Journal of Undergraduate Research at The College of Saint Rose, Vol. 7 by The College of Saint Rose

Volume VII

Spring 2016

Journal of Undergraduate Research of The College of Saint Rose Volume VII Spring 2016 Cover Design Janna Czepiel ’15 Editorial Staff and Advisory Board…………………………….…3 Editor’s Note Brian Sweeney……...…………...……...................5 Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims on Product Packaging Nicole Baker, ’16….………………...…….………....…..6 Introduced by Cailin Brown The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect (A Study of Undergraduate College Students) Kristin Bent, ’15……………...…………………..….…21 Children of an Equal God: A Psychoanalytical Analysis of The White Ribbon Halle Cairns, ’16………………….…….……………...47 Introduced by Vaneeta Palecanda An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills and the Social Constructions of Undocumented Immigrants in the U.S. Guadalupe Chavez, ’16……………...………..………...59 Introduced by Ryane McAuliffe Straus A General Analysis of Franz Schubert's String Quintet in C Major, D. 956, First Movement Alyssa Gallagher, ’17……………...…………..………...93 Introduced by David Bebe News Media vs. Social Media: Crisis Coverage and Media Framing

Alina Gurtowsky, ’16……………...………...………...107 Introduced by Jin Kim Societal Fear of Sexual Assault and Self-Protective Behaviors Samantha Johnson, ’16……………...……….………...127 Introduced by Ann Zak Need for Professional Change: Traumatic Brain Injury Survivors and the Struggle to Overcome Effects of the Injury and to Transition to College Annalisa Lee-Bjerke, ’15……………..…….…………..140 Introduced by Janet Acker Optimism and Its Influence on Academic Achievement and Social Relations Marcy McCarthy, ’17……………...………...………...159 Introduced by Ross Krawczyk Economic Impact Investigation: The College of Saint Rose’s Commuter Students, Pine Hills, and the Capital Region Christopher Stillman, ’15……………………………...177 Call For Papers…………………………………….………….191

Staff and Advisory Board Editor Brian Sweeney, English Editorial Assistants Josh Bovee, English MA â&#x20AC;&#x2122;16 Jessie Serfilippi, English MFA â&#x20AC;&#x2122;18 Advisory Board Janet Acker, Social Work Alfred Antico, Communications Stephanie Bennett, Sociology Michael Brannigan, Philosophy and Religious Studies Cailin Brown, Communications May Caroline Chan, English Alfred D. Chapleau, Criminal Justice Paul Conti, Communications Kathleen Crowley, Psychology Eurie Dahn, English Amanda Damiano, Communications Dave DeBonis, Communications Sciences and Disorders Jenise DePinto, History and Political Science John Dion, Business Amina Eladdadi, Mathematics Risa Faussette, History and Political Science Theresa Flanigan, Center for Art and Design Robert Flint, Psychology Megan Fulwiler, English David Goldschmidt, Computer Science David Hopkins, Biology Dennis Johnston, Music Lisa Kannenberg, History and Political Science

Deborah Kelsh, Teacher Education Jin Kim, Communications Ross Krawczyk, Psychology Kate Laity, English Mark Ledbetter, Philosophy and Religious Studies Angela Ledford, History and Political Science Michael Levi, Music Jessica Loy, Center for Art and Design Jeffrey Marlett, Philosophy and Religious Studies Ian MacDonald, Computer Science Karen McGrath, Communications Silvia Mejia, World Languages and Cultures Kelly Meyer, Academic Advising Erin Mitchell, World Languages and Cultures Mary Alice Molgard, Communications David Morrow, English Vaneeta Palecanda, English Christina Pfister, Teacher Education David Rice, English Elizabeth Richards, Communications Maureen Rotondi, Anne Rowley, Communications Sciences and Disorders Hollis Seamon, English Robert P. Shane, Center for Art and Design Rone Shavers, English Janet Spitz, Business Administration Ryane McAuliffe Straus, History and Political Science Simona Sung, Economics Jamal Teymouri, Mathematics Barbara Ungar, English Bridgett Williams-Searle, History and Political Science Marshelle Woodward, English Elizabeth Yanoff, Teacher Education Ann Zak, Psychology Ann Zeeh, Biology

Editorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Note As editor of the Journal of Undergraduate Research, I am delighted to present these ten essays, representing outstanding undergraduate scholarship in eight disciplines: communications, economics, English, music, political science, psychology, social work, and sociology. This year saw the largest number of submissions in the journalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s seven-year history, and the ten essays that appear in this issue were judged by means of a double-blind faculty review process to be the best of these submissions. I am grateful for the work of my resourceful editorial assistants, English MA student Josh Bovee and English MFA student Jessica Serfillippi. Thanks also to Interim Provost and Vice President of Academic Affairs Dr. Barbara Schirmer and to Dean of Mathematics and Sciences Dr. Richard J. Thompson for their support of the journal. Above all, thanks to the Saint Rose faculty, so many of whom generously volunteered their time to evaluate submissions or write introductions to student essays, and all of whom provide instruction and mentorship that inspires the best from our students. With this issue my three-year term as Editor of the Journal of Undergraduate Research comes to a close. It has been personally and professionally enriching to work closely with so many talented students across disciplines over the past three years. Dr. Robert Shane of the Center of Art and Design will begin his term as editor in Fall 2016. I could not be happier to leave the journal in the hands of such a dedicated teacher, scholar, and colleague. Thank you for reading. Brian Sweeney Assistant Professor of English

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims on Product Packaging Nicole Baker Communications, ’16 Faculty Introduction The discipline of Media Ethics lends itself to seemingly infinite paths of inquiry. As the practice of ‘meaning making’ has proliferated across diverse media platforms, audiences are forced to wade through and make sense of too many messages. For her semester study, Nicole Baker, who professes a strong interest in health and fitness, turned her attention to food labeling, compelled by her curiosity and personal experience. Nicole was influenced to buy products she saw advertised in infomercials, products that did not deliver on the claims made about them. For her study she looked into the guidelines governing food labeling and the principles of ethics set forth by the advertising industry. At the heart of Nicole’s research was her quest to identify the genesis of food labeling practices and to consider how U.S. regulations—from the Food and Drug Administration, the Federal Trade Commission, and the Department of Agriculture—dovetail with the principles of ethics outlined by the American Advertising Federation. By applying the TARES test to food labeling—considering its truthfulness, authenticity, respectfulness, equity and socially responsible underpinnings—Nicole arrived at the conclusion that food advertisers manipulate and mislead the consumer. Her 6

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims findings echo those of other food labeling advocates, like Mark Bittman of the New York Times, who in 2012 wrote that “front-ofpackage labeling is sacred to big good companies, a marketing tool of the highest order, a way to encourage purchasing decisions based not on the truth but on what manufacturers would have consumers believe.” Nicole Baker joins Bittman as an advocate for the consumer, and does so with her thoughtful research, which synthesizes diverse voices and adds more evidence in favor of holding accountable media practitioners in the labeling industry. Cailin Brown Associate Professor and Chair of Communications

Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims on Product Packaging There has been an increase in the media’s emphasis on healthy eating within the past two decades. Much of this emphasis is due in part to the nation’s rising obesity rates. With television shows like The Biggest Loser and Jamie Oliver’s Food Revolution, to magazines such as Health and Fitness, to healthy eating billboards and Michelle Obama’s “Let’s Move!” campaign, the importance of living a healthy lifestyle has been repeatedly stressed through different media outlets. According to Allen Adamson, as a result of this increasing emphasis, more people have become particularly concerned about “the naturalness” and “the wholesomeness” of the foods they consume (qtd. in Elliott). Put simply, shoppers want to be sure that the foods they are buying are healthy for them. How The College of Saint Rose

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can they know this? Well, for many people, all it takes is one look at the claims made on the front of food packages. It is these healthand-nutrition-related claims that cause consumer confusion because of their misleading nature and their tendency to wrongly assert product healthfulness. Three typical claims are usually made on food packaging. The first is a nutrient-content claim, such as “low fat” or “high fiber.” The second is a health claim that addresses “the relationship between a specific nutrient and a disease or health condition,” such as “diets low in saturated fat and cholesterol may reduce the risk of heart disease” (Kozup, Creyer, and Burton 20). The third type of claim is known as a structure/function claim. The FDA notes that this type of claim describes “how a product affects the structure or function of the body, but [does] not mention or imply a relationship to a disease,” such as “calcium builds strong bones” (qtd. in Parker 49). All of these claims influence how consumers process nutrition information on product packaging, with shoppers potentially making health decisions based solely on the claims. The Federal Trade Commission website notes that the “FTC, FDA, and USDA share jurisdiction over claims made by manufacturers of food products” (“Enforcement Policy Statement on Food Advertising”). Since 1954, the FTC “has assumed primary responsibility for regulating food advertising, while [the] FDA has taken primary responsibility for regulating food labeling” (“Enforcement Policy Statement on Food Advertising”). As a result, the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act (NLEA) (1990) and the Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act (DSHEA) (1994) were both passed by the FDA in attempts to clear up 8

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims consumer confusion regarding health-and-nutrition-related claims on product packages, and to encourage consumers to make healthier food choices (Garretson and Burton 213). However, misleading claims are still common, creating a fear that “consumers may make unwarranted product inferences on the basis of the health claim even if these inferences are not fully supported by the nutritional disclosure” (Ford, Hastak, Mitra, and Ringold 24). In other words, even if the content of the Nutrition Facts panel doesn’t provide support for the claim on the front of a food package, the claim in itself may still influence consumers to buy a product with the hope that they will reap the promised health benefits. Such promising claims lead to an interesting ethical question: Is it ethical for food companies to advertise health claims, even though those claims may be misunderstood by consumers? In determining if a claim has the potential to be misunderstood, the FTC and FDA will look to how the reasonable consumer would interpret the claim. The FTC “believes that to be deceptive the representation, omission or practice must be likely to mislead reasonable consumers under the circumstances” (“FTC Policy Statement on Deception”). When a product is targeted to a specific audience, the FTC will determine the effect of a claim on a “reasonable member of that group,” but a company will not be held liable for every interpretation or action by a consumer” (“FTC Policy Statement on Deception”). The FTC notes that “a representation does not become ‘false and deceptive’ merely because it will be unreasonably misunderstood by an insignificant and unrepresentative segment of the class of persons to whom the representation is addressed” (“FTC Policy Statement on Deception”). Nonetheless, reasonable consumers (those who represent a good portion of the targeted audience) and their The College of Saint Rose

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interpretations are taken into account in determining if a claim or ad is deceptive. Even so, despite the FDA’s and FTC’s efforts to determine claim interpretations, misleading claims still make their way onto product packaging. Robert Lustig and Marsha Cohen ask in “F.D.A. Must Define, and Enforce, the Term ‘Natural,’” “Can Cocoa Krispies really ‘support immunity’ because some Vitamin C was added? Does a box of Cheerios ‘reduce cholesterol’ because it contains some cereal fiber?” These questions are similar to those that arise from food products that contain the term “natural.” Most consumers equate the term “natural” with “healthy,” thinking that if a food is natural it must be good for them. Yet there has been no government definition of the term “natural,” which means that its use is misleading because consumers will purchase products bearing the term “under misconceptions about [the food’s] contents” (Lustig and Cohen). A national Consumer Reports poll, released in the summer of 2014, found that 60% of consumers “check to see if the products they buy are ‘natural,’” while “two-thirds of consumers unwittingly think that ‘natural’ means something— namely that the product has no artificial ingredients, G.M.O.’s, toxic pesticides or added antibiotics” (Rangan). The problem arises and the ethical question comes into play, however, when products bearing the term aren’t natural at all. In 2014, Kashi, owned by the Kellogg Company, agreed to drop terms like “all natural” and “nothing artificial” from some of the products in its line after a class-action lawsuit was filed against them in 2011. Plaintiffs argued that Kashi products, using such “natural” claims, contained ingredients like “pyridoxine hydrochloride, calcium pantothenate and soy oil processed using hexane, a component of gasoline” 10

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims (Strom). Thus, the “all natural” claim created an expectation that the product line contained “nothing artificial,” when in fact, the ingredients listed on the back of the product illustrated otherwise. In one study, Roe, Levy, and Derby found that the presence of health-and-nutrition related claims on product packages increased the likelihood that consumers would limit their search and rely strictly on the health claim for health information, as opposed to searching the rest of the package to find the Nutrition Facts panel (95). As a result of relying strictly on health claims, study participants attributed inappropriate health benefits to products. If this is in fact the case, food companies are using such claims to attract consumers to get them to buy the unhealthy food products under the assumption that such foods are healthy for them, all in an attempt to make more money. These companies are essentially using product assertions and banking on the fact that consumers will look at the claim and nothing else in deciding whether or not to buy the product. By having healthy and positive-sounding claims, consumers will be more likely to purchase the food product because they think it is good for them. Dr. Marion Nestle calls such assertions “calorie distractors,” in that they “carry a subtle but highly seductive message that it is okay to eat unlimited amounts because the food is supposedly good for you” (qtd. in Brody). After all, “many people just want to believe. Buying foods marketed as healthy may satisfy our yearning to feel we are doing something healthy for ourselves and our families” (Singer). On the other hand, Levy, in a separate study, referenced Food and Drug Administration research that showed that many consumers believe that the Nutrition Facts panel is government The College of Saint Rose

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sponsored, and thus see it as valid information that can confirm health-and-nutrition related claims labeled on the fronts of food packages (qtd. in Garretson and Burton 215). Thus, if people see the Nutrition Facts panel as government-sponsored, they might attribute such a panel to be more trustworthy than the health-andnutrition related claims labeled on the fronts of food packages, since such claims are often seen to have promotion-based agendas, in terms of trying to attract people to the product and make a purchase. Garretson and Burton, in their study, confirmed these suggestions, finding that “trust in the Nutrition Facts panel information is higher than trust in the claim across all of the specific claim conditions” (224). While most people see the Nutrition Facts panel as government sponsored and the health-andnutrition related claims on the fronts of food packages as ‘advertising,’ many people seem to forget that health-and-nutrition related claims are in fact regulated by the FDA. The FDA notes that “only those claims, or their synonyms, that are specifically defined in [FDA] regulations may be used [on product packages]. All other claims are prohibited” (“Guidance for Industry: A Food Labeling Guide”). Jacob Jacoby and Constance Small noted forty years ago in their research however, that the “difficulty lies mainly with the advertisement that contains true, letter-perfect information from a regulatory standpoint, yet still creates a misleading impression” (65). While the FDA may regulate certain claims, the problem comes into play when such claims mislead the consumer into believing certain things about the food product. One example of such misleading claims is shown through the recent Kashi lawsuit. As mentioned above, Kashi was sued over having misleading 12

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims health-and-nutrition related claims on some of its food products. This shows that no matter what side of a package a consumer chooses to get his/her nutrition information from, some healthand-nutrition related claims can be misunderstood and cause unwarranted expectations of healthfulness. While there are no studies that indicate the percentage of shoppers who rely solely on front-of-package food claims, those who do rely on such package assertions can wrongly assess product healthfulness and make improper nutritional inferences on the basis of those claims (Roe, Levy, and Derby 92). For example, in 2009, the labeling campaign known as Smart Choices began to label food products with a green checkmark to identify for consumers those products deemed to be healthy (Neuman). While the campaign still exists today, the green checkmark label is being placed on sweet, sugary cereals like Froot Loops, giving consumers the misleading impression that Froot Loops, and food products like it are in fact healthy. According to Neuman, “Froot Loops qualifies for the label because it meets standards set by the Smart Choices Program for fiber and Vitamins A and C, and because it does not exceed limits on fat, sodium and sugar.” What is not openly mentioned to the public, however, is that the cereal contains the maximum amount of sugar allowed under the Smart Choices program for cereals (12 grams), which makes up approximately 41% of the product (Neuman). Interestingly, the misleading labeling information found on Froot Loops and Kashi products violate the American Advertising Federation’s (AAF) advertising ethics guidelines. Commentary elaborating on the AAF’s principles and guidelines states that “The principle for all ethical advertising is that the claims must be truthful and non-misleading” (Snyder 9). The

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commentary goes on to say that “ads cannot omit ‘material facts’— the inclusion of which would render the ads false and misleading” (Snyder 9). The omission of material facts would be similar to how Chobani and Bear Naked have used the phrase “evaporated cane juice” to describe a sweetener that is essentially their attempt to hide the real ingredient used—sugar (Strom). The omission of that ‘material’ ingredient leads to a misconception of the product’s healthfulness. Nevertheless, the preamble of the American Advertising Federation’s Principles and Practices for Advertising Ethics notes that all of the Federation’s ethics principles “are based on the premise that all forms of communications, including advertising, should always do what is right for consumers, which in turn is right for business as well” (Snyder 2). Yet in the case of food labeling and product packaging, what is right for consumers is laying out truthful information so they can make more informed dietary food selections for themselves and their families. The Federation’s first principle even states that “Advertising, public relations, marketing communications, news, and editorial all share a common objective of truth and high ethical standards in serving the public” (Snyder 3). However, food company advertisers are clearly not following these principles. For example, Dreamfield’s low-carbohydrate pasta claims “now you can eat the pasta you love without all the carbs you don’t” (Brody). Yet, Brody notes that Dreamfield’s has enriched semolina, or wheat flour, causing the pasta to derive 84% of its calories from carbohydrates—a fact that is in direct opposition to the box’s stated claim (Brody). Thus, the frequency with which these misleading health-and-nutrition related claims occur clearly illustrates the ethical issue at hand.

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims The practice of deceptively labeling the fronts of food packages in order to attract consumers becomes particularly unethical when such deception could cause potential harm to those buying the food products or supplements. For instance, the American Marketing Association (AMA) has as its first ethical principle, “Do no harm” (“Statement of Ethics”). The AMA elaborates on this, saying that marketers must avoid “harmful actions or omissions by embodying high ethical standards and adhering to all applicable laws and regulations” (“Statement of Ethics”). Such a principle becomes particularly important when thinking in terms of the health of consumers. If food advertisers inappropriately place health-and-nutrition related claims on food products that don’t comply with FDA regulations, and such claims end up being misunderstood by consumers, some consumers with certain health conditions could end up suffering serious consequences by consuming the food product. For example, the FDA recently sent KIND Healthy Snacks a warning that some of their nut bars were not healthy enough to bear the “healthy” label (Lupkin). The FDA letter to KIND said that in order to claim that a food product is healthy, the food must have no more than one gram of saturated fat per serving, with the KIND bars containing between 2.5 to 5 times that amount of saturated fat per bar (Lupkin). Lupkin cited Dr. Suzanne Steinbaum, a cardiologist at a NYC hospital, who said that she had to tell patients that the bars weren’t as healthy as they were made to believe (Lupkin). Continued consumption of the bars by some patients might have put them in harm’s way with regard to certain health conditions. Thus, by labeling their bars as “healthy,” when this is in fact not the case, KIND put some consumers at risk, like those who have been placed on low-fat diets due to certain medical requirements. The College of Saint Rose

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Such labeling directly violates the AMA’s “Do no harm” principle. Ironically, this recent case of deception might not turn out so well for KIND, as they may have ruined some valued customer trust. Of course, the AMA suggests rejecting “manipulations and sales tactics that harm customer trust,” but by putting consumers at risk, some food shoppers may decide that that was the last straw (“Statement of Ethics”). Overall, the goal of food advertisers is to make money. However, many of these advertisers are trying to achieve that goal by taking advantage of consumers and manipulating their thinking. They are being illusive about products’ health-and-nutrition-related claims, which is certainly not the right thing for the consumer and his/her dietary needs. Such advertisers are not treating consumers with respect, and they are not taking into consideration how different people process and understand information. As a result, there is no equity between the advertiser and the consumer. The consumer is the one who is forced to do all of the research and work in order to find out what certain food products really contain and how truthful the claims are. As has been illustrated, most food advertisers have not been completely upfront when it comes to labeling the actual contents of their food products. In short, these advertisers are not being socially responsible. With such misleading claims, how can consumers know which food products and brands to trust? Unfortunately, it is those food advertisers who put vague or misleading health-and-nutrition related claims on food products that significantly add to consumers’ rising distrust of the advertising industry.

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims Works Cited Brody, Jane E. “Beware Food Companies’ Health Claims.” New York Times 21 Sept. 2004. Web. 9 Feb. 2015. Elliot, Stuart. “Hot Cereal, Hey, It’s All Natural.” New York Times 10 Sept. 2007. Web. 11 Feb. 2015. “Enforcement Policy Statement on Food Advertising.” Federal Trade Commission. Federal Trade Commission, 1994. Web. 6 April 2015. <https://www.ftc.gov/publicstatements/1994/05/enforcement-policy-statement-foodadvertising>. “FTC Policy Statement on Deception.” Federal Trade Commission. Federal Trade Commission, 1983. Web. 6 April 2015. <https://www.ftc.gov/publicstatements/1983/10/ftc-policy-statement-deception>. Ford, Gary T., Manoj Hastak, Anusree Mitra, and Debra Jones Ringold. “Can Consumers Interpret Nutrition Information in the Presence of a Health Claim? A Laboratory Investigation.” Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 15.1 (1996): 16-27. JSTOR. Web. 9 Feb. 2015. Garretson, Judith A. and Scot Burton. “Effects of Nutrition Facts Panel Values, Nutrition Claims, and Health Claims on Consumer Attitudes, Perceptions of Disease-Related Risks,

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and Trust.” Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 19.2 (2000): 213-227. JSTOR. Web. 9 Feb. 2015. “Guide for Industry: A Food Labeling Guide (8. Claims).” FDA. U.S. Food and Drug Administration, 2013. Web. 5 April 2015. <http://www.fda.gov/Food/GuidanceRegulation/Guidance DocumentsRegulatoryInformation/LabelingNutrition/uc m064908.htm>. Jacoby, Jacob and Constance Small. “The FDA Approach to Defining Misleading Advertising.” Journal of Marketing 39.4 (1975): 65-68. Business Source Premier. Web. 24 March 2015. Kozup, John C., Elizabeth H. Creyer, and Scot Burton. “Making Healthful Food Choices: The Influence of Health Claims and Nutrition Information on Consumers’ Evaluations of Packaged Food Products and Restaurant Menu Items.” Journal of Marketing 67.2 (2003): 19-34. JSTOR. Web. 15 Feb. 2015. Lupkin, Sydney. “Some KIND Bars Not So Healthy, FDA Says.” ABC News. ABC News Internet Ventures, 2015. Web. 15 April 2015. Lustig, Robert and Marsha Cohen. “F.D.A. Must Define, and Enforce, the Term ‘Natural.’” New York Times 11 Nov. 2014. Web. 18 Feb. 2015.

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Misleading Health-and-Nutrition-Related Food Claims Naylor, Rebecca Walker, Courtney M. Droms, and Kelly L. Haws. “Eating with a Purpose: Consumer Response to Functional Food Health Claims in Conflicting Versus Complimentary Information Environments.” Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 28.2 (2009): 221-233. JSTOR. Web. 12 Feb. 2015. Neuman, William. “For Your Health, Froot Loops.” New York Times 4 Sept. 2009. Web. 24 March 2015. Parker, Betty J. “Food for Health: The Use of Nutrient Content, Health, and Structure/Function Claims in Food Advertisements.” Journal of Advertising 32.3 (2003): 4755. JSTOR. Web. 11 Feb. 2015. Rangan, Urvashi. “Ban ‘Natural’ as a Marketing Label on Foods.” New York Times 11 Nov. 2014. Web. 18 Feb. 2015. Roe, Brian, Alan S. Levy, and Brenda M. Derby. “The Impact of Health Claims on Consumer Search and Product Evaluation Outcomes: Results from FDA Experimental Data.” Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 18.1 (1999): 89-105. JSTOR. Web. 15 Feb. 2015. Singer, Natasha. “Foods With Benefits, or So They Say.” New York Times 14 May 2011. Web. 24 March 2015. Snyder, Wallace S. “Principles and Practices for Advertising Ethics.” Institute for Advertising Ethics. 2011. Web. 15 Feb. 2015. <http://aaftl.com/wpThe College of Saint Rose

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content/uploads/2014/10/Principles-and-Practices-withCommentary.pdf> “Statement of Ethics.” American Marketing Association. American Marketing Association, 2014. Web. 6 April 2015. Strom, Stephanie. “Kellogg Agrees to Alter Labeling on Kashi Line.” New York Times 8 May 2014. Web. 9 Feb. 2015.

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect

The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect (A Study of Undergraduate College Students) Kristin Bent Sociology, ’15 Abstract: This paper explores the effects of the third-person effect and the notion of the “spiral of silence” in regards to the messages conveyed by mass media when they are applied to a small sample of undergraduate college students. The third-person effect suggests that individuals will tend to believe that these messages will have a greater impact and influence on others than on themselves. The first-person effect hypothesis theorizes that when a media message is seen as socially desirable, or socially progressive, individuals will tend to rate themselves as more influenced than others, creating an opposite effect as compared to the third-person effect. The spiral of silence is the idea that individuals would rather stay silent on their views and opinions instead of voicing them. Out of fear of exclusion and isolation, individuals will keep their opinions to themselves if they believe that their view is not the majority belief in the group. A study was conducted that asked students to respond to a number of questions to measure both of these effects. This study uncovered a few results. (1) The third-person effect hypothesis is generally supported in numerous categories. (2) As a student’s education level rises, the prevalence of the third-person effect rises. (3) My hypothesis that Criminal Justice and Sociology majors are less affected by the third-person effect was not found to be supported by data. This may be due to a lack of other majors for comparison in the study. (4) There was no support of my hypothesis, which assumed that the appearance of the spiral of silence theory would diminish as a student’s level of education rose. (5) The first-person effect theory appears to be supported, given the statements that students made about their levels of media influence compared to others, but there is not enough data to solidify an answer.

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Kristin Bent While there is extensive literature on the third person effect, there is minimal research that studies its effects when it comes to the manipulation of media messages. There is also a lack of significant research in the field on the “first-person effect” and the “spiral of silence.” Literature Review In its most extensive meaning, the third-person effect is the hypothesis that predicts that individuals will overestimate the effects and influence that mass media messages and communications will have on the attitudes and behaviors of other individuals (Davison 1983). As Davison stated, people believe that the media’s “greatest impact will not be on ‘me’, or ‘you’, but on ‘them’ – the third persons” (1983). Yet, this creates something of an inconsistency. According to Bryant Jennings, if you believe that others are influenced by the media, it stands to reason that you should believe that you, too, are affected by media (2002). On the other hand, if you believe that you are not affected by media influence, and assuming that all other individuals believe the same about themselves, then it seems that we are exaggerating the impact and influence of media on others (Jennings 2002). Noted by James Tiedge, “In either case, most people appear to be willing to subscribe to the logical inconsistency inherent in maintaining that the mass media influences others considerably more than themselves” (Tiedge, Silverblatt, Havice, and Rosenfeld 1991). This is the third-person effect, “a complex, labyrinth-like area in which perceptions become reality, reality is enshrouded by perceptions, and perceptions hinge on the very important factor of whether you are considering the media’s impact on other people or on yourself” (Jennings 2002).

