox, Inc. were contacted they indicated that there is a distinct lack of material available concerning mentorship programs for children and for those who wish to help guide and mentor children through issues of gender, race, and class. Suggestions could be given for the compilation of a handbook concerning mentoring and how to teach individuals to become effective and helpful mentors. Future researchers might find it useful to attend mentor-training programs (Girls Inc. or Big Brothers Big Sisters) or gather written training information and assess where it shows stereotypes (based on gender, race and class).

Another recommendation that would make for a stronger argument is to explore whether student teachers are causing the maintenance of stereotypes by covering up their own inadequacies, emotions, or using such methods as color-blind racism as a resource to avoid truthful discussions relating to gender, race, and class.

Mentorship requires further examination to determine if stereotypes are being passed along to others. Additional information can be explored and revealed through more advanced social scientific methods of collecting statistical and observational data. It is with great hope that this research will provide a foundation for others to continue to critically challenge stereotypical thinking of gender, race, and class.

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APPENDIX A: SURVEY INSTRUMENT

Instructions:

Survey of Educators Please select the answer that best represents your response to the questions being asked. Participation in the survey is voluntary and responses will be kept confidential and anonymous. If you wish, you may skip any question in the survey.

1. On average, girls are as competitive as boys are in school.

Mostly True [ ]

Mostly False [ ]

Don’t Know [ ]

2. On average, boys need more support and encouragement to reach their potential potential in life than girls do.

[

]

[

]

[

]

3. On average, girls are better than boys at handling disappointments/ frustrations.

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]

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4. On average, boys need more personal attention from teachers than girls do.

[

]

[

]

[

]

5. On average, girls need more help with math and science than boys do.

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]

[

]

[

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6. On average, boys set higher goals for their future than girls do.

[

]

[

]

[

]

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7. On average, girls have the same opportunities as boys in today‘s society.

[

]

[

]

[

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8. On average, boys are more rambunctious and need more discipline than girls do.

[

]

[

]

[

]

9. On average, girls have it easier in today‘s society than boys do.

[

]

[

]

[

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Please indicate who you think expresses a stronger need for the following: No Don’t Boys Girls Difference Know 10. Encouragement in [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] pursuing goals.

11. Academic Guidance.

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

12. Emotional Support.

[ ]

[ ]

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13. Mentorship.

[ ]

[ ]

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[ ]

In questions #14-16, observations are made and explanations are given. Think of what percentage of the issue is due to each explanation given and allocate a percentage in the space provided.

The total of the filled percentages should equal 100%.

14. On average, children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds score lower on tests, have lower graduation rates, and are less likely to finish college then upper class children. This is due to: Lack of Resources/ Support ____

100

Lack of Motivation ____

Natural/Biological Differences ____

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15. On average, minority children score lower on tests and are less likely to attend and finish college then white children. This is due to: Lack of Resources/ Support ____

Lack of Motivation ____

Natural/Biological Differences ____

16. On average, boys have lower enrollment and college graduation rates then girls do. This is due to: Lack of Resources/ Support ____

Lack of Motivation ____

Natural/Biological Differences ____

In questions #17-24, please indicate whether you “Strongly Agree” [SA], “Agree” [A], “No Opinion” [NO], “Disagree” [D], “Strongly Disagree” [SD], or “Don’t Know” [DK].

SA [ ]

A [ ]

NO [ ]

D [ ]

SD [ ]

DK [ ]

18. I have good role models to learn from and follow in my community/ school.

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

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[ ]

19. An educator is responsible for building the self esteem of students.

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20. I would feel comfortable addressing (discussing) race, class, and gender in the classroom.

[ ]

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21. My education at Saint Rose has prepared me to adequately address racial, class, and gender issues in the classroom.

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

17. I am a good role model for others to learn from and follow in my community.

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22. I consider all educators who interact with children to be mentors.

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

23. As an educator (or future educator), I consider myself to be a mentor.

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

24. Mentoring is important in education.

[ ]

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[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

[ ]

Finally, we would like to collect some basic demographic information. Please answer the following questions: 25. Sex: Male [ ] Female [ ] Other [ ] 26. Race: White [ ]

Non-White [ ]

27. Age: _____ 28. Social Class (select one): Lower Class Working Class Lower Middle Class Middle Class

[ [ [ [

] ] ] ]

Upper Middle Class Upper Class Don‘t Know

[ ] [ ] [ ]

29. Location you primarily grew up in (select one): Urban [ ] Suburban [ ] Rural [ ] Don‘t Know [ ] 30. Are you currently student teaching or have you already student taught?

Yes [ ] No [ ] 31. Which location would you prefer to teach in when you complete your education (select one): Urban Suburban Rural

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[ ] [ ] [ ]

Don‘t Know No Preference No Plans to Teach

[ ] [ ] [ ]

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32. Which age group would you prefer to teach when you complete your education (select one): Pre-K (Early Educ.)

Elementary School (Gr. K-5) Middle School (Gr. 6-8) High School (Gr. 9-12)

[ [ [ [

] ] ] ]

No Preference [ ] Don‘t Know [ ] No Plans to Teach [ ] Other (fill in): _______________

33. Finally, as a future educator: What does mentorship mean to you? What is mentorship? _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR PARTICIPATION

Works Cited Auwarter, Amy E., and Mara A. Aruguete. ―Effects of Student Gender and Socioeconomic Status on Teacher Perceptions.‖ Journal of Educational Research.101.4 (2008): 242-46. Print.

Bailey, Alison, and Chris Cuomo. The Feminist Philosophy Reader.

New York: McGraw Hill, 2008. Print.

Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States.

Lanham: Rowman & Littefield, 2006. Print.

Butler, Judith. Undoing Gender. New York: Routledge, 2004. Print.

Chen, Stephanie. ―After Student‘s Death, a Weeklong Look into Bullying.‖ CNN Living. CNN, 2010. Web. 4 October 2010.

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<http://articles.cnn.com/2010-1004/living/bullying.special. explainer_1_cyberbullying-research-center-school-yardfacebook?_s=PM:LIVING>.

Coleman, James William, and Harold R. Kerbo. Social Problems.

Upper Saddle River: Pearson Education, Inc., 2006. Print.

Higginbotham, Elizabeth, and Margaret L Andersen. Race and Ethnicity in Society. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2006.

Print.

Hyde, J. S., and J. E. Mertz. ―Gender, Culture, and Mathematics Performance.‖ Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 106 (2009): 8801-807. Print.

Lips, Hilary. Sex & Gender. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2008. Print.

"More Students Disciplined following Girl's Suicide.‖ CNN.com. Web. 3 May 2010. 05 May 2010. <http://www.cnn.com/2010/CRIME/03/30/massachusetts.bull ying.suicide/index. html>.

Pope, Jacqueline, and Joyce Wilder. ―Now That I‘m Out in the Field: Student Teaching and Valuing Diversity.‖ Journal of Instructional Psychology. 32.4 (2005).Print.

"School Bullying and Teasing Statistics Teen Bully. Troubled Teen Help MilitaryBoarding Schools. Web. 3 May 2010. <http://www.familyfirstaid.org/bullying.html>.

Teacher Salary - Average Teacher Salaries - PayScale." PayScale Salary Comparison,Salary Survey, Wages. Web. 10 May 2010. <http://www.payscale.com/research/US/All_K-12_Teachers/Salary>.

Thomas, William Isaac, and Dorothy Swaine Thomas. The Child in America; Behavior Problems and Programs. New York: A.A. Knopf, 1928. Print.

Wilkinson, Louise Cherry, and Cora B. Marrett. Gender Influences in Classroom Interaction. Orlando: Academic Press, Inc., 1985.

Print.

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Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship

Introduction to “Power in the Student-Teacher Relationship: It Matters” Deborah Kelsh Associate Professor of Teacher Education In the context of contemporary global society, innovations in technology are seen as central to the development of a nation‘s ability to compete and thrive. In order to increase technological innovation in the US and thus make it more globally competitive, policy makers and educators have put the focus on the need to increase student achievement in math and science relative to the achievement of their peers in nations around the globe. The National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM), in its Principles and Standards for School Mathematics (2000), has for its part called for a pedagogy that emphasizes the need to develop student competence in problem solving. Such a pedagogy would value critical thinking about mathematics over rote learning of mathematics. This proposed shift – from a pedagogy grounded in a positivist understanding of knowledge to one that favors constructivist theories of knowledge – aims to change the traditional role of the teacher from one who provides knowledge to students who passively receive it, to one who assists students in actively constructing knowledge in relation to their own existing knowledge. However, many scholars on teacher preparation have reported that preservice teachers have preconceptions about teaching mathematics that are likely to reflect the traditional role of the teacher as a provider of knowledge and students as recipients of knowledge; consequently, these preconceptions are likely to interfere with making the shift (Cady & Rearden, 2007) that NCTM calls for. Brandon Milonovich‘s article turns to Hegelian dialectical theory – which has been deeply mined in the development of the field of critical literacy but not in the field of mathematical literacy – to unpack these preconceptions in light of theories of knowledge and learning underpinning the differences in the two pedagogical approaches. In doing so, he goes beyond providing simply another ―method‖ for teachers to consider, and instead contributes to developing teacher understanding of the theories and philosophies that inform any method.

As Ward (2001) has argued, ―Teachers … must understand the College of Saint Rose

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Brandon Milonovich philosophical foundations of the methods that they are promotingâ&#x20AC;&#x2013; (p.

96).

References Cady, J., & Rearden, K. (2007). Pre-service teachers' beliefs about knowledge, mathematics, and science. School Science and Mathematics, 107(6), 237-45.

National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM). (2000).

Principles and standards for school mathematics. Reston, VA.: NCTM. Ward, C. D. (2001). Under construction: On becoming a constructivist in view of the Standards. Mathematics Teacher, 94(2), 94-6.

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Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship: It Matters1 Brandon Milonovich Adolescence Education: Mathematics Major; Class of 2011 Contemporary mathematics education has primarily been shaped by a positivist epistemological framework, and there is great evidence that pedagogical practice in this structure is failing in the US. Many theorists, including Freire (1970), Hinchey (1998), Howard (2003), and Palmer (1998) have suggested not only a more constructivist approach to learning, but also a vast change in the powerknowledge relationship within the classroom. This paper aims to begin an initial investigation of two important epistemologies, positivism and constructivism, and their deep connection to the power-knowledge dynamic involved in the teacher-student relationship through the lens of the Hegelian master/bondsman dialectic. Through further examination of this critical relationship in the classroom, perhaps we can begin to develop a useful pedagogical framework that can be applied in the classroom providing benefits for both ourselves and our students. Moreover, perhaps through a stronger understanding of how our students come to know we can create experiences in the mathematics classroom that increase mathematical achievement in the US. Education has long been a site of social struggle. What knowledge is worth knowing? Whose knowledge is it? How should that knowledge be taught? These have long been and continue to be contested issues in the field of education (Schiro, 2008). One of the more recent manifestations of the struggle over these fundamental issues is the contemporary2 debate between positivist and constructivist epistemologies. An epistemology is a ―branch of philosophy that seeks to define ‗knowledge,‘ that seeks to explain what it means ‗to know‘ something, that seeks to understand how humans come to ‗know‘ things‖ (Hinchey, 2008, p. 38); it should not be confused with any specific pedagogy (Abdal-Haqq, 1998). However, because epistemologies define what it means ―to know‖ something, they do shape educators‘ understandings of student learning and, therefore, 1

I wish to thank Dr. Deborah Kelsh of the Department of Teacher Education for her guidance throughout the development of this essay, and in particular for the readings she suggested as I worked to respond to (anonymous) reviewers‘ comments and suggestions.

All errors remain mine.

2 In my use of the term ―contemporary,‖ I follow the guideline of contemporary sociological theory, in which ―classic‖ theory is distinguished from ―contemporary‖ theory with the dividing line being in the mid 1960s. Thus ―contemporary‖ theory refers to theory from the mid 1960s to the present (Calhoun, Gerteis, Moody, Pfaff, Virk, 2002).

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Brandon Milonovich educators‘ own classroom practices (Abdal-Haqq, 1998; Freire, 1970; Hinchey, 1998; Richardson, 2003; Simpson, 2002). The positivist epistemological framework, broadly speaking, suggests that knowledge is something one possesses where ―knowledge‖ is equivalent to a collection of ―facts‖ (Hinchey, 2008, p. 39). In contrast, the constructivist framework, again broadly, suggests that knowledge is ―the meaning assigned to facts, rather than the facts themselves‖ (Hinchey, 1998, p. 45). Pedagogy implemented in a classroom can be (and usually is) informed by either a specific epistemology, or some combination of epistemologies.

Metacognitive awareness of one‘s epistemological beliefs – awareness, in this case, of whether one favors a positivist or constructivist epistemological framework as reflected in classroom practices – is very important. Hinchey (1998), echoing Socrates‘ claim in Plato‘s Dialogues that ―the unexamined life is not worth living,‖ argues that leaving our beliefs about knowledge ―implicit and unexamined‖ (para. 36) ―limits our vision and has a profound impact on our actions‖ (para. 37). As Howard (2003) has argued in explaining the necessity of engaging in anti-racist, culturally relevant pedagogy, excavating and examining one‘s beliefs about self and students is central to the process of reflection that helps educators – 90% of whom are European American (Weinstein, Tomlinson-Clarke & Curran, 2004, p. 26) – become culturally relevant pedagogues for a student demographic projected to be comprised of close to 57% African American, Asian American, and Latino students by 2050. Howard quotes Parker Palmer (1998) to explain: ―knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge. When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my unexamined life – and when I cannot see them clearly, I cannot teach well‖ (Palmer, 1998, quoted in Howard, 2003, p. 198).

The purpose of this essay, however, is not to review the literature regarding positivist and constructivist epistemological beliefs in the learning-teaching-learning circuit, but rather to begin to explore a related issue that is suggested by many – including Freire (1970), Hinchey (1998), Howard (2003), and Palmer (1998) – but that has not received much explicit attention in the mainstream literature. That issue is the character of the power-knowledge relationship in each of the two epistemological frameworks. Moreover, the purpose is to examine this relationship as revealed through the lens of G.W.F. Hegel's "master/bondsman" dialectic. Originally theorized in ―Dialectic and

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Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship Human Experience‖ (1974),3 it is among the most important articulations of dialectics in the era of modernity. 4 The issue of the character of the power-knowledge relationship in each of the two epistemological frameworks is important to address, because the power relationship between the teacher and each student in a class may be equally important as what the teacher is teaching, and it may have an impact on the methods chosen to teach the content. Certainly, the teacher has the institutional power to determine the content and methods in alignment with state and national standards. However, the issue here is not institutional power in and of itself. It is, rather, the extent to which that institutional power is converted into and used by the teacher as interpersonal power that simultaneously serves two purposes. The first is to legitimate the teacher as the only one in the classroom whose knowledge counts (the ―master‖ knower). The second is to dismiss the student as an individual whose budding knowledge – with all its imperfections and misconceptions, which are typical of beginning learners (Otero, 2006) – does not count. As Otero (2006) argues, this budding knowledge needs to be taken seriously and engaged if deep learning is to occur. Such a conversion of institutional into interpersonal power may result in an interpersonal struggle between teacher and student that can ―turn off‖ a student to the content and negate the value and impact of what is being learned in the classroom. In other words, a particular power relationship between teacher and student, regarding who is the ―master‖ and who is not, is not likely to unite the two in the exploration of content, but instead divide them.

This potential divide between teacher and student is important to consider in relation to another divide: a divide between what state and national standards and curricula for mathematics suggest, and what current pedagogy perpetuates within US schools. For example, according to the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) Teacher’s Guide to Reasoning and Sense Making (2009), ―In any subject, simply exposing students to topics is not enough. Nor is it enough for students to know only how to perform procedures….

Students today must understand more about algebra than how to apply procedures. They need to develop critical thinking skills to succeed in the subject‖ (p. 1). The point being made is clear enough – students need to develop critical thinking skills. However, the very fact that the point needs to be made suggests that students are not developing such Excerpted (by Weiss) from Hegel‘s Phenomenology of Spirit.

Hegel‘s work is universally regarded to be highly complex. It is important, then, to emphasize here that this initial investigation is just that—an initial investigation. No pretense is made to suggest any ―mastery‖ of Hegelian theory.

3 4

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Brandon Milonovich skills because teachers ―simply expose students to topics.‖ In relation, then, to the issue of the interpersonal power relationship between teacher and student, it is important to inquire into the extent to which any interpersonal power relationship between teacher and student manifests. Those that dismiss the student‘s (imperfect) knowledge are partly the cause of the teacher practice of ―simply exposing students to topics‖ rather than enabling them to develop critical thinking skills.

Hence, it is important to examine interpersonal power relationships, especially in math classrooms, to understand how improvements can be made in math education in the US. Insofar as this essay engages the philosophy of Hegel to raise questions about and explore the teaching of math, it engages questions of power by making use of critical theory in a qualitative framework.

Qualitative research in the field of education and critical theory is research that is critical of the existing, dominant social relations—for example, those of ―race‖—that give privilege to some (―white‖) at the expense of others (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003, p. 21). Such research, according to Bogdan & Biklen (2003), ―reject[s] the idea that the world is ‗directly knowable‘‖ (p. 30). Thus, the world ―cannot empirically present itself‖ (p. 30). This means that empirical data – data, broadly speaking, that is observable and therefore measurable – is never sufficient for an analysis. Power relations, whose effects we can see but which are, in and of themselves, invisible, must be accounted for.

While the empirical data is important, then, what is equally and sometimes more important in qualitative critical theory research is the identification, through the use of theory, of the power relations that exist in and that account for at least some aspects of the empirical data.

Sometimes the research consists of using theory to open up data to different perspectives. In such a case, the conclusions can only be tentative and suggest more research.

As an instance of qualitative critical theory research, this essay uses some of the philosophical and theoretical concepts of Hegel and applies them to a practical problem: To what extent, and why, might a beginning teacher of mathematics fall into a positivist rather than constructivist epistemological framework to approach teaching, and what is at stake, for both teacher and student, in terms of the interpersonal power relations that result?

While the power-knowledge relationship is one that should be explored in relation to all disciplines, this essay is particularly concerned with that relationship as it plays out in the mathematics classroom, for several related reasons: (1) mathematics teaching in particular, and especially in the US, has been largely informed by a positivist epistemology (Stigler & Hiebert, 1999), and (2) US students

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perform poorly on international tests of mathematics achievement.

This performance places the US ninth in international rankings, behind, for example, Taiwan (first), Japan (fifth), and Russia (eighth) (Gundle, 2009). Uncovering the interpersonal power-knowledge relationships in positivist and constructivist epistemologies may be a useful contribution to the existing body of knowledge regarding how to educate students more effectively in math, especially when considered in relation to the need for students to develop critical thinking skills in math.

What it Means “To Know” in Positivist and Constructivist Epistemologies Since the purpose of this essay is to explore the powerknowledge relationship in both positivist and constructivist epistemologies, it is necessary to say a bit about what constitutes ―knowledge‖ in each framework. A positivist epistemology tends to equate ―knowledge‖ and ―facts.‖ Hinchey (2008) suggests that ―for positivists, the verifiable findings of scientific researchers comprise our ‗knowledge‘ of a subject‖ (p. 40). Hinchey means that facts are what a positivist sees as knowledge and, therefore, the words ―knowledge‖ and ―information‖ mean the same thing; they are largely interchangeable in a positivist framework. According to Hinchey, the traditional practice of a school basing their pedagogy on a positivist epistemology holds that ―[i]f education is to ensure that students ‗know more‘ when they leave school than when they enter it, then the task of the school is to help the young acquire more and more of the information that experts have already discovered and categorized‖ (p. 41). Within this type of pedagogy teachers are the experts and students act as sponges, simply absorbing more and more facts about the subject over time.

In contrast, constructivism takes the facts and goes a bit further. Hinchey (2008) describes knowing in constructivism as ―…the meaning assigned to facts, rather than the facts themselves;‖ it is this ―meaning‖ ―that matters when we talk about knowledge, about knowing something‖ (p. 45). To know something in the constructivist framework is to have interpreted the facts in some way that is related to the sum of one‘s life experiences, in and out of school. Unlike the positivist epistemology, in which knowledge is given and not created, knowledge in the constructivist epistemology is much more dynamic; for positivism it is much more static. Hinchey explains that there is a distinct difference between teachers basing their pedagogy on constructivist epistemologies versus pedagogies based on positivist epistemologies: ―…the constructivist teacher doesn‘t believe knowledge is something she possesses, something that she can simply

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hand off to students. Instead, the task of the constructivist teacher is to design experiences that will give students an opportunity to develop their own understanding of the data at hand‖ (p. 47). The constructivist epistemology invites students to develop knowledge of a subject as opposed to simply having information about it. The difference between the two epistemologies has great consequences in the classroom. The constructivist epistemology is more capable of helping the math teacher develop a pedagogy that develops critical thinking skills in students.

The positivist epistemology perpetuates an environment wherein the focus is on ―simply exposing students to topics,‖ which as we have seen is a teaching practice that is discouraged by NCTM (2009).

The vital differences in the understanding of what it means ―to know‖ in the two frameworks leads to differences in what it means to learn. Richardson (2003) explains constructivist learning by suggesting that ―individuals create their own new understandings on the basis of an interaction between what they already know and believe and ideas and knowledge with which they come into contact‖ (p. 1623-24). What Richardson is suggesting is that students learn through the interpretation of their experiences in both the classroom and everyday life. Students certainly learn new facts in a constructivist learning environment, but the primary difference is that they make connections from those new facts to all of their previous experiences both in the classroom and outside the classroom. Richardson explains that ―a constructivist classroom provides students with opportunities to develop deep understandings of the material, internalize it, understand the nature of knowledge development, and develop complex cognitive maps that connect together bodies of knowledge and understandings‖ (Richardson, 2003, p. 1627). The act of learning in this type of classroom then becomes an act of meaning making, specific to each student. Learning does not mean students are able merely to recite facts back to the teacher, but are able to interpret and explain facts with much greater depth in relation to their existing experiences and knowledge. In contrast, Freire (1970), who deeply opposes a pedagogy that is based in a positivist epistemology for its dehumanizing effects on students and teachers, provides us with a well known example, in the form of an extended analogy, of learning within the positivist framework: ―Education…becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories and the teacher is the depositor‖ (par. 5).

Freire shows his opposition to positivist-informed pedagogy when he describes the learning-teaching relationship informed by positivist epistemology in terms of a teacher ―depositing‖ facts into the students‘ minds while the students act as simple ―receptacles‖ for the information. The act of educating students therefore is simply to fill the

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containers with as much information as possible; as such, it reduces students to ―things.‖ Success in a pedagogy based on the positivist framework is then judged by how well a student can recite information back to the teacher when asked. The model Freire is describing and critiquing, which he has termed the ―banking‖ model of education, is an extended analogy. The teacher makes ―deposits‖ over time into the students‘ minds. Tests constitute teacher ―withdrawals‖ of information; the more information students are able to provide back, the ―smarter‖ the teacher pronounces them to be (Hinchey, 1998). In a classroom with pedagogy instead based on a constructivist epistemology, students are evaluated based on how well they have interpreted or made sense of the facts given to them and the extent to which they are able to use the facts, not simply recite them back (Hinchey, 1998). In summary, a pedagogy informed by a constructivist epistemological framework is far more likely to develop in students the critical thinking skills valued

by NCTM. However, the teacher‘s use of such a framework may be blocked by a power-knowledge relationship that works against its development.

The Hegelian Dialectic and Power-Knowledge Relationships In his critique of the positivist or ―banking‖ concept of education, Freire (1970) references the Hegelian dialectic: ―The teacher presents himself to his students as their necessary opposite; by considering their ignorance absolute, he justifies his own existence.

The students, alienated like the slave in the Hegelian dialectic, accept their ignorance as justifying the teacher‘s existence – but, unlike the slave, they never discover that they educate the teacher‖ (para. 6).

To understand how this dialectic works in the classroom, we must examine Hegel‘s dialectic more closely. According to Hegel (1974), the dialectical process begins with the self which cannot exist as a ―self‖ without being ―recognized‖ as an independent entity by an ―other.‖ As Hegel puts it, ―Self-consciousness exists in itself and for itself, in that, and by the fact that it exists for another selfconsciousness; that is to say, it is only by being acknowledged or ‗recognized‘‖ (p. 70). But the process of being recognized as an independent entity by an ―other‖ is complex. As Hegel argues, when a person comes in contact with an ―other,‖ the person tends to project herself, her beliefs and values, onto that ―other.‖ This essentially erases the ―other,‖ and thereby the possibility of being recognized by an ―other‖ independent entity, and thereby erases the person who is projecting her beliefs and values:

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Self-consciousness has before it another self-consciousness; it has come outside itself. This has a double significance. First it has lost its own self, since it finds itself as an other being; secondly, it has thereby sublated that other, for it does not regard the other as essentially real, but sees its own self in the other. (p. 71) Eric Steinhart (1998) provides a good example to understand this ―double‖ move. One may believe: ―If I‘m thirsty, then I drink something.‖ When we see an ―other‖ drinking something, we base our understanding of this activity on our own belief and conclude, ―Therefore, you‘re thirsty‖ (Steinhart, 1998, p.1). One of the implications of this double move is that through our own images and constructions of ourselves, we create our views and thoughts about others.

Hegel‘s dialectic provides an important lens into not only how humans interact in general, but also how students and teachers interact within a classroom. For example, a teacher might reflect on his own actions based on how he understands himself and what his own motivations might be in that situation. When the teacher views the students‘ actions, the teacher may draw conclusions about the students‘ individual thoughts based on his own understanding of what he would do in that situation. Thus, the teacher may or may not arrive at the correct conclusion regarding the students‘ actions and motivations, and as a result, could respond in a way that negatively affects the students‘ learning and understanding within the classroom as a whole.