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect Invented in 1983 by sociologist W. Phillips Davison, the third-person effect has generated considerable interest for the way it turns conventional media theories on its head (Jennings 2002). The third-person hypothesis has two main pieces: First, it contends that people will assume that the messages relayed by the media will influence others more than it does the self (Jennings 2002). Second, it suggests that peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s expectations of media influence on others will lead them to take action, perhaps to derail the predicted effects (Jennings 2002). The third-person effect has an instinctive quality, as it resonates with most individuals and their recurrent experience with the world, society, and the media that they encounter in their daily lives (Jennings 2002). Many people have preconceived notions about â&#x20AC;&#x153;the mediaâ&#x20AC;?, where it is typically seen in a negative light as a large and powerful, all-encompassing entity (Jennings 2002). Perhaps the most common example of the third-person effect can be found in the American election campaign system (Mutz 1989). Based on the notion that media has a substantial and influential effect on audiences and the electorate, candidates and campaign managers often organize their entire campaigns around maximizing their coverage in the media (Mutz 1989). When campaigners are asked about the importance of media, most respond with disbelief that the question need be asked and an inability to convey adequately the perceived importance (Mutz 1989). Despite whether or not media content actually influences the political attitudes and behaviors of electorates and audiences, it has an enormous impact on how elections are conducted as a result of the perceptions of media influence and impact (Mutz 1989).

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Kristin Bent The third-person effect hypothesis has been thoroughly researched in a variety of ways (Jennings 2002). Typically, researchers survey respondents and ask them to estimate the effects of media messages on others and also on themselves (Jennings 2002). In some studies, respondents read or view a piece of communication and then respond with beliefs about the message and its influence (Jennings 2002). Third-person effect studies have appeared in abundance in a variety of fields and contexts, including in the news media, advertising, health field, and entertainment (Jennings 2002). There are numerous conditions that influence and affect the third-person effect hypothesis (Jennings 2002). Multiple theories exist that inform us that people dislike admitting that they are influenced by a message when the message itself has a negative connotation or reflects poorly on the individual (Jennings 2002). Therefore, third-person effects on individuals should be particularly pronounced when the message in question would impose an undesirable, negative image on the individual (Jennings 2002). Conversely, when a message is seen as desirable, progressive, or would reflect positively on the individual in question, a first-person effect is recorded (Jennings 2002). The research that has been conducted on the first-person effect is minimal, and often is an unintended result from research focusing on the third-person effect. Gunter and Thorson were the first to hypothesize and measure the first-person effect (Golan and Day 2008). They argued that the social desirability of media content and messages would account for the direction of discrepancies and gaps in perception during their research on the third-person hypothesis (Golan et al. 2008). Whilst testing this 24

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect theory, and its perceived effects through the viewing of PSA’s, they were able to gather support for what they originally called ‘the reversed third-person effect’ (Golan et al. 2008). During Gunther and Thorson’s research on PSA’s, they noted that the reversed third-person effect/first-person effect would occur when people perceived a PSA to be beneficial, and therefore it would be viewed as appropriate and proper that they would be influenced (Golan et al. 2008). In 2000, Chapin examined the relationship between the two effects, and while there were a few studies that used the firstperson effect as an explanation for the third-person effect, Chapin was one of the first to test the two concepts as separate entities (Chapin 2000). Chapin tested the perceived media effects on self and others among urban youths (Chapin 2000). His results indicated that there was a significant relationship in support of the first-person effect, and that the nature of the message (whether or not it was socially desirable) was the main indicator and predictor of the effect in question (Chapin 2000). Individuals are driven to preserve their self-esteem, so therefore they are willing to admit that they are affected by messages that are viewed as an indicator of characteristics such as humanity, openness, innovation, and flexibility (Jennings 2002). Another condition that influences the third-person effect is the notion of what exactly is meant by the ‘others’ (Jennings 2002). ‘Other’ can mean many things in regards to this hypothesis; other college students, other women, other New Yorkers, or the public opinion in general (Jennings 2002). The greater the perceived distance between the individual and the ‘others,’ the easier it is to assume that the ‘others’ will fall victim to the effects and influence that the individual is able to see through (Jennings 2002). It is far simpler to assume that the mass of faceless individuals that make up The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent the ‘others’ will be persuaded easily, rather than people and faces that we can actually conjure up in our minds (Jennings 2002). This theory is also referred to as the ‘social distance corollary’ (Jennings 2002). There are also individual differences that exist between all of us that influence whether or not we prescribe to this way of thinking (Jennings 2002). It is argued that individuals who have received more education throughout their lives are more susceptible to the third-person effect (Jennings 2002). This is due to the idea that highly educated individuals are more likely to see themselves as superior to those who are less educated than they are, and therefore will believe that they are less susceptible to the influential effects of the media (Jennings 2002). In a meta-analysis concerning the effects of the third-person hypothesis, Paul and his colleagues found that the third-person effect was significantly larger in a nonrandom, college student sample than it was in a random, nonstudent sample (Paul, Salwan, and Dupagne 2000). The researchers theorized that this enormous discrepancy between sample groups was due to the fact that the college students perceived themselves to be smarter than others, and therefore not influenced by messages in the media (Paul et al. 2000). In accordance with this view, studies have also found that self-esteem magnifies third-person perceptions, and are consistent with the notion that self-enhancement underlies the third-person effect (Jennings 2002). There are a multitude of theories that set out to explain why so many individuals subscribe to the effects of the third-person hypothesis. One of them states that it is a universal human tendency to view ourselves in a way that makes us look good, or at least better than many other people (Jennings 2002). Admitting 26

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect that we are capable of being influenced means that we are also acknowledging the existence of an undesirable character or personality trait (Jennings 2002). By maintaining the notion that we are unaffected by pervasive media messages, while others are victim to their influence, we preserve our sense of self and reaffirm our thought that we are better than ‘the others’ (Jennings 2002). Another interpretation of the third-person effect hypothesis is that we are motivated by the need to feel a sense of control in regards to events and situations where we would normally have a lack of control (Jennings 2002). By assuming that we are not affected by the media and the messages that pervade our society, we can go about our daily routine in a “media-dominated world”, using media, consuming media, and integrating media into our lives (Jennings 2002). The third theory of the third-person effect is akin to projection (Jennings 2002). According to this view, we are influenced by media, but we do not have the ability to consciously acknowledge that. Admitting to the media’s effects on our lives and views would be risking damage to our sense of self-worth, so we then project these effects onto others, as a defense mechanism, to distance ourselves from the perceived negative impacts of media influence and from aspects of ourselves and our personalities that we would rather leave unacknowledged (Jennings 2002). Other interpretations include the theory that, as individuals, we can attribute our own actions to situational factors, but upon explaining other people’s behaviors and views, they are governed by personality dispositions (Jennings 2002). Another view relates the third-person effect to a common stereotype that views The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent ‘the others’ and audiences as ‘passive sheep’ that follow who and what they are expected and told to follow (Jennings 2002). The last view simply states that people do not have the ability to access their own mental processes and the reasoning behind those processes (Jennings 2002). There are a few potential consequences of the third-person effect that have been noted by researchers. The first one finds that the third-person effect predicts support for the restriction of pornography, television violence, forms of antisocial music, and liquor and gambling advertising (Shah, Faber, and Youn 1999). On the other hand, the TPE is not as likely to foretell the restriction of the news, because it is seen as a trustworthy, legitimate message (Jennings 2002). Advocates of censorship tend to completely prescribe to the effect of the third-person hypothesis, believing that the gullible public needs to be protected from certain negative aspects of the media to protect the wholesomeness and safety of our society (Rojas, Shah, and Faber 1996). Besides censorship, another possible consequence that scholars have speculated is the potential influence of public opinion, inducing agenda-setting, the “spiral of silence” and other social behavioral effects (Jennings 2002). The “spiral of silence” is a hypothesis that occurs when an individual holds an opinion or view, but fails to express it because they believe that they are part of a minority viewpoint, and they fear that they would be opening themselves up to the social isolation that the expression of an unpopular opinion brings forth (Allen 1991). Although these individuals tend to believe that by choosing silence, they are protecting themselves from social isolation and retribution, they are actually succeeding in isolating themselves (Allen 1991). As a result of this self-censorship, the gap 28

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect between themselves and those of the perceived majority widen (Allen 1991). There are also many ripple effects that can stem from the TPE (Jennings 2002). These effects can be studied and applied throughout numerous aspects of our society, whether it is in a positive way or a negative way. According to Jennings, “thirdperson effects do not occur in a vacuum or in a neutral cocoon” (2002). This dimension of the TPE is often overlooked, and individuals may not realize the repercussions of their own beliefs and how other individuals’ beliefs and perceptions affect not only them, but the world and society around us, as well.While some research has been conducted examining the effect of FAF on stuttering, there are no obtainable studies pertaining to the potential physiological responses to FAF. Howell, El-Yaniv, and Powell (1987) examined the speech fluency of adults who stutter and found statistically significant improvements in the occurrence of moments of stuttering, measured in percentage of syllables stuttered, when they were exposed to FAF. Likewise, Stuart, Frazier, Kalinowski, and Voss (2008) found up to 50% reductions in the average duration of moments of stuttering during a reading task when exposed to FAF. However, Ingham, Moglia, Frank, Ingham, and Cordes (1997) found that the fluency level during a reading task and during spontaneous conversation of people who stutter (PWS) was highly variable within the participant group when examining the effects of FAF. Natke, Grosser, and Kalveram (2001) conducted one of the few studies that looked at fundamental frequency changes as a result of FAF in addition to stuttering. They found that, in typically fluent speakers, FAF resulted in either a compensation The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent reaction or an adaptation reaction. A compensation reaction is one in which there was a noticeable fundamental frequency change in the speaker, whereas an adaptation reaction can be described as one in which the speaker is physiologically unresponsive to the altered auditory feedback. The existing research shows a number of methodological weaknesses such as a small number of subjects and a lack of control groups. For example, Stuart et al. (2008) had only twelve participants, all of whom were people who stutter. Similarly, the participants in Ingham et al. (1997) consisted of four adult males. Likewise, as there is no best practice in the FAF setting, it is to be expected that the settings are different across the studies such as varying degrees of pitch shift and using different experimental tasks (Stuart et al, 2008; Ingham et al, 1997; Natke et al. 2001).This, in turn, may contribute to the lack of consistency in findings. Methods: Wave One of Data Collection (August 2014 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; December 2014) Forty-six undergraduate students currently studying at The College of Saint Rose were asked to read and respond to a short survey, dispersed during one of their normal class periods. Respondents were part of a convenient sample, as they were students from three varying Sociology courses on campus, with my presence being granted by two Sociology professors teaching their respective classes. In addition to the convenience of using students as a sample, students are also formulating and cultivating their critical thinking skills during their academic years. With the independence that stems from attending college, coupled with their developing critical thinking skills, students are an ideal sample to obtain 30

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect information from on their thoughts about the society and the messages that they conventionally interact with. This research endeavor was approved by the Institutional Review Board at The College of Saint Rose. The sample of students used in this study consisted of twelve freshman, or first-year students, ten sophomores, five juniors and eighteen seniors. Approximately half of the sample used, 52.2%, consisted of Criminal Justice majors, while 8.7% of students were studying Sociology, and the last 39.1% were formed of varying other majors unrelated to the previously stated academic majors. The reasoning for including the academic focus of students in the study is in view of the fact that individual majors are exposed to contrasting material, and their knowledge, or lack thereof, on certain subjects and issues may influence the answers they provide on the survey. Students were given little to no information on the study prior to their completion of the survey. The undergraduates were simply told that the purpose of the research study was to explore the effects of multiple social phenomena in relation to the messages they frequently encounter in mass media and in current issues and subject matter. After being supplied with an informed consent document (Appendix B), students were given a paper survey (Appendix A) to complete. The survey consists of twelve separate questions, two of those simply inquiring about the studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s academic year and major. Four of the questions instructed students to answer on the Likert rating scale, while the remaining six questions required students to provide a short, written answer. After all students The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent completed the survey, a short statement of debriefing (Appendix C) was issued to provide them with insight into the study, its hypothesis, and its intended findings and results. This process was repeated in all three of the classes that I was given access to. After acquiring all of the surveys, variables that were capable of being quantified were entered into a statistical analysis software program. Qualitative variables were recorded separately, and subsequently analyzed for recurrent responses and trends in data. Methods: Wave Two of Data Collection (January 2015 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; May 2015) A total of nineteen participants took part in this study. They were divided into two groups: an experimental group consisting of ten people with persistent developmental stuttering and a control group including nine typically fluent speakers. The ages of participants in the control group ranged from 21 to 39 (mean [M] = 25.5, standard deviation [SD] = 5.5). All control group participants were females. The age range for participants in the experimental group was 20 to 74 (M = 33.8, SD = 19.4). The experimental group was made up of eight males and two females. To complete my second wave of data collection, I changed my survey medium to an online format in an effort to recruit more participants. I asked the Vice President of Student Affairs for a list of all of the undergraduate students that were currently studying at The College of Saint Rose. After being supplied with the list of students and their student email addresses, I completed a systematic random sampling of the list, selecting every 5th student to be 32

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect invited to participate in the survey. Each student that was sampled was sent a brief email from my student email address to their student email address, introducing myself and my survey (Appendix E). Like the previous wave of data collection, students were given little information on what the survey entailed, to prevent their answers from manipulation and bias, students were simply told that the purpose of the research study was to collect information that explored the effects of multiple social phenomenon. Students were reassured that the survey was completely voluntary, had no effect on their grades or standing with the college, and that their answers and identity were completely confidential, and that only I had access to their answers and information. Because of the change in survey dispersement, I resubmitted my research proposal to the Institutional Review Board, where it was approved. Also in the email was a link directing students to my survey on a survey website called Survey Monkey (Appendix F). To provoke more responses, students were advised that they would be entered to win a $25 Visa gift card if they participated in my survey. Students were told that they had a two week time frame to complete the survey, beginning from the date the email was sent. After the two week period had passed, the names of the students who responded were entered into an Internet website to randomly generate a winner for the gift card, which was personally purchased by me (Appendix G). The winner would be notified via their student email address (Appendix I). The survey administered online to this set of students was worded identically to the physical paper survey that students in the first wave of data collection received. Survey questions were The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent administered one by one, with each one being located on a separate Internet page. The first page of the survey required students to provide their electronic signature to convey consent. All questions were given the same response options as the paper survey, but with radio buttons for answer selection and text boxes for qualitative answers (Appendix H). Over 200 students were sent the email to participate in my survey, forty-six of which responded and participated. Eight of these students were in their first year of study, 17 were sophomores, 12 were juniors, and 9 were seniors. The academic majors of these students varied widely across the board when compared to the majors of the first wave of students, due to the fact that the first wave of data was collected during a Sociology course setting. Results: Wave One (August 2014 – December 2014) For the purposes of this study, I hypothesized that the answers given by students would support the third-person hypothesis. Additionally, I believed that as a student’s level of education amassed, the higher the incidence of the effect would be. I also hypothesized that the ‘spiral of silence’ notion would also be supported, and that as a student’s level of education increased, this phenomenon would become less prevalent. Additionally, I hypothesized that a student’s major would also affect the likelihood of the appearance of the third-person effect. The belief behind this being that a Sociology major or a Criminal Justice major would be less affected than an individual who is studying in another field. The reasoning behind this is that these two majors are required to enroll in numerous Sociology classes, which teach you to think critically about society, the media, and the role it plays in our lives. 34

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect I am under the impression that the more education a student has in this field, the less influenced they would be by these messages. Regrettably, the segment of the study where information regarding the first-person hypothesis was to be collected was cancelled, due to lack of interest in student participation. The first set of questions on the survey was in regards to violence in the media, on television, movies and in video games. Students were asked to rate, from strongly agree to strongly disagree, whether they believed that media violence made other individuals more aggressive. Students were then asked to rate themselves on whether or not they believed that viewing violence in the media made themselves more aggressive.

The second set of questions on the survey was in relation to the influence of commercials. Students were asked to rate whether or not they believed that other individuals were persuaded by commercials, to buy a product, vote for a certain politician, etc. Out of the 46 students, 41 of them felt that other people were likely to be persuaded by a commercial. When asked if they felt that they were likely to be persuaded by commercials, the numbers varied widely. The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent

When students were asked if they could recall a time where the mass media had ever changed their mind on a particular issue that they had previously formed an opinion on, 20 of them said that it hadn’t. Out of those who provided a longer answer, many of their responses were written in ways that portrayed themselves in a positive light. •

“Yes, although it doesn’t change my mind completely, it opens my mind because I become more educated about it.”

•

“The commercials about water bottles recycling the Earth a certain amount of times because people don’t recycle. I started to recycle more and tell others to, as well. [sic]”

•

“The cop TV shows claim to be real, but now I know that all of that stuff is fake.”

•

“A church protesting against gay rights made me change the way that I look at Christians and the church.”

•

“I make a point of basing opinion on fact. If I don’t have the facts, I lack an opinion.”

Many of the above statements are positive remarks about the student’s own self-image. The messages that they claim to have been affected by are messages that are seen as socially desirable, or 36

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect socially progressive. The first-person effect is essentially hypothesizing the opposite of the third-person effect. If a message is regarded as socially desirable, an individual will estimate the effects to be greater on themselves than on others. Although we only have a very small sample of students who chose to explain their answers, it appears as though many of them seem to be following in the hypothesis of this effect, despite the fact that we do not have enough data to render the effect statistically significant. Conversely, students were also asked if they thought that these same media messages affected other individuals. With the exception of two students, every single student, 45 of them, responded that they believed others were under the influence of media messages. Although only a handful of students responded when asked to explain their answers, their reactions overwhelmingly shed a negative light on the “others.” •

“Yes, it makes people believe that whatever they say is correct.”

•

“Some people’s lives/opinions must be spoon fed to them.”

•

“Some people will believe anything they hear.”

•

“I believe people are swayed easily by mass media, especially the young generation, it’s a huge influence.”

•

“I think that the news media does succeed in feeding information to its viewers.”

•

“Very much so.”

•

“People’s minds are often changed by media.”

The undergraduate students were also asked to respond to the following question: “Do you think you are more, less, or equally affected by media opinion than the average person?” Not a The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent single student stated that they were more affected than others.

In regards to the theory of the spiral of silence, students were asked two questions to gather data on this theory. The first one being, “Are you more likely to share your opinions with your friends, family and peers if they feel the same way you do?” while the second question consisted of “Are you more likely to keep your opinions to yourself if you know that the people around you feel the opposite way?”

When comparing all variables to a student’s academic major, only one of the categories was deemed to be statistically significant. These outcomes could be due to the fact that there was a bias towards Criminal Justice and Sociology students, given the fact that there was a higher proportion of those undergraduate majors present in the study. Perhaps in a larger, more accurate sample of a college campus, there would be statistical significance.

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect When comparing the significance of a studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s academic year to the variables, only two of the datasets were found to have any statistical significance. One of them being about whether or not students believed that excessive violence in TV, movies and videos made them more prone to aggression, and the second variable questioning if students were more, less or equally affected by media opinion than others. Out of 18 seniors, 16 of them said they either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the notion that violence caused them to act more aggressively. Out of the five junior year students, three of them answered neither, one agreed with the idea, while the other student disagreed. Eight out of the 10 sophomore students disagreed, while the other two strongly disagreed. The only freshman student that responded to the question disagreed with the theory.

Results: Wave Two (January 2015 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; May 2015)

The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent The responses from the second wave of data collection are extremely similar to the responses from the first wave. 46 students responded during this wave of data collection. Due to the explanation of each module in the previous section, the responses have been formatted alternatively.

As you can see, there is an incredibly stark contrast between the last two modules. Following the third person hypothesis, students were far more likely to say that media did not affect them, but did, however, affect others. Students were prompted to explain their reasoning behind their answers to these two questions. None of the students who responded â&#x20AC;&#x153;noâ&#x20AC;? to having their opinion altered by 40

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect media explained further, while all of the students who responded “yes” gave more information, all of which portrayed themselves in a neutral setting, simply citing specific instances/issues where their opinion was modified. •

“The Ferguson case. I'm now taking a courts system class and now I'm changing my opinion again on that because I've been influenced. If you think about it very few people originate things so everyone is influenced by someone or something in one or the other. Just think you were influenced in some way to become a SOC major.” [sic]

•

“The negative connotation that I used to feel associated with the word feminism is no longer there because of my participation in a website called Tumblr, where many users have expressed their ideas on feminism and equality. Those ideas helped me to better understand exactly what feminism is and why I am a feminist.”

•

“I used to be very against abortion, but through media have come to realize that there may be certain instances where a woman should be able to have an abortion.” [sic]

As for the students who stated that media had an effect on others, those who chose to provide longer responses did so in a way that appeared to portray the “others” in a cynical way. •

“Political opinions yes because sometimes citizens aren't knowledgeable on the issue before hand and form their stance based on media.” [sic]

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Kristin Bent •

“Yes. People choose to believe in things, but what they hear can change their opinion or make them believe something that could be false.”

•

“Yes, definitely. People see things on television and automatically assume it’s true without checking resources.”

•

“Yes, some people will believe what they hear on the news but then don't to any more research on the topic to see if the news is accurate.” [sic]

•

“Yes, many people are influenced by what they see in the media.”

Of the students who responded ‘yes’, that they are less likely to share their opinions with other individuals who do not share the same opinion, a few students cited reasons for their choice, noting fear of judgment, fear of belittlement, and fear of confrontation.

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect There was no statistical significance between any of the modules and academic year of the student, nor was there significance between modules and academic majors, due to the extremely varied number of majors. Conclusions The purpose for this study was to gather data on how college students are affected by the media messages we are exposed to as a society on a regular basis, in regards to the third-person effect, the first-person effect and the spiral of silence. I wanted to explore the hypothesis that a student would be more or less affected by any three of these theories when his or her major and academic year were taken into account. The major findings of this study are as follows: 1. The third-person effect is supported in students. 2. There is no statistically significant correlation between the third-person effect and a studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s academic major. 3. The third-person effect is reported at a higher rate in students who have been in school longer. 4. The first-person effect appears to have support, but it is difficult to quantify, and there is not enough data available from this study to determine the correlation. 5. There is no statistically significant correlation between a studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s academic year, major and the prevalence of the spiral of silence. This study did not attempt to replicate the conditions found on the College of Saint Rose undergraduate campus, The College of Saint Rose

Kristin Bent including the appropriate gender ratio, or the correct makeup of education level and majors. With a replicated sample for this study, I feel as though there could have been numerous other potential findings that would have shed light on these three theories. However, our study did find support for the third-person effect in college students, and there was also a correlation discovered between a student’s academic year and level of education and the rate of appearance of the third-person effect. Why is it that the first-person effect is so pervasive in our society? According to literature review, the third-person effect is a hypothesis that is almost always supported by individuals. These individuals appear to accept that each of them are capable of seeing through the media and it’s manipulating guise, but do not seem to have similar faith in the rest of the population to do the same. In what context and when does this hypothesis begin to affect our opinions on the ‘others’ that occupy this world with us? Is that when we would shift the blame for our social problems to the ‘others’ for being easily manipulated and influenced? While the consequences of the third-person effect remain an unstudied mystery, the potential consequences from its effects could be damaging to our cohesiveness as a people in our society.

References Allen, Barbara. 1991. “The Spiral of Silence & Institutional Design: Toqueville’s Analysis of Public Opinion & Democracy.” Polity 24(2), 1-25.

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The Influence of Media: A Study of the Third-Person Effect Bryant, Paul, Michael B. Salwen and Michel Dupagne. 2009. “The Third-Person Effect: A Meta-Analysis of the Perceptual Hypothesis.” Mass Communication and Society 3(1), 57-85. Chapin, John R. 2000. “Not Like Me: Self vs. Other Distinctions in First-Person Perception.” Communication Research Reports 17(3), 320-330. Davison, W. Phillips. 1983. “The Third-Person Effect in Communication.” The Public Opinion Quarterly 47(1), 115. Golan, Guy, and Anita G. Day. 2008. “The First-Person Effect and Its Behavioral Consequences: A New Trend in the Twenty-Five Year History of Third-Person Effect Research.” Mass Communication and Society 11(4), 539556. Golan, Guy, and Stephen A. Banning. 2008. “Exploring a Link Between the Third-Person Effect and the Theory of Reasoned Action: Beneficial Ads and Social Expectations.” American Behavioral Scientist 52(2), 208-224. Jennings, Bryant, Dolf Zillmann, and Mary Beth Oliver. 2002. Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research. 2nd edition. Mahwah, NJ: Taylor and Francis. Mutz, Diana C. 1989. “The Influence of Perceptions of Media Influence: Third Person Effects and the Public Expression of Opinions.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research 1(1), 3-23. Rojas, Hernando, Dhavan V. Shah, and Ronald J. Faber. 1996. “For the Good of Others: Censorship and the Third-

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Kristin Bent Person Effect.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research 8(2), 163-186. Shah, Dhavan, Ronald J. Faber, and Seounmi Youn. 1999. “Susceptibility and Severity: Perceptual Dimensions Underlying the Third-Person Effect.” Communication Research 26(2), 240-267.

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Children of an Equal God

Children of an Equal God: A Psychoanalytical Analysis of The White Ribbon Halle D. Cairns Music and English, ’16 Faculty Introduction Director Michael Haneke breaks away from the usual tropes of War films in The White Ribbon (2009). He explores the cultural psyche of a fictional German village during the eve of World War I to arrive at some understanding of the horrors of Fascism. At first glance, the village seems an ordinary one with its baron, tenant farmers, a school master, pastor, and school teacher. The children, by no means ordinary, abound in mischief and, in turn, are disciplined by parents and other civil functionaries. The narrative slowly reveals abuses that occur behind closed doors. By the end of the film, we suspect the children of crimes that belie innocence. The Literary Theory and Criticism course for which this paper was written explores ideological systems and their machinations, power-relations within such systems as well as the psychological formations of their subjects. During the course, Halle Cairns, a double major in English and Music, was drawn to the Foucauldian concepts of discipline and punishment and to the psychoanalytical theories of Lacan and Freud. Cairns chronicles the manner in which a generation is forced into submission to “higher” laws. She reads the white ribbon the pastor makes his children wear as a symbol of fundamentalist Protestant ideology, representing the ever-vigilant eye of the Protestant Church/Pastor. The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns She calls our attention to dynamic shifts in power relations when children begin to imitate their parents’ punitive acts. The children, she argues, accustomed to violence becomes its perpetrators. She artfully reads their empowerment as misrecognition of their idealego state. Additionally, Cairns’s attention to the Lutheran hymn “Eine feste Burg ist unser Gott” enables a deeper reading of the ideological structure of this particular society; she notes its repressive function. The last scene to which she calls attention shows the children in charge of the church choir. Their placement at the top third of the screen with the adults below them bring the children closer to the Gods, thus resting the future in the hands of a misguided generation. Vaneeta Palecanda Associate Professor of English

Children of an Equal God: A Psychoanalytical Analysis of The White Ribbon Klara and the other children depicted in Michael Haneke’s The White Ribbon are prime examples of docile bodies that constantly strive to attain the ideal ego of the fundamentalist Protestant society in which they live. The beliefs and teachings of this society are represented and reinforced by both their parents and the town pastor. The children perpetrate violent crimes against anyone (whether their parents or themselves) who violates the beliefs they are taught and which they consider to be laws. The adults may be disturbed by the acts the children commit, but since the adults also grew up with this ideology, they do not know of any other way to teach their children. Therefore, the parents punish their children 48

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Children of an Equal God in the only way they know how; however, this only seems to reinforce the laws by which the children live and act. Thus, Michael Haneke argues that such children become accustomed to violence as a normal form of punishment, which allows them to grow up to become supporters of and willing participants in fascism, and terrorism in general. Michael Haneke’s The White Ribbon: A German Children’s Story is narrated by a former citizen of the fictional town of Eichwald, Germany. This man, who was the town school teacher, tailor, and choirmaster, recounts the strange events that he witnessed during his stay in Eichwald from July 1913 to June 1914 (“the eve of World War I” (Stewart 42)). He begins his tale by recalling the town doctor’s debilitating horseback riding accident, which was caused by an unseen tripwire strung across the open path. Approximately a week later, a farmer’s wife dies after she falls through rotted floorboards at her job in the baron’s sawmill. Interspersed with the school teacher’s descriptions of the relationships between the members of the town (including the beginning of his own relationship with his future wife (a nanny in the baron’s household)), are his depictions of other town-wide accidents, incidents, and milestones, including: the purposeful ruining of the baron’s crops; the caning and prolonged humiliation of Klara and Martin (the pastor’s children); the burning of the baron’s barn; the near-death of the steward’s infant son; the baron and baroness’s harvest festival; the pastor’s annual Confirmation ceremony; the disturbing murder of the pastor’s pet bird; and several brutal cases of bullying among the students, especially involving Sigi (the baron’s son, and therefore the wealthiest of the children) and Karli (the midwife’s son – the only mentally disabled child in the school, whose origins are suspiciously dubious). The The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns school teacher believes that the children are to blame for the majority – if not all – of the violent attacks against the adults and the other children. However, with the sudden departure of the midwife, Karli, and the doctor and his family, and the school teacher’s conscription into the war soon after, the school teacher is unable to positively and effectively charge the children for their unconfirmed, yet strongly-implied crimes (White). According to structuralist Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, each individual is “always-already” a subject of the given society into which he is born. As such, he is automatically indoctrinated into the system of rituals and disciplines of that society (Althusser 699-700). Such practices are enforced and reinforced by Repressive State Apparatuses (RSAs), including the police force, the government, societal standards, etc., and Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs), such as the church, the family unit, and the educational system (701). In The White Ribbon, the latter are governed exclusively by fundamentalist Protestant teachings, reinforced by the adults and the pastor. These teachings consist of a myriad of disciplines and rituals by which the children are schooled and punished (Foucault “Docile” 184). For example, the pastor chastises Klara and Martin in front of the entire family when they arrive late for dinner at the beginning of the film, thus reinforcing the importance of punctuality. As punishment, he sends the entire family to bed without supper, and does not allow Klara or Martin to kiss the back of his hand before leaving. Furthermore, he announces that he will give them ten lashes each with his cane in front of their siblings, and force Klara and Martin to wear white ribbons for an indefinite amount of time, as a reminder of their purity (White). The adults of the town ingrain such practices into their children, just as their parents did for them 50

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Children of an Equal God (Grundman 13). The adults treat such rules as laws, and punish the children severely when they do not obey. In this way, the parents teach the children that violence is the proper way in which to root out what they perceive to be the evil in their lives. The children then use this lesson to justify their subsequent heinous crimes against anyone who violates these rules. The adults may be disturbed by the children’s actions, but since the adults were also raised with this ideology, they do not know how to curtail their children’s extreme behavior (Grundman 13). The punishments which the adults inflict on the children only seem to add to the children’s education in the rules and regulations of their fundamentalist Protestant society. According to French philosopher Michel Foucault, “discipline produces subjected and practiced bodies, ‘docile’ bodies” (Foucault “Docile” 182). Foucault argues that society teaches individuals to embody a given set of disciplines and beliefs, and to repress those desires which it deems unacceptable. Such societies give individuals the impression that they are able to independently increase and nurture their own physical, mental, or spiritual states; this gives the people a false sense of empowerment. However, individuals are primarily raised in this way in order to fulfill the goals of the ideology by which they live – the society which they are surreptitiously being conditioned to serve. As always-already subjects of fundamentalist Protestant teachings, Klara and the other children, who are exposed to the repressive punishments of their parents and the pastor, are being conditioned to become models of perfect, godlike, (Protestant) German people. However, they can never truly attain this model of perfection, since all humans are born with the capability to sin. Such a model is what Jacques Lacan describes as the ideal ego – an image toward The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns which the individual constantly strives, but which he can never fully realize (Lacan 442). This ideal ego is constructed, above all, by one’s perception of oneself in relation to the societal norms and standards into which one is born (Lacan 442, 444). The godlike ideal ego of the fundamentalist Protestant society of Eichwald is one which neither the children nor their parents will ever be able to attain. However, the adults strive, and teach their children to strive, to become the perfect person. The disciplines that aid in the creation and management of docile bodies – children and adults alike – in the world of The White Ribbon constitute the core beliefs and practices of the fundamentalist form of Protestantism that permeates the town. Such a core, comprised of both exterior and interior forms of governmental, institutional, or ideological control, is what Michel Foucault calls a “panopticon” (Foucault “Panopticism” 206-213). In order to make such docile bodies comply, the society must instate exterior and interior symbols of the panopticon – the all-seeing eye that encompasses the belief system of a given society. There are many examples and symbols of the panopticon at work in The White Ribbon. One example of an exterior symbol of the panopticon is that of the white ribbon itself. Michael Haneke, who consulted multiple German educational manuals from this time period, discovered that the use of white ribbons as punishment was an actual practice in Germany in the 1910s (Grundman 13). According to author and cinema expert Garrett Stewart, throughout the course of the film, the white ribbon makes an “allegorical loop…going from reminder to scourge to shackle to blindfold” (Stewart 45). At first, it serves as a reminder to Martin and Klara of their innocence and purity. Since this was a common punishment for young children at the time, the other children in 52

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Children of an Equal God the village know what the ribbon signifies, and what may often accompany it (caning) – at least in the case of the pastor’s family; here, the ribbon serves as a source of acute humiliation for Klara and Martin in the company of their peers. The pastor uses white ribbons (or white strips of bed sheet) to “shackle” Martin’s hands to his bed so that he does not masturbate at night; thus, the white ribbon also represents the pastor’s repression of Martin’s sexual desires (Stewart 45). Finally, the doctor uses white cloth bandages to cover Karli’s wounded eyes toward the end of the film (White). Perhaps this last usage of the white ribbon-like material represents the previous blindness of the adults to the children’s collective lack of innocence. The adults of the town enforce practices such as the use of the white ribbon to such a degree that the children are then able to internalize the guilt and shame that accompany these rituals and transform them into moral standards by which to live and act (Blumenthal-Barby 112). As docile bodies, the children of The White Ribbon internalize and embody fundamentalist Protestant beliefs (as represented by the pastor) so completely that they think they have the right to judge and duly punish others for their actions. Eventually, the children themselves become exterior symbols of the panopticon, stripping their parents of their inherent authority and power. In order to maintain their high level of power and knowledge regarding the community, the children continuously spy on not only their parents and neighbors, but also on one another. This constant surveillance allows the children to determine exactly how and when they will be able to commit their next crime, and to execute it without the adults (or even the camera) catching them (Blumenthal-Barby 98-102, 106). They are then present at the discovery of every incident and accident in the The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns movie (White); this causes them to appear godlike in that they are omnipresent. Armed with such power, the children begin to subversively punish anyone who violates the laws of the panopticon, especially their parents. The children believe that the adults deserve to suffer because they violate the rules by which they teach the children to live. According to Michael Haneke, “[The] children…absolutize the ideals preached to them by their parents. On the basis of these absolute ideals, the children judge their parents. And when they realize that the parents do not live by the rules they preach, the children punish their parents” (Grundman 10). The pastor, doctor, midwife, baron, etc. commit adultery, chastise their children unjustly, instigate incestuous acts, allow for dangerous working conditions that result in death, and possibly even murder their spouses (White). The children punish their parents for these infractions, matching the severity of the punishment to the severity of the crime based on the scale which their parents taught them. The children rationalize that if the pastor believes and teaches that it is right to punish Klara and Martin so severely for such a minor “sin” as missing dinner, it is therefore acceptable to blind a child to punish his parents for committing adultery (White; BlumenthalBarby 102). Passing judgment and exacting punishment on not only their parents and elders but also each other, the children begin to “play God,” misrecognizing themselves for their ideal ego of God’s agents of justice on earth (Lacan 445; White). The use of the Lutheran hymn “Eine feste Burg ist unser Gott” (trans. “A Mighty Fortress is Our God”) toward the end of the film represents the omnipotent and omniscient power of God as the ultimate panopticon, and the embodiment of the ideal ego toward which the 54

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Children of an Equal God children continuously strive (“A Mighty”). The children, who stand above the adults in the parish choir loft, sing the song as the country finds itself on the brink of World War I (BlumenthalBarby 111; White). With this final shot, Haneke seems to suggest that the children will carry this misrecognition of themselves as godlike embodiments of the ideal ego into adulthood. The adults in The White Ribbon are able to successfully mold their children into docile bodies who strive to become living manifestations of the ideal ego, because they themselves are docile bodies who were raised in a similar fashion. When they were children, their parents suppressed in them any desire (sexual or otherwise) that the society into which they were born considered unacceptable. As the pastor, doctor, etc. matured, they learned to repress these embarrassing, guilt-inducing sexual desires. Thus, when Martin expresses sexual desires similar to those that the pastor experienced as a youth, the pastor encounters what Sigmund Freud calls the “uncanny.” This involves the becoming visible – or surfacing – of that which has previously remained invisible, or repressed (Freud 420). The feeling of the uncanny, which the pastor experiences upon discovering that Martin has been masturbating, forces the pastor to repress Martin’s sexual desires in order to continue to repress his own unacceptable sexual desires. The pastor’s punishment of Martin for his supposed sin teaches Martin that his sexual desires are unacceptable in their society. Since the pastor was also raised in this way, he (and the other adults depicted in the film) does not recognize that this method of instruction is detrimental to Martin and his ideas of sexuality (Grundman 13). The pastor seems to believe that this form of education is necessary in order for “things [in his society]…to be as they must be” (Althusser 701). It is the repetition of such teachings The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns that reinforces and solidifies (fundamentalist) belief systems, such as that of the Protestant society of Eichwald. Subsequently, Martin will learn to repress his “undesirable” sexual urges as he matures. When Martin encounters the same feeling of the uncanny that his own father experiences within the film, he will repress his children’s sexual desires in turn. According to Garrett Stewart’s article “Pre-War Trauma: Haneke’s The White Ribbon,” the “depravities [of the society depicted in The White Ribbon] are not just isolated but generalized, turned from psychological wounding toward political ferocity” (42). He argues that The White Ribbon illustrates the repression of desires, suppression of children, and harsh forms of punishment which were common throughout 1910s Germany. The above restrictions on the German people, especially the children, combined with the disillusioning effects of World War I, “bred a generational cohort vulnerable, after years of fear and impotence, to the mirage of racial superiority…Haneke backdates the question not only historically, to the eve of World War I, but emotionally, to the family dynamic itself” (42). Thus, children such as Klara and Martin become so accustomed to the severity of the rules, restrictions, and violence acted upon themselves and their peers by their parents and elders, that they are able to become willing supporters of fascism when they mature. Although Haneke argues that the purpose of the film is not to illustrate the origins of fascism in particular, the implications are difficult to ignore (Blondinka; Stewart 42). According to Haneke, the film calls attention to religious fundamentalism, or the subscription to “any kind of radical ideology,” as one possible source of terrorism in general (Grundman 9). Haneke suggests that submission to such a radical ideology, whether recognized or not, 56

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Children of an Equal God allows people like the pastor, Martin, and Klara to become blind to the harmful and unjust nature of both their own actions and those of their society. Therefore, children like Klara and Martin will raise their own children to become docile bodies of the same fundamentalist ideology by which they were reared and to which they continue to adhere; thus, the cycles of repression and violence will continue into future generations. Works Cited Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.” Literary Theory: An Anthology. Ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan. 2nd ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2004. 693-701. Print. Blondinka Inoz. The White Ribbon (2009) Michael Haneke Interview at Cannes. Perf. Michael Haneke. YouTube.com. YouTube.com, 28 Dec. 2014. Web. 26 Apr. 2015. Blumenthal-Barby, Martin. “The Surveillant Gaze: Michael Haneke’s The White Ribbon.” October. 147 (2014): 95116. Web. 2 May 2015. Foucault, Michel. “Docile Bodies.” The Foucault Reader. Ed. Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon, 1984. 179-187. Print. Foucault, Michel. “Panopticism.” The Foucault Reader. Ed. Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon, 1984. 206-213. Print. Freud, Sigmund. “The Uncanny.” Literary Theory: An Anthology. Ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan. 2nd ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2004. 418-429. Print. Grundman, Roy. “Unsentimental Education: An Interview with Michael Haneke.” Cineaste. 35.1 (2009): 8-13. Web. 2 May 2015. The College of Saint Rose

Halle Cairns Lacan, Jacques. “The Mirror Stage as Formative of the Function of the I as Revealed in Psychoanalytic Experience.” Literary Theory: An Anthology. Ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan. 2nd ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2004. 441-446. Print. "A Mighty Fortress Is Our God." A Mighty Fortress Is Our God. Richard W. Adams, 1996. Web. 25 Mar. 2015. <http://www.hymntime.com/tch/htm/m/i/g/mightyfo. htm>. Sony Pictures Classics. The White Ribbon Press Book. The White Ribbon. Sony Pictures Classics, 2009. Web. 24 Mar. 2015. <http://www.sonyclassics.com/thewhiteribbon/whiterib bonpressbook.pdf>. Stewart, Garrett. “Pre-War Trauma: Haneke’s The White Ribbon.” Film Quarterly. 63.4 (2010): 40-47. Web. 2 May 2015. The White Ribbon [Das weisse Band – Eine deutsche Kindergeschichte]. Michael Haneke, dir. Sony Pictures Classics, 2009. DVD.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills

An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills and the Social Constructions of Undocumented Immigrants in the U.S. Guadalupe Chavez Political Science, ’16

Faculty Introduction The study of public policy is perhaps one of the most important subfields of political science. Nations that claim to be democracies are, by definition, beholden to their constituents. One of the best ways to measure how well nations pursue their citizens’ goals is to study the policies they enact. In the last two decades, scholars in the field of public policy have questioned how well the American polity engages citizens, asking if the policies elected leaders pass may create more harm than good. In “An Examination of ‘Show Me Your Papers’ Immigration Bills and the Social Constructions of Undocumented Immigrants in the U.S,” Guadalupe Chavez makes an important addition to the literature on immigration policy. Following the work of Schneider and Ingram, Chavez argues that immigration policy reflects broader social constructions of undocumented immigrants. The negative constructions embedded within the policies dampen democratic tendencies, further removing power from those who lack it and giving more to those who already have it.

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Guadalupe Chavez The most important contribution in Chavez’s work is that she adds federalism as a crucial component to the study of immigration. Immigration studies tend to focus on the federal level, because our federal structure grants the vast majority of power over this policy to the federal government. Chavez, however, focuses on three states that have claimed this power for themselves. She finds that Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia all follow a similar pattern. In each state, undocumented immigrants are negatively constructed while law enforcement is positively constructed. Chavez’s work should make us think very deeply about the nature of our democracy. With states attempting to wrest control of a federal policy and basing benefits and punishments on social constructions, we may very well be in a state of degenerative democracy—exactly the situation that Schneider and Ingram warn us about. Ryane McAuliffe Straus Professor of Political Science Abstract: This paper examines Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram’s theory of social construction and its influence toward public policy and democracy. More specifically, this paper applies Schneider and Ingram’s theory of social construction to one of the most debated and heated topics in contemporary American politics, that is the topic of immigration. In the past ten years, the federal government has proposed and adopted several immigration policies and laws in order to provide a path towards citizenship while controlling the “illegal immigration” crisis. However, several states such as Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia argue that federal immigration policies and laws have not resolved the “illegal immigration” crisis. As a result, such states have drafted and adopted restrictive and controversial anti-immigration bills, commonly known as “Show me your Papers” bills. This research found that “Show 60

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills me Your Papers” bills embed negative images and symbols of undocumented immigrants. “Show me your Papers” bills socially construct undocumented immigrants as deviants, undeserving of incorporation into the political and social spheres. Introduction One of the most debated topics in contemporary American politics is immigration. While the U.S cherishes its rich history of immigration, cycles of xenophobic and racist reactions to immigrants characterize our nation’s history and politics. 1 Political elites, including representatives, senators, lawmakers, and government bureaucrats, are concerned about a specific group of immigrants. Political elites are concerned about undocumented immigrants, better known as “illegal aliens.” In the past ten years, the federal government and political elites have created several immigration policies. Their primary goal has been to fix the “broken immigration system” by creating possible paths to citizenship for individuals who have lived in the U.S for several years. Their second goal is to stop the massive influx of undocumented immigrants from crossing the U.S-Mexico border. Yet states along the border, as well as states further away from the border, argue that federal immigration policies have not solved the “illegal immigration crisis.” As a result, state legislatures have taken matters into their own hands by designing their own immigration bills. States such as Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia are just some of the many states that have created their own immigration bills, in 1

Lina Newton, “It Is Not a Question of Being Anti-Immigration: Categories of Deservedness in Immigration Policy,” in Deserving and Entitled: Social Constructions and Public Policy, ed. Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram, (New York: SUNY Press, 2005), 114.

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Guadalupe Chavez hope of fixing the “illegal immigration crisis.” While these three states use many of the policy content and designs found in traditional immigration policies, Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia have taken it much further—these states have designed several antiimmigration bills known as “Show me your papers.” Unfortunately, hundreds of undocumented immigrants have been incarcerated for wanting better lives. Also, family members have been deported—tearing families apart. In addition, undocumented immigrants have been socially constructed as criminals and invaders. These constructions are reinforced in policies and state bills. Therefore, the goals of this paper are to examine Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram’s theory of social construction and its influence on immigration; and analyze how the rhetoric embedded in these bills has socially constructed undocumented immigrants. This research analyzes the “Support Our Enforcement and Safe Neighborhood Act from Arizona”, “The Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer Act from Alabama”, and the “Citizen Protection Act and Illegal Reform and Enforcement Act of 2011” from Georgia, which are state anti-immigration bills proposed between 2010 through 2011. I find that the written text of these “Show me your Paper” bills embed negative messages, images, and symbols of undocumented immigrants. Thus, I argue that such state bills, which are largely modeled after federal immigration policies, do not bring a solution to the “illegal immigration crisis.” Rather than creating solutions, these immigration bills reinforce stereotypes and create false images of undocumented immigrants. Based on these three state bills, undocumented immigrants are negatively constructed. Undocumented immigrants are also considered criminals and invaders, threatening American values and traditions. 62

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills Schneider and Ingram’s Theory Before analyzing contemporary immigration bills, it is important to examine Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram’s theory of social constructions and its influence on policy agendas. According to Schneider and Ingram, policies serve multiple goals. Policies seek to solve problems, serve justice, and engage and enlighten citizens. 2 However, after examining public policy content and policy designs, Schneider and Ingram recognized that policy designs are irrational because, instead of engaging citizen participation, policy designs often disconnect citizens from government and public policy initiatives. 3 Most importantly, policies contain explicit social constructions of target populations. 4 According to these scholars, social constructions develop from stimuli, including the imaginations and critiques of journalists, writers, social scientists, and politicians. 5 In other words, social constructions arise from rhetoric, images, and narratives, and become embedded into public opinion or theories. Further, social constructions are important because they alter or reinforce the perceptions of the public in regard to a target population. This includes race, ethnicity, gender, age or sexual orientation. However, social constructions matter to Schneider and Ingram because social constructions are one of the ways in which values and meanings

Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram. Policy Design for Democracy (Kansas: The University of Kansas, 1997), 4. 3 Ibid., 7. 4 Ibid., 3 5 Ibid., 105.

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Guadalupe Chavez become attached to events, individuals or patterns of action— which provides rationale for actions. 6 In addition, Schneider and Ingram claim that public policies in the U.S contain degenerative policy designs, which demonize and pathologize target groups. Degenerative policy designs reinforce inequality in wealth, social status, and power— those who already have the most power, benefit the most from public policies. As a result, degenerative policy designs socially construct target populations and are strategically manipulated for political gain. 7 According to these scholars, there are four target populations in degenerative policy designs: the advantaged, contenders, dependents, and deviants. The advantaged are those who are positively constructed—they are groups with considerable recourse to influence policy size, wealth, and voting strength such as the middle class, the elderly, and veterans. 8 Contenders are powerful but negatively constructed. They include groups such as CEO’s, gun owners and the wealthy. Dependents have little power but are positively constructed; they include mothers and children. Deviants, on the other hand, have no power and are negatively constructed; they include criminals, gang members, undocumented immigrants, and the homeless. As a result, degenerative policy designs carry messages, images, and symbols of who matters and who does not—sending messages that harm concepts of

Ibid., 106. Ibid., 106. 8 Ibid., 108. 7

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills democracy, 9 such as equality, representation, accessibility, and incorporation. Schneider and Ingram also find that policy content and design contain social constructions of target populations because of societal context. In Policy Design for Democracy, Schneider and Ingram argue that societal context affects issue context, influencing policy design—which ends up influencing societal context. In other words, contemporary policy designs are developed and expand on a repetitive cycle—reinforcing social, political, and economic inequalities. Consequently, degenerative policy designs discourage citizen participation and their relationship with government officials. 10 Schneider and Ingram’s theory of social constructions challenges the way scholars traditionally analyze and understand public policy. While it is important to study the process of policy making, it is also important to examine the content of policies. Schneider and Ingram’s work demonstrates that policy content socially constructs target populations. Target populations are socially constructed based on societal context, but also on messages, images, and symbols that are embedded in policy designs and content. Thus, degenerative policy designs and content are damaging democracy because they contain messages, images and symbols that expand social, political, and economic inequality by

Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram, Deserving and Entitled: Social Constructions and Public Policy (New York: SUNY Publications, 2005), 10. 10 Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram, Policy Design for Democracy (Kansas: The University of Kansas, 1997), 115.

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Guadalupe Chavez creating social constructions, which distinguish the deserving from the undeserving. 11 The Illegal Immigrant Problem: Social Construction of the U.S-Mexico Border and the “Illegal Alien” “I will not back off until we solve the problem of this illegal invasion. Invaders, that’s what they are. Invaders on American sovereignty and it can’t be tolerated.” —Former Arizona State Senator Russell Pearce, Sponsor of Arizona SB 1070, April 2010

Schneider and Ingram’s theory of social construction can be applied to one of the most debated topics in contemporary politics: immigration. As Schneider and Ingram argue, societal context and societal issues influence policy agendas. In this case, the U.S-Mexico border and the term “illegal alien” have become two concepts that have shaped and influenced immigration policies and state bills. The U.S-Mexico border has become an evolving idea— it’s not simply a fixed geographical line. 12 The border was, and still remains, a symbol of immigration policies, fear, and xenophobia. On the other hand, the term “illegal alien” is seen as the “other”— different and apart from the “us” which has become the social

Ibid., 102. Nestor P. Rodriguez, “Border: Critical View of the Border,” in Immigrants Out!: The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigration Impulse in the United States, ed. Juan F. Perea,(New York: New York University Press, 1997), 223.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills construction of the undocumented immigrant—a nonperson. 13 Thus, the U.S-Mexico border and the term “illegal alien” continue to serve as negative symbols that foster a dominant narrative about undocumented immigrants. The U.S-Mexico border is a geographical wall that divides Mexico from the U.S. The wall is approximately 1,969 miles long, covering four states including California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. 14 The border has always served as a physical symbol of national security, seeking to keep criminals out and regulating the influx of migrants. However, after 9/11, the social constructions of the border have intensified. The southern border not only continues to be viewed as a symbol of national security and xenophobia, but is currently viewed as a gateway for terrorists and invaders. But what circumstances have led to these intensive social constructions of the border? Scholars argue that the 9/11 aftermath has intensified the social construction of the U.S-Mexico border. After 9/11, the Bush administration took drastic measures by militarizing the border. The Bush administration claimed that the goal of militarization was to prevent future terrorist attacks and to protect the well-being of the American people. 15 However, why did political elites spend more time targeting the southern border? Why

Kevin Johnson, “Aliens” and the U.S Immigration Laws: The Social and Legal Construction of Nonpersons.” The University of Miami InterAmerican Law Review 28, no.2 (1997): 267. 14 “Quick Facts About the U.S-Mexico Border,” The White House, Last modified June 21, 2015 www.gerogewbushwhitehouse.archieves.gov/infocus/usmxborder/quickfacts.html 15 Hernan Ruzemberg, “9/11 Linked Immigration With Border Security, Anti-Terrorism,” Fronteras: The Changing Desk. Last modified June, 29, 2015

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Guadalupe Chavez not the northern border? After all, the 9/11 hijackers entered American soil from the northern border. Branton and Dunaway argue that the factor that has led to the expansion of the negative construction of the southern border is geographical proximity to Mexico, which also affects the way newspapers cover the southern border and immigration stories. Branton and Dunaway find that states closer to the southern border, such as California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas, are more likely to publish newspaper articles related to Latinos and immigration issues. 16 These scholars find that cities between zero and two hundred miles from the border publish approximately fifteen negative articles per month about the southern border and undocumented immigrants, compared to cities 600-800 miles away, which only publish two to six negative articles per month. 17 In addition, the content of the newspaper articles closer to the southern border contain rhetorical statements of undocumented immigrants, often framing them as criminals, invaders, and human smugglers. In their study, Branton and Dunaway provide examples of rhetorical statements made by political elites. For example, former governor of New Mexico, Bill Richardson declared that counties along the U.S-Mexico border were in a “state of an emergency because the border had been devastated by human smugglers, kidnappers, and murders.” 18 Richardson’s rhetorical statement is socially constructing the border 16

Regina Branton & Johanna Dunaway, “Spatial Proximity to the U.SMexico Border and Newspaper Coverage of Immigration Issues,” Political Research Quarterly 62 no.2 (2009): 291 17 Ibid., 295. 18 Ibid., 289.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills as a hotspot for illegal activity, while also constructing the migrants who cross over. So far, Branton and Dunaway’s findings provide a logical explanation as to why political elites spend more time expanding enforcement in the southern border. Geographical proximity and newspaper publications help explain why many citizens living along the border quickly construct the southern border as a location where criminal activities take place. However, Nestor P. Rodriguez argues that social constructions of the border are reinforced by three factors including visits of political elites, creation of scenarios, and the involvement of organizations. 19 Rodriguez argues that geographical proximity is a dominant factor that influences the construction of the southern border. Rodriguez also argues that political elites and organizations significantly influence the social construction of the border. Rodriguez first claims that the social constructions of the southern border increase when government officials visit the border to check and reinforce security measures. The second factor that reinforces social constructions of the border includes the creation of scenarios by state and local officials. 20 These scenarios are systematically framed, sending negative messages, images, and symbols. The third factor that reinforces social constructions of the border is the involvement of organizations and think tanks that sponsor conferences and meetings to promote the idea that undocumented immigrants are running the country. 21 An example of these 19

Nestor P. Rodriguez “Border: Critical Views of the Border,” in Immigrants Out!: The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigration Impulse in the United States, ed. Juan F. Perea (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 230. 20 Ibid., 243. 21 Ibid., 245.