With this small bit of theory from Hegel, let‘s consider a hypothetical scenario from a mathematics classroom, simply in order to amplify the main points of Hegel‘s theory and draw out some of its nuances (its application to a concrete empirical example will follow).

A new teacher, Ms. Smith, has been hired to teach Algebra I. As the school year begins, she feels very confident because she has always liked math and done well in it. She knows she is young; having just graduated with her Bachelor‘s degree in Mathematics and Adolescence Education, she is only a few years older than her students. She sees this as a plus: she believes she will be able to relate to the students well. But very quickly, she perceives there is a problem. The students do not treat her the way she believes a teacher should be treated, but rather as someone in their own age group. The students talk a lot – she cannot seem to finish a lesson because she spends so much time trying to get them to quiet down and listen to her – and they always interrupt her with questions about what college math is like, why she likes math so much, why they need to learn ―this stuff,‖ and so forth. While the

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students are performing adequately on her first tests, they are nowhere near the level she wants them to be. Not only does Ms. Smith not feel like a teacher, but she also begins to think that her students are not ―good‖ students. She becomes very worried.

In Hegelian terms, what is happening here is that each party – teacher and students – projects their beliefs and values onto the ―other,‖ essentially erasing the ―other,‖ and thereby the possibility of being recognized as an independent entity by an ―other‖ independent entity.

We can observe that the students are creating their image of Ms. Smith, the ―other,‖ through their own images and constructions of themselves, which is why they are talking to her so much. Ms. Smith, on the other hand, is creating her view of her students based on her belief that students who talk a lot in class may not be ―good‖ students. In such a situation, Hegel (1974) theorizes, The relation of both self-consciousnesses is in this way so constituted that they prove themselves and each other through a life-and-death struggle. They must enter into this struggle, for they must bring their certainty of themselves, the certainty of being for themselves, to the level of objective truth, and make this a fact both in the case of the other and their own case as well. (p. 73) In this struggle, each party attempts to ―cancel‖ the ―external other‖ (p.

73), ―seeking to have existence on their own account‖ (p. 74). Ms. Smith, for her part, begins to emphasize her mathematical knowledge in an effort to be recognized by her students as a teacher. She prepares numerous powerpoints and drills her students in applying formulae to solve problems. She quizzes them frequently, and emphasizes they will fail if they do not do what she says. Her students, put off by her sudden change in behavior that demands so much silent attention and work from them, resist her efforts; while they become ―model‖ students, doing as she commands, they do so sullenly and mechanically.

Ms. Smith is pleased. Her students‘ behavior has, in her view, improved, and although student achievement levels on her tests have actually declined, she believes that this is an effect of what she perceives to be her more ―rigorous‖ teaching. She has done her best to teach them. As proof, she has all the powerpoints and worksheets. She feels like a real teacher.

What has actually happened here, if we follow Hegel, is that the initial relationship, which could have developed into a mutually respectful one in which both parties ―mutually give and receive one another back from each other through consciousness‖ (p. 74), falls into

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Brandon Milonovich ―dissolution‖ (p. 74). The two parties now ―stand as two opposed forms or modes of consciousness. The one is independent, and its essential nature is to be for itself; the other is dependent, and its essence is life or existence for another. The former is the Master, or Lord, the latter the Bondsman‖ (p. 74).

The students are ―bound‖ to the teacher in the sense that they are now dependent on her as the ―master‖ of the math material that they must ―get,‖ as ―facts‖ that they ―possess,‖ in order to pass the course.

Mathematical knowledge in this relationship is itself reduced to a means for Ms. Smith to establish herself as a teacher, which Ms. Smith understands as ―one who has power over the students.‖ In this relationship, both parties, as well as mathematical knowledge, are reduced to ―things‖ used as tools in a power struggle, rather than as entities that can mutually inform one another and help people understand their world.

In the reference to Hegel, then, Freire suggests that through pedagogy implemented through the lens of positivist epistemology we institute a teacher-student binary in which the teacher dominates the student by way of dismissing student knowledge. The teacher positions the student as an ―empty‖ container, dismissing that the student does know much from life experiences and is capable of building on that knowledge. This privileges the teacher‘s own knowledge. This institutes a problematic power-knowledge relation in which the teacher, in an effort to establish her identity as the teacher, must perpetually position the student as one who does not know. Learning with the instituted binary thereby blocks students from bringing their ―sense‖ or ―meaning making‖ capacities, developed through their life experiences, to bear on the material being engaged. The authority in the classroom propels hegemony forward, maintaining social relations ―as they are‖ with no new creative thoughts allowed. Students are in consequence dehumanized by the impersonality within the classroom promulgated by the teacher‘s treatment of the students as non-knowers, essentially ―things‖ to be filled with information rather than humans to be engaged in the material through a mutual meaning making process.

Through the conflict of Ms. Smith and her students, Ms. Smith becomes the master, and thus, the students take on the role of bondsmen. This explains why her students no longer talk in class.

They now ―behave‖ because they recognize Ms. Smith as the ―master‖ and know that this is one of the demands of their master. A consequence appears to be that the students are learning less than they had before. What Ms. Smith did not do was examine what the students were saying when she perceived them to be misbehaving. In fact, most students were making comments about the content. Some were

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positive, some were negative, but nevertheless, most related to the content. Instead of listening to the students and recognizing them as independent entities with whom she could mutually engage in investigation of math content, beginning from their own ―misconceptions‖ as Otero (2006) emphasizes, she dismissed the possibility of them being ―knowers‖ in order to establish her own identity as the teacher. Perhaps the students‘ ―disruptive‖ discussion was actually driving their learning, because they were trying to engage the material. Ms. Smith has essentially driven the students out of their own culture into hers. Over time, the class continues as the bondsmen, doing tasks that may or may not be helping them gain technical mathematical skill (treating math as a set of processes, which is discouraged by NCTM), but they do not gain mathematical understanding and critical thinking skills. This shows in their grades.

Owing to her need to establish herself as the teacher, she has resorted to teaching math in terms of a set of processes or ―facts‖ the students must know, even though she believes she has upped the rigor of her pedagogy. She feels more like a teacher, but perhaps at the expense of her students‘ grades, owing to what Smith believes to be the ―more rigorous‖ pedagogy.

Leaving the hypothetical of Ms. Smith‘s classroom, we can further examine the student relationship seen in current, empirically observed math education practices. Stigler and Hiebert (1999) have engaged in research that explores what traditional math education has consisted of in the US. They present the example of an eighth grade classroom in which Mr. Jones is the teacher. Stigler and Hiebert use Mr. Jones‘ classroom as an image of what traditional mathematics education consists of in the US as compared to that of Germany and Japan.

Mr. Jones begins his lesson with a warm up activity. The students are given a drawing on the chalkboard representing a basic definition or procedure. The students are then asked to respond with that definition or procedure. Mr. Jones becomes the master, while the students accept the role of bondsmen. Mr. Jones is the teacher, and through the pedagogical methods Mr. Jones is using, students are led to believe he is the strict provider of information, and they are to memorize what he is telling them, and not to develop their skills or thinking beyond this. Mr. Jones continues through the warm up explaining how the definition and procedures fit what he has drawn on the board. As the lesson progresses, Mr. Jones introduces new content through demonstrating specific procedures. ―Mr. Jones distributes a worksheet that contains problems that, he notes, are ‗just like the warmup.‘ At the top of the worksheet is a sample problem with the solution

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Brandon Milonovich and a suggested method shown‖ (Stigler & Hiebert, 1999, p. 42). We can recall from the hypothetical of Smith this same strategy as she reverted to her powerpoints and worksheets. The students then work independently through the worksheet practicing the new procedure that has been given to them. Again, as from the Smith hypothetical, the students begin to memorize the procedures provided to them, but do not develop critical thinking skills, and certainly not the reasoning and sense-making skills that the NCTM strives for students to develop. Mr. Jones may be providing mathematics instruction that leads his students to being able to recite mathematical facts very effectively; however, as Mason (2003) suggests, ―…Although students were proficient in applying certain procedures, they developed beliefs that acted as constraints on the construction of mathematical knowledge‖ (p. 74).

Students will leave Mr. Jones‘ classroom the same way they would in the hypothetical of Ms. Smith, unable to engage in the critical thinking about math that is necessary.

As the example from Stigler and Hiebert (1999) illustrates, much of traditional education has focused on the idea that teachers are to be regarded as the masters of the students. This relationship leads to a disastrous experience in the classroom. As Hegelian theory predicts, the teacher expresses dominance over the students, and the students become demeaned and dehumanized. Over time, the teacher provides the students with information, but the students live only as a consumer of what the teacher tells them. Hence, each student grows, but without a mind of his own. His mind is simply a replica, more or less exact, of the mind of the teacher.

In relation to the New York State Standards for Mathematics (2005), the case of Mr. Jones shows significant inconsistency.

According to the New York State Learning Standard for Mathematics (2005), two of the primary components to the standard are for students to ―communicate and reason mathematically…and become problem solvers by using appropriate tools and strategies…‖ (New York State Department of Education, 2005). The teaching methods Mr. Jones used in his lesson do not address these components of the standard at all.

Beginning with the warm-up and continuing straight through the worksheet, students are never asked to communicate mathematical concepts with each other, or asked to reason through the problem.

Again, this is very similar to our hypothetical example of Ms. Smith.

Moreover, students are never given an opportunity to develop problemsolving skills on their own. The extent of their learning in the lesson

by Mr. Jones is the memorization of how to perform a mathematical procedure. More importantly, this perpetuates the development of their knowledge as simply a replica of the teacher‘s. Stigler and Hiebert

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Power in the Teacher-Student Relationship (1999) articulate that ―[o]ne of the features that make this lesson typical of teaching in the United States is just this: stating rules, rather than developing procedures, and thereby turning mathematics into a matter of following rules and practicing procedures‖ (p. 46).

The next step then becomes to find a solution to this critical conflict between a pedagogy informed by a positivist epistemological framework that involves a master/bondsman power-knowledge relationship between teacher and students, and the more constructivistinformed pedagogy through which the teacher is able to work with the students to help them develop critical thinking skills. In much math education today, we see the Hegelian dialectic expressed in the conflicted power-knowledge relationship between the teacher and student. This is a relationship that plays into a teacher using or reverting to a pedagogical framework informed by a positivist epistemology, despite NCTM‘s suggestion that such a framework is not helpful to students. In many public schools, students go to school on a daily basis feeling ―wounded by school‖ (Olson, 2009). In Hegelian terms they are feeling oppressed and as if they are bondsmen within the classroom. The important change, which contemporary education is just beginning to address, is in creating a relationship between the teacher and student on the basis of cooperation. The teacher and student should each realize the importance that exists in gaining from what the other has to offer. While the teacher may have great knowledge and experience to provide the student, the student also has a much different perspective to offer the teacher to learn from, one that the teacher needs to recognize.

Breaking the Binary Freire‘s solution to the dehumanization of students that results from a positivist epistemology is to deconstruct the teacher-student power-knowledge binary, leaving the teacher and student on ground that is more equal in terms of the interpersonal power-knowledge relationship. On this more equal ground, teacher and student are more able to learn from each other while in the classroom. The pedagogy that results is what Freire calls problem-posing education, which closely resembles the constructivist framework. Freire (1970) suggests deconstructing the teacher-student power-knowledge binary through the following: ―Those truly committed to liberation must reject the banking concept in its entirety, adopting instead a concept of women and men as conscious beings.…They must abandon the educational goal of deposit-making and replace it with the posing of the problems of human beings in their relations with the world‖ (para. 28). Once the teacher rejects the banking concept of education informed by a

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positivist epistemology, then the binary can be broken through the act of communication between the teacher and student. Thus the student and teacher are left on more equal ground in terms of the interpersonal power they bring to the classroom to influence the ways in which concepts and social situations are investigated.

When engaging students in problem-posing education, Freire (1970) believes ―[t]he students – no longer docile listeners – are now critical co-investigators in dialogue with the teacher. The teacher presents the material to the students for their consideration, and reconsiders her earlier considerations as the students express their own‖ (para. 32). This creates an active, mutually engaging and meaning making learning process for not only the students in the classroom, but the teacher as well. Since both are left on more equal ground, both are given the opportunity to learn from the experiences the other brings to the classroom.

Freire (1970) proposes that ―the teacher is no longer merely the-one-who-teaches, but one who is himself taught in dialogue with the students, who in turn while being taught also teach. They become jointly responsible for a process in which all grow‖ (para. 30). This resembles the idea of constructivism insofar as each person in the classroom is developing his or her own, new knowledge based on prior experiences, along with those experiences occurring in the here-andnow. Therefore, because in a constructivist classroom new ideas are being created, the classroom more closely resembles the real world the student will eventually be entering, where they will have to work together to develop new ideas (Friedman, 2007). Hence, the students will be more prepared to collaborate and develop new knowledge in the real world as adults, and do so much more easily than those who learned in a positivist framework. While those in a positivist classroom may have a strong understanding of information, many of the students may not have the adequate abilities to use those facts appropriately; that is, they may not have knowledge, because knowledge has been reduced to ―facts‖ or ―information‖ in the service of the struggle through which the teacher attempts to be recognized as The Teacher.