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Guadalupe Chavez organizations include the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), which has been identified as a hate group for advocating false images of undocumented immigrants. Thus far, the American public and political elites have negatively constructed the U.S-Mexico border. Rodriguez argues that there are three significant factors that influence the negative constructions of the border. As a result, various actors—politicians, government personals, academic scholars, and the media—project the idea that the U.S southern border is out of control and that immigration is not only a threat to social order, but also to American culture and values. 22 In addition, Branton and Dunaway’s findings indicate that geographical proximity to the border and newspaper publications are significant factors that have continued to negatively construct the U.S-Mexico border. Therefore, events such as 9/11 have expanded and reinforced negative constructions of the border. The U.S-Mexico border continues to treat Mexico and Mexican migrants as a threat rather than a partner. 23 In addition, the border serves as a political structure that sends messages to both Mexicans and Americans. 24 These messages portray Americans as meritorious citizens and Mexicans that cross the border illegally as “illegal aliens,” undeserving of care and

Ibid., 225. Josiah McC. Heyman, “Constructing a Virtual Wall: Race and Citizenship in the U.S-Mexico Border Policing,” Journal of the Southwest 50 no. 3 (2008):305. 24 Kevin R. Johnson “Aliens”: and the U.S Immigration Laws: The Social and Legal Construction of Nonpersons,” The University of Miami InterAmerican Law Review 28, no. 2 (1997):264 23

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills protection. However, what does the term “illegal alien” mean, and what factors have led to the social construction of the “illegal alien”? According to Kevin R. Johnson, the term “illegal alien” is commonly used by the public and political elites to describe outsiders. 25 Johnson also argues that race is a factor that has influenced the social construction of the “illegal alien.” 26 The term “illegal alien” is filled with negativity and evokes fear; the term frames undocumented immigrants as the “other.” Therefore, this projects the idea that undocumented immigrants are of a different species—they are socially constructed as a non-person and invaders from another planet unwilling to assimilate. Johnson also argues that race is a factor that has influenced the construction of the “illegal alien”. After examining court cases, Johnson finds that “alien” has become associated with racial minorities in the debate of immigration policy. 27 Although the term “illegal alien” is supposed to be racially neutral, Johnson claims that the term is associated with specific racial groups based on geographical location and demographics. For example, states near the southern border are more likely to associate Mexicans as “illegal aliens” whereas states near the Caribbean will associate Cubans and Haitians as “illegal aliens” 28 Thus, the term “illegal alien” has become associated with racial immigrant minority groups. These target groups have been labeled as “illegal aliens,” socially constructing them as deviants—groups that are negatively constructed and have no political or social power.

Ibid., 264. Ibid., 267. 27 Ibid., 282. 28 Ibid., 282. 26

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Guadalupe Chavez Although Rodriguez and Johnson analyzed different topics, their work is quite similar. Both of these scholars are concerned with symbols and concepts, such as the U.S-Mexico border and the term “illegal alien,” that negatively construct undocumented immigrants. Most importantly, these scholars argue that the social constructions of the U.S-Mexico border and the term “illegal alien” have greatly influenced immigration policies. These two concepts not only reinforce and expand nativist attitudes, but also influence political elites such as governors, congressmen, representatives, and political organizations 29--those who have the power to include negative social constructions in bills, laws, and policies. Hence, immigration policies will target individuals who are related to the topic of discourse--in this case, the undocumented immigrant population. Immigration Policies: Goals, Reforms and Paradox Immigration policies are broadly established to affect the behavior of target populations. 30 In this case, contemporary U.S immigration policies are established to control the influx of undocumented immigrants. There are four important goals of U.S immigration policies. The first goal is to reunite families by admitting immigrants who already have family members in the U.S. 31 The second goal is to admit workers with specific skills to fill positions. The third goal is to provide refuge for individuals who

Ibid., 265. Mathias Czaik and Hein De Hass, “The Effectiveness of Immigration Policies,” Population and Development Review 39, no. 3 (2013):487. 31 “Strengthening Enforcement,” The White House, Last modified June 20, 2015, www.whitehouse.gov/issues/immigration 30

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills face the risk of political, racial or religious persecutions. 32 The fourth goal is to ensure diversity by providing admission to people from diverse countries that are not largely represented in the U.S. 33 Instead of achieving these goals, political elites have spent most of their time fixing the “illegal immigrant” problem. There has been social, political, and economic hysteria about illegal immigrants. Illegal immigrants are viewed as wetbacks, thieves, terrorists, and drug-smugglers. The U.S government has created a new set of goals in hopes of reducing the influx of illegal immigrants crossing the U.S-Mexico border. The three goals include cracking down on illegal immigrants at the border, deporting felons instead of families, and checking criminal background. 34 Yet, these goals have not solved the “illegal immigrant” problem. Instead these goals have served as blueprints for state immigration bills, which frequently construct undocumented immigrants as deviants. In addition, immigration policy designs and content contain negative symbols and messages of undocumented immigrants. In Policy Paradox, Deborah Stone argues that politicians, lawmakers, and policymakers make the process of policy sound logical and rational, but in reality these policies become paradoxes that affect public democracy. 35 Stone claims that policies become paradoxes because policy content and design are ignored. 32

Ibid., Ibid., 34 “Strengthening Enforcement,” The White House, Last modified June 18, 2015 www.whitehouse.gov/issues/immigration 35 Deborah Stone, Policy Paradox: The Art of Political Decision Making (New York: WW Norton, 1997), 15. 33

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Guadalupe Chavez These policies contain symbolic devices that capture and shape the perception of the public. 36 The four symbolic devices that political elites use in policy content include narrative stories, synecdoche, metaphors, and ambiguity. Yet, how do symbolic devices, such as narrative stories, synecdoche, metaphors, and ambiguity affect immigration policy? Stone argues that these four devices are most commonly used in policy content, but appear hidden to the public. For example, Stone describes narrative stories as having a beginning, middle, and end—these stories also have heroes, villains, and victims. Narrative stories go something like this: “in the beginning things were pretty good, but they got worse…something must be done.” 37 In this case, narrative stories, in regard to immigration policy, go something like this: “in the beginning immigration was good, individuals from Europe came to accomplish the American dream and now have better lives. Now, hundreds of illegal Mexican immigrants are crossing the border…something must to be done”. Therefore, narrative stories identify the issues and create proposals and goals to fix the issues. On the other hand, synecdoche is identified as a figure of speech, in which a whole is represented by one of its parts; it goes something like this: “ten thousand feet marched down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the White House.” 38 Stone claims that this symbolic device is used very commonly in politics where examples are offered as typical instances or prototypical cases or larger problems. Most importantly, this can define the entire 36

Ibid., 138. Ibid., 138. 38 Ibid., 139. 37

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills problem, while also framing the policy response. In addition, metaphors and ambiguity are also commonly used in policy content. Metaphors are used for strategic policy analysis; on the surface they draw comparisons, but, in a more subtle way, they usually imply a whole narrative story and prescription for action. 39 For example most political elites often state “illegal aliens” are invaders, damaging our core values.” Such metaphors call for action to be taken in hopes of “fixing” the issue. Ambiguity is described as the most important symbol in politics. Ambiguity is such an important symbolic device because it carries several interpretations, which benefit political elites in regard to policy, bills, or laws. For example, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) stated that one of its goals was to create an amnesty program for undocumented immigrants who could demonstrate that they had been working and living in the U.S for five years. 41 While this goal sounds logical and clear, there still remains ambiguity because the policy does not truly define what groups of undocumented immigrants will be considered for amnesty. Is it benefiting European undocumented immigrants, Latino undocumented immigrants, or Middle Eastern immigrants. The point is that it remains unclear and can be interpreted differently. 40

Ibid., 148. Ibid., 157 41 Lina Newton, “It Is Not a Question of Being Anti-Immigration: Categories of Deservedness in Immigration Policy Making, in Deserving and Entitled: Social Constructions and Public Policy, ed. Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram, (New York: SUNY Press, 2005),143. 40

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Guadalupe Chavez In addition, Lina Newton analyzes the narrative stories of two federal immigration policies that socially construct Mexican immigrants as both deserving and undeserving. The two immigration policy narratives that Newton examines are the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) and the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA). 42 After analyzing both policies, Newton argues that policy designs and content of IRCA and IIRIRA contain symbols and images that socially construct Mexican immigrants as both deserving and undeserving. According to Newton, the IRCA immigration policy narrative constructs Mexican immigrants as deserving. 43 The 1986 IRCA socially constructed Mexican immigrants as deserving because this policy narrative encouraged foreign labor and expanded programs for migrants. Further, the narratives sent positive messages of migrants—migrants were viewed as handworkers, taking the jobs that citizens did not want. However, Newton argues that in the 90’s, immigration policies were constructing unauthorized immigrants as an undeserving target population. 44 The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) policy narratives addressed the “illegal immigrant” problem differently. IIRIRA constructed unauthorized immigrants as an undeserving target group, as the narratives within IIRIRA constructed unauthorized immigrants as selfish individuals, taking advantage of public benefits.

Lina Newton, Illegal, Alien, or Immigrant: The Politics of Immigration Reform (New York: New York University Press, 2008),15. 43 Ibid., 67. 44 Ibid., 105.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills Newton’s research provides important contributions on the way immigration policies are analyzed. Instead of examining the process of immigration policies, Newton examines immigration policy narratives of political elites. By analyzing these narratives, Newton demonstrates that symbolic devices, such as narratives, embed symbols and images of deserving and undeserving unauthorized Mexican immigrants. Most significantly, Newton’s findings support Schneider and Ingram’s theory on social construction. Immigration policies are highly influenced by societal context, which then influence the context of an issue, which eventually affects policy design and content. Yet, there are still some remaining gaps. Why have state legislatures such as Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia designed restrictive and controversial immigration bills? Most importantly, how have these state bills socially constructed undocumented immigrants? These are two fundamental questions that this paper will further examine. Methods and Data This paper examines an important question: how have state immigration bills socially constructed undocumented immigrants? In order to answer this question, I first examined Schneider and Ingram’s theory, which argues that societal context and issues influence politicians and policy content. After this, I selected three contemporary, controversial, and very similar state immigration bills between the years 2010-2011 including Support Our Enforcement and Safe Neighborhood Act from Arizona (also Known as SB 1070), The Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act from Alabama (also known has HB 56), and The College of Saint Rose

Guadalupe Chavez the Illegal Immigration Reform and Enforcement Act of 2011 from Georgia (known as HB 87). SB 1070, HB 56 and HB 87 were selected for this project because most of their goals are representative of federal immigration policies. For instance, similar to federal immigration policies, these state bills seek to reinforce law enforcement and employment regulations. 45 The second reason that these bills were selected was because the tools and designs embedded in bills have become very controversial—these bills systematically expand racial profiling by targeting specific group populations such as those that resemble “foreign nationalities”. In addition, Arizona has become the second state, besides California, to take matters into its own hands by creating its own immigration bills seeking to fix the “illegal immigrant” paradox. In 1994, California became one of the first states to create its own anti-immigration bill known as Proposition 187. Just like SB 1070 of Arizona, Proposition 187 sought to fix the “illegal alien” invasion by prohibiting undocumented immigrants from receiving public assistances such as health insurance, education, and employment. However, Proposition 187 was a failure for various reasons, but most importantly because the public saw it as a discriminatory law attacking undocumented immigrants. Yet California and Arizona are not the only states that have issued their own state anti-immigration bills. States further away from the U.S-Mexico border have also issued their own bills, such as Alabama and Georgia. Therefore, I wanted to analyze states 45

Lina Newton, “Policy Innovation or Legal Integration? A View of Immigration Federalism from the States,” Law and Policy 34 no.2 (2012): 115.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills further from the border to examine if these southern states use different strategies to fix the so called “illegal immigration problem”. In addition, the public often does not identify the south as having an illegal immigrant crisis.” To analyze the first question-- how have state immigration bills socially constructed undocumented immigrants?--multi-case studies were done on three states Arizona, Alabama and Georgia. The purpose of these case studies was to investigate the context of these bills—why have these bills been issued, and why have these bills become controversial? In order to do this, I examined articles published by organizations that seek to protect civil liberties, human rights, and the status of undocumented immigrants such as the American Civil Liberties Union, The Human Rights Watch, and National Council of La Raza. All of the articles were found directly from the organizations’ websites, and were published between 2010 and 2011. The second method that I used to analyze the question was conducting content analysis of the written text of each state bill. I retrieved the full text of each bill from the official state legislature sites. After reading each bill, I applied Schneider and Ingram’s social construction and target population theory. The tables contain four categories including which group the bill targeted, bill narratives, policy tools, and the social construction of each target group. Analysis and Discussion Immigration bills such as SB 1070, HB 56 and HB 87, commonly known as “Show me your Papers” state bills, have The College of Saint Rose

Guadalupe Chavez caused backlash from organizations, liberals, and the Latino community. Civil rights organizations such as American Civil Liberties Union and the Southern Poverty Law Center argue that these bills abuse the rights of undocumented immigrants, systematically expand racial profiling, and separate families. 46 However, Russell Pearce of Arizona, Micky Hammon of Alabama, and Matt Ramsey of Georgia have different views. Pearce, Hammon, and Ramsey— the sponsors of the anti-immigration bills--claim that these bills have a good purpose. They claim that these state bills will aid the country and protect American citizens from “illegal-alien” invasion and crime. 47 The purpose of these bills is to fix the “illegal-alien” problem by deporting “illegal aliens” back to their countries of origin. However, civil rights organizations argue that “Show me your Papers” state bills are not fixing the “illegal alien” problem. Instead, these bills are targeting the wrong group of undocumented immigrants and taking advantage of their rights. 48 SB 1070, HB 56, and HB 87 share two common features. Each bill requires private and public employers to use the employment eligibility verifications system. This system allows employers to view the legal status of every employee. The purpose of this requirement is to 46

“Arizona’s SB 1070,” American Civil Liberties Union, Last modified June 20, 2015. https://www.aclu.org/feature/arizonas-sb-1070 47 “Arizona’s Immigration Enforcement Laws,” National Conference of state legislature, Last modified June 20, 2015 www.ncsl.org/research/immigration/analysis-of-arizonas-immigrationlaw.aspx 48 “Arizona’s Immigration Enforcement Laws,” National Conference of State Legislatures. Last modified June 21, 2015 www.ncsl.org/research.immigration/analysisof-arizonas-imigration-law.aspx

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills prevent “illegal aliens” from stealing the jobs of American citizens. 49 The second and most controversial part of these bills is that they grant state and local law enforcement the power to enforce federal immigration policies and laws. As a result, individuals, including citizens and non-citizens, are required to carry identification documentation at all times, as failing to do so will result in a crime. 50 The American Civil Liberties Union argues that this requirement systematically expands racial profiling because individuals of color are more likely to be stopped than white individuals. 51 A Latino citizen is more likely to be stopped than a white citizen simply based on the way he or she looks. For example, the Center for American Progress Fund found that 79% of Latinos said that they feel more likely to be stopped by law enforcement and asked about their legal status compared to other racial groups. 52So far, Republican politicians in the states of Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia defend “Show me your Papers” state bills. They argue that such bills will fix the “illegal-alien” issue by deporting immigrants back to their country, but fail to realize that not all undocumented immigrants are criminals—drug smugglers, thieves, or terrorists. Before going any further, I want to briefly discuss the importance of Schneider and Ingram’s theory of social construction 49

Ibid., “Arizona’s SB 1070,” American Civil Liberties Union, Last modified June 20, 2015. https://www.aclu.org/feature/arizonas-sb-1070 51 Ibid., 52 Latinos Voice Continue Concerns About SB 1070”, Center for American Progress Action Fund, Last modified June 28, 2015. 1070/https://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/immigration/news/2 012/08/03/11962/latinos-voice-continued-concerns-about-s-b-1070 50

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Guadalupe Chavez and discuss the function of policy tools. Schneider and Ingram argue that the social constructions of target groups are important because these constructions ultimately shape policy agendas and policy tools. 53 Therefore, target groups that are positively constructed, including the elderly and veterans, will receive benefits such as political, social, and economic power. On the other hand, groups that are negatively constructed will receive less power and very often will face a selection of severe policy tools. But what exactly is the function of policy tools? Policy tools are defined as the aspects of policy intended to motivate the target population to comply with policy or to utilize policy opportunities. 54 However, these policy tools are applied differently, based on the social construction of target groups. For example, groups that are constructed as deviants will often face severe policy tools such as punishment, imprisonment, or even death. Groups that are constructed as the advantaged will receive policy tools that offer greater social or economic opportunities such as political representation, financial assistance, and protection. Thus, policy tools reinforce social constructions by labeling each target population group as good or badâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;deserving or undeserving. In this case, policy tools that are utilized to socially construct undocumented immigrants are authoritative. These policy tools are expected to be coerciveâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;involving punishment, force, incarceration, and even death. 55 Tables 1, 2, and 3 demonstrate how this theory applies to anti-immigration state bills. 53

Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram, Social Constructions of Target Populations: Implications for Politics and Policy, The American Political Science Review 87, no. 2 June 1993, 334. 54 Ibid.,338. 55 Ibid.,343.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills The policy tools found in each state bill denied undocumented immigrants civil rights. These tools deny undocumented immigrants access to jobs and access to public benefits such as health insurance and food stamps. In addition, SB 1070, HB 56, and HB 87 grant state and local law enforcement the right to stop individuals in public settings based on reasonable suspicion— systematically expanding racial profiling. As a result, these bills negatively construct undocumented immigrants. Undocumented immigrants are labeled as deviants and undeserving based on the policy tools and designs that are embedded in the content of SB 1070, HB 56 and HB87. Tables 1, 2, and 3 provide detailed summaries of SB 1070, HB 56 and HB 87. These tables are important because they apply Schneider and Ingram’s theory of social constructions and target populations. Each table has four categories including: target group, policy tools, bill narrative, and social construction. Target group refers to the groups that these immigration bills are directed to. In all three cases, the state bills target undocumented immigrants, but explicitly used discriminatory terminology to describe undocumented immigrants. For example, SB 1070 of Arizona consistently used terms such as aliens, illegal aliens, unlawful aliens, and unauthorized aliens throughout the content of the bill. HB of 56 went even further by describing undocumented children as aliens, and HB 87 frequently used “illegal aliens” to describe undocumented immigrants. The second category in each table is the bill narrative. The bill narratives are quotes coming directly from the content of the bills; the narratives serve to stimulate the context of the policy tools. The bill narratives in each table have two similarities. The The College of Saint Rose

Guadalupe Chavez first similarity is that the bill narratives target three groups—illegal aliens, law enforcement, and employers. These target groups are socially constructed differently. Law enforcement officers are socially constructed as the advantaged group. They have the most power and are positively constructed for tackling “illegal aliens”. Employers are also constructed as the advantaged. They are positively constructed because employers create jobs and have the power to file reports on undocumented immigrants. However, undocumented immigrants are constructed as deviants. This group has no political, social, or economic power. Each bill narrative clearly categorizes undocumented immigrants as deviants by labeling them as criminals, prohibiting them from applying to jobs, limiting access to post-secondary education, and arresting them based on “reasonable suspicion.” The third category that is included in each table are policy tools. Policy tools refer to the aspects of policy intended to motivate the target population to comply with policy or to utilize policy opportunities. 56 However, policy tools apply differently to target groups based on their social construction, which brings us to the third category--social constructions. By examining the bill content and identifying the target group, I was able to conclude whether the social construction was positive, negative, or neutral. All three bills contained terms such as criminal, unauthorized immigrant, illegal, alien, or illegal-alien. These terms represent negative symbols and images. Thus, the words were linked to negative social constructions. On the other hand, employers and 56

Anne L. Schneider and Helen Ingram, “Social Constructions of Target Populations: Implications for Politics and Policy,” The American Political Science Review 87, no.2 (1993): 339.

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills law enforcement were linked to positive social constructions. The SB 1070 bill argued that employers who used the employment verification system were contributing to the good cause and goals of the immigration bills, which is to fix the “illegal immigrant” problem. Therefore, employers are positively constructed. In addition, law enforcement officers were positively constructed. Law enforcement officers are positively constructed because they can alleviate the “illegal immigrant” problem by deporting undocumented immigrants back to their country of origin. However, how are policy tools applied differently to each target group based on their social construction? Target groups that are negatively constructed contain dominant policy tools. 57 Based on the state bills, employers are valued as an advantaged group. In this study, the employers are positively constructed and have a significant amount of power. The policy tools for employers emphasize capacity building, inducements, and techniques that enable the target population to learn about the results of its behavior, which is often rewarded. 58 Hence, employers are seen as a deserving and positively constructed group, if they cooperate with state and local law enforcement, by demanding their employees to register with the employment verification system.

57 58

Ibid., 340. Ibid., 340.

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Guadalupe Chavez

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills

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Guadalupe Chavez

The purpose of these tables is to demonstrate that the written texts in these bills construct deserving and undeserving target groups. SB 1070, HB 56 and HB 87 embed negative symbols and images of undocumented immigrants. Such bills embed negative symbols and images of undocumented immigrants by using discriminatory terminology such as illegal immigrant, alien, or unauthorized alien. These terms are not only discriminatory, but are filled with hate and fear. Further, the sponsors and drafters of these bills strategically use policy tools to reinforce social constructions, divide groups, and categorize them as deserving and undeserving. Deserving groups such as law enforcement and employers are given a massive amount of power. Law enforcement has the power to stop, search, arrest, and deport 88

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills undocumented immigrants solely based on reasonable suspicion. While employers are rewarded for filing reports on undocumented employees. Yet the undeserving groups such as undocumented immigrants have no power or protection. Conclusion In the past ten years, immigration has become one of the most debated and heated topics in American politics. Political elites have proposed federal immigration policies hoping to offer a path to citizenship for millions of undocumented immigrants while also aiming to fix the “illegal immigration” crisis. Yet states such as Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia claim that federal immigration policies have not solved the “illegal immigration” crisis. As a result, such states have taken matters into their own hands by sponsoring sets of bills in order to fix the “illegal immigration” problem. However, this research has found that state bills such as SB 1070 from Arizona, HB 56 from Alabama, and HB 87 from Georgia have failed. Instead of proposing a set of goals that could possibly benefit state legislatures and the undocumented population, SB 1070, HB 56, and HB 87 have stigmatized, discriminated, and violated the rights of the undocumented immigration population. The written texts of these bills socially construct undocumented immigrants as a deviant group—this group is negatively viewed and has no political representation or power. Fortunately, the Supreme Court has blocked sections of these bills from going into effect. For example, it is a violation to prohibit minors from receiving public state benefits such as education or access to health insurance. Unfortunately, there still remains a long road ahead for progress. The undocumented immigrant population is viewed as socially The College of Saint Rose

Guadalupe Chavez deviant—taking the jobs of citizens, and damaging American core values. In addition, undocumented immigrants are considered undeserving of protection and incorporation into the political and social spheres. These social constructions will not change if federal immigration policies and state proposals or laws continue to embed negative symbols and images of undocumented immigrants. This research is important because it demonstrates the divide and categorization of the deserving and undeserving groups, which maintain repetitive cycles of inequality and systematic discrimination in the U.S.

Bibliography Branton, Regina P., and Johanna Dunaway. "Spatial Proximity to the US-Mexico Border and Newspaper Coverage of Immigration Issues." Political Research Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2009): 289-302. Czaik, Mathias & De Haas, Hein. “The Effectiveness of Immigration Policies.” Population and Development Review 39, no.3 (2013): 487-508. Heyman, McC. Josiah. “Constructing a Virtual Wall” Race and Citizenship in U.S-Mexico Border Policing.” Journal of the Southwest 50, no.3 (2008): 305-334. Johnson, Kevin. “Aliens and the U.S Immigration Laws: The Social and Legal Construction of Nonpersons”. The University Of Miami Inter-American Law Review 28, no.2 (1996/1997): 263-292. ——. “Alabama’s Shame: HB56 and the War on Immigrants.” Southern Poverty Law Center. Last Modified June 20, 2015. 90

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An Examination of “Show Me Your Papers” Immigration Bills www.splcenter.org/alabamas-shame-hb56-and-the-war-onimmigrants ——. “A Nation of Immigrants: A Portrait of the 40 Million, Including 11 Million Unauthorized.” Pew Research Center Hispanic Trends. Last modified June 18, 2015. www.pewhispanic.org/2013/01/29/a-nation-of-immigrants ——. “Arizona’s Immigration Enforcement Laws.” National Conference of State Legislatures. Last modified June 21, 2015. www.ncsl.org/research.immigration/analysis-ofarizonas-imigration-law.aspx ——. “Arizona’s SB 1070.” American Civil Union Liberties, Last modified June 20, 2015. https://www.aclu.org/feature/arizonas-sb-1070 Newton, Lina. Illegal, Alien, or Immigrant: The Politics of Immigration Reform. New York: New York University Press, 2008. Newton, Lina. “It Is Not a Question of Being Anti-Immigration: Categories of Deservedness in Immigration Policy.” In Deserving and Entitled: Social Constructions and Public Policy,ed, by Anne L. Schneider & Helen Ingram, 139167. New York: SUNY University Press, 2008. ——. “Policy Innovation or Vertical Integration?: A View of Immigration Federalism From the States.” Law & Policy 34, no.2 (2012): 113-137. Rodriquez, Nestor P. “Border: Critical Views of the Border”. In Immigrants Out!: The New Nativisim and the AntiImmigration Impulse in the United States, ed by Juan F. Perea, 221-243. New York: New York University Press, 1997.

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Guadalupe Chavez Ruzemberg, Hernan. “9/11 Linked Immigration With Border Security Anti-Terrorism.” Fronteras: The Changing America Desk. Last modified June 29, 2015. www.fronterasdesk.org/content/911-linkedimmigration-border-security-anti-terrorism ——. “Latino Voice Continue Concerns About SB 1070.” Center for American Progress Action Fund. Last modified June 23, 2015. https://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/imm igration/news/2012/08/03/11962/latinos-voice-continuedconcerns-about-s-b-1070/ Schneider L., Anne & Ingram, Helen. Policy Design for Democracy. Kansas: The University of Kansas, 1997. Schneider L., Anne & Ingram, Helen. “Social Constructions of Target Populations: Implications for Politics and Policy.” The American Political Science Review 87, no. 2 (1993): 334-347. ——. “Strengthen Enforcement,” The White House, Last modified June 18, 2015. http://www.whitehouse.gov/issues/immigration/strengthen ing-enforcement

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A General Analysis of Schubert’s String Quintet

A General Analysis of Franz Schubert’s String Quintet in C Major, D. 956, First Movement Alyssa Gallagher Music, ’17

Faculty Introduction The final course in our music theory sequence requires students to synthesize the voice-leading principles, harmonic analysis and posttonal analytical techniques presented in the preceding three semesters of music theory. These objectives are achieved through analysis of musical examples, which the student communicates through various writing assignments. We dissect the formal structure, harmonic language, texture and historical background of a variety of works belonging to Western culture’s Common Practice Era (ca 1750-1900) through the 20th-21st century, as well as non-Western music. One of the greatest compositions from the chamber music genre of the Romantic Era, Franz Schubert’s Quintet in C Major, is the musical example for the final project due to its substantial challenges regarding extended sonata-allegro form, advanced chromaticism, unique instrumentation and thematic development. Alyssa Gallagher’s paper explores stylistic elements found in Schubert’s writing that were designed for the intimate performance venue in which many of the composer’s works were premiered. These small social gatherings, Schubertiades, were festive events held in private homes, which often included poetry readings and dancing in addition to Schubert’s chamber music. The lyrical qualities of his melodies, striking use of mode-mixture, The College of Saint Rose

Alyssa Gallagher thematic pacing and finesse in rhythmic development made Schubert’s works attractive and successful in this informal concert environment. By comparing this quintet to works from the great jazz artist Fats Waller and modern electro house musician Steve Aoki, Gallagher provides a fascinating cross-genre perspective on music created for small social settings. She does an excellent job of addressing the large-scale form type and the exceptional use of Schubert’s period phrase structure while connecting patterns of structural tension and release to Aoki’s Boneless. Additionally, Gallagher is successful in drawing parallels between the melodic contour and syntax of jazz standard melodies and this Romantic quintet, which provide a unique approach to her very thorough analysis. David Bebe Assistant Professor of Music

A General Analysis of Franz Schubert’s String Quintet in C Major, D. 956, First Movement Although music exists as an art, it is also a reflection of culture and community. This is especially apparent in the life of Franz Schubert (1797-1828). While living in Vienna, Schubert hosted chamber music parties called “Schubertiades.” These gatherings were hosted at the various homes of Schubert’s friends and gave him the opportunity to premier his newest works (“The Schubertiades”). It is no wonder that Schubert was so prolific in his short life given the strong support the Schubertiades engendered. Small gatherings and 94

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A General Analysis of Schubert’s String Quintet house parties thrown for the sake of music is a recurring theme throughout history: rent parties in Harlem during the 1920s helped to popularize jazz while modern house music has evolved electronic music genres. These genres may initially appear to be unrelated, but parallels can be drawn between the elements of each (Thomason, Way). The Quintet in C Major was composed late in Schubert’s life and was completed only two months prior to his death. Although the quintet was premiered well after Schubert’s death in 1850, it is now regarded as a masterpiece chamber work (Thomason). The Quintet in C Major and Schubert’s other works undoubtedly have had a profound influence on the classical music that succeeded them; however, the Quintet in C Major also displays elements which can be found in popular genres such as jazz and electronic music through its use of rhythmic motion, song-like melodies, and unconventional harmonies. This is a testament to the universal nature of music and entertainment.

The first movement of the Quintet in C Major is in Sonata-Allegro form (see Example 1). 1 It is the longest of the movements in the Quintet with an expansive exposition, but it has 1

Sonata-Allegro form is a typical structural pattern used to organize musical ideas similar to how an essay would be formatted with an introduction of ideas (Exposition), expansion of these ideas (Development), and reiteration of the original idea (Recapitulation).

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Alyssa Gallagher relatively few themes considering its size. Schubert instead develops the few themes with variations in accompaniment and instrument pairings. This is facilitated the pieceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s instrumentation. By writing the quintet with two cellos rather than the typical two violas, 2 it is possible to create a richer and more balanced accompanimental sound when one cello takes on a melodic role that is reminiscent of symphonic rather than chamber music (Thomason). One particularly effective example of this is in m.159-160 of the Development where the Viola and Cello 1 harmonize while Cello 2 stabilizes the harmonies with a C pedal. Also, parallel period phrase structure 3 establishes a base around which variations can be built. This can be seen in Secondary Theme 1 beginning in m.60. The cellos play a melody which is phrased in period form that is then repeated by the violins beginning in m.81. This structure helps to create continuity between the separate but similar phrases (Absil). Throughout the length of the first movement of the Quintet in C Major, the rhythmic motion is the driving force in each theme area. This is done through individual rhythms and overall rhythmic trends. Measure 19-20 introduces the agogic 4 rhythmic motive of a sixteenth note pickup leading into a longer note, in this case a dotted half note. This motive can be seen frequently within the movement and helps to build tension. For example, in m.167-173 in the development the agogic motive is 2

String quartets are a far more prominent medium of composition; a quintet would already be unusual, but using two cellos is even more unconventional. 3 â&#x20AC;&#x153;Parallel periodâ&#x20AC;? refers to how melodies are treated. It is analogous to sentence structure where a dependent clause is answered by an independent one. 4 Accenting a note by delaying its attack.

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A General Analysis of Schubert’s String Quintet repeated in the Violin 1 part on a pedal C-sharp. The sixteenth note anticipates the stronger downbeats and creates a sense of forward motion. The agogic pickup motive can also be seen in the march-like theme in the coda of the Exposition and where this material is expanded upon in the Development. The dotted eighth and sixteenth note pattern beginning in m.142 gives the coda momentum into the Development after an expansive Exposition. The grace note motive which starts in m.140 has this effect as well by anticipating the downbeats. The accompanimental lines of the Development also use this agogic motive. Cello 2 begins this in m.157 with a sixteenth note pickup. 5 It aids in creating forward momentum in a piece which could easily become stagnant due to its length. Schubert also juxtaposes different rhythmic accompaniments in order to create forward motion and a sense of tension and release. The technique Schubert employs can be found in modern electronic music and is commonly referred to as a “drop.” According to Sami Yenigun of National Public Radio, a drop is “the moment in a dance track when tension is released and the beat kicks in... releasing the enormous energy accrued during a song's progression” (Yenigun). A simple example of this in the Quintet in C Major is found in in the Secondary Themes from m.58-119. Secondary Theme 1 begins with eighth note accompaniment. When the violins take over the melody in m.81, the accompaniment becomes triplets. 6 When Secondary Theme 2 is introduced, the motion of the accompaniment is in sixteenth notes. The trend of increased motion in the accompaniment builds 5 6

A weak note which precedes a stronger downbeat; anacrusis Triplets divide the beat into three.

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Alyssa Gallagher tension until m.119 when all accompanimental motion stops and the Violin 1 plays a descending scale, literally dropping. This scale repeats and then a stable triplet accompaniment pattern is established. Another example of this is in the Primary and Transition Themes. Schubert chooses to begins the movement atypically with no rhythmic motion whatsoever. Motion is gradually incorporated and increased until a drop before Secondary Theme 1. The agogic motive begins the motion in m.19 and is developed until m.33 where an eighth note accompaniment pattern is established. This gives way to a triplet accompaniment in m.49 when the Transition Theme begins. The accompaniment in the Transition Themes incorporates additional tension by rising chromatically every two beats. 7 This tension culminates in m.37 with an authentic cadence8 in G Major followed by a fully diminished chord 9 that resolves again to G Major. These chords break up the motion of the accompaniment and release the tension that has been built thus far. Through common tone modulation, 10 the music then “drops” to the lyrical melody of Secondary Theme 1. The drop technique can be seen frequently throughout modern electronic music. For example, “Boneless,” produced by Steve Aoki in 2013, begins with a drop sequence in the first 20 bars (Yenigun). It starts with a quarter note bass line, but additional voices are incorporated while the rhythmic motion increases 7

Chromatic motion refers to playing every semitone, which is the smallest distance between notes in traditional Western music. 8 A strong conclusion to a phrase. 9 An unstable chord. 10 Changing the key center by holding one pitch that is shared by both keys.

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A General Analysis of Schubertâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s String Quintet gradually until there are 32nd notes in every voice. The beat then drops into a melodic line with rhythmically consistent accompaniment in a way that is reminiscent of the way in which the Primary Theme drops into Secondary Theme 1 (see Example 2). Thus, one can see the similarities in technique used by Schubert and modern electronic music artists.

The melodies in the Quintet in C Major have a song-like quality that is characteristic of Schubert. As one of the most prolific composers of lieder, Schubert is a master of writing in a way that is conducive to singing (Sherrane). This is especially apparent in the Secondary Theme area. Secondary Theme 1 begins with a lyrical melody in the cellos in a comfortable singing range. The harmonies have an added richness due to the doubling of the cello timbre while the accompaniment is incredibly light, allowing the melody to float over the other voices. Schubert then explores this melody with different variations. First, he passes the melodic line to the violins in m.79. Then, in m.100, Violin 1 begins a canon11 with the Viola in a slightly altered repetition of the melody (Thomason). This theme and variation-style writing is reminiscent of a strophic 12 11

Where the same music is played at different times; a round, for example. 12 In vocal music where the same music is given different text.

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Alyssa Gallagher lied. The same melody is used for each “verse” while the instrumentation changes similarly to how lyrics would be altered. The orchestration of two cellos is what gives the Quintet in C Major its unique and revolutionary sound and facilitates its distinctive melodies. One of the many examples of this is in m.217238 of the Development. The additional cello allows for two distinct accompanimental figures while violin 1 plays a floating melody. Violin 2 and cello 2 establish a solid tonal center with an ostinato line while the viola and cello 1 harmonize flowing accompanimental quarter notes. These layers create a richness which accentuates the lyrical melody of violin 1. The vocal qualities of Schubert’s music can be more literally found in the jazz music of rent parties. Rent parties were popular in Harlem during the Great Depression as a way to pay for the rising rent rates. They were integral in the popularization of jazz; local musicians were hired as entertainment. Fats Waller was a jazz pianist and vocalist associated with rent parties (“Fats Waller”). The melodies of his songs were simple yet effective as with the melody of Secondary Theme 1. Waller’s composition “Honeysuckle Rose” (see Example 3) is in a similar range and rhythmic complexity to the cello melody. The singing melodies of each make the pieces entertaining and memorable to the listener, an important quality whether the purpose is to amuse friends or to make enough money to pay for rent.

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While many of the techniques Schubert uses can be found in popular music, it is his harmonic language that has most greatly influenced the world of classical music. Schubert is a crucial composer in the transition from the Classical to the Romantic era in his use of key relationships and incidental tonality. From the beginning of the first movement, Schubert avoids typical harmonies. The first chord is an expected C Major chord, it moves to a common tone fully diminished seventh chord that resolves to a C Minor chord. This atypical harmony and mode mixture avoids a strong pull toward C Major. 13 Another area where the tonal center is blurred is in the Development. The section begins in A Major, but after the unison chromatic triplets in m.175-188 tonicizes 14 D-

A piece which is in C Major typically will not include C Minor chords since they are in different modes. The term “mode” refers to the type of scale which is being used. Traditionally, Western music up to this point did not exhibit this type of mode mixture. 14 The tonic is the strongest note or chord in a key center and gives it its name; for example, “C” is the tonic of C Major. Tonicizing means to temporarily make a new key center.

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Alyssa Gallagher flat, a chromatic mediant 15 of A. This results in the strange progression of G-flat/D-flat/D-flat Minor (C-sharp Minor)/ A in m.193-199. These chords do not function in a traditional way, but they still create a pleasing coloristic progression (Absil). This is because Schubert does not solely employ diatonicism. Rather, sequences, smooth voicing, and chromaticism determine the harmonies. 16 The progressions are often an incidental result of these factors. Schubert also uses coloristic chords out of their typical function in moments of extreme drama. For example, in m.118, he uses a Neapolitan Sixth chord at the peak of the phrase and holds it for the entire measure. Neapolitan chords are generally used in order to create a stronger pull to the tonic, but Schubert uses one here in order to sustain tension and blur the tonic (Absil). While each individual harmony may be incidental at times, the larger key centers are integral to the form and character of the Quintet in C Major. In typical Sonata-Allegro form, the Exposition begins with the Primary Theme or Themes in the tonic key and transitions to the dominant17. However, the Exposition of the Quintet in C Major alters this. The piece begins vaguely in C Major. The Transition Theme briefly tonicizes the dominant with a pedal tone G in m.49- 58. However, it modulates using the G as a common tone in order to reach E-flat Major. This has a chromatic mediant relationship to the tonic key and is atypical of 15

Mediant relationships refer to chords based on tonics a third away from each other. 16 Coloristic chord progressions do not adhere to traditional chord analysis and attempts at analyzing them as such are overly complex and ultimately misleading. Diatonicism refers to the use of major and minor tonalities without too much variance. 17 The â&#x20AC;&#x153;Vâ&#x20AC;? of a key center; has a strong pull to the tonic.

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A General Analysis of Schubertâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s String Quintet Sonata-Allegro form. Yet it is only a brief deviance; Secondary Theme 2 modulates to G Major, which has a chromatic mediant relationship to E-flat Major and a dominant relationship to C Major. Since the Recapitulation of this theme has to result in the tonic key, Schubert adds new material in m.290-294 in order to be able achieve the chromatic mediant relationship between the intermediary key center and the final key. The recapitulation of Secondary Theme 1 ends up being in A-flat Major in order to attain this result. The key relationship of the Exposition to the Development is also worth noting. The Exposition ends on an accented G dominant chord, which makes diatonic sense when repeating to the beginning of the movement. When moving to the Development though, it is less clear. The Development begins in A Major, another chromatic mediant of C Major. However, the since the Exposition ends on a G dominant chord, this is a less smooth transition. Schubert cleverly moves the G to a G-sharp, making a fully diminished G-sharp chord that tonicizes A Major (see Example 4). The Development ends on a G dominant chord in order to transition back to the tonic key for the Recapitulation.

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Alyssa Gallagher The harmonic language and key relationships Schubert used influenced composers of the Romantic era and continue to influence contemporary composers. One example of Schubert’s influence is in the Romantic compositions of Johannes Brahms (1833-1897). His influence on harmonic language is apparent in the Allegro Appassionato of Brahms’s Clarinet Sonata No. 2, Op. 120. It begins in E-flat minor but flows between this and A-flat major (see Example 5). This is reminiscent of Schubert’s deviation from traditional diatonic harmony and demonstrates his farreaching influence.

Schubert’s Quintet in C Major is a chamber music masterpiece. Schubertiades gave Schubert the opportunity to premier many of his works and provided motivation to create compositions that were engaging. It also exposed people to music of great quality in a casual setting. By studying his quintet in relation to pieces of different genres and time periods, one can begin to see some of the universal elements of entertaining music. Electronic music and jazz are prime examples of this since they thrive on live audiences. In a time where many classically trained musicians lament the lack of support for art music, it is crucial to critically look at the way in which the music is presented to its audiences. Schubert was a talented composer, but more importantly he was an entertainer. Modern musicians and 104

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A General Analysis of Schubert’s String Quintet composers should think critically about his legacy when considering their own; it could provide the answer for how to excite the world in regard to classical music. Works Cited Absil, Frans. “String Quintet in C Major Op. 163, D. 956.” Musical Analysis: Visiting the Great Composers. 5th ed. Netherlands: n.p., 2015. 251-60. Print. Brahms, Johannes. “Clarinet Sonata No.2, Op.120 No.2 (Brahms, Johannes).” IMSLP/Petrucci Music Library: Free Public Domain Sheet Music. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. “Fats Waller.” Bio.com. A&E Networks Television, n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. “Honeysuckle Rose.” NMS. Kmlinux, n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2015. Paul Thomason. “Franz Schubert - Quintet in C Major for Strings, D. 956.” Web. 7 Apr. 2015. “The Schubertiades.” WQXR - New York's Classical Music Radio Station. WQXR, 11 Apr. 2013. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Schubert, Franz. “String Quintet, D.956 (Schubert, Franz).” IMSLP/Petrucci Music Library: Free Public Domain Sheet Music. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 Apr. 2015. Sherrane, Robert. “The Classical or Viennese Period.” Music History 102. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2015.

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Alyssa Gallagher Way, Joseph. “Franz Schubert.” Sierra Chamber Society. N.p., 1997. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. Yenigun, Sami. “The 5 Deadliest Drops of 2010.” NPR. NPR, 31 Dec. 2010. Web. 7 Apr. 2015.

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News Media vs. Social Media: Crisis Coverage and Media Framing Alina Gurtowsky Communications â&#x20AC;&#x2122;16 Faculty Introduction Framing analysis is one of the theoretical frameworks to provide more realistic perspective on media effects. Studies of media effects historically have developed from strong-effects to limited-effects paradigm during the early-middle 20th century. Strong-effects paradigm includes the hypodermic needle and magic-bullet hypotheses, assuming powerful media and vulnerable individuals. Reactionary to this approach, such theories as two-step flow of communication and selective perception, which are loosely categorized as limited-effects camp, point out that not all media effects are direct, obvious and ubiquitous. Entering the late 20th century, communication scholars view what media do to audiences should be located somewhere between the binary poles of strong and limited tradition. Media framing was conceptualized in this rediscovery phase of media effects. Rather than focusing on how media content shape peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mind, framing theory deals with the ways in which salience of attributes in news coverage is transferred from one media landscape to another. In other words, this theory explores how a certain topic is selected, emphasized (or, excluded) and elaborated. With framing as a theoretical tool, Gurtowsky compare and contrast how old media (CNN) and new media (Twitter) differently select and present news items. She argues that meaning of a story can be interfered by its placement and repetition. Forms and structure as The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky well as content and theme do matter. This paper was originally written in “Introduction to Communication Theory,” and later revised and developed in “Research in Communications” for academic conference submission, which is part of the course requirement. Jin Kim Assistant Professor of Communications

News Media vs. Social Media: Crisis Coverage and Media Framing Abstract: Traditional news media and social media both have the ability to impact the public based on their coverage of news stories. By emphasizing key parts of a story, they can produce different meanings from the exact same information. The analysis of these two forms of media will find the similarities and differences in their presentation of information. Addressing media framing can also explain how social media and news media choose to create an impact for their audiences. It can be found that particular frames, including placement and repetition can influence the meaning of a story. We learn about crisis situations through the use of media, particularly through newspapers or by broadcast. But the growing popularity of social media has led to the increase of sharing information through these social sites. Researchers such as Huang find that people want to hear about what is going on in the world as quickly as possible and to be able to share that information with as many others as they can. Most social media sites can offer this kind of access, thus increasing the popularity of using them for news coverage.

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This paper will take these facts and research how types of social media offer news coverage in comparison to traditional news media. The two forms of media that I will be using will be the social media site Twitter and the cable network CNN, which is more of a traditional source of media. This paper will focus on how these types of media have covered certain crisis-related news stories in the past four years. If social media and news media provide coverage for the same story, and if both incorporate the media framing theory, then in what ways would their stories differ in terms of how the public interoperates the story. The stories that have been selected for research are the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing and the 2012 school shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut. Along with this research there will be a discussion on how the coverage by Twitter and CNN incorporate the media framing theory in order to emphasize certain issues or influence public opinion. When either of these outlets use any form of framing, it can be assumed that there will be some type of effect on the public when it comes to how they understand the stories. The Idea of Media Framing The media framing theory deals with focusing on certain aspects of an issue rather than on a particular topic in general. The basis of this theory is that the media pays closer attention to certain events or places and emphasizes them to the public. It involves how news can influence an audience based on what stories are featured as well as how much prominence is given to that particular story (Nabi 83). Along with presenting importance to a story, framing in the field of mass communication refers to how meaning is given to an issue or an event. This theory is important as it can The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky have a large influence on the public’s view of a situation. As Mander states, “[Media framing theory] helps to produce, generate, and distribute definitions of this world” (Mander 185). This means that many see media framing as a process of explaining what certain situations mean in terms of the world and reality. It provides understanding of how the event that is being covered relates to public issues that are happening in the world. Others have defined media framing as “defining problems, making moral judgments, and supporting remedies” (Matthes 350). There are those who see this theory as an issue in itself. Many argue that this practice does not focus on the nuances of coverage in an issue, instead only leaving the shell of the topic. There is also discussion on how framing produces a media-induced and often distorted view of a situation for an audience. As Price et al adds, “this effect has generally been referred to as the agendasetting effect in mass communication” (482). Others argue that framing is only turning unrecognizable happenings into discernible events. What this says is that, by placing prominence on only particular elements of a story, other aspects are kept out of the reporting, in a way that leaves out part of the story. Many see this theory as purposefully twisting a story or only addressing certain aspects in order to change an audience’s way of thinking. As certain researchers see harm in framing, others view it as a practice that gives representation to a story. Entman defines framing as a method which “constantly offers a way to describe the piece of communication text” (51). It makes certain bits of information more noticeable through placement, repetition, and association with socially familiar symbols. Along with these three elements, or key practices of media framing, it has also been discussed that there are four different ways that news is commonly framed. As there are 110

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numerous types of stories that can be covered, each story that involves framing can fit into one of four categories. There are conflict frames, human interest frames, responsibility frames, and economic consequences frames (Valkenbury et al. 551). Each frame includes its own focus on certain elements of a story. When dealing with a story involving a crisis, the media will use framing by “including different attributes, especially during the initial phase of a crisis” (Van der Meer, Verhoeven 229). In other words, the media may push the story in a direction they feel is most fascinating. This use of information can certainly have an impact on how the public interprets a story, and how the public forms opinions on what it means. The rise of social media as well lets the audience become part of the framing. They become active in which elements of the story are continuously brought up for others to see. Twitter and CNN As one of the more popular social media sites, Twitter is a main networking service for presenting information to large numbers of people. It is characterized as a site for people who want to know what those around them are doing, feeling, and thinking. (Merriam-Webster). That being said, it has a growing number of what is referred to as ‘trending topics’, or events going on in the world that promotes users to talk about and share the information. These topics are seen as something that has helped the sites users, and the Twitter Company itself, learn about what important events are happening. Twitter has been referred to as “the go-toplatform” (Swann 12), for those who feel the need to share facts and their own thoughts about popular events. It gives people the ability to feel as though they were a part of what is going on and The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky that they are helping others learn too. This is connected to the term citizen journalism, or the public playing an active role in collecting and reporting news and information (Oxford Dictionaries). On the other side of media is CNN, Cable News Network. CNN is an American cable news channel that originated in 1980. It was the first news channel in the country to provide 24-hour news coverage. CNN is categorized as news media as it falls into the group of television as well as radio. The news channel has made itself known by offering round the clock coverage on news events, both large and small. According to Groshek, CNN tends to focus on revealing information from both sides of a conflict and refraining from bias coverage. But with the rise of social media users taking part in news coverage, CNN has begun to incorporate more multimedia in their reporting. During situations of crisis, CNN strives to release accurate and up to date information as soon as possible for their viewers. But when it comes to media framing, there has been research done throughout the years to determine if CNN is “consistently telling audiences in America and abroad what to think about” (Groshek 52). This paper will consider all of these facts on this news network in its coverage in crisis situations and how it incorporates media framing. Crisis Situations A crisis situation is defined as an event that is unstable or dangerous that affects an individual, group, community, or a whole society, and “frequently disrupt[s] and negatively affect[s] societies” (Van der Meer, Verhoeven 229). Other characteristics that define a crisis situation are unexpectedness, uncertainty, and its potential to become a threat. When it comes to media coverage of these events, it is important for the sources to provide accurate and 112

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credible information as quickly as possible. These facts can have a great impact on which media sources become more preferred and trusted by the public. The two events that I will be studying certainly fit every category of a crisis situation. They created a dangerous situation for a large number of people and were both completely unexpected. The media coverage of these events played a very important part in how people understood the situation as well as how they were sharing the information with others. At the start of the Boston Marathon coverage, many media outlets immediately began posting information that an attack had occurred. Several online newspaper sites had temporarily converted their homepages to live blogs that pulled information from Boston authorities, other news outlets, and everyday citizens. In the end, the bombing killed three people and injured 264 others (Simon). Photos and videos that had been posted to the web lead to the assumption that authorities could use these to identify attackers. As news coverage continued round the clock updates revealing new information, it went unnoticed that some outlets were providing inaccurate facts. This should also be noted for information provided on social media sites, mainly from ordinary people. Media, not surprisingly, played a huge role in the spread of this story to the public. Further in this study, Twitter and CNNâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s specific coverage of the event and the information they addressed to the public will be examined, including whether or not both sources were involved with the sharing of inaccurate information. In December 2012, a school shooting occurred at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. Over the past years, school shootings have made quite an impact in media coverage. First response to the school shooting in Connecticut, did not reveal too much detail. Television outlets broke news as it unfolded The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky throughout the day. Reporters began making their way around Newtown for as much information as they could get. Media coverage led to nation-wide attention by midday that very day. By then it had been reported that 26 people in total, including 20 children, had been killed. According to CNNâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s website, coverage continued over the weekend and even into the next week. As with the Boston crisis, many media outlets provided constant updates on the situation. This became a major media event, dealing with many serious issues that are still important in the media today, including gun violence and mental illnesses.