From Theory to Classroom The arguments posed by Freire, Hegel, and many others align not only with the NCTM suggestions but also the New York State Standards and Core Curriculum, which reflect a stance geared towards a constructivist mathematics classroom. The New York State Learning Standard for Mathematics (2005) is as follows: students ―understand the concepts of and become proficient with the skills of mathematics; communicate and reason mathematically; and become problem solvers

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by using appropriate tools and strategies; through the integrated study of number sense and operations, algebra, geometry, measurement, and statistics and probability‖ (New York State Department of Education, 2005, p. 5). Through the NYS standard for mathematics we can see that constructivism and not positivism is privileged based on the goal for students to ―become problem solvers,‖ making meaning of ―facts‖ rather than simply learning them to recite back to the teacher.

In the New York State Core Curriculum for Mathematics, there is also strong evidence for a constructivist-informed, problemposing pedagogy in which teacher and students are co-investigators.

The New York State Core Curriculum for Mathematics provides a basis for math instruction in all classrooms in New York State. The curriculum is meant to be an outline, and not a complete manual, of what teachers choose to teach in their classrooms. The curriculum for mathematics is separated by sections, first by grade level, and then by content strands and process strands. Content strands focus on specific mathematical content areas, such as Number Sense, Algebra, and Geometry, while process strands are geared towards various processes, such as communication. Each strand then contains several performance indicators that represent the specific knowledge or skills the students need in order to demonstrate competency in the strand as a whole.

Evidence of a constructivist influence in the standards can be found throughout the New York State Core Curriculum for Mathematics. For example, in the Number Sense and Operations Content Strand, the Core Curriculum states that ―Students will understand meanings of operations and procedures, and how they relate to one another‖ (p. 5).

Moreover, in the Communication Process Strand we find ―Students will analyze and evaluate the mathematical thinking and strategies of others‖ (p. 6). Students learning in a pedagogical framework informed by positivism would not focus on ―understand[ing] meanings of operations and procedures,‖ nor would they be ―analyz[ing] and evaluat[ing] the mathematical thinking and strategies of others.‖ Instead, they would be memorizing procedures for completing problems. In addition, the example from the Communication Process Strand suggests students are learning to solve problems using their own strategies yet at the same time must be able to relate what others have discovered while finding their own solutions.

If we examine the standards at greater depth, we continue to see reflections of constructivism in the performance indicators. For example, one requires that students ―[w]ork in collaboration with others to propose, critique, evaluate, and value alternative approaches to problem solving‖ (p.89). This competency from the Integrated Algebra Problem Solving Strand is essentially unattainable within a positivist

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epistemology because there would only be one method in which to solve the problem: the way(s) the teacher tells the student to. In a positivist-informed classroom infused with a master/bondsmen powerknowledge relationship, it may be possible to work in collaboration with others. However, it would be tremendously difficult to imagine that students in such a classroom would be encouraged ―to propose, critique, evaluate, and value alternative approaches to problem solving‖ because such practices presuppose the very co-investigator status of teacher and students that is dismissed by a positivist, master/bondsmen framework. The positivist framework tends to dismiss as inaccurate, rather than as a site of possible mutual investigation, the knowledge that the student brings to class or begins to develop. The master/ bondsmen framework has a strong tendency to dismiss the idea of mutual investigation in order to preserve the teacher as the ―master,‖ or the one who knows. One might conceivably argue that a positivistinformed classroom infused with a master/bondsmen power-knowledge relationship could encourage students ―to propose, critique, evaluate, and value alternative approaches to problem solving,‖ but doing so would entirely miss the point that allowing students to do so would threaten the teacher‘s position as ―master‖ who is ―master‖ because she controls the knowledge. In contrast, a constructivist epistemology opens up many different pathways for students to solve problems – some of which may be eye-opening to the teacher. But opening up space for students to share different pathways to solve problems requires that the teacher be on somewhat equal ground with the student in terms of the power relationship. Students must obviously get the facts; that is true for each framework. However, constructivism suggests that students must use such tools as ―reason‖ and ―problem solving.‖ The wording of the standard is aiming for students to interpret the facts in a way that can be used in real life scenarios. Thus, students need to discover the facts and then need to be invited to engage them in addressing problems of the sort suggested by a pedagogy informed by Freirean problem-posing and a constructivist framework. Even more, the New York State Standards reflect the idea that math teachers must use the constructivist power-knowledge relationship to encourage students to act in the world, not simply be in the world.

What does a pedagogy that is informed by a constructivist epistemological framework and that deconstructs the teacher-student master/bondsmen dialectic look like, especially in a math class? What it might look like is the pedagogy that Sheppard (2008) sketches as he converts his grade twelve math class from its positivist, master/ bondsmen informed framework to a constructivist one where teacher

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and students are co-investigators, a move he sees as necessary. The example Sheppard offers is very much aligned with the sort of classroom work suggested by the theories of Hegel and Freire when combined with a constructivist epistemological framework.

In the example offered by Sheppard (2008), the classroom is focused on core investigations instead of procedural learning. Mr. Sheppard, in his classroom, provided his students with worksheets, just as in our two previous cases; however, there is a distinct difference.

Mr. Sheppard‘s worksheets provide the students with problems ―which were often embedded in a conversation or story line‖ (Sheppard, 2008, p. 53). In addition, through the worksheets, students who were highly motivated were presented with further investigations into the problem. ―The materials were written with the intention that students would be able to work through these activities by themselves, in line with the idea that students would be able to learn at anytime and anywhere. In scheduled classes, students usually worked in small self selected groups and teacher support was available‖ (Sheppard, 2008, p. 53). In this classroom setting, students view the teacher as a resource for them, not their master. This provides them the opportunity to ―construct their own understandings of the mathematics‖ (Sheppard, 2008, p. 53).

Additionally, Mr. Sheppard also included another important component in his class. Students created entries into their notebooks following their investigations. In a typical entry, students would lay out key ideas and summaries of their work. Mr. Sheppard also allowed his students to use their notebooks on his tests, thereby allowing students to focus on reflection of the mathematics and the underlying principles, and not on memorizing specific procedures and facts.

We can see from this third example of Mr. Sheppard‘s class that there is a drastic shift from the previous examples of Ms. Smith and Mr. Jones. The students in Mr. Sheppard‘s class are not restricted by a master/bondsmen power-knowledge relationship existing in the classroom; they are benefiting from a power-knowledge relationship that positions both teacher and students as co-investigators. Mr. Sheppard‘s class therefore creates an environment in which teacher and students are able to communicate mathematics to each other, thus targeting NCTM and NYS standards much more effectively than the positivist counterparts.

Conclusion This essay has begun to investigate the power-knowledge pedagogical relations suggested by positivist and constructivist epistemologies when those are read through the lens of the Hegelian master/bondsman dialectic. Since this is an initial investigation only,

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meant largely to begin to open up the problematic nature of the teacherstudent relationship, and much more work needs to be done, it would be premature to offer conclusions. As mentioned earlier, this is sometimes the case with qualitative critical theory research. But certainly a few tentative suggestions are in order, as are some questions for further investigation: 1. How can we best take a theory of learning, such as constructivism, and use it to inform a pedagogical framework that can be applied in the classroom to best benefit ourselves and our students?

2. What do we construct as important for our students? That they become individuals able to apply meaning to the facts they learn, or do we want them to be replicas, more or less, of the minds of their teachers?

3. What can we do in our everyday teaching practices to transcend the positivist teacher-student power-knowledge binary and institute a more useful and productive relationship?

4. Might it be that low achievement in math in the US has to do at least in part with the power-knowledge relationship inherent in the largely positivist epistemology that math teachers bring to their practices?

Over time, as we develop answers for these questions, perhaps a useful pedagogical framework will develop that can be used to enhance the learning of our students and ignite higher achievement in math in the US. As it stands, education today, and specifically mathematics education, has had its roots primarily in a positivist epistemology in which students are encouraged more to memorize facts, rules, and procedures instead of gaining knowledge in more personal and meaningful ways, and developing the critical thinking skills that enable the further development of knowledge. Mathematics education is slowly being pushed into a more open framework, the framework of constructivism, not only through New York State and National Standards, but also through evidence suggesting the change is critical for student success in the school and the world.

References Abdal-Haqq, I. (1998). Constructivism in teacher education: Considerations for those who would link practice to theory.

ERIC Digest. Retrieved from http://www.ericdigests.org/1999-3/theory.htm

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Bogdan, R., & Biklen, S. K. (2003). Qualitative research for education: An introduction to theories and methods (4th ed.).

Boston: Pearson.

Calhoun, C., Gerteis, J., Moody, J., Pfaff S., & Virk, I. (Eds.). (2002).

Contemporary sociological theory. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum.

Retrieved from http://www.marxists.org/subject/education/freire/pedagogy/ Friedman, T. (2007). The world is flat 3.0: A brief history of the twentyfirst century. New York: Picador.

Gundle-Krieg, D. (2009). US Students rank 11th in Science, 9th in Math: Should we go back to basics? Retrieved from http://www.examiner.com/education-in-national/us-studentsrank-11th-science-9th-math-should-we-go-back-to-basics Hegel, G. W. F. (1974). Dialectic and human experience. (Excerpted from Phenomenology of spirit). In Weiss, F. G. (ed.) Hegel: The essential writings. New York: Harper Torchbooks, Harper & Row, 44-85.

Hiebert, J., & Stigler, J. W. (1999). The teaching gap: Best ideas from the world's teachers for improving education in the classroom.

New York City: Free Press.

Hinchey, P. H. (2008). Finding freedom in the classroom: A practical introduction to critical theory. New York: Peter Lang Publishing.

Howard, T.C. (2003). Culturally relevant pedagogy: Ingredients for critical teacher reflection. Theory into Practice, 42(3), 195202.

Mason, L. (2003). High school studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; beliefs about math, mathematical problem solving, and their achievement in math: A cross-sectional study. Educational Psychology, 23, 73-85.

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Olson, K. (2009). Wounded by school: Recapturing the joy in learning and standing up to old school culture. New York: Teachers College Press.

Otero, V.K. (2006). Moving beyond the ―get it or don‘t‖ conception of formative assessment. Journal of Teacher Education, 57(3), 247-255.

Richardson, V. (2003). Constructivist pedagogy. Teachers College Record, 105(9), 1623-1640.

Schiro, M. S. (2008). Curriculum theory: Conflicting visions & enduring concerns. Los Angeles: Sage Publications, Inc. Sheppard, Ian. (2008). Towards a constructivist pedagogy for year 12 mathematics. Australian Senior Mathematics Journal, 22, 5058.

Simpson, T. L. (2002). Dare I oppose constructivist theory? The Educational Forum, 66 (Summer 2002), 347-354.

Steinhart, E. (1998). The Master/Slave Dialectic. University of Oregon.

Weinstein, C.S., Tomlinson-Clarke, S., & Curran, M. (2004). Toward a conception of culturally responsive classroom management.

Journal of Teacher Education, 55(1), 25-38.

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Introduction to “Examining the Correlations Among Personality, Political Attitudes, and Biased Mock Juror Decision-Making” Nancy Dorr Professor of Psychology Our legal system operates under the assumption that justice is blind. Given this assumption, Americans can come to think of our legal system as being fair and unbiased. However, past research shows that errors and biases can creep into the legal system in a variety of ways. One way is through juries. After all, juries are simply made up of people, and there are a variety of ways people can process information in a biased manner.

Carbone‘s study examined the broader issue of the extent to which individuals on juries are predisposed to rendering a verdict one way or the other based on their personality characteristics and preexisting attitudes. Due to practical constraints, she set up her study to attempt to be similar to some aspects of juror decision making, but not all aspects. This is typical in psychology studies where researchers try to isolate individual variables within a laboratory study before taking the research to the field where the careful manipulation and measurement of variables is very difficult. Thus, Carbone measured her participants‘ attitudes and personality, gave them information about two fictitious court cases, and asked them to render a verdict, individually. Her results underscore the importance of preexisting attitudes toward the topic of the case as potentially biasing jurors‘ decisions about the guilt of the defendant. This study adds to the body of knowledge that shows that our legal system has a long way to go before fair and unbiased decisions about the guilt of defendants can be reached.

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Examining the Correlations Among Personality, Political Attitudes, and Biased Mock Juror Decision-Making Stephanie Carbone Psychology Major; Class of 2010 This study examined the extent to which personality traits and political views in mock jurors correlated with preexisting juror attitudes and preexisting bias using mock court cases. Fifty-one college students completed self-report measures of personality traits, political attitudes, and preexisting attitudes towards the topics of date rape and the death penalty. Participants also read two fictitious, ambiguous court case scenarios depicting two separate crimes on the topics of date rape and the death penalty. Participants were asked to render verdicts on each of the court cases separately. Results suggest that personality and political attitudes did not relate to verdicts, which did not support any of the hypotheses presented by the researcher.

However, it was determined that preexisting attitudes in jurors pertaining to date rape and the death penalty did bias individual verdicts. This means that the current data showed no evidence that jurorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; decisions depend on either personality nor political attitudes but instead show they depend on preexisting values and attitudes on the topic of the case.

Held within the Bill of Rights, Amendment Six to the United States Constitution describes the rights of the accused (U.S. Constitution). Here, the right to a trial â&#x20AC;&#x2022;by an impartial juryâ&#x20AC;&#x2013; is described (U.S. Constitution). According to Gobert (1988), to be impartial is to set aside personal biases and halt judgments until given all of the facts. Since the right to a jury was imposed, little research had been done on the inner workings of jurors. The Chicago Jury Project in the fifties and sixties was the first major research endeavor to look into jurors and decision-making (Devine, Clayton, Dunford, Seying, & Pryce, 2001). But, it was not until the controversial court cases of the early seventies that the research on juries became what it is today (Devine et al., 2001).

As stated by Marcus, Lyons, and Guyton (2000), juror roles have come to encompass more than their original intent. In addition to listening to evidence and determining verdicts, jurors must now be able to deliberate as well as persuade (Marcus et al., 2000). Because so much of the case relies on these individuals, lawyers have a natural interest in juror selection. Voir dire, the process of picking jurors, is a way for lawyers to exert some control (Hans, 1986). Only during voir

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dire can lawyers use challenges to mold the jury in their favor. (Moran & Comfort, 1982). After all, the more favorable a jury, the greater the chance of a win.

Although research has not focused much on the individual juror, the same cannot be said for voir dire. Over time, the criteria lawyers use to make challenges have received much attention (Moran & Comfort, 1982). For attorneys, it is typical to look at the demographic characteristics of potential jurors such as gender, age and race. Also important are the less obvious factors such as education, family structure, and socioeconomic status. It is the purpose of the present study to look at a few of these less obvious factors and how they may relate to the voir dire process.

Factors Influencing Juror Decision-Making Research shows that there are a wide variety of factors that can influence jurorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; decision-making. Expert testimony is one such example. In court cases, it is sometimes necessary to bring in specialists such as psychologists or doctors. After reviewing the case, the specialists provide the jury with their expert opinion. Cramer, Brodsky, and DeCoster (2009) found that when an expert testifies in court, opinion isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t all that matters. When looking at expert testimony, the level of trustworthiness perceived by a juror is positively associated with sentencing. In other words the more the jury trusts an expert, the more likely the testimony will influence decision-making. Furthermore, Spanos, Dubreuil, and Gwynn (1991-92) found that in rape cases, expert testimony actually increased guilty verdicts.

Much of the research on factors influencing juror decisionmaking has focused on preexisting biases among jurors. In general, jurors will favor those who are demographically similar. In terms of ethnicity, Perez, Hasch, Ponder, and Trejo (1993) supported this when they established that Caucasian jurors are more likely to convict Hispanic offenders than Caucasian ones. Studying gender, Fischer (1997) found that women are more likely to find men guilty and convict them in rape cases. Similar results were found for economic status. Gleason and Harris (1975) found that jurors are more likely to find individuals with low socio-economic status guilty than those who were well off.

In their study on preexisting biases, Crocker and Kovera (2009) took a particular interest in the insanity defense. Prior to the case, jurors were asked of their biases. If one was noted, and jurors agreed to put it aside as to maintain a fair trial, they were kept on. It was found that despite being asked about biases, participants with negative attitudes towards the defense still were more likely to vote

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guilty in comparison to those who had positive views (Crocker & Kovera, 2009). This helps to not only solidify the concept that preexisting biases play a part in juror verdicts, but also that decisionmaking ultimately comes down to the juror as a person.

Personality and Juror Decision-Making Early on, much of the research on juror decision-making was looked at in terms of its relationship to personality. The bulk of the personality research focused on authoritarian and dogmatic personalities (Clark, Boccaccini, Caillouet, & Chaplin, 2007). As stated in Clark et al. (2007), an authoritarian personality is one that is ―characterized by distrust and aggression toward out-group members and a strict adherence to rules and dictates from sources of authority‖ (p. 642). In trying to describe the characteristics of an authoritarian jury, Boehm (1968) stated that it was one that decides on a verdict before having heard all of the evidence and enjoys being able to punish individuals.

Dogmatism is a form of authoritarianism. Taking from a variety of sources, Shaffer and Wheatman (2000) defined dogmatic people as those who tend to make extreme judgments about things in order to reduce uncertainty. Like their authoritarian counterparts, dogmatic individuals have a strong respect for authority and do not like rule breakers (Shaffer & Wheatman, 2000). Verdict outcomes are quite similar among authoritarians and dogmatics as well; both are more prone to conviction and harsher sentences (Shaffer & Wheatman, 2000). According to Shaffer and Wheatman (2000), the dogmatic and authoritarian personality types do differ in some ways. Authoritarian personalities have a greater level of ethnocentricity – the belief that a particular group is superior to another - than their dogmatic counterparts (Shaffer & Wheatman, 2000).

Since it was found that personality influenced decisionmaking, the implications of authoritarianism and dogmatism on jury verdicts have been an important topic of study. An early experiment done by Boehm (1968) focused on how the authoritarian personality was a cause for bias among jurors. She found that high authoritarian individuals were more likely to convict than their lower counterparts (Boehm, 1968). Additionally, authoritarians were more likely to judge the defendants; attention was placed towards seemingly trivial traits such as the defendants‘ grammar or lack thereof (Boehm, 1968).

Similar findings were presented in a meta-analysis done by Narby, Cutler, and Moran (1993). A review of approximately twenty different studies found a positive correlation between legal authoritarianism and the likelihood to convict. Furthermore, Narby et

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al. (1993) was able to clarify the characteristics and psychological reasoning of the authoritarian individual. Similar to previous explanations, Narby et al. (1993) pointed out a general favor towards discipline and stability. When stability and order are threatened, high authoritarians will do anything necessary to restore it. Perhaps this could be the reason for harsher punishments and increased likelihood of conviction among these individuals.

Shown by the recent review of jury research completed by Devine et al. (2001), there is a surplus of studies pertaining to the authoritarian personality type in the literature. Yet to date, minimal time has been taken to look at other personality measures such as the Big Five. Also known as the Five Factor Model, the Big Five is a descriptive model of personality that looks at themes in how people describe themselves (Clark et al., 2007). The model consists of five traits: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism (an in depth explanation of each of these traits is provided later). One of the significant downfalls of looking at just authoritarianism is the emphasis this personality type places on legal attitudes (Clark et al., 2007). Naturally, when looking at a jury, it is important to understand legal attitudes. However, looking at personality in just this way does not allow for a thorough understanding of the individual. While legal attitudes do play a role in personality, they are just a part to the whole (Clark et al., 2007).

In moving towards an all-encompassing view, research has started to employ the Big Five for measuring personality. Clark et al.

(2007) provided a brief explanation for each of the five personality traits. Openness to experience is how much an individual will seek out and participate in a new experience. Conscientiousness is how much quality and effort one will put towards accomplishing goals, Extraversion refers to how outgoing and social someone is. How goodnatured someone is determines his or her level of agreeableness, Oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s emotional stability defines neuroticism (Clark et al., 2007). In terms of how it relates to previously studied values of personality, the Big Five isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t that far off. Clark et al. (2007) points out that authoritarianism can be seen as a combination of low openness to experiences and high conscientiousness.

As with the association with authoritarianism, when looked at individually, the five personality traits easily correlate with the research. For example, Marcus et al. (2000) found that if a juror was high in conscientiousness, being influenced while on a jury is likely to occur. On the other hand, jurors high in openness to experience would report that the other jurors did not influence them as much. Clark et al.

(2007) found that people high in extraversion and conscientiousness are

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more likely to render a not guilty verdict. This conclusion helps to support the theory that Big Five traits do indeed have an influence on verdict. Going back to the concept of voir dire, lawyers could benefit from looking at results such as these. Knowing that people high in extraversion will probably vote not guilty, a lawyer could mold the jury in favor of his client.

Personality and Political Attitudes While personality has been linked to areas of decision-making and bias, an association with political attitudes has also been shown.

Block and Block (2005) performed a longitudinal study of children measuring personality traits and political attitudes. As adults, those who defined themselves as liberal were introspective, bright, and nonconforming while the self-defined conservatives were moralistic and conventional in their social perceptions and behaviors (Block & Block, 2005).Conservative individuals were seen to have many of the same characteristics as authoritarians. Important to note here are the similarities between the various personality traits and those of the Big Five. It seems that liberals could be more easily defined as being open to experiences while the conservatives could be seen as conscientious.

Caprara, Schwartz, Capanna, Vecchione, and Barbaranelli (2006) took a different approach to the personality-political attitudes comparison. Caprara et al. (2006) divided the personality into two aspects, traits and values, because they believed each revealed different aspects of the personality. To differentiate, traits were defined as enduring dispositions while values were enduring goals (Caprara et al., 2006). Traits were equivalent to the Big Five. Their findings revealed that those high in openness and low in conscientiousness would be more likely to prefer center-left (more liberal) ideals.

Over time, research has looked at the relationship between personality and juror decision-making as well as decision-making and juror bias. Past research has also studied the relationship between personality and political attitudes to a degree. It only seems plausible to conclude that political attitudes would also have a relationship with juror decision-making and bias. The current study aims to fill the gap in previous research, examining the extent to which Big Five personality factors and political attitudes predict biased decision making in ambiguous court cases. This idea was examined by measuring personality and political views as well as views on rape and the death penalty. Bias was measured using ambiguous, fabricated scenarios about the two topics as well as a preexisting bias scale.

It was hypothesized that in mock jurors, the Big Five personality characteristics â&#x20AC;&#x201C; openness to experience, neuroticism,

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Method Participants At a small, private institution in eastern New York, college students volunteered to participate in the study in exchange for credit in their psychology classes. Participants received a sign-up sheet and brief description of the study and topic while in their class. They were instructed to sign-up for a time to come in and participate. The 51 participants were between the ages of 18 and 59 years old. 82.4% of participants were female and 17.6% were male. In terms of ethnicity, 82.4% of participants were Caucasian, 5.9% were Mixed-Race, 5.9% Hispanic, 3.9% were Asian, and 2.1% were Native American.

Regarding class status, 23.5% were freshman, 21.6% sophomores, 45.1% juniors, and 9.8% were seniors.

Materials A sheet for demographics was given to participants prior to completing any part of the experiment. The sheet required participants to fill out information on age, gender, ethnicity, and class status. Four self-report measures were given to measure personality traits, political attitudes, and preexisting biases. Upon completion of the scales, participants were given two fictitious criminal scenarios to read and render a verdict.

Big Five Scale Taken from Benet-Martinez and John (1998), this 44-item questionnaire measures participants‘ personality characteristics in terms of the Big Five. Participants are asked to rate each statement on a fivepoint scale with 1 meaning ―disagree strongly,‖ 2 meaning ―disagree a little,‖ 3 meaning ―neither agree nor disagree,‖ 4 meaning ―agree a little,‖ and 5 meaning ―agree strongly.‖ The scale contained five subscales, one for each personality characteristic. Openness to experience was measured with questions such as ―I see myself as someone who is curious about many different things,‖ while ―I see myself as someone who is a reliable worker‖ measured conscientiousness. ―I see myself as someone who is talkative‖ aided in the measurement of extraversion, whereas agreeableness was measured with statements such as ―I see myself as someone who is helpful and unselfish with others.‖ The characteristic

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Stephanie Carbone of neuroticism was measured with prompts such as ―I see myself as someone who is depressed, blue.‖ To score this questionnaire, the first step is to reverse score certain numbers. Reverse scoring is a way of ensuring the reliability of a measure. In other words, it is used to be sure the scale is consistently measuring what it should be. To do this, creators will oftentimes word some items on the scale differently. These questions are flagged for scorers. Much like it sounds, when reverse scoring the answers to particular items will be reversed. For example, in this scale, an answer of one would become a five, a two becomes four, three stays the same, four becomes two, and five becomes one. Each personality characteristic is associated with particular statements on the scale.

Using the reverse score items where applicable, the next step is to average all of the numbers for each characteristic together. This was repeated for each subscale. When all averages are computed, they are compared. Higher scores indicate higher levels of that particular characteristic in the individual.