Research Questions These two events received vast coverage because they were found to be of great importance. This being said, those covering the story may as well express their own feelings of the event through the way they present the story. As a result of this presentation, there can be an effect on how the public interprets the story as well as the opinions they make on it. When it comes to coverage of these crisis situations, how did Twitter and CNN handle the release of the information to the public? How does it differ from one another? There will be research on how both of these outlets incorporate the media framing theory in the released information, and for what reasons they do so. Methodology Reading over scholarly articles that relate to the theory and topic at hand, information will be gathered on how social media and news media tend to cover top crisis stories. As for media framing, this theory will be researched through articles and books 114

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in order to find how different media outlets use framing in coverage and then take that information back to the actual news stories. Sampling and Coding In order to gain specific information for the study, news media has been limited to CNN news coverage (excluding their social media). What will be studied is the breaking news coverage that aired for both events. Certain elements will be carefully looked at, such as headlines and repetition of information. The social media aspect will only be focusing on Twitter. Firstly, the 100 tweets that had been posted to the site the day of each event, making 200 in total, will be analyzed. Next will be analyzing those tweets, focusing on keywords that appear multiple times. Hashtags that were created for the events will also be counted and analyzed for similar keywords that appeared in tweets. Lastly, the number of tweets that had been retweeted the most will also be taken into consideration. Then the study will go further into researching actual Twitter and CNN news releases during the time of the events and compare the way both released the information. Case Study As the situation in Newtown began to reach new stations, media everywhere began informing their viewers of a crisis. CNNâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cable channel immediately went to breaking news while postponing its regular programming. The anchor breaks off an interview to state that there had been reports of a shooting at a Connecticut school. The station had received just basic information at first, only the town and the school name, leaving out whether or not there were any victims at that time. Like other news broadcasts, it continued to stay on the story for hours on end, all the while The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky releasing new information on the situation. In response to this crisis, CNN reported that they were sending news crews, photographers, producers, etc, to the location, where they continued to stay throughout the day. Only after the first commercial break did they release the name of the school, and mention that it was an elementary school. They continued by confirming that police were taking action at the school and that the Connecticut school district was on lockdown. As the news station has not received any more breaking news on the event, they fill in the time with facts about the Sandy Hook school, still staying relatively close to the subject at hand (TelevisionOpens-Sandy Hook). Photos given to the station from affiliates allowed the news anchor to confirm that there was a crisis going on at the school, while still not giving much detail. Before crews arrived on the scene, there was no information on who was responsible for the crisis, and whether or not the entire situation had anything to do with the students themselves or the teachers. More information became available as the morning went on. Over an hour after the start of reporting, CNN released that there had been several injured and that one shooter was dead. Reports of a second shooter could not be confirmed at that time. It was over an hour from the start of the breaking news reports before CNN had actually received concrete information. Due to this being a breaking news story, cameras and reporters were not yet on the scene at the time of the first reports. The crewâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s arrival brought video coverage and photos to the broadcast. While coverage and reporting got off to a slow start on CNN, conversations on Twitter began to pop up fast and in massive amounts. The conversations on the social media site were 116

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full of those “trying to figure out everything they [could] about anyone whose name [had] appeared” (NPR). But as soon as the posts started, inaccurate information began spreading across millions of newsfeeds. The suspect of the shooting had been identified on Twitter as Ryan Lanza, the older brother of the actually shooter. Although CNN’s coverage involved several errors, they waited for confirmation on the facts that they were given before addressing them to viewers. Although Twitters facts were incorrect, they were shared and believed by countless viewers in a matter of minutes. The social media site started showing dozens of hashtags saying things such as #PrayForNewtown and #SandyHook. These hashtags appeared in the trending topics section of Twitter’s front page, allowing them to be seen by thousands of users. Other hashtags continued to appear throughout December 2012 related to the word “gun”, as it was the weapon used in the shooting. Along with hashtags were the large number of tweets that were displaying concern and sympathies. Many keywords were showing up in tweets expressed emotion, such as devastated and horrific. In comparing with hashtags, many tweets mentioned “gun” along with violence or control. This was apparent in about 40% of the tweets analyzed (ABC News). The news about the shooting spread all over the world because of Twitter. Prime Ministers from the United Kingdom and other countries were able to learn about it and post their sympathies. Also provided were links to news articles, giving further details for users to read about. It should be noted that the articles incorporated several of the same keywords that were appearing on Twitter posts. The information provided on Twitter was able to travel faster than that of CNN, despite the fact that inaccurate facts had been released. As the team of CNN was The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky waiting to either get to the scene or receive more coverage to give to viewers, posts and hashtags were beginning to pop up all across Twitter. The social media site also provided the opportunity for people to share their feelings and thoughts on what they were reading about. In contrast, CNN was first and foremost an outlet to receive the information rather than be interactive with it (TelevisionOpens-Boston Bombing). Boston In April of the following year, CNN and Twitter dealt with the coverage of another crisis situation. Similar to the Sandy Hook situation, CNN once again cut off to breaking news once the explosions in Boston had been reported to them. One of the producers from the network was already on the scene and was able to provide up to date information. They began their coverage just twenty minutes after the explosions had gone off. Information that people had been hurt was able to reach CNN immediately for its viewers to hear. Video of police and ambulances helping those at the scene, as well as smoke from the explosions filling up the space by the finish line, was also available to see (TelevisionOpensBoston Marathon). This is quite a contrast to the beginning of their Sandy Hook coverage, as it took them nearly two hours before their crew finally arrived at the school. In almost half an hour, CNN was able to announce that numerous people had been injured with serious injuries, and were they being taken to receive treatment. The information that they were able to cover for this situation greatly differs from the amount they had to work with for Sandy Hook. This allowed the news anchors to ask more specific questions to those that they were interviewing and to go deeper into discussion on what means could have been behind the attack. 118

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Twitter was again one of the number one sites that pushed out information on the bombing. On April 15th there was an estimate of 6 million tweets posted relating to the event. As it dominated the newsfeed of Twitter, similar to Sandy Hook, numerous hashtags were created for support from users. Again, many keywords dealt with the public reacting to the event with an emotional understanding. A major portion of the information provided was the manhunt for the two suspects. The Boston Police Department began to use Twitter to connect with the public for providing up to date news on the search. As well as to thank the community for their support during that time. “BPD’s 148 tweets during the crisis had a matter-of-fact tone that provided useful information about the unfolding events” (Swann 12). Many users on Twitter were able to receive facts from the police working at the scene themselves. This provided actual and immediate information to a large crowd of viewers. People were able to stay connected to what was going on, such as if there had been an arrest made or not. According to Swann when the tweet stating that an actual arrest had been made, ended up being tweeted around 144,000 times. A post of almost 140 characters had reached a large crowd of people from all across the country in a couple days’ time. Both CNN and Twitter during this crisis situation were able to provide top facts during the first few days of the event to a large size audience. Yet while Twitter ran into issues with inaccurate information during Newtown’s crisis, CNN came into that problem for Boston. In the light of releasing images of those who were not the suspects, CNN acknowledged the error they made and retracted the information as soon as possible. As “conflict’s tenor, urgency, and immediacy are brought home to us by the media”, those media outlets that can reach out to their The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky viewers the fastest and provide them with the knowledge they need in situations such as these, they will have an important influence in how the viewers will interpret the information given (Mander 3). Considering Media Framing According to van der Meer and Verhoeven, “meaning is given to a crisis by words and by the relative position these words get in word networks” (230). It’s easy to figure that word choices and word placement is a very important part of how framing works in media coverage. Words were apparent for both CNN and Twitter. This frame is considered text-based in terms of analysis, as placement and repetition appeared from headlines to hashtags. When it comes to crisis situations, most media outlets want their viewers to respond or feel about the event in a certain way. In order to do this, they need to present their facts in a way that will get the public to see the situation the way they want them to, (van der Meer and Verhoeven). An obvious form of framing that Twitter used on both events was the use of the trending topic hashtags. Adding this to word placement, many of the tags relating to the Sandy Hook shooting in some way involved the words gun or violence, as it is known that the issue about gun laws and ownership certainly arose in result of the attack. The hashtags were used to spread awareness of guns and the violence they ensue. The media pushed for an increase in support on these issues as “information is a vital resource in the struggle for public support” (Mander 29). Twitter was not the only one to use framing for support. CNN released articles and news room sessions following the tragedy on their websites. Much of the information discussed on these sources focused on the use of gun violence and the devastation it had caused. The words and phrases relating to guns 120

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and violence had as well been frequently brought up. Headlines are used in their framing in order to emphasis or sum up the situation in several key words, which are usually the first thing the viewer reads or hears. This use also falls under the concept known as issue specific frames. Certain issues are taken from the crisis situation and are brought even further into public attention in order for the media sources to make a statement on the topic at hand. While this may seem as though it has nothing to do with trying to focus the public’s attention on a particular topic, it does. With these two popular outlets both trying to push these specific facts into public view, it is a way to influence the viewers’ opinions on what to make of the situation and how they should react to it. Particularly, it affects how viewers should follow the groups of others that are supporting anti violence and gun law changes. Media outlets are used by audiences to gain information and make sense of what is going on in the world. But as people have opposing viewpoints and “different levels of reality” (Mander 192), the media wants to get everybody on board in situations like Sandy Hook and Boston, especially on the crisis topic. When it comes to framing, the higher the level of perceived conflict about an issue, the more knowledge there will be on that issue in the community. With crisis situations such as these, it can be discussed that it is for good reasons that the media pushes these stories into the front of the news world. As Walter Lippmann discusses in his works about how public opinion is shaped, many of his points go back to the media framing theory, and are still relevant today. As public opinion is shaped by a higher leader, many turn to the media to help them make sense of the world around them. This idea goes for the coverage of the events in this study. In both cases, many viewers turned to these outlets during these The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky times of crises in order to become more aware and accepting of the events that were happening. Another term that connects to this deals with how the media presents a story in hopes of catching the audience’s attention, defined as “impression management” (Huang 180). This means how those such as CNN and Twitter use tactics to give off a certain impression on a story that will grab people’s attention. They also turn to “the human interest frame to emotionalize issues and news events” (Wasike 9). This goes back to the four types of frames; not only does it emotionalizes but personalizes the story in order to capture audience interest. A news story will become well talked about and popular if people create an emotional tie to the event. This emotional connection also impacts the opinion of the viewer. As a result, this lead to topics such as violence becoming a major issue. By presenting the story on an emotional level, the effect is that the publics feel attached to what is going on in the situation and wants something to be done about it. The way a story is covered on the news and on social media will help viewers create a certain image in their minds, and based on that image, they will then see the situation as something of importance. Not by altering the story, but addressing certain aspects more frequently and providing more coverage for those to continue learning about the event and forming an opinion based on what the source has provided them. Concluding Discussions There are a few things that should be taken into consideration in how this study was performed. While this paper focuses on the effects of media framing in crisis situations, the results found cannot be cited for other types of situations. Analyses of entertainment events or political issues may end with the use of 122

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different media framing practices. This can also be said for the types of media discussed. All forms of social media do not necessarily incorporate the same framing, and the same goes for news media. This paper as well mostly focused on word placement and repetition, as these were the two frames that were the most common. This does not say that the two media outlets would only practice these frames. Further research could discuss other processes being recognized. These weaknesses however can be the topics for further research and discussion. Another consideration is that while the research of tweets and hashtags found several forms of framing being used, every single tweet or hashtag that has ever been created for either of these events was not factored in. CNN wanted to be there for their viewers and provide the news of the events, while Twitter was there for information as the situations were popular with many people. When it comes to covering a top story, the influence these sources have on their viewers tends to impact certain aspects of the way the news is released. As Twitter and CNN are two well know outlets for receiving news and information on a daily basis, the sites are well aware of the numbers of crowds that move in to read and listen to their coverage when crisis situations appear. This puts CNN at a standard to stay on top of certain topics and to provide accurate information as fast as they can. Twitter is looked to by many as a tool that provides information at a fast rate. However, this information can be posted by anyone with any amount of research done. These sources, along with doing their job at providing information, need to keep and reach new and old audiences. In many ways media framing brings attention to a new story, showing that action and emotion help in the event and even for the public. The College of Saint Rose

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Alina Gurtowsky In order to do this, placement and repetition were two major frames used in both mediums and during each situation. By repeating key words numerous times, in both news and tweets, both mediums were able to spark issues of interest in the public, issues such as opinions on gun control and violence, topics that had increased in attention due to these events. Studies involving top media outlets and how they cover news stories can help provide more understanding on how media frames are used when it comes to simple things such as what sort of words are being used. These also explain what key features of a story influence public opinion and help the public make sense of what is happening in the events they read about. Crisis situations such as those discussed in the study are important when considering this theory as it becomes even more of a news issue when support turns up based on issues in the situation. This also offers insight on how social media and news media work in different ways to deliver information on the same event. They are the ones that define what the message of a situation is and sometimes tend to give off different messages based on how coverage is done. Yet while they both feature different ways in addressing the public, they also can provide similar features in reporting. As was found, both outlets referred to similar key terms when shaping a message for the events.

References â&#x20AC;&#x153;Coverage Rapid, and Often Wrong, in Tragedyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Early Hours.â&#x20AC;? NPR. NPR. 18 Dec. 2012 Web. November 10, 2014. <http://www.npr.org/2012/12/18/167466320/coveragerapid-and-often-wrong-in-tragedys-early-hours>. 124

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“Citizen Journalism.” Oxford Dictionary (American English) (US). Web. <http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/america n_english/citizen-journalism>. Entman, R. M. “Framing: Toward the Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm.” Journal of Communication. 43.4 (1993): 51-58. Web. Groshek, Jacob. “Homogenous Agendas, Disparate Frames: CNN and CNN International Coverage Online.” Journal Of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 52.1 (2008): 52-68. Communications & Mass Media Complete. Web. Huang, Yi-Hui. “Crisis Situation, Communication Strategies, and Media Coverage.” Communication Research 33.3 (2006): 180-205. Web. Mander, Mary S. Framing Friction: Media and Social Conflict. Urbana: University of Illinois, 1999. Print. Matthes, Jorg. “What’s in a Frame? A Content Analysis of Media Framing Studies in the World’s Leading Communication Journals, 1990-2005.” Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 86.2 (2009): 349-367. Web. Nabi, Robin L. and Mary Beth Oliver. The SAGE Handbook of Media Processes and Effects. Sage Publications, 2009. Print. Price, V., D. Tewksbury., and E. Powers. “Switching Trains of Thought: The Impact of News Frames on Readers’ Cognitive Responses.” Communication Research 24.5 (1997): 481-506. Web. Rogers Simon. “The Boston Bombing: How journalists used Twitter to tell the story.” Twitter Blogs. 10 July. 2013 Web. November 10, 2014 from

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Alina Gurtowsky https://blog.twitter.com/2013/the-boston-bombing-howjournalists-used-twitter-to-tell-the-story. “Social Media.” Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster, Web. <http://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/social%20media>. Stern, Joanna. “Boston Marathon Bombing: The Waves of Social Media Reaction.” ABC News. ABC News Network, 16 Apr. 2013. Web. <http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/technology/2013/04/boston -marathon-bombing-the-waves-of-social-media-reaction/>. Swann, Patricia. “To Serve and Protect: How The Boston Police Used Twitter After Marathon Attacks.” Public Relations Tactics 20.6 (2013): 12-13. Web TelevisionOpens.“CNN Breaking News-Boston Bombings.” Youtube. Youtube, November 7, 2014. Web. 2013. TelevisionOpens. “CNN Breaking News- Sandy Hook/Newtown Shootings.” Youtube. Youtube, November 7, 2014. Web. 2013. Valkenburg, P. M., H. A. Semetko and C. H. de Vreese. “The Effects of News Frames and Readers’ Thoughts and Recall.” Communication Research 26.5 (1999): 550-569. Web. van der Meer, Toni G.L.A.; P. Verhoeven. “Public framing organizational crisis Situation: Social media versus news media.” Public Relations Review. 39.3 (2013): 229-231. Web Wasike, Ben S. “Framing News In 140 Characters: How Social Media Editors Frame The News And Interact With Audiences Via Twitter.” Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition 6.1 (2013): 5-23. Web. 126

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Societal Fear of Sexual Assault and Self-Protective Behaviors

Societal Fear of Sexual Assault and Self-Protective Behaviors Samantha Johnson Psychology ’16

Faculty Introduction Rape is a hotly-debated topic on college campuses today. The “Yes means Yes” initiative, which requires affirmative consent at each step of sexual activity to prevent the likelihood of rape, as well as Lady Gaga’s recently released single “Til It Happens To You,” both dramatically illustrate the need for more research on this topic. Although there have been numerous investigations into the effects of rape on victims, little attention has been paid to the fear of rape and its accompanying behaviors. Samantha Johnson researched the role that fear of rape has on perceived social danger (i.e, the perceived likelihood that one could be followed, assaulted, and mugged in various environments) and self-protective behaviors (i.e., installing home security measures, obtaining weapons, and avoiding places and situations). Her sample was age-diverse, which is rare in psychological research. Ms. Johnson’s results revealed that the fear of rape significantly predicted perceived social danger and self-protective actions. Older participants also reported less perceived social danger than younger participants. As such, her study augments the existing literature on rape by assessing accompanying actions. Ms. Johnson’s research

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Samantha Johnson furthers our knowledge of the effects of rape, and the fear of it, in the general population. Ann Zak Professor of Psychology

Societal Fear of Sexual Assault and Self-Protective Behaviors Abstract: The present study examines the fear that society has of sexual assault and the self-protective behaviors individuals exhibit to lower their risk of victimization. The data for this research was collected using Survey Monkey, a website which invites individuals to participate in various surveys via social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and email. Participants were asked to answer questions regarding their fear of being sexually assaulted, the threat of assault they perceive in various situations, and the self-protective measures they take to lower their risk of being assaulted. Analyses revealed significant results. Age was negatively correlated with perceived social danger and home security precautions, while fear of rape was positively correlated with perceived social danger and constrained behaviors. Implications for further research are discussed. According to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (2012), one in 71 men have reported being raped in their lifetime, and one in twenty men have experienced sexual violence other than rape; one in five women have reported being raped in their lifetime, and one in twenty women have experienced sexual violence other than rape. These are significant numbers that show just how prevalent sexual assault is in today's society. Sexual assault prevention has become a part of our daily lives. It is taught in schools from a very young age; so that individuals begin to learn societal rules for protecting themselves against sexual assault. 128

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Researchers wanted to examine whether members of society have been impacted enough by the threat of sexual assault for them to engage in various self-protective behaviors in their everyday lives. It was proposed that a higher level of fear of being sexually assaulted would lead to a higher level of self-protective behaviors exhibited by individuals. Little research has been conducted regarding the psychological impact that the threat of sexual violence has on the general population (i.e., people who have not been victims of sexual assault). However, a great deal of research assesses the impact of sexual violence on people who have been direct victims of such violence and the reasons why people commit sexually violent acts. For example, Chang (2015) examined the link between sexual assault and suicide in college students, and Staufenberg (2010) investigated attachment theory with regards to men who sexually offend. Chang (2015) found that sexual assault was a very important indicator in predicting suicidal risk. Staufenberg (2010) found that men who sexually offend often have attachment styles that are insecure with issues in their attachment behaviors. Further, the shadow of sexual assault hypothesis shows that fear of rape can lead to fear of other criminal victimization, casting a "shadow" of insecurity. This hypothesis posits that women have a higher fear of sexual assault than men, which causes women to have a greater fear of criminal victimization in general (Hirtenlehner & Farrah, 2014). The findings of this research have been challenged due to its significant limitations in samples and differences

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Samantha Johnson between specific populations. Also, it does not examine the effects that these fears have on women or men, or the behaviors they exhibit to protect themselves from various types of assault. California and New York are pushing a "Yes Means Yes" initiative which requires affirmative consent for a sexual encounter to be deemed consensual. Jozkowski, 2015, noted that the new initiative allows women to take a more direct approach in denying or consenting to sexual activity. However, it also pointed out that some individuals may refrain from asking permission so as not to risk refusal. With this initiative, partners are expected to ask each other for permission at each step of the sexual encounter, and if they do not receive a "yes," then, legally, they cannot move forward. Some of the criticisms of the initiative note, however, that this will not make a difference in sexual assault in many cases (mostly on college campuses) because very frequently, victims of sexual assault have consumed enough alcohol that a yes would not be considered consensual anyway (Bogle, 2014). In line with preventing rape, Cali, Coleman and Campbell (2013) observed the self-protective behaviors of women with regards to online dating. The research showed that most women take self-protective measures when going on a date, but that these measures, such as letting a friend or family member know where they are, or meeting in public rather than private places, increased significantly when they were meeting someone who they had only previously met online.

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The researchers conducting this study aimed to take this research a step further, by analyzing the experiences of men and women and assessing the behaviors exhibited, rather than just the fears. Research was conducted in a wide range everyday situations rather than just online dating. We hypothesized that fear of rape would be correlated with perceived social danger and self-protective behaviors. The researchers were also interested in whether age would predict social danger and constrained behaviors. Methods Participants The participants in this study were male and female students at a midsized liberal arts college in the northeast, as well as acquaintances of the researcher, all of whom were invited to participate via social media. There were 68 participants. 89.8% of the participants were female and 10.2% were male. The ages ranged from 18 to 77, the mean being 32.78 years of age with a standard deviation of 14.32. The data collection consisted of three demographic questions and three additional questionnaires. The three demographic questions asked for age, sex, and race. The three questionnaires were the Social Danger Scale (SDS; Andrews & Gatersleben, 2010), the Constrained Behaviors Measure (CBM; Ozascilar, 2013), and the Fear of Rape Scale (FORS; Senn & Dzinas, 1996).

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Samantha Johnson The SDS is a three item questionnaire used to get an idea of how much danger a person perceives themselves to be in at any given time. It asks the likelihood that participants could be followed, assaulted, or mugged in a situation. The researchers in this case used it three different times to ask the participants about their work, school, and home environments to determine how much danger they perceive themselves to be in during normal everyday situations (Andrews & Gatersleben, 2010). The FORS is a 31 question measure that is used to determine exactly how afraid a participant is of being sexually assaulted. It asks how cautious a participant is in certain situations, how safe they feel, and whether the possibility of being sexually assaulted affects their "freedom of movement" (Senn & Dzinas, 1996). The CBM is an eleven question measure that asks participants to indicate how likely they are to engage in selfprotective behaviors. Such behaviors include home security measures, avoiding places or situations, and obtaining weapons. The researchers were interested in determining whether a higher fear of being sexually assaulted lead to participants engaging in more self-protective behaviors. Researchers used this scale in conjunction with the other two to look for correlations between the scores (Ozascilar, 2013). Procedure Individuals were invited to participate in the study using social media. The researcher wrote a script that was used on the social media platform Facebook. The researchers posted twice about the 132

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survey, and many acquaintances "shared" the posts to help the researchers reach an even larger population. The invitation to participate included a link that led to the survey on Survey Monkey. The first page of the survey showed the informed consent form. The next five pages contained questions from the various questionnaires. The final page contained the explanation of the study. Once the data collection was complete, it was exported into an SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Services) file and the researcher proceeded to run various analyses. Results Descriptive Statistics The descriptive statistics for this research showed that 89.8% of the participants were female and 10.2% were male. The ages ranged from 18 to 77, the mean being 32.78 years of age with a standard deviation of 14.32. Analyses of the data showed that the average score on the CBM was 29.797 with a standard deviation of 8.52. The scores on the Fear of Rape Scale showed an average score of 74.12 with a standard deviation of 21.33. This is higher than the average score found in other samples, which was 64.44. The highest possible score is 124. When analyzing the SDS, it was found that the average score for the home environment was 4.01 with a standard deviation of 1.72. For the school environment, the average score was 7.37 with a standard deviation of 3.09, and for the work environment it was 4.98 with a standard deviation of 2.83. This The College of Saint Rose

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Samantha Johnson shows that participants felt most likely to be assaulted, followed, or mugged in their school environments. Hypothesis Tests The researchers in this study utilized correlations and independent sample t-tests to analyze the data. The scores on the various scales, as well as the ages of the participants, were all continuous variables; therefore a correlation was the best option to analyze the relationship between age and scores on the CBM and FORS. Independent sample t-tests were used to analyze the relationships between sex and scores on the CBM and FORS. The first hypothesis stated that the higher the score on the FORS, the higher the score would be on the CBM, meaning that the more fear a person had of being sexually assaulted, the more self-protective measures they would take. There was a significant positive correlation between the scores, r= 5.76, p< .001. It was also found that a higher score on the FORS was significantly, positively correlated with home security measures, using weapons and avoiding behaviors, respectively listed on the CBM (r=.429, p=.005) (r= .368, p= .018) (r=.566, p< .001). Fear of rape was also significantly, positively correlated with perceived social danger (r=.435, p= .03). Overall, fear of rape was shown to predict perceived social danger in school, work and home environments, as well as self-protective behaviors including home security measures, obtaining weapons, and avoiding behaviors. The second hypothesis stated that a higher age would lead to a higher score on the CBM, meaning that the higher the age, the more self-protective behaviors would be displayed. The correlation 134

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was not significant, r= -.234, p= .069. The hypothesis was not supported. However, age did significantly predict home security measures (r=-.269, p=.034), showing that older people are less likely to take home security precautions. The third hypothesis stated that a higher age would lead to a higher score on the FORS, meaning that the higher the age, the higher the fear of sexual assault would be. The correlation was not significant, r= -.095, p= .556. The hypothesis was not supported. It was found, however, that age is significantly, negatively correlated with social danger perceived (p< .001, r= -.411). Older people are less afraid of being followed, assaulted, or mugged in their home, school, and work environments. The fourth hypothesis stated that females would score higher on the FORS, indicating that females have a higher overall fear of being sexually assaulted than men. The t-test was not significant, p= .178 t= 1.371. The fifth hypothesis stated that females would score higher on the CBM, indicating that females engage in more self-protective behaviors than men. The t-test had significant results, p= .024, t = 2.323, and the mean for females was higher, showing that females engage in more self-protective behaviors than men. Please see table 1 for the correlation results. Discussion Analyses showed that fear of rape predicted perceived social danger. This is right in line with the "shadow of sexual assault" hypothesis that says fear of rape can lead to fear of other criminal The College of Saint Rose

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Samantha Johnson victimization, casting a "shadow" of insecurity (Hirtenlehner & Farrah, 2014). It was also found that fear of rape predicted constrained behaviors, especially avoiding behaviors. Results showed that people who were more afraid of rape were more likely to avoid unsafe areas during the day and night for fear of crime, to avoid going out alone, and to limit their daily activities due to fear of crime. Furthermore, researchers found that the older participants were, the fewer constrained behaviors they exhibited. They also found that older participants perceived less social danger than younger participants. Implications While various analyses performed while conducting this study did not yield significant results, there were a few significant findings that brought up interesting information. The results of this study showed that there was no significant difference in the amount of fear that men and women have of being sexually assaulted. However, it was found that the more fear a person has of being sexually assaulted, the more likely they are to exhibit various selfprotective behaviors. It was then found that women were more likely to engage in self-protective behaviors. Looking at all of these findings in conjunction with one another, gives the impression that women have more fear of sexual assault than men. For this reason, the researchers suggest further research in that area.

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The data also revealed that fear of rape predicted a higher likeliness to exhibit self-protective behaviors, especially avoiding behaviors. This suggests that society feels enough fear of sexual assault that they will modify or limit their daily activities in an attempt to protect themselves from being victimized. Limitations There was a sampling limitation in this research. While the sample was a decent size, it would have been beneficial to have a larger sample. It also would have been beneficial to have a more diverse sample, since the majority of the participants were Caucasian females. A larger, more diverse sample definitely would have been a better representation of the entire population and perhaps would have yielded more significant results. Future Directions Further research on this topic would be very beneficial, if researchers had access to a larger, more diverse sample. It may also be of interest to examine the difference in scores on the fear of sexual assault scale and the constrained behaviors measure between victims of sexual assault and non-victims. This was something that the researchers had not originally thought of but was brought to their attention by a participant. After giving it more thought, the researchers felt that it could have been a factor with a lot of impact on the results.

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Samantha Johnson

References Andrews, M., & Gatersleben, B. (2010). Social danger scale. Psyctests, doi:10.1037/t25846000 BOGLE, K. A. (2014). 'Yes means yes' isn't the answer. Chronicle of Higher Education, 61(9), A35-A36. Cali, B. E., Coleman, J. M., & Campbell, C. (2013). Stranger danger? Women's self-protection intent and the continuing stigma of online dating. Cyberpsychology, Behavior & Social Networking, 16(12), 853-857. doi:10.1089/cyber.2012.0512 Center for Disease Control and Prevention. (2012). Sexual violence: Facts at a glance. 1-2. Chang, E. C., Lian, X., Yu, T., Qu, J., Zhang, B., Jia, W., & ... Hirsch, J. K. (2015). Loneliness under assault: Understanding the impact of sexual assault on the relation between loneliness and suicidal risk in college students.