Conservatism-Liberalism Scale This 18-item questionnaire, created by Good and Good (1976), was employed to measure how liberal or conservative participants are. Questions such as ―how conservative or liberal are your beliefs on racial matters‖ were given for rating on a seven point scale. A 1 on the rating scale indicated ―very liberal,‖ while a 2 meant ―liberal,‖ 3 ―somewhat liberal,‖ 4 ―neither liberal nor conservative,‖ 5 ―somewhat conservative,‖ 6 ―conservative,‖ and finally 7 ―very conservative.‖ Scoring of this scale is fairly straightforward, with researchers adding up all of the numbers. Those participants said to be conservative will have high scores, while those who take more liberal viewpoints will display lower numbers.

Political Orientation Scale Entitled The Seven-Point Imaginary Ruler Scale, Robinson, Shaver and Wrightsman (1999) developed this scale as a measure of political attitudes. This one question scale asks participants to ―think of a ruler for measuring political views that people might hold from liberal to conservative.‖ The creators provided a seven point scale where 1 indicates ―extremely liberal,‖ 2 is ―liberal,‖ 3 means ―slightly liberal,‖ 4 is ―moderate,‖ 5 is ―slightly conservative,‖ 6 means ―conservative,‖ and 7 indicates ―extremely conservative.‖ Because it is only one question, scoring goes along with the rating scale, higher scores indicating a conservative and lower defining a liberal.

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Preexisting Bias Scale In order to measure preexisting bias in participants, it was necessary to ask questions regarding views on rape and the death penalty. A scale was created to measure attitudes towards both (See Appendix A for the full scale). Death penalty questions were modeled after those asked in a scale developed by O‘Neil, Patry, and Penrod (2004). Those questions referring to date rape were based upon questioned asked in a similar scale by Burt (1980).

The new scale consisted of seven questions. Two of the seven questions focused on the death penalty and asked questions such as ―what percentage of the time is the death penalty an acceptable form of compensation for the family affected the by the crime?‖ Another pair of questions pertained to crimes of rape and made inquires like ―What percentage of women who report a date rape would you say are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse?‖ The final four questions were created as fillers and to mask the true purpose of the survey. These questions followed a similar format, focusing on other political topics such as ―What percentage of the time is it acceptable for women to make the same amount of money as a man in a similar job role?‖ All questions were given a five-point rating scale where 1 means ―almost all,‖ 2 is ―about ¾,‖ 3 is ―about ½,‖ 4 is ―about ¼,‖ and 5 means ―almost none.‖ In scoring this scale, the four questions about random political topics are discarded. The questions on rape are added together as are the questions on the death penalty. For the death penalty questions, higher scores show opposition to the death penalty while lower scores indicate acceptance and possible use. For the questions pertaining to rape, those with higher scores would view rape as a serious act, void of consent with blame on the rapist and not the victim. Those with lower scores would view rape as something fabricated or brought on by the victim. Both of these parallel what the researcher wished to measure, which was the existence (or lack thereof) of a bias for these topics prior to reading the scenarios.

Court Cases In addition to the scales, participants were asked to read two fictitious court cases (Appendix B). Both court cases were written in an ambiguous manner, with the intention that any preexisting biases in participants would be displayed by their verdict to the cases. The first case was written about date rape in a college setting. The female claimed to have been date raped while the male maintained the acts were consensual. Homicide and the death penalty were the topics of the second court case. Briefly described, a man was on trial for killing one

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woman, with the possibility existing that he had killed many more. As with the first case, certain evidence was lacking, which allowed for the ambiguity of the presented information.

Results It was hypothesized that in mock jurors, the Big Five personality characteristics would correlate with biased decision making. To test this, Pearsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s product moment correlation coefficients were conducted. Typically, these numbers are represented by r, and range between negative and positive one. The closer the number is to one, the more strongly the two variables are related. If the coefficient is negative, this means that it is an inverse relationship: the higher variable X, the lower variable Y. If the coefficient is positive, this means that as X increases, Y does as well. As can be seen in Table 1, the correlations between the each of the Big Five personality traits and verdicts were not statistically significant, ps > .05. The Big Five and preexisting attitudes did not interact to predict verdicts either, ps > .05.

In terms of political views, it was hypothesized that those high in liberalism would have lower levels of preexisting bias than those scoring high in conservativeness. To test this, Pearsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s product moment correlation coefficients were conducted. As can be seen in Table 1, measures of political views showed no significant correlations with any measures of preexisting bias or verdict. Therefore, the relationship between political views and preexisting bias was also not supported.

After correlations were conducted, results suggested that death penalty attitude correlated with the verdict on a death penalty case, r(51) = -.28, p = .05. Looking at these results, it seemed plausible that similar significance should be found between date rape attitudes and verdict. Examining initial results revealed no correlation between the two, r(50) = .18, p = .22. The data was then examined to determine if there were any far outliers using interquartile range in the SPSS program. Typically, the range of a data set is the distance between the largest and smallest values (Gravetter & Wallnau, 2007). However, it is always important to keep in mind that there could be a few values that are far too high or low in comparison to the rest of the data. These values, called outliers, can have an excessive influence on results (Cravetter & Wallnau, 2007). Here, the interquartile range is used because it ignores these outliers.. In this data set, an outlier was found in the date rape attitude variable and was subsequently removed. A statistically significant relationship between preexisting date rape attitudes and verdicts on date rape cases as was found upon reanalysis, r(49) = .39, p = .006.

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Discussion Although the analysis done through Pearsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s correlation showed no evidence for the presented hypotheses, significant correlations were found between juror attitudes and their verdict on the associated case. Initially, this held true for the death penalty and not the date rape case. After a far outlier in the date rape data was removed and analyses were conducted again, the relationship was determined to be true in date rape cases as well. In cases of date rape, the stronger the attitude towards the topic, the more likely a guilty vote is rendered in an ambiguous case (as with the scenario presented to them). With topics of the death penalty, the stronger the attitude of the jurors, the less likely they would be to vote guilty in the presented case.

The current data suggest that individuals who are against the death penalty are less likely to render a guilty verdict involving homicide. The data also suggest that individuals who tend not to believe the victim in cases of date rape are less likely to render a guilty verdict involving rape. This suggests that preexisting attitudes towards these issues can bias jurorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; decisions. These findings of a correlation between jury verdict and preexisting bias only add to past research.

One such example is in the work of Nagao and Davis (1980), who studied the effects of prior experience on juror verdicts. They not only found that a bias existed in seasoned jurors, but also that this bias influenced the verdict provided by these participants. Furthermore Crocker and Kovera (2009) found that preexisting bias held by jurors prior to the trial held throughout and ultimately influenced the verdicts.

Findings from the current study suggest that attorneys should take great care when picking out jurors. While the results of this research help to show that personality characteristics and political views may have nothing to do with juror verdict, current attitudes and biases held by potential jurors do. Therefore, when going through the process of voir dire for death penalty or date rape cases, it is important for lawyers to broaden their horizons. Instead of focusing on the common criteria of personality and politics, it is important to look at these preexisting attitudes and biases as well. Potential jurors who believe in the death penalty may not be the best jurors in the eyes of the defense. Similarly, when selecting a jury for a rape case, it may be in the best interest of the defense to pick people who either do not have prior attitudes against men or see the women solely as victims.

Perhaps one of the reasons that neither of the main hypotheses regarding the Big Five and preexisting bias supported previous research pertains to the weakness of the study. One weakness of this study was how preexisting bias was measured as written court case scenarios.

While it was intended that each of the cases would be written as purely

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ambiguous, this may not have been the case. Feedback from a few of the participants revealed that some did not see the second case as ambiguous. Another issue with the written death penalty case was its unrealistic nature. When a possible death penalty case comes to the court, it is the job of one jury to determine if the defendant is guilty or innocent. Once a guilty verdict is rendered, the case goes to a completely different set of jurors to determine death penalty application. In the current study, the mock jurors were asked to do both, Even with these weaknesses the study contained many strengths. The way in which political views were measured is one example. Looking through previously written scales of political orientation, a majority of the scales came up outdated and unusable.

Items on the scales were from years ago, and did not have any place in modern politics. However, the use of a single scale which allowed the individual to simply state how liberal or conservative they felt seemed too subjective to be used alone. Using two political views scales allowed for accurate measurement of the political views of participants.

After correlations were completed, results showed a statistically significant correlation between both political attitudes measures.

Future research could benefit from increasing the realistic nature of the study. Instead of having the jurors read court cases, perhaps they could find actual recordings or video clips from cases. Not only would this get rid of problems associated with case ambiguity, but it also adds to the realistic nature of the study. With true jury deliberations, the jurors see both sides of the case and are asked to come up with a verdict. Although this may seem to negate the point of the ambiguous case, it is likely that when given both sides, the attitudes would still show through.

References Benet-Martinez, V., & John, O. P. (1998). Los cinco grandes across cultures and ethnic groups: Multitrait multimethod analyses of the big five in Spanish and English. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 729-750. doi:10.1037/00223514.75.3.729 Block, J., & Block, J. H. (2005). Nursery school personality and political orientation two decades later. Journal of Research in Personality, 40, 734-749. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2005.09.005 Boehm, V. R. (1968). Mr. prejudice, miss sympathy, and the authoritarian personality: An application of psychological

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measuring techniques to the problem of jury bias. Wisconsin Law Review, 1968(3), 734-750.

Burt, M. R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 217-230. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.38.2.217 Caprara, G. V., Schwartz, S., Capanna, C., Vecchione, M., & Barbaranelli, C. (2006). Personality and politics: Values, traits, and political choice. Political Psychology, 27, 1-28. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2006.00447.x Clark, J., Boccaccini, M. T., Caillouet, B., & Chaplin, W. F. (2007).

Five factor model personality traits, jury selection, and case outcomes in criminal and civil cases. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 34(5), 641-660. doi:10.1177/0093854806297555 Cramer, R. J., Brodsky, S. L., & DeCoster, J. (2009). Expert witness confidence and juror personality: Their impact on credibility and persuasion in the courtroom. The Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 37, 63-74. Retrieved from http://www.jaapl.org/cgi/content/full/37/1/63 Crocker, C. B., & Kovera, M. B. (2009). The effects of rehabilitative voir dire on juror bias and decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 34, 212-226. doi:10.1007/s10979-009-9193-9 Davis, R. W. (1986). Pretrial publicity, the timing of the trial and mock jurorâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s decision processes. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 16, 590-607. doi:10.1111/j.15591816.1986.tb01161.x Devine, D. J., Clayton, L. D., Dunford, B. B., & Pryce, J. (2001). Jury decision making: 45 years of empirical research on deliberating groups. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 7, 622-727. doi:10.1037//1076-8971.7.3.622 Fischer, G. J. (1997). Gender effects on individual verdicts and on mock jury verdicts in a simulated acquaintance rape trial. Sex Roles, 36, 491-501. doi:10.1007/BF02766686.

Gleason, J. M., & Harris, V. A. (1975). Race, socio-economic status, and perceived similarity as determinants of judgments by

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simulated jurors. Social Behavior and Personality, 3, 175-180. doi:10.2224/sbp.1975.3.2.175 Gobert, J. J. (1988). Criminal law: In search of the impartial jury. The Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology, 79 (2), 269-327.

Gravetter, F. J., & Wallnau, L. B. (2007). Statistics for the behavioral sciences (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.

Hans, V. P. (1986). The conduct of voir dire: A psychological analysis.

The Justice System Journal, 11(1), 40-58.

Marcus, D. K., Lyons, P. M., & Guyton, M. R. (2000). Studying perceptions on juror influence in vivo: A social relations analysis. Law and Human Behavior, 24, 175-186. doi: 10.1023/A:1005406902505 Moran, G., & Comfort, J. C. (1982). Scientific juror selection: Sex as a moderator of demographic and personality predictors of impaneled felony juror behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43, 1052-1063. doi: 10.1037/00223514.43.5.1052 Nagao, D. H., & Davis, J. H. (1980). The effects of prior experience on mock juror case judgments. Social Psychology Quarterly, 43, 190-199. doi:10.2307/3033622 Narby, D. J., Cutler, B. L., & Moran, G. (1993). A meta-analysis of the association between authoritarian and jurorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; perceptions of defendant culpability. Journal of Applied Psychology, 78, 3442. doi:10.1037/0021-9010.78.1.34 Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Neil, K. M., Patry, M. W., & Penrod, S. D. (2004). Exploring the effects of attitudes toward the death penalty on capital sentencing verdicts. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law. 10, 443-470. doi:10.1037/1076-8971.10.4.443 Perez, D. A., Hosch, H. M., Ponder, B., & Trejo, G. C. (1993).

Ethnicity of defendants and jurors as influences on jury decisions. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 23, 12491262. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1993.tb01031.x

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Robinson, J. P., Shaver, P. R., & Wrightsman, L. S. (1999). Measures of Political Attitudes: San Diego, CA : Academic Press.

Shaffer, D. R., & Wheatman, S. R. (2000). Does personality influence reactions to judicial instructions? Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 6(3), 655-676. doi:10.1037/1076-8971.6.3.655 Spanos, N. P., Dubreuil, S. C., & Gwynn, M. I. (1991). The effects of expert testimony concerning rape on the verdicts and beliefs of mock jurors. Imagination, Cognition, and Personality, 11(1), 37-51.

U. S. Constitution, Art. I, § 9, cl. 2.

Appendix A FA Scale Here are a number of opinion statements related to various political topics. For example, what percentage of time is it acceptable for the federal government to implement laws controlling healthcare? Please choose a number for each statement to indicate what percentage of the time this statement should occur.

1.

What percentage of the time that a woman claims that she was raped by an acquaintance do you think she is lying (and the sex was actually consensual)?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

2.

What percentage of the time is the death penalty an acceptable form of compensation for the family affected by the crime?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

3.

What percentage of the time should controversial writings, such as Hitler‘s Mein Kampf, be limited in public schools?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

4.

What percentage of the time is it acceptable for the federal government to implement laws controlling healthcare?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

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5.

What percentage of women who report a date rape would you say are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

6.

What percentage of the time is it acceptable for women to make the same amount of money as a man in a similar job role?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

7.

What percentage of the time do you think the death penalty is an effective form of deterring other criminals from committing similar crimes?

1 2 3 4 5 Almost All About ¾ About ½ About ¼ Almost None

Appendix B Scenario 1: Date Rape On the night of Friday, October 3, 2008 a university student, Shelly, went to an off campus party with a few of her friends. While at the party she met and started talking to a male college student. In her later interview, Shelly described him as a white male, approximately 6‘4‖ and 220 pounds. He was approximately 22 years of age with light brown hair and blue eyes. At the time of the incident, Shelly explained that he was wearing a blue button up dress shirt, dark blue jeans, and white Adidas sneakers. After a few minutes of talking he asked Shelly if she wanted to be his partner for a few drinking games and she agreed.

After playing approximately five games the two stopped playing.

However, they continued to talk. After approximately twenty minutes he asked her if she wanted to go upstairs to continue their conversation because it was loud and distracting. Again, Shelly agreed. It was not until her friends came up to check on her that Shelly realized the two had been talking and drinking for almost an hour while everyone was downstairs at the party. It was getting late and people were leaving the party, but Shelly did not want to end the conversation so she invited him back to her off campus apartment. He agreed. As her friends said they were going to stay a little bit longer, she and the man made their way to her apartment.

After arriving at the apartment, they went into her room where they continued talking until her roommates arrived home at approximately 5:30 a.m. It was only then that the two realized how late

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it was and called it a night. Shelly claimed that it was only after turning off her light and settling into bed that he started to try to have sexual intercourse with her. She said no and tried to go to bed, but she said that he persisted. Although she kept saying no, he kept coming on to her and ultimately had sexual intercourse with Shelly.

When campus authorities brought the man in for questioning, his story matched up almost perfectly with the one Shelly told.

However, he claimed that after both had been drinking large amounts and were fairly intoxicated, the lights were turned off and Shelly had tried to kiss him and he obliged. Furthermore, he claimed that the two did in fact have sexual intercourse but it was completely consensual. A rape kit completed after the fact did prove that sexual intercourse between the two had occurred.

Questioning various attendees of the party provided police with mixed results. All were able to support the fact that the two had indeed played games together and disappeared for at least an hour from the party afterward. However, estimates of the amount of alcohol consumed by Shelly varied greatly among the individuals. Some claimed that aside from the drinking games Shelly hadnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t consumed that much alcohol and was actually quite sober during the party. Others said that Shelly had had drinks outside of the games and was noticeably intoxicated. Her roommates all agreed that Shelly had been drinking that night but were unsure of her consumption when she had gone upstairs for that hour. They also claimed to have heard nothing out of the ordinary the night that the rape was said to have happened.

To what extent do you think this man is guilty of rape?

1 2 3 4 5 6 Definitely Probably Might Be Might Be Probably Definitely Not Guilty Not Guilty Not Guilty Guilty Guilty Guilty Scenario 2: Homicide/Death Penalty On the morning of February 5, 1995, police were called to the residence of a young college student who had been missing from work and classes for the past week. Knocking on the door, police got no response but through the window they could see the figure of someone lying on a couch. Fearful of the possibilities, the police entered the house to find the body of 21-year-old Veronica. Searching the house, police found no evidence that could explain what had happened to her.

An autopsy performed on her body also lacked in evidence pertaining to the cause of death. There were no bullet or stab wounds indicating a

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violent death, which matched the lack of blood or weapon at the crime scene. There were also no defense or fight wounds. Further investigation into natural causes showed that all of her organs were in healthy and working order. An initial toxic elements screening of her blood also provided no information as to what could have happened.

Puzzled, investigators continued to search her house. They found one set of fingerprints other than her own, and those were to her best friend who claimed that she had been over to the house earlier in the week for a ―girls night‖ of sorts. Nothing was out of place in the apartment and the doors were locked indicating no form of a struggle in the minutes prior to her death. One thing investigators found odd was the lack of garbage in any of her garbage bags. Going outside, investigators found her garbage, which had not been taken out. Next to the garbage bin was a small bag containing what seemed to be the missing garbage from the house. Searching through the bag, investigators found a syringe, tools to administer a shot, and a bottle of an unknown chemical. A second blood screening showed massive amounts of the chemical in her blood. Research on the chemical determined that it was thought to relieve migraines, but research was in its early stages. What little research had been done showed that too large of a dose could cause the heart to stop. Interviews with her parents determined that Veronica did indeed suffer from migraines but knew that she would not have been incapable of administering a shot to herself, nor did she know much of anything about medication.

With a cause of death in place, investigators worked on finding who had committed the crime. While Veronica‘s friend, an initial suspect to the crime, had no medical background, she was able to provide a name of the only mutual friend who did. Their friend Tyler was a medical student working towards becoming a doctor. An interview with him helped to develop that he indeed knew about Veronica‘s migraines and that she had asked him to help her. However, he claimed he had said there was nothing he could do. When asked about the chemical, Tyler admitted to know what it was. Upon further questioning he admitted to knowing that the chemical was widely used for migraine relief. There was a partial fingerprint on the bottle of the chemical, but Tyler would not give a print and he had no criminal record so it could not be matched to anything. The only other form of evidence available was a small bit of DNA left on the top of the syringe. Unfortunately, due to the interaction with the chemical the only thing researchers could determine was that the DNA came from a male. Further investigation into Tyler‘s recent action with the hospital revealed that he had actually taken out a bottle of the chemical two weeks prior to Veronica‘s death. An interview with the hospital‘s

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pharmacist confirmed that Tyler had signed it out using his medical student number and I.D. The pharmacist also told investigators that Tyler had taken out this drug multiple times in the past and provided the dates as well. Upon asking Tyler about this, he claimed that it was true that he had taken the bottles out, but they were for use by his patients in the hospital. While police tried to find a patient who would require the use of this chemical, nobody matched the criteria. However, on a hunch, investigators compared the dates Tyler took out the bottles with recent deaths in the area. Surprisingly, within two weeks of the dates Tyler took out each of the chemical bottles, a college student had died of what seemed to be natural causes.

At this point, DNA evidence combined with all of the circumstantial evidence provided enough information against Tyler for him to be prosecuted by the district attorney. Tyler maintained his innocence throughout the proceedings. Due to the strange coincidences surrounding Veronicaâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s death, the District Attorney pushed for this to be a death penalty case. When asked about the other cases, Tyler again told police that the chemical was for patients.

To what extent do you think Tyler is guilty of homicide in this death penalty case?

1 2 3 4 5 6 Definitely Probably Might Be Might Be Probably Definitely Not Guilty Not Guilty Not Guilty Guilty Guilty Guilty

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Table 1 Correlations Between Personality, Political Views, Preexisting Attitudes, and Verdict Date Rape Attitudes Openness to Experience Conscientiousness Extraversion Agreeableness Neuroticism Political Attitudes

Note.

1 2

146

.06 .17 -.14 .14 -.12 -.03

Date Rape Verdict1 -.01 -.06 -.23 .12 .02 .03

Death Attitudes

Death Verdict2

-.10

.003

.15 -.04 .14 -.09 .01

.002 .21 -.09 -.05 .02

High scores indicate a guilty verdict.

High scores indicate a guilty verdict.

Journal of Undergraduate Research

Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols

Introduction to â&#x20AC;&#x153;Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols in a Complementary Health Care Settingâ&#x20AC;?

Kari Murad Associate Professor of Biology In March 2009 a novel strain of influenza virus was beginning to circulate throughout Mexico initially causing acute respiratory illness in the small community of La Gloria, Veracruz. By June 11, 2009 the World Health Organization (WHO) has raised the pandemic alert for H1N1 to the highest level confirming sustained person-toperson contact in 74 countries on three continents. By August 28, 2009, the WHO was reporting over 209,438 cases of morbidity (sickness) and at least 2,185 cases of mortality (death) globally. Like many students who had previously taken infectious disease classes at The College of Saint Rose, Robert Arciuolo and Caroline Du Vernoy were watching this epidemic play out as they began their first week of classes.

Indeed, all of the world (and much of our college campus) at that time was focused on preventing the spread of infectious disease.

With that as the backdrop, Rob and Caroline proposed a joint research project that looked at surveying the microbial flora and analyzing disinfection protocols within a specific health care setting. Although our lab was not set up for viral determination as was en vogue during the H1N1 epidemic, the analysis of bacterial populations within any setting can give a researcher an idea of general cleanliness and effectiveness of already existing disinfection protocols.

With this in mind, Rob and Caroline set out to identify the specific bacterial colonies living within an alternative health facility.

They conducted numerous microscopic and biochemical tests to narrow down their findings, focusing specifically on bacterial colonies known to be pathogenic to humans. In addition to the bacteriological identification completed in this project, Rob and Caroline broadened the project to also include an analysis of the current disinfection protocol within this complementary health care clinic. The results of the disinfection protocol analysis as well as the bacterial colony results were given to the clinic at the end of the this study in May 2010 with specific suggestions for improving protocols for infection control.

Their research not only provided a client (the complementary health care facility) with a usable research study for their own practices, but more importantly provided Rob and Caroline a real-world research experience. The paper presented here was also presented as a poster for the spring 2010 Sigma Xi scientific research society

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ceremony and the 46th Annual Region I Branch Meeting of the American Society for Microbiology on November 2010 in Albany, NY.

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Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols in a Complementary Health Care Setting Robert Arciuolo Biochemistry Major; Class of 2010 Caroline Du Vernoy Elementary Education: Biology Concentration Major; Class of 2010 Over the course of this past year, we conducted a microbial survey of a local massage clinic in order to screen for possible sources of bacterial infection. As national media attention was drawn toward sanitation and cleanliness due to the 2009 H1N1 influenza outbreak, we felt this project would benefit the clinic in terms of awareness of their own disinfection practices. Although bacterial counts were high in a number of areas, through differential bacteriological testing we were able to determine that the facility had only a few human pathogens. Also, numerous environmentally distributed, nonpathogenic bacteria were isolated throughout the clinic (e.g.

Staphylococcus sp., Bacillus. sp., and Listeria sp.). Nonetheless, though most bacteria identified were non-pathogenic, we were able to identify a few potential opportunistic pathogens (e.g. Micrococcus sp., Enterobacter sp., and Corynebacterium sp.), which the clinic should be aware of and take proper measures in order to ensure the health of its clients and staff. The results of this study suggested that bacteria isolated from the areas tested pose little to no pathogenic threat to healthy personnel or visitors of the massage clinic. Additionally, based on these results, a set of recommendations was developed and provided to the clinic.

Complementary health care, sometimes categorized as alternative medicine, is a vast section of health services provided to individuals worldwide. These services include everything from the physical treatments provided by chiropractic offices to the mental and immune health stimulation of therapeutic massage clinics (â&#x20AC;&#x2022;Complementary,â&#x20AC;&#x2013; 2009). Nonetheless, what ties each of these broadly based practices together is their aim to aid in the health of individuals by means alternative and/or supplementary to those provided by primary health care centers. However, just as the case of frequented hospitals or medical clinics, complementary health care facilities also may represent a breeding ground for infection and potential disease transmission. Thus, client and staff contact with frequently visited

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surfaces at such centers increases rates of infections if proper disinfection protocols are not carefully followed before, after, and during health services. In turn, everything from surface sanitation to hand washing techniques plays a key role in the spread of bacterial, viral, and parasitic infections at these facilities. In one study done at a chiropractic college in Oregon, researchers found potential pathogenic microbes, such as Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA). These results indicate the need for strict disinfectant protocols to be followed in order to keep the patients healthy (Bumham, Peterson, Vavrek, & Haas, 2009). Results such as those found in Portland, Oregon stress the need for more research directed toward these types of facilities which are sometimes overlooked.

Methods/Materials The following methods are listed chronologically in the way they were conducted. Note that all general testing protocols were based upon the guidelines of Microbiology Laboratory Theory and Application (Leboffe & Pierce, 2006).