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Personality and Individual Differences, 72(155-159). doi:10.1016/j.paid.2014.09.001 Hilinski, C. (2009). Fear of crime among college students: A test of the shadow of sexual assault hypothesis. American Journal Of Criminal Justice, 34(1/2), 84-102. doi:10.1007/s12103008-9047-x Hirtenlehner, H., & FarraH, S. (2014). Is the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Shadow of Sexual Assaultâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; responsible for women's higher fear of burglary? British Journal of Criminology, 54(6), 1167-1185 Jozkowski, K. N. (2015). "Yes Means Yes"? Sexual consent policy and college students. Change, 47(2), 16-23. Ozascilar, M. (2013). Constrained behaviors measure. Psyctests, doi:10.1037/t27778-000 Senn, C. Y., & Dzinas, K. (1996). Fear of rape scale. Psyctests, doi:10.1037/t01616-000 Staufenberg, H. (2010). Attachment theory and its relation to adult men who sexually offend. Journal of Behavior Analysis of Offender & Victim: Treatment & Prevention, 2(3), 144160.

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke

Need for Professional Change: Traumatic Brain Injury Survivors and the Struggle to Overcome Effects of the Injury and to Transition to College Annalisa Lee-Bjerke Social Work, ’15 Faculty Introduction Academic self-efficacy, time management, ability to cope with stress, involvement in college life, and emotional satisfaction with one’s academic course are all predictors of college students’ life satisfaction (Krumrei-Mancuse, Newton, Ki and Wilcox, 2013). These same factors are noted in the cognitive, emotional, physical and psychosocial challenges reported by college aged survivors of traumatic brain injury (TBI) (Cahill, Rotter, Lyons & Marone, 2014; Kennedy, Krause & Turkstra, 2008; Mealings, Douglas & Oliver, 2012). As a result of their injury, these students may enter college with greater vulnerabilities and face even greater hurdles in attaining success and satisfaction in their college experience. According to the National Association of Social Workers Code of Ethics, social work ‘s primary mission is to “enhance human well-being and help meet the basic human needs of all people, with particular attention to the needs and empowerment of people who are vulnerable”(NASW, 2008). When over 67% of all TBI survivors are high school or college aged (MacLennan & MacLennan, 2008), it is imperative that social workers as healthcare providers have the knowledge and skills to most effectively assist these young people as they navigate the challenges of a brain injury and continuing in their course of education. As a 140

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social work major, Annalisa was motivated by our professional code along with observations in her field practicum of the challenges faced by service providers when working with college aged survivors of TBI. Her own similar experience of surviving a stroke at a young age and managing the impact of that injury as she continued her education furthered Annalisaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interest in this research. This research seeks to more fully understand how social workers can more effectively engage, practice, and meet the needs of an ever increasing population of college students who have suffered a traumatic brain injury. Janet Acker Assistant Professor of Social Work Krumrei-Mancuso, E. J. & Newton, F. B. & Kim, E. & Wilcox, D.(2013). Psychosocial Factors Predicting First-Year College Student Success. Journal of College Student Development 54(3), 247-266. The Johns Hopkins University Press. Retrieved March 5, 2016, from Project MUSE database. National Association of Social Workers. (2008). Code of ethics of the national association of social workers. Retrieved from: https://www.socialworkers.org/pubs/code/code.asp

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke

Need for Professional Change: Traumatic Brain Injury Survivors and the Struggle to Overcome Effects of the Injury and to Transition to College Background MacLennan and MacLennan (2008) state, “Approximately 1.4 million Americans sustain traumatic brain injury each year. Twothirds of those sustaining injuries are between 15 and 26 years of age” (p. 521). Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) affects many young adults during a time when they are making important life decisions about their future, such as college or vocational choices. Cognitive and physical impairments suffered in a TBI may impede successful college level work, while emotional and psychosocial impairments may impede individuals’ peace of mind. Individuals often do not reach their highest potential after experiencing a TBI because of stigma and professionals’ lack of knowledge. A goal of social work is to assist clients in overcoming obstacles. This is a study about challenges faced by individuals with TBI as they enter college, and social work's role in overcoming those challenges. College bound clients could benefit greatly from more social work involvement during the transition. Literature Review In a review of the literature about the challenges faced by those with TBI as they enter college, a number of important themes arise including: TBI individuals that are “at risk,” specific problems faced by TBI survivors and their families, attitudes of professionals toward people with TBI, professionals’ lack of knowledge of TBI, 142

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interventions that have been used, and the implication of neuroscience for social work practice. These themes have shed light on the gap of services and the need for social workers to play a larger role in helping TBI individuals overcome challenges and realize their capabilities. Particular TBI individuals that are at risk Meixner and O’Donoghue (2013) emphasize, “depression occurs in up to 77% of individuals with brain injury, making it the most frequently reported psychiatric symptom” (p. 378). As depression increases, so does suicide risk. People with TBI are seven times more likely to commit suicide than the general population. Suicide prevention and awareness is the responsibility of all stakeholders, including treatment teams, families, and TBI clients themselves (p. 378). People who have experienced TBI tend to be prone to suicide because they have difficulty coping and distancing themselves from the emotional frustration of situations that do not feel “normal.” Loss of normalcy is often accompanied by feelings of frustration, denial, confusion, anger, and depression (Baker, Tandy, & Dixon, 2002, p. 32). Social workers can help college students identify and cope with these complex feelings, and hopefully decrease depression and lower the risk of suicide. Some people sustain TBIs from accumulated trauma over time and live with unrecognized long-term disabilities. These individuals may not be identified as victims at the time injury occurs, such as “women who have experienced domestic violence over a long period of time, and infants and young children who are shaken (and their brains shaken and bruised in their skulls) and The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke become vulnerable to this category of ‘hidden TBI’” (Baker et al., 2002, p. 29). Certain sports injuries with repetitive concussions may fit this category of hidden TBI. College students with “hidden TBI” may suffer with cognitive difficulties, psychosocial adjustment problems, and poor judgment, which put them at risk. Social workers can help these students recognize the underlying injury and develop strategies to promote success in an academic setting. Problems that TBI survivors face Three articles (by Cahill, Rotter, Lyons, and Marrone (2014), Kennedy, Krause, and Turkstra (2008), Mealings, Douglas, and Olver (2012)) define problems that college aged TBI survivors face during school. These authors identify the obstacles and challenges that college presents to students with TBI, and help identify tools and approaches that help students cope and succeed in college. There are particular themes within the three articles that explain the academic challenges that TBI individuals face. Themes are chosen based on challenges that are mentioned in at least two of the three articles. Themes regarding cognitive issues include difficulty with: memory, organization, understanding or processing material (Cahill et al., 2014, p. 94; Kennedy et al., 2008, p. 514; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170), maintaining attention (Cahill et al., 2014, p. 94; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170), and making decisions (Kennedy et al., 2008, p. 514; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170). The emotional themes include: feeling overwhelmed, decrease in confidence, experiencing test anxiety, anger, and depression (Cahill et al., 2014, p. 94; Kennedy et al., 2008, p. 514; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170). Physical themes are fatigue, 144

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headaches, and speech difficulty. Lastly, psychosocial issues include: feeling misunderstood (Kennedy et al., 2008, p. 514; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170), difficulty maintaining friendships, reduced participation in extra curriculum because of the need to concentrate more on school, and difficulty communicating, as well as relating with others (Cahill et al., 2014, pp. 94-95; Mealings et al., 2012, p. 1170). TBI survivors tend to experience an intensification of their cognitive, emotional, physical, and psychosocial issues in college. Accommodations offered through student services further separate and emphasize their disabilities, leading many to avoid services as a way to fend off stigma. A couple of the students in Cahill et al.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2014) study used accommodations, but most refused services. Fear of stigma influenced most not to share their disability. Most felt services would be beneficial, but also would further isolate and stigmatize them (p. 98). Kennedy et al. (2008) notes: More than 80% of students reported problems with schoolwork, yet less than half had used campus disability services, and 20% claimed to be unaware of these services. Also, many students appeared to have sought treatment for depression, but few had sought counseling or other services for other changes in psychosocial networks. (p. 518) Mealings et al. (2012) found that many students were reluctant to disclose TBI because that would identify them as â&#x20AC;&#x153;impaired.â&#x20AC;? This led to the students not using support systems (p. 1172). Social workers should play an important role as support for many of the The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke complex self-identified problems TBI survivors experience in college, especially psychosocial issues. Overcoming stigma and using appropriate accommodations can be very helpful. Problems family members face TBI survivors and their family members benefit when social workers are more informed about TBI. The individual and the family tend to be intertwined. Baker et al. (2002) explains this by saying, “studies have found a positive correlation between the family’s ability to cope with and adapt to TBI and the patient’s success in recovery” and “evidence was found that adults and children with TBI are less depressed when they perceive less stress in their families” (p. 37). Families play an integral part in both recovery and ongoing care. Care can range from limited to extensive and many families are ill-prepared for the undertaking. Families need to change their priorities and re-define their roles. Family members describe the TBI patient as, “forever different” (Degeneffe & Bursnall, 2014, p. 19). Siblings noted that most professionals lacked the necessary skills and understanding required to care for TBI. They specifically mentioned residential caregivers, physicians, and social workers. Some have argued that, “the social work profession too often views people with disabilities as clients with deficits and pathology and fails to alternately address how the environment and forces of oppression adversely affect the lives of people with disabilities” (Degeneffe & Bursnall, 2014, p. 25). One individual even mentioned that these professionals “went to college but really I feel they have nothing to show for it” (p. 22). 146

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Families wanted more specific information regarding TBI impairments, recovery expectations, and available services and programs. However, because of the lack of information that they received from professionals, one family member referring to a TBI survivor said, “we thought that as soon as she wakes up from a coma that she would progress quickly. We were not informed of the long road to recovery” (Degeneffe & Bursnall, 2014, p. 23). The family members were misguided and had to overcome an unexpected obstacle because of professionals’ shortcomings. Families are greatly affected by the impact TBI has on their loved ones. Family members worry about a TBI survivor’s safety and care, fear for the future of both the individual and the family, have concerns about finances and insurance coverage, and struggle to understand the rehabilitation process. Particularly distressing are mood changes (e.g. outbursts of anger and aggression, chronic irritability). Caregiving family members often feel guilty about their feelings of anger, fatigue, being emotionally drained, and the loss of a job or freedom in general (Baker et al., 2002, pp. 33-34). Patients and families experience added stress and exhaustion when professionals offer poor care. Receiving more information about TBI, such as knowing what is expected from the injury and how to help the TBI survivor, can greatly comfort family members and help them feel more at ease. Professional attitudes toward people with TBI Attitudes of other people are a huge obstacle for people with TBIs to overcome. These attitudes are sometimes unconscious, but ever The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke present. Linden and Redpath (2011) and Redpath, Williams, Hanna, Linden, Yates, and Harris (2010) discuss how attitudes towards TBIs affect the help that the patients receive. Linden and Redpath (2011) called this “public prejudice” (p. 62). Attitudes professionals hold towards people who have had a brain injury may influence the level of help they offer and involvement they have with clients or patients. The manner in which the brain injury occurred leads to prejudice amongst the public as well as with health care professionals. The objective of Linden and Redpath’s (2011) study was to investigate attitudes of nurses towards young males with brain injuries, whose behavior either contributed or did not contribute to their injury. The aim of the Redpath et al.’s (2010) study was to investigate attitudes of healthcare professionals towards individuals who suffered TBI and how the attitudes affect behavior. Linden and Redpath (2011) explained, “survivors of brain injury often display significant behavioral, emotional, and cognitive difficulties which can create challenges for the nursing staff and disruptions in care” (p. 63). Such patients are often labeled unpopular or demanding. Research has shown that avoidance increases once patients are labeled. Disadvantaged groups in society are more likely to be ignored or set aside. Linden and Redpath’s (2011) study shows that nurses judge males who have had brain injuries more harshly when they are perceived as having some blame in their injury (p. 67). Redpath et al. (2010) connected a similar finding, which was that patients who were felt to have contributed to their TBI were blamed for their injuries. They received less sympathy from the public, which 148

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added to their psychosocial difficulties (p. 804). Linden and Redpath (2011) found that obvious disabilities, such as paraplegia and blindness, lead to more sympathy than disabilities that are “invisible,” like brain injuries (p. 67). Meixner and O’Donoghue (2013) mention that external stigma causes persons with brain injury to be viewed as “lazy, underachieving, or getting off easy” (p. 382). The impact of the TBI is misunderstood and the assumption is that clients without a physical disability must be fine. Redpath et al. (2010) emphasize that misconceptions also include not only the over-estimation of abilities of people with “invisible injuries,” but also inaccurate assumptions about the cause of behavioral problems and significance of symptoms (p. 803). Linden and Redpath (2011) found that the older and more qualified nurses were more prejudiced than the younger nursing students (p. 66). Similarly, the study from Redpath et al. (2010) illustrated that experienced doctors had the most negative attitudes toward patients followed by experienced nurses, student doctors, and student nurses (p. 806). In both studies, the groups that were the most prejudiced were inclined to give less help and had a lower desire to socialize with people they had the strongest negative prejudice against. Redpath et al. (2010) even mentioned that healthcare professionals expressed no need for further training in TBI care (p. 806). There is no literature that discusses this concern as it relates to social workers directly, but professionals in the social work field can benefit from this information. Some attitudes are deeply ingrained and unconscious. Highly educated and experienced people in caring professions have misconceptions and The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke prejudices about TBI survivors. Social workers should heed this cautionary message by being highly vigilant to withhold judgment, seeing clients as whole beings, and seeking further training and education in TBI care. Professional knowledge about TBI Fifty-eight percent of participants in a study including psychiatrists, neuropsychologists, psychologists, case managers, mental health workers, social workers, therapists, agency leaders, and organizational leaders, reported no special training on brain injury (Meixner & O’ Donoghue, 2013, p. 381). There was a perceived lack of knowledge across the treatment team. Lack of teamwork and communication caused one participant to mention, “sometimes I find out that I think we are doing more harm than good” (p. 382). Providers unknowingly work against each other because of lack of collaboration, leaving the TBI client confused and frustrated. Similarly, a sample of 15 rehabilitation professionals that had masters or doctoral degrees that were employed in civilian, outpatient brain injury positions including physical, vestibular, cognitive, and occupational rehabilitation/therapy (Buck et al., 2013, p. 743) have admitted that the level of needs that clients have often extends beyond their scope of work (p. 745). Of these professionals, “several reported receiving no formal education on rehabilitation with TBI clients” and learned primarily by working with the patients and clients, often with their help (p. 746). It was also mentioned that they “felt challenged by the energy and effort required to understand and allow for patients’ sometimes intense 150

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emotional reactions to their injury and its correlatesâ&#x20AC;? (p. 747). Members often took on multiple roles, such as having connections with family members and managing the complex nature of TBI (p. 747). Collective input gathered from all members of the treatment team was vitally important and often influenced their effectiveness and approach to treatment (p. 748). When social workers are absent, other professionals take on the role, which further stresses of the team. The kind of occupational stressors that TBI workers experience put them at risk for burnout (signs can include emotional and physical detachment, feelings of inadequacy, and depersonalization of clients). Burnout can result in high rates of absenteeism, turnover, and error (Buck et al., 2013, p. 749). Without social workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; involvement, increased burnout of other staff can worsen the situations that people with TBI face. Social workers are an essential part of a multidisciplinary approach to TBI, both for the TBI survivor and other team members. Interventions that have been used with students Mealings et al. (2012) describe interventions that have been used with students with TBI. Interventions that were helpful for the students were: specialized accommodations (smaller classes, extra time, note takers, etc.), tutors and individualized help, as well as good relationships with teachers, teachers having knowledge of TBI, and positive attitude/motivation on the TBI survivorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; part. Also helpful were organized transition programs to introduce new structure, such as a move to a new school or rehab hospital. Cahill et al. (2014) also explained that, to balance academics and social The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke demands, various coping mechanisms were used to “refuel”. These included academic strategies, spirituality, volunteer work, exercise, and acceptance of their own identity/situation (p. 97). Interventions that were not helpful included teachers’ lack of understanding, which caused the students to feel stigmatized, barriers to help or receive special accommodations, and unreasonable expectations of the students’ abilities (pp. 11721173). Professional social workers can take interventions that students find helpful to build a program to help transition TBI survivors to college. Increasing knowledge and understanding of TBI for teachers and other college personnel is worthwhile. Implication of neuroscience for social work practice with those who have TBI Knowledge in the field of neuroscience is growing rapidly. Neuroscience plays an expanding role in our understanding of human behavior in the social environment. While other professions have embraced brain science, social work has been slow to incorporate it into the curriculum and consequently, into practice. Neuroscience can expand social workers’ understanding in “human development and behavior across the lifespan, cognition, memory, emotions, stress, and trauma” (Egan, CombsOrme, & Neely-Barnes, 2011, p. 269). Four themes that may be helpful for social workers to be more knowledgeable about include: critical or sensitive periods, neural plasticity, cognition, and stress and trauma. Critical or 152

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sensitive periods are stages of development during which the brain is especially receptive to environmental stimuli. The brain develops rapidly during these periods, developing connections across parts of the brain (Egan et al., 2011, p. 271). This is similar to neural plasticity, which is the ability of the brain to change and grow in response to new experiences. Science has shown that the brain is capable of setting down new pathways and reorganizing connections throughout a life span. Cognition is the ability to sort information and solve problems, in other words, â&#x20AC;&#x153;learning.â&#x20AC;? Cognition develops progressively from less complex to more complex processes (p. 272). How the brain responds to stress and trauma can either be adaptive or maladaptive. A stressor makes the brain redirect energy to the immediate challenge rather than normal activity, such as development and learning. This shift in brain chemistry can be short or long in duration. Trauma can affect cognition and memory at any time. Prolonged trauma can disrupt emotions, psychological wellbeing, and brain development (pp. 273-274). Social workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; understanding of neuroscience can impact patient/client recovery rate. Knowledge and application of neuroscience will help social workers develop prognosis and treatment plans for TBI survivors. The four themes give a framework to build better understanding of clients, remain hopeful that changes can be made, and find more effective ways to help. Learning the jargon of neuroscience will help social workers communicate precisely with other members of a multidisciplinary team. Recommendation for social workers practice The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke Professionals, including social workers, must become more knowledgeable about traumatic brain injuries. Redpath et al. (2010) explained that patients have deep concerns about healthcare professionalsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attitudes and their willingness to help. Healthcare professionals should get more training in neuropsychological assessment, formulation, and interventions. Professionals should get away from a â&#x20AC;&#x153;deficit modelâ&#x20AC;? and consider a wider biophysical approach to adjustment, recovery, and rehabilitation of the TBI patient (p. 808). Research supports more education promoting sensitivity and understanding in the healthcare curriculum. Students were less prejudiced and judgmental than their experienced counterparts, suggesting that early work with trainees to expand their awareness may lead to change in attitudes. More staff training to reduce misconceptions and uniform procedures should be instituted. Education for the entire team should be convenient and novel. State of the art initiatives about brain injuries and new ways to treat incorporated into practice can be beneficial and build collaboration of the team. A study by Redpath et al. (2010) showed that healthcare professionals who knew someone with a TBI were more understanding and helpful toward patients with TBI (p. 807). Therefore, meeting and talking with TBI survivors as part of an orientation before starting work may also be beneficial. Neuroscience should be incorporated into the social work curriculum. A solid base built on good science, plus empathy, can strengthen the therapeutic relationships that social workers share with clients. Social workers can use their insight into TBI survivors to identify negative attitudes by staff members toward TBI clients. This will ultimately improve the quality of care the clients/patients 154

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receive. Also, with more knowledge, social workers can help address clients’ struggles more thoroughly, identify and attend to psychosocial needs, and assist patients with more personal issues. This can help other professionals to focus on their own roles and responsibilities. With a social worker on the team, the teamwork may improve. Social workers are trained to avoid and/or manage burnout. As Buck et al. (2013) mentioned, “social work has a long history of preparing professionals for work in settings that are unpredictable, under-resourced, and high stress” (p. 749). Cahill et al. (2014) mentioned that helpful ways to support TBI clients’ transition to college are to: offer education of the expectations of college and living on campus (e.g. laundry, time management), develop peer mentoring programs, facilitate routines (e.g. help balance their responsibilities, offer strategies to refuel and compensate for impairments), and help TBI clients to decide which, if any, support services they may want to consider using (p. 99). Social workers can introduce all of these concepts to TBI survivors in their transition to college and ensure clients have effective personal strategies to cope with and overcome obstacles. For example, clients can learn which approach is the most effective to decrease their stress (e.g. exercise, meditation, spirituality, etc.). Peer mentoring programs can lead clients to overcome academic challenges, develop friendships, and feel less isolated. Social workers can help clients prepare for and decrease stressful workloads in a college or university environment. Social workers can assist clients in creating reasonable schedules to help manage their time and workload. For example, a client may want to consider going to school part-time rather than full-time. In addition, social workers can help clients with special The College of Saint Rose

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke accommodations. These accommodations should be clarified, set, and readily accessible before students start school. Students should have a clear understanding of any special accommodations and know they have a right to them. Using these strategies, social workers can help clients feel better prepared, decrease anxiety/discomfort, help gain control over limitations, and embrace their new life at college. Social workers can use cognitive-behavioral therapy and positive reinforcement with TBI survivors in order to change their identity as “impaired” and minimize emotional impact of failure. For example, people with TBI often experience a “loss of self.” Helping them view themselves as “growing,” “recovering,” or “protesting” can help change their self-image. The social worker can help the client integrate both the old and new characteristics of the individual’s life, also known as reframing (Baker et al., 2002, pp. 34-35). This can help the individual appreciate how he/she has been affected by this injury (e.g. can easily sympathize with others, have a very different perspective, have a lot of gratitude). Emphasizing strengths and empowering clients and their family members can increase self-esteem and reduce isolation. A therapy support group may help with this. For example, therapy may help an individual recognize that he/she is not the only one who has had a TBI or is not the only one who has a family member with a TBI. This can normalize the individual’s situation and help him/her connect and relate to others. Social work has a definite role in helping the transition of TBI survivors into college. Overcoming obstacles and finding success in college will help these clients find a more productive, 156

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meaningful life. Enriching and improving lives is a great achievement for social work and TBI survivors. References Baker, K. A., Tandy, C. C., & Dixon, D. R. (2002). Traumatic brain injury: A social worker primer with implications for practice. Journal of Social Work in Disability & Rehabilitation, 1(4), 25-44. doi: 10.1300/J198v1n04_03 Buck, P. W., Sagrati, J. S., & Kirzner, R. S. (2013). Mild traumatic brain injury: A place for social work. Social Work in Health Care, 54, 741-751. doi: 10.1080/00981389.2013.799111 Cahill, S. M., Rotter, J. M., Lyons, K. K., & Marrone, A. R. (2014). Survivors of brain injury: The narrative experiences of being a college or university student. Canadian Journal of Occupational Therapy, 81(2), 93-101. doi: 10.1177/0008417414533185 Degeneffe, C. E. & Bursnall, S. (2014). Quality of professional services following traumatic brain injury: Adult sibling perspectives. National Association of Social Workers, 1-9. doi: 10.1093/sw/swu047 Egan, M., Combs-Orme, T., & Neely-Barnes, S. (2011). Integrating neuroscience knowledge into social work education: A case-based approach. Journal of Social Work Education, 41(2), 269-280. doi: 10.5175/JSWE.2011.200900109 Kennedy, M. R. T., Krause, M. O., & Turkstra, L. S. (2008). An electronic survey about college experiences after traumatic brain injury. NeuroRehabilitation, 511-520.

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Annalisa Lee-Bjerke Linden, M. A. & Redpath, S. J. (2011). A comparative study of nursing attitudes towards young male survivors of brain injury: A questionnaire survey. International Journal of Nursing Studies, 62-69. doi: 10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2010.05.011 MacLennan, D. L. & MacLennan, D. C. (2008). Assessing readiness for post-secondary education after traumatic brain injury using a simulated college experience. NeuroRehavilitation, 521-528 Mealings, M., Douglas, J., & Oliver, J. (2012). Considering the student perspective in returning to school after TBI: A literature review. Brain Injury, 26(10), 1165-1176. doi: 10.3109/02699052.2012.672785 Meixner, C. & Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Donoghue, R. (2013). Accessing crisis intervention services after brain injury: A mixed methods study. Rehabilitation Psychology, 58(4), 377-385. doi: 10.1037/a0033892 Redpath, S. J., Williams, W. H., Hannah, D., Linden, M. A., Yates, P., & Harris, A. (2010). Healthcare professionalsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attitudes towards traumatic brain injury (TBI): The influence of profession, experience, acetiology and blame on prejudice towards survivors of brain injury. Brain Injury, 24(6), 802-811. doi: 10.3109/02699051003709623

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Optimism and Its Influence on Academic Achievement and Social Relations Marcy McCarthy Psychology, ’17 Faculty Introduction Psychological research has identified numerous traits that affect an individual’s functioning in social, academic, and vocational settings. Traits such as self-esteem and conscientiousness are related to superior functioning while traits such as neuroticism tend to be related to inferior functioning. Optimism is a personality trait that has received some empirical attention and appears to consistently predict success. Ms. McCarthy’s interest in studying the predictors of achievement of college students led her to research optimism in her original empirical study. After reviewing the relevant literature and evaluating how her work could contribute to the knowledge base, Ms. McCarthy decided to examine optimism’s effect on academic achievement and social functioning among college students. Ms. McCarthy hypothesized that college students with higher levels of optimism would report greater feelings of social acceptance with their friends and family and be more academically successful. She obtained approval of the Institutional Review Board, the committee who oversees the ethical treatment of human research subjects. She tested her hypotheses by recruiting a sample of participants who completed a series of self-report questionnaires, answering questions about optimism, social functioning, and academic achievement. She analyzed the data using inferential

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Marcy McCarthy statistics. Her results revealed interesting patterns among the data and identified important avenues for future research. Ross Krawczyk, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Psychology

Optimism and Its Influence on Academic Achievement and Social Relations Abstract: Past research has shown that optimism may be a predictor of success in the social, academic, and professional worlds. The objective of the current study was to examine optimismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s relationship with perceived academic achievement and social acceptance among college students. A sample of 70 students, mostly psychology majors, was evaluated using the Perceived Acceptance Scale, the Educational Outcome Measures, and the Life Orientation Test. Consistent with previous studies, optimism was found to be a predictor of academic success and overall positive relationships. More specifically, optimism predicted better relationships with friends, family, and mothers, but not with fathers. This discrepancy could be due to gender differences, which were not examined in this study, or to other factors that could be uncovered through future research. Other areas of interest for further studies include a more in-depth study of family dynamics and optimism and the investigation of other variables that may be related to optimism.

Optimism has been identified as a defining trait for individuals transitioning from adolescence to young adulthood (Arnett, 2000). College students who scored high on optimism were reportedly better adjusted to college life than their less optimistic peers (Chang, Bodem, Sanna, & Fabian, 2011; Perera & McIlveen, 2014), whereas college athletes who were more hopeful showed 160

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improved academic and athletic performance (Curry, Snyder, Cook, Ruby, & Rehm, 1997). Hope, defined as having a specific perception of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s goals and how to attain them, is a separate but related construct to optimism (Snyder et al., 1991). Among children and adolescents, higher levels of optimism have been linked to more positive relationships with peers and family members (Deptula, Cohen, Phillipsen, & Ey, 2006; Jobe-Shields, Cohen, & Parra, 2011; Orejudo, Puyelo, Fernandez-Turrado, & Ramos, 2012). Less research exists relating outlook and friendship among college-age individuals, but it has been suggested that optimists have more friendships that are more supportive and last longer than do pessimists (Brissette, Scheier, & Carver, 2002; Geers, Reilley, & Dember, 1998). Past research has indicated that optimism may be related to success in various areas among college students, particularly in dealing with the challenges of college life. College freshmen who had higher levels of optimism also scored higher on a scale measuring general psychological adaptation to the college lifestyle (Perera & McIlveen, 2014). These students also scored lower on inventories of stress and depression throughout their first semester (Brissette et al., 2002). Overall, college students who showed higher levels of optimism were shown to be more satisfied with their lives. However, optimism specifically related to the areas of academic success, health, family satisfaction, and financial satisfaction predicted higher scores in these areas beyond general optimism (Chang et al., 2011). Academic achievement, although not directly linked to general optimism, was predicted by the use of specific coping strategies, which were more prevalent among optimistic college freshmen (Perera & McIlveen, 2014). Optimists also tended The College of Saint Rose

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Marcy McCarthy to set higher GPA goals for themselves than their peers and were more likely to achieve goals they considered high-priority (Geers, Wellman, & Lassiter, 2009). Even among those still in high school, hope was shown to correlate with control, curiosity, confidence, and concern, identified as indicators of success and adaptability to future careers (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012; Wilkins et al., 2014). Similarly, a study among college athletes showed hope to predict an increase in athletic performance beyond practice or talent alone, as well as an increase in GPA (Curry et al., 1997). Research pertaining to the social aspects of optimism exists primarily among younger age groups. Elementary school students who scored higher on optimism were generally better liked among others, identifying more mutual friendships than their lowerscoring peers. These individuals were also less likely to be seen as isolated, passive, victimized, or lonely (Deptula et al., 2006; JobeShields et al., 2011). In a longitudinal study of loneliness, the children who were the most optimistic either decreased their level of loneliness from third to fifth grade or remained at a consistently low level (Jobe-Shields et al., 2011). This trend continues later in life as well. Adolescents who reported more frequent conflict with their peers as well as their family members reported higher levels of pessimism (Orejudo et al., 2012). Young adolescents who reported a supportive family and school environment, on the other hand, displayed higher levels of optimism (Thomson, Schonert-Reichl, & Oberle, 2014). Multiple studies have also suggested that optimismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s impact on social relations may be influenced by gender. Males were more affected by their relationships with their peers than females, who appeared more influenced by their families (Orejudo et al., 2012). In general, males tend to form larger and less intimate

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friend groups than females, which could serve as an explanation for this difference (Deptula et al., 2006). Peer and family relationships have received less attention among young adults, the latter perhaps because the average college student becomes more detached from their family upon reaching adulthood. Regardless, the available studies have suggested that optimism continues to have a hand in shaping these connections as the individual ages. Pessimistic college students appeared lonelier, reported friendships shorter in duration than their peers, and were more likely to form friendships with other pessimists (Geers et al., 1998). Optimists, on the other hand, reported larger, more supportive friend groups (Brissette et al., 2002). These students received more non-directive support, or encouragement focusing on the individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; personally-set goals, from their friends as well as family. These individuals were also more hopeful, less lonely, less depressed, and more satisfied with their familial relations. The individuals who were less optimistic received more direct support, in which the supporter attempted to impose their own ideas, and were less satisfied with their friendships (Harber, Schneider, Everard, & Fisher, 2005). Previous research has identified a number of areas in which optimism may predict success among college students. Studies have suggested it may be a factor which plays into a college studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s academic success. Although optimism has not seemed to be as strong of a predictor as hope, optimistic students have appeared better adjusted, more motivated to reach important goals, and overall more satisfied with their lives than their peers (Chang et al., 2011; Geers et al., 2009; Perera & McIlveen, 2014). Optimists The College of Saint Rose

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Marcy McCarthy have displayed more social successes as well, identifying both a greater number and a longer duration of friendships (Brissette et al., 2002; Geers et al., 1998). These friendships have also appeared higher-quality; optimists in multiple studies have reported their friend groups as being not only supportive, but also a source of a type of support which encourages the individual to act on their own accord (Brissette et al., 2002; Harber et al., 2005). Students with high levels of optimism have traditionally received this level of support from their families as well. Optimism in these younger age groups has been linked to greater peer acceptance and diminishing feelings of loneliness (Deptula et al., 2006; Jobe-Shields et al., 2011). One of the goals of the current study was to reinforce past findings on the relationship between optimism and the maintenance of positive and supportive relationships among college students, and to determine if patterns present in children and adolescents carry over into young adulthood. The study also examined perceived academic success among college students, simultaneously assessing both the social and academic aspects of optimism. Previous studies have typically chosen to look at several facets of either social or academic competence, although this has not exclusively been the case. This study instead considered variables that may be related to optimism in college students, in an attempt to gain a broader view of prevalent characteristics among optimists. College students who were more optimistic were predicted not only to identify themselves as feeling academically competent, but also to report higher levels of support and acceptance from their relationships with both friends and family. The following hypotheses were offered:

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Hypothesis 1: Students with higher levels of optimism will report greater feelings of acceptance in their relationships as a whole. Hypothesis 2: Students with higher levels of optimism will report greater feelings of acceptance in their relationships with their friends. Hypothesis 3: Students with higher levels of optimism will report greater feelings of acceptance in their relationships with their family. Hypothesis 4: Students with higher levels of optimism will report greater feelings of acceptance in their relationships with their mothers. Hypothesis 5: Students with higher levels of optimism will report greater feelings of acceptance in their relationships with their fathers. Hypothesis 6: Students with higher levels of optimism will report feeling more successful academically. Method Participants Participants were gathered through convenience sampling, primarily from psychology classes at a small liberal arts college in the northeastern United States. Data were collected from 71 participants, but only 81.69% of the sample provided demographic information (n = 58). Of these participants, 82.76% were female The College of Saint Rose

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Marcy McCarthy (n = 48) and 17.24% were male (n = 10). The sample had a mean age of 19.74 years with a standard deviation of 2.52 years. Materials Family and peer relations were evaluated through the Perceived Acceptance Scale (Brock, Sarason, Sangvi, & Gurun, 1998) which measures social acceptance. The scale contains 44 items in total, separated into four sub-scales. Twelve of these questions assessed the participants’ feelings of acceptance by their friends (e.g. “I am a very important part of the lives of my friends”), twelve looked at the same for family, and ten questions each examined the participants’ relationships with their mother and father specifically (e.g. “My mother is always ‘there for me’ when I need her”). Participants indicated their responses on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The scale was assessed for internal consistency with a Cronbach’s alpha of .96 overall; the sub-scales for friends, family, mother, and father had alphas of .80, .92, .94, and .93 respectively (Brock et al., 1998). The Educational Outcome Measures (Dumont et al., 2012) were used to assess academic achievement. The current study utilized only the first ten items, a sub-scale which measured academic self-concept (e.g. “I am not very capable of doing school work”). This sub-scale had an alpha coefficient of .82-.85 (Dumont et al., 2012) and used a Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Optimism was measured through the Life Orientation Test (Scheier & Carver, 1985), with eight items pertaining to optimism (e.g. “In uncertain times, I usually expect the best”) and 166

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four filler items (e.g. “It’s important for me to keep busy”). All items were measured on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (extremely agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). The scale had a Cronbach’s alpha of .76, as well as a .79 for test-retest reliability over a period of four weeks (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Participants also were given a brief demographics slip to report age, gender, and year in college. Procedure The researcher visited several different psychology classes to recruit participants. The students were given a brief description of the study’s topics of interest and were invited to participate. They were informed that they would be given credit towards fulfilling a class requirement if they completed the study, but the researcher reiterated that participation was voluntary, and participants were free to withdraw at any time. Students indicated their interest by raising their hands, and the researcher distributed envelopes containing the three scales, the demographics slip, and a brief form of consent. The interested participants took the envelopes home and completed the enclosed documents. The researcher returned during the next class session to collect the data. The consent forms were separated from the other items and collected in a separate pile. The scales and demographic slips were sealed inside their envelopes. After handing over their envelopes, the participants were given a sheet of debriefing information by the researcher, explaining the study’s purposes in full. They were also given slips to signify the class credit earned in exchange for participation in the study. The researcher then entered the data into SPSS for analysis.

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Marcy McCarthy Results To test each hypothesis, six separate correlations were run, comparing optimism scores (M = 2.73, SD = .75) to scores on each other variable in turn. For all analyses, Îą=.05 was used. The Life Orientation Test scores were first correlated with scores from the Perceived Acceptance Scale and each of its sub-scales. These analyses tested hypotheses one through five, which stated that participants showing higher levels of optimism would also report feeling more accepted in their overall relationships, as well as those with friends, mother, father, and family respectively. Table 1 shows the results of each analysis, as well as the means and standard deviations for each relationship variable. As the table shows, there was a moderate and significant positive relationship between optimism and most of the social acceptance variables. The only exception was the PAS Father sub-scale, which found no significant correlation between optimism and paternal relationships, thus providing no support for hypothesis four. All other hypotheses pertaining to relationships were supported. The Life Orientation Test was also correlated with the first sub-scale of the Educational Outcome Measures (M = 3.05, SD = .58) to test hypothesis six, which stated that optimists would show greater perceived academic success. This analysis found a significant positive relationship, r = .62, p < .001, providing support for hypothesis six. Discussion Overall, the findings of the current study were consistent with previous research. As in other studies, students who showed higher levels of optimism tended to report more positive feelings towards their friendships (Brisette et al., 2002; Deptula et al., 2006; Harber 168

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et al., 2005; Orejudo et al., 2012). Likewise, optimists also displayed greater feelings of acceptance from their mothers and families as a whole. Past studies did not identify specific relationships, but suggested a connection between optimism and positive family relations (Harber et al., 2005; Orejudo et al., 2012; Thomson et al., 2014). The current study, however, analyzed each parental relationship separately in addition to looking at overall familial relationships. This found a discrepancy in paternal relations that could serve as a basis for future studies. The current study also supported past findings, relating optimism to academic success (Curry et al., 1997; Geers et al., 2009). One of the key limitations faced by the current study was the sample itself. The use of convenience sampling produced a group of participants that consisted mainly of female psychology majors. Thus, variables such as gender, college major, or other factors that would have emerged in a more diverse sample could not be studied. The studyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use of class credit as the primary incentive for participation also was likely to have biased the sample. Those who placed some amount of priority on their schoolwork were more likely to have participated in the study to begin with. The very nature of the study itself also could have compromised its ability to accurately measure the target variables. Responses were entirely self-reported, meaning that what the questionnaires truly measured was each participantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perception of their academic and social lives, which may or may not align with reality. The current study design could be improved by gathering additional data from friends, relatives, or teachers.

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Marcy McCarthy One of the most notable findings of the current study was that while positive feelings regarding most relationships were predicted by optimism, this was not the case for the relationships participants reported with their fathers. This difference could be an area of interest for future research. Would this pattern repeat if the study was replicated with different samples, and if so, what are the possible explanations? It could, for instance, be a matter of gender differences. Optimism in females has been suggested to be more influenced by families than friends (Orejudo et al., 2012). It could be the case that females are more specifically influenced by their mothers, and because this studyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sample was so largely female, the potential effect of paternal relationships was less prominent. The overall influence of gender on optimism and relationships would also be worth examining in the future. Although the current study provided little gender variation, other studies have suggested that there are notable differences in the way males and females form friendships and bond with family, at least among children and adolescents (Deptula et al., 2006; Orejudo et al., 2012). Future studies could determine whether or not these patterns seem to persist into young adulthood, and furthermore, how the quality of relationships with friends versus family members relates to optimism levels in males versus females. In continuing to study relationships, it would also be worth paying closer attention to familial structure. Participants in the current study were asked to simply indicate how they felt about their relationships with their family; they gave no indication of whether or not their parents were still together, for instance, and were never specifically asked about their siblings. Certainly the ages of, numbers of, and relationships between siblings are factors that play into a familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s dynamic (Kim, McHale, Osgood, & Crouter, 2006; Lawson & Mace, 2009). 170

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Further studies should determine if sibling relations also serve as a predictor of optimism. Finally, with regards to the social aspect, romantic relationships and their relation to optimism could be studied as well. Past studies have proposed that optimistic young adults have longer-lasting and more supportive friendships, often with other optimists, but have not specified whether or not this remains true for romantic relationships (Brissette et al., 2002; Geers et al., 2008, Harber et al., 2005). The current study also failed to take romantic relationships into account, but future research could determine if there is a typical frequency, duration, or shown partner preference that appears more prevalent in relationships held by optimists. The current study supported the idea that optimism predicts stronger academic performance, at least in terms of individual perception. Previous studies, however, have looked more closely at specific strategies for achieving academic success in relation to optimism. These findings could be capitalized upon in future research. For instance, optimism towards a specific idea has been shown to be a stronger predictor of success in that area than general optimism alone (Chang et al., 2011). Future studies should reexamine this idea to determine if there are factors which contribute to an individual showing greater optimism towards a particular concept. Past research has also shown that optimists among incoming college freshmen adjust better (Perera & McIlveen, 2014). Further studies should attempt to connect this idea to findings on optimism and relationships. For instance, do optimistic freshmen who adapt easily to college life also make friends on campus more easily, or do these students seem to have more supportive families at home? Hope is another construct that The College of Saint Rose

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Marcy McCarthy could be examined in later research. Studies have already found that hope tends to predict success beyond optimism, especially in academic or professional environments (Curry et al., 1997; Wilkins et al., 2014). Further studies could attempt to support this finding, or even to determine which factors may predict higher levels of hope versus optimism. Research could also examine the social role of hope, and whether it appears greater than that of optimism. Although the current studyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s findings supported the idea that optimism can be a predictor of both academic and social success, it is important to bear in mind the limitations of the study. Further research is required to determine if findings from a small sample of college students, who were mostly female psychology majors, could be at all generalized. Even within the limits of the sample, there are many other facets of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s relationships and academic life that could be considered with greater detail in future studies. Research could also aim to discover and examine any confounding variables, or any other factors that may predict or be predicted by optimism.

References 172

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Arnett, J.J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5), 469-480. doi:10.1037/0003066x.55.5.469 Brissette, I., Scheier, M. F., & Carver, C. S. (2002). The role of optimism in social network development, coping, and psychological adjustment during a life transition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82(1), 102-111. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.82.1.102 Brock, D. M., Sarason, I. G., Sanghvi, H., & Gurung, R. A. A. (1998). The perceived acceptance scale: Development and validation. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 15(1), 5-21. doi:10.1177/0265407598151001 Chang, E. C., Bodem, M. R., Sanna, L. J., & Fabian, C. G. (2011). Optimism-pessimism and adjustment in college students: Is there support for the utility of a domainspecific approach to studying outcome expectancies? The Journal of Positive Psychology, 6(5), 418-428. doi:10.1080/17439760.2011.605167 Curry, L. A., Snyder, C. R., Cook, D. L., Ruby, B. C., & Rehm, M. (1997). Role of hope in academic and sport achievement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(3), 1257-1267. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.73.6.1257 Deptula, D. P., Cohen, R., Phillipsen, L. C., & Ey, S. (2006). Expecting the best: The relationship between peer optimism and social competence. The Journal of Positive The College of Saint Rose

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Marcy McCarthy Psychology, 1(3), 130-141. doi:10.1080/17439760600613685 Dumont, H., Trautwein, Y., LĂźdtke, O., Neumann, M., Niggli, A., & Schnyder, I. (2012). Does parental homework involvement mediate the relationship between family background and educational outcomes? Contemporary Educational Psychology, 37(1), 55-69. doi:10.1016/j.cedpsych.2011.09.004 Geers, A. L., Reilley, S. P., & Dember, W. N. (1998). Optimism, pessimism, and friendship. Current Psychology: A Journal for Diverse Perspectives on Diverse Psychological Issues, 17(1), 3-19. doi:10.1007/s12144-998-1017-4 Geers, A. L., Wellman, J. A., & Lassiter, G. D. (2009). Dispositional optimism and engagement: The moderating influence of goal prioritization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 96(4), 913-932. doi:10.1037/a0014830 Harber, K. D., Schneider, J. K., Everard, K. M., & Fisher, E. B. (2005). Directive support, nondirective support, and morale. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 24(5), 691-722. doi:10.1521/jscp.2005.24.5.691 Jobe-Shields, L., Cohen, R., & Parra, G. R. (2011). Patterns of change in childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s loneliness: Trajectories from third through fifth grades. Merill-Palmer Quarterly, 57(1), 2547. Retrieved from http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/mpq/vol57/iss1/4/

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Kim, J., McHale, S. M., Osgood, D. W., & Crouter, A. C. (2006). Child Development, 77(6), 1746-1761. Longitudinal course and family correlates of sibling relationships from childhood through adolescence. doi:10.1111/j.14678624.2006.00971.x Lawson, D. W., & Mace, R. (2009). Trade-offs in modern parenting: A longitudinal study of sibling competition for parental care. Evolution and Human Behavior, 30(3), 170183. doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2008.12.001 Orejudo, S., Puyelo, M., Fernรกndez-Turrado, T., & Ramos, T. (2012). Optimism in adolescence: A cross-sectional study of the influence of family and peer group variables on junior high school students. Personality and Individual Differences, 52(7), 812-817. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2012.01.012 Perera, H. N., & McIlveen, P. (2014). The role of optimism and engagement coping in college adaptation: A career construction model. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 84(3), 395-404. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2014.03.002 Savickas, M. L., & Porfeli, E. J. (2012). Career adapt-abilities scale: Construction, reliability, and measurement equivalence across 13 countries. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 80(3), 661-673. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2012.01.011 Scheier, M. F., & Carver, C. S. (1985). Optimism, coping, and health: Assessment and implications of generalized

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Marcy McCarthy outcome expectancies. Health Psychology, 4, 219-247. doi:10.1037/0278-6133.4.3.219 Snyder, C. R., Harris, C., Anderson, J. R., Holleran, S. A., Irving, L. M., Sigmon, S. T., et al. (1991). The will and the ways: Development and validation of an individual-differences measure of hope. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60(4), 570-585. doi:10.1037/00223514.60.4.570 Thomson, K. C., Schonert-Reichl, K. A., & Oberle, E. (2014). Optimism in early adolescence: Relations to individual characteristics and ecological assets in families, schools, and neighborhoods. Journal of Happiness Studies. doi:10.1007/s10902-014-9539-y Wilkins, K. G., Santilli, S., Ferrari, L., Nota, L., Tracey, T. J. G., & Soresi, S. (2014). The relationship among positive emotional dispositions, career adaptability, and satisfaction in italian high school students. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 85(3), 329-338. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2014.08.004

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Economic Impact Investigation: The College of Saint Rose Commuter Students, Pine Hills, and the Capital Region Christopher Stillman Economics, ’15 Introduction The general premise, framework, and inspiration for this study comes from a similar article by Annette Steinacker, “The Economic Effect of Urban Colleges on their Surrounding Communities.” Steinacker’s study brings to light the notion that usual impact studies conducted in the U.S. tend to concentrate solely on large universities and their effect upon a whole metropolitan area. This highlights the knowledge deficit regarding smaller urban higher education institutions and the economic effect that they provide to their more immediate and surrounding locales. Steinacker’s article utilizes Claremont Graduate University (CGU), a small private institution in the comparably small city of Claremont, California, an edge city of the larger Los Angeles County. Given that a considerable portion of CGU’s student body comprises commuter students, Steinacker’s study provides ample attention to this particular subsect. It is the aforementioned particular section of Steinacker’s work from which this study derives its origin and parameters. The College of Saint Rose proves to be analogous to Claremont Graduate University, in that Saint Rose is also a small private school located in an urban environment, the city of Albany, New York. Furthermore, Saint Rose’s total student population (all The College of Saint Rose

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Christopher Stillman full and part-time undergraduate and graduate students) is heavily weighted with commuter students. Additionally, publications measuring the direct local impact of Saint Rose’s students, regardless of commute status, are equally nonexistent, with the Commission on Independent Colleges and Universities Economic Impact Studies that are reported for the school pertaining strictly to the broad New York State Capital District. The local economic effect district that Steinacker defines and examines is, “the city of Claremont, composed of one zip code area, of approximately 13 square miles and with a population of 34,000” (Steinacker 1166). While the larger regional economic effect area is named “the Inland Empire” which “crossed county lines (and) was composed of Claremont and another 8 contiguous cities surrounding the campus, with a combined size of about 180 square miles and 700,000 population” (Steinacker 1166). For the purposes of comparison, this study defines two similar local and regional economic impact areas pertaining to Saint Rose. The local area is the Pine Hills neighborhood, with Saint Rose situated at its center. The Pine Hills neighborhood is defined by the Pine Hills Neighborhood Association as the area bounded by Washington Avenue to the North, Lake Avenue to the East, Woodlawn Avenue and Cortland Street to the South, and Manning Boulevard to the West. Pine Hills corresponds to two zip code areas, 12203 and 12208, and has a population that is difficult to gauge since it is largely made up of seasonal student residents. This study considers the Capital Region as the broader regional economic impact area to be studied. According to source data from the U.S. Department of Commerce, and the Bureau of the Census, that was prepared by the Capital District Regional 178

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Economic Impact of Saint Rose Commuter Students Planning Commission, the Capital Region is an area encompassing four counties and four central cities, with a total area of approximately 2,252 square miles. 2010 Census Data reports a total population of 837,967 for the Capital Region. Methods The mode of data collection was structured as to quantitatively determine Saint Rose commuting student expenditures on the impact areas described above. The most efficient and effective means of doing so was to administer an e-mail to all of Saint Rose’s commuting students. The e-mail explained this study and its goals, and included a link to an electronic survey that contained 16 questions oriented to collect the information necessary to investigate actual economic impact. “Commuter student” was defined as any Saint Rose student living off campus in a non-school-owned property. Upon receiving approval from the college’s Institutional Review Board to conduct such a survey, Information Technology Services provided Professor Pratt with a comprehensive e-mail list of all students meeting the commuter student parameter. This list of 2,421 commuter student e-mails then became the population of students that were recipients of the previously mentioned e-mail containing the expenditure survey link. The electronic survey, facilitated through SurveyMonkey, was titled “Economic Impact: Saint Rose’s Commuter Students” and was officially open for response collection for a one week period beginning on November, 24th 2014 at 9:56 PM and closing on November, 30th 2014 at 10:46 PM.

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Christopher Stillman Over the open collection period, a total of 726 respondents either partially or completely answered the survey. Out of the potential 2,421 respondents to the survey, the actual number of 726 yields a response rate of 29.99%. Steinacker’s survey, on the other hand, enjoyed response rates of “44 per cent of all students, 61 percent of students enrolled in coursework and 67 per cent of faculty and staff” (Steinacker 1166). Comparatively, Steinacker’s survey was issued using the traditional postal service in the spring of 2000. Steinacker’s study also includes all students and employees of CGU, as well as utilizes standard input-output matrices and corresponding economic multipliers with specific modifications applied. This allows her to estimate with more accuracy the effect of indirect stimuli, given its potential values, upon total impact for all bounds and defined economic regions. The last two statements regarding the specificities of Steinacker’s work emphasize various ways in which this study differs. This study does not attempt to include the various ramifications and modifications of input-output (I-O) analysis, rendering an inability to calculate total impact. Furthermore, this study does not extend to Saint Rose employees, faculty or staff. It is rather a subset of the more comprehensive study, and a first attempt to gather quantitative data for potential future studies. Also, this study and survey contains qualitative assessment, which is absent in Steinacker’s. Particularly, this study makes an effort to uncover if there is any sort of information or knowledge re-spillover or re-sharing by commuter students upon the people and places that they commute back to, and if it produces any 180

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Economic Impact of Saint Rose Commuter Students perceived amount of positive benefit gained by those people and places. Survey The survey functioned as the sole data collection vehicle for information pertaining to frequency and amount of expenditures, given various types of purchases (T.O.P.s) in both the local and regional impact areas by Saint Rose’s commuter students. As mentioned earlier, the survey contained 16 questions, with the first regarding informed consent, and the following 7 questions about respondent demographics. Beginning with question number 9, the survey delves into the individual respondent’s purchasing frequency, per month, in relation to several T.O.P.s, bounded inside the Pine Hills neighborhood but outside of the Saint Rose campus. Striving for comparability with Steinacker’s work, the same T.O.P. categories were used in this survey and study as those presented in her article. These T.O.P.s include: gas station, general retail, copy services, oil/auto repair, car wash, dry clean, beauty salon, as well as an “other” category added to this survey. Question number 10 has the exact same local impact bounds as question nine, but is only in regards to the T.O.P.s food and drink, and frequency is reported on a weekly basis. Question 11 again holds the same local impact bounds as 9 and 10, but asks individual respondents the dollar amount per week that they spend at all of the mentioned T.O.P.s.

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Christopher Stillman In regards to questions 12, 13, and 14, they correspond respectively and directly to questions 9, 10, and 11, with the only alterations being a change in bounds from the local impact area to the regional impact area (inside of the capital Region, but outside of Pine Hills and Saint Rose’s campus) and in regards to commuting either to or from campus. After questioning frequency and amount spent on the various types of purchases for the local and regional impact areas, the survey concludes with two qualitative questions concerning the formerly discussed potential knowledge re-spillover effect. Question 15 merely asks if respondents believe that they share knowledge gained on campus with the people and places they commute back to. Respondents who answered “Maybe” or “Yes” were then prompted by question 16 to try and gauge the perceived positive benefit gained through their knowledge re-sharing by the people and places they commute back to. Specifically question 16 reads, “If so, do you believe that those people and places receive a positive benefit from your shared knowledge of information learned on Saint Rose's campus? And to what extent?” Respondents have the following answer options: “It has no positive benefit,” “It has little to no positive benefit,” “It has a certain small amount of positive benefit,” “It has a fair amount of positive benefit,” “It has a great deal of positive benefit,” and “They practically end up learning everything I do.” These answer options are weighted 0 through 5, respectively assigned to each answer option individually in the previously given order.

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Economic Impact of Saint Rose Commuter Students Results and Conclusion Having a total respondent count of 726 yielded a statistically significant amount of data to be analyzed in the aggregate. Practically every respondent answered “Yes” to the informed consent statement. The total results from the demographic question mirrored almost precisely the same publicly reported demographic profile of the Saint Rose student population at large. This demographic data proved to be of fairly negligible pertinence to the overarching investigation of this study, yet it holds merit of its own from a more intellectual and hyperspecific trend observation standpoint. Given all of the mentioned gaps and differences between Steinacker’s work and that which has attempted to be duplicated