Sampling Bacterial samples were taken on September 25th, 2009 between 8 and 9 AM. To obtain samples, a sterile cotton swab was dipped into sterilized dH20 and then passed over the surface of interest.

The swab was then immediately streaked across a 5% sheepâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s blood agar plate (high nutrient agar to promote growth). Aseptic techniques were employed at all measures including the use of sterile gloves in order to prevent contamination. Plates were then incubated at 35oC for 48 hours before further work (Bumham et al., 2009).

CFU Counts/Colony Morphology Following the 48 hour incubation, each plate was assessed for Colony Forming Unit (CFU) counts as well as colony morphology.

Colonies were identified by form (size, color, texture), elevation, and margin. CFU counts for each unique colony morphology type were identified and total plate counts were taken.

Subcultures Upon morphological identification, all unique colonies from each sample were subcultured to tryptic soy agar (TSA) slants and incubated overnight at 35oC (1 per CFU type, 2 of same type if colony count exceeded 25 CFU on a single plate). Samples were then stored at 4oC until differential testing. Future subcultures were done every 2-3

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weeks on TSA to maintain sample vitality. Note that eight samples were lost during various rounds of subculturing due to lack of growth.

Differential Testing Specimens selected following the previous procedures were then placed through a series of differential tests. Tests included gram stain, endospore stain, acid fast stain, EMB, catalase reactions, oxidase reactions, nitrate reduction tests, motility tests, indol tests, TSI tests, blood agar hemolysis, and Enterotube II (gram negative Enterobacteriaceae species identification).

Species Identification As references for specimen identification and differential testing methods, Bergey's Manual of Determinative Bacteriology and bacterial dichotomous keys were used (Bergey & Holt, 2000; Chess, 2008). Testing of all samples began with gram staining and ended with various confirmatory tests to determine either bacterial genus or species depending on pathogenicity. Nonpathogenic bacteria were not tested as thoroughly as those of a pathogenic or opportunistic nature.

MRSA Screening Gram positive, β-hemolytic, Staphylococcus species isolated were plated on both mannitol salt agar and Mueller-Hinton agar with 6¾g/mL of oxacillin and 4% NaCl. Colonies that exhibited a yellow color on the mannitol salt agar plates and were able to grow on the Mueller-Hinton were confirmed as MRSA+.

Assessment of Clinic Disinfectants In order to determine the effectiveness of disinfection, a separate control bacterial sampling of a massage table and headrest were done prior to disinfection and immediately following disinfection with 50% Ethanol/ 50% water solution.

Results After testing the areas in the massage clinic, it was found that there were high amounts of bacteria on many surfaces. In order to determine what a high amount of bacterial growth might be, we established a baseline level of bacteria through controlled testing in which the same disinfectant products used by the clinic were used to clean an area after massage use. Thus, to replicate the testing procedures used in the massage clinic, the area was cleaned and allowed to sit open to the air overnight before sample swabs were taken. The CFU count was found to be about 30 on multiple tests. This

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number was therefore identified as a basis for the naturally occurring amount of bacteria that might accumulate in a region overnight, with CFU counts greater than 30 being classified as high growth. Bacterial colony forming units can range depending upon the testing site selected. For instance, a typical reusable water bottle can have 37 CFU per 100 ml of water (Brainard, Alcock, & Watts, 2009). Hospital settings, on the other hand, can have higher counts (due to patient infection) up to 2.6x104 colony forming units of Staphylococcus aureas on a single door handle (Oie, Hosokawa & Kamiya, 2002). For this reason, it was important to conduct our control experiment to establish a valid baseline level for the massage clinic environment being tested.

As seen in Table 1, some of the highest areas were the headrests, bolster, and hand pump on the hand sanitizer. Looking at Figure 1 gives a visual representation of a few of the areas tested. This brings up some concerns because, as stated earlier, these samples were taken before the opening of the clinic and it is presumed that these areas should have been cleaned the night before. The finding of large amounts of bacteria indicates that proper sanitation techniques are either not in place or are not being enforced. Fortunately, there were no serious health risks found. Additionally, no pathogenic microbes, such as Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA), were identified. But, a few microbes that can cause opportunistic infections were identified, including Entertobacter agglomerans, Micrococcus luteus, Micrococcus lylae and Corynebacterium sp. Opportunistic infections are those that are harmless to healthy individuals but can cause illness in immunocompromised persons. Since the massage clinic is a complementary health care setting, many of the clients coming to the center are immunocompromised, so the opportunistic pathogens found can represent a threat to these people.

Table 1: CFU Counts and Bacterial Identification

by Sample Location (a) Clinic room #1: Sample Location C1 - Headrest (Table 8)

152

Types by Total Varying Differential Species Identified CFU Morphologies Testing Micrococcus luteus*, Staphylococcus sp., ~140 5 Yes Enterobacter agglomerans*

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Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols

C2 - Headrest (Table 3) C3 - Hand Pump (Hand Sanitizer) C4 - Water Jug Handle C5 - Door Knob Entering Room C6 - Door Knob Exiting Room

10

3

No

33

3

Yes

25

3

Yes

3

3

Yes

Not Tested Staphylococcus sp., Micrococcus lylae* Staphylococcus sp. , Bacillus sp.

Staphylococcus sp.

9

2

Yes Staphylococcus sp.

Staphylococcus sp., Micrococcus luteus*, Bacillus sp., Corynebacteruim sp.*

C7 - ETOH Cleaner Pump

40

5

Yes

C8 - Table Top #5

4

2

Yes

Staphylococcus sp.

Staphylococcus sp., Micrococcus varians, Micrococcus sedenterius, Listeria sp., Bacillus sp.

C9 Hydrocollator Pad Cover C10 Hydrocollator Water C11 - Air Duct Above Table #1 C12 Carpeting Near Table #1

49

9

Yes

1

1

No Not Tested

43

9

No Not Tested

~80

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11

No Not Tested

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(b) Clinic room #2 Sample Location CR1 - Table Top CR2 Headrests

CR3 - Bolster

CR4 - Sink Handle CR5 - Door Knob Entering Room CR6 - Door Knob Exiting Room

Types by Total Varying Differential Species Identified CFU Morphologies Testing Micrococcus luteus*, 12 4 Yes Staphylococcus sp., Listeria sp.

Listeria sp., ~280 9 Yes Micrococcus lylae*, Staphylococcus sp.

Micrococcus luteus*, Micrococcus ~75 6 Yes sedenterius, Staphylococcus sp., Listeria sp.

Micrococcus luteus*, Micrococcus 40 7 Yes sedenterius, Staphylococcus sp., Listeria sp.

6

6

No Not Tested

3

3

No

CR7 - Hand Soap Pump

15

7

Yes

CR8 Tension Relief Lotion Pump

~50

6

No

CR9 - Hand Pump (Hand Sanitizer)

~150

154

9

Yes

Not Tested Micrococcus luteus*, Staphylococcus sp., Kurthia sp., Bacillus sp., Deinococcus sp.

Not Tested Staphylococcus sp., Bacillus sp., Enterobacter agglomerans*

Journal of Undergraduate Research

Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols

(c) Bathroom: Sample Location

Types by Total Varying Differential Species Identified CFU Morphologies Testing

B1 - Water Fountain 20 B2 - Men's Room Handle Exiting ~60 B3 - Men's Room Handle Entering 7 B4 - Women's Room Handle Exiting 13 B5 - Women's Room Handle Entering ~100 B6 - Paper Towel Dispenser (Men's) ~60 B7 - Sink Handel (Men's) ~40 B8 - Hand Soap Pump (Men's) ~125 B9 - Hand Soap Pump (Women's) 25

6

No

Not Tested

6

No

Not Tested

2

No

Not Tested

4

No

Not Tested

4

No

Not Tested

5

No

Not Tested

6

No

Not Tested

7

No

Not Tested

5

No

Not Tested

Table 1 displays the total CFU counts, number of types of bacteria by varying morphological characteristics, and species identified by differential testing for each surface surveyed in the massage clinic. As shown, samples were taken from room #1 (a), room #2 (b), and the bathroom (c) at the clinic. *Represent possible opportunistic bacteria

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Figure 1: Photographs of Bacterial Samples

Figure 1 above displays actual photographs of areas swabbed on the day of sampling. Coinciding bacterial plates are also presented. (a) Sample C1 (b) Sample C8 (c) Sample C7 (d) Sample CR2 (e) Sample CR4 (f) Sample B1 Discussion After evaluation of the results collected, it was determined that changes in the frequency and products used for sanitation need to be enforced. As shown, high amounts of bacterial growth (>30 CFU) in many of the areas were observed. This growth is a concern based upon the fact that sampling occurred prior to the opening of the clinic at a time when the surfaces ought to have been thoroughly disinfected the night before. Thus, if proper procedures were followed, there should not have been such great amounts of growth (50% ethanol control count = 1 CFU). Furthermore, another area of concern was the identification of the potential opportunistic pathogens (e.g.

Micrococcus sp., Enterobacter sp., and Corynebacterium sp.). Since clients visiting the clinic seeking bodywork therapies may be 156

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Microbial Surveys and Analysis of Disinfection Protocols

immunocompromised, the identification of these bacteria present a health risk to these individuals as they may come in direct contact with potentially infectious agents.

Accordingly, combining the high amounts of growth, the bacteria found, and the time that these samples were taken, it was evident that the frequency of the disinfection may not be the only area for improvement. Based upon examination of the clinic's disinfectant products (50% ethanol solution), it was proposed to the staff that a more effective product ought to be implemented (minimal 70% ethanol solution; other options include 10% bleach or commercial disinfectants). Thus, recommendations were provided to the clinic including a hand washing protocol, a compilation of key areas identified with exceedingly high amounts of bacterial colonies, and, as mentioned, a set of suggested stronger disinfectants in order to improve the center's overall cleanliness (World Health Organization, 2009; Decon Labs, Inc., 2010). It was also recommended that in the future a reevaluation of the clinic be done after protocols have been changed to see if the alterations to clinic protocols were effective.

In conclusion, by looking at the results obtained from this study, there is no doubt that complementary health care settings cannot be ignored. Even though these facilities are not as prevalent in the news or scientific research, they clearly represent areas that require attention. Although minimal risks were identified for healthy individuals in this study, these health care settings can be of risk to clients if proper center sanitation is not enforced. Again, this study represents a single survey of this particular clinic and may not be representative of more serious infections present on these surfaces at any given time throughout each day.

References Bergey, D. H. & John G. Holt (2000). Bergey's Manual of Determinative Bacteriology (9th ed.). Philedelphia, PA: Lippincott Williams and Wilkins.

Brainard, A., Alcock, J., & Watts D. (2009). A comparison of bacterial colony-forming units in water bottles and hydration bags among outdoor enthusiasts. Wilderness & Environmental Medicine, 20(4). Retrieved from http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20030447 Bumham, K., Peterson, D., Vavrek, D., & Haas, M. (2009). The impact of microbial surveys on disinfection protocols in a

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Robert Arciuolo & Caroline Du Vernoy

chiropractic college environment. Journal of Manipulative and Physiological Therapeutics, 32, 463-468.

Chess, B. (2008) Microbiology Lab Manual with Case Studies and Photo Atlas, McGraw-Hill Publishing Company.

Decon Labs, Inc. (2010). Conflikt detergent/disinfectant technical data sheet. Retrieved from www.deconlabs.com Leboffe, M. J. & B.F. Pierce. (2006). Microbiology Laboratory Theory and Application (2nd ed.). Englewood, CO: Morton Publishing Company.

Oie S., Hosokawa I., & Kamiya A. (2002). Contamination of room door handles by methicillin-sensitive/methicillin-resistant staphylococcus aureus. The Journal of Hospital Infection, 51(2). Retrieved from http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12090803 (2009). What is complementary and alternative medicine? Retrieved from http://nccam.nih.gov/health/whatiscam/overview.htm World Health Organization. (2009). Hand hygiene: Why, how & when.

Retrieved from http://www.who.int/gpsc/5may/Hand_ Hygiene_Why_How_and_When_Brochure.pdf Acknowledgements We would like to thank the College of Saint Rose and the local Albany massage clinic for allowing us the opportunity to conduct this research. We would also like to thank Dr. Murad for her guidance and support.

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Journal of Undergraduate Research

Call for Papers Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume III The Journal of Undergraduate Research publishes highquality work written by undergraduate students at the College of Saint Rose in all fields, and is published each spring. Current students and recent graduates are invited to submit their work for consideration.

Submissions are accepted on a rolling basis, though there is a deadline each fall for the following spring‘s publication. Papers must be revised before publication. 

Send your submission as a clean electronic copy, in Microsoft Word, to journal@strose.edu.

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Include a cover page with your name, department, and class year. If the paper was originally written for a course, please indicate which course it was, when it was taken, and who the professor was. Include a statement of original authorship. Do not place your name anywhere else in the document.

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Include an abstract and a complete bibliography. Tables and figures may be included in the text or attached at the end.

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For more information, see http://www.strose.edu/academics/ academic_publications/journal_of_undergraduate_research

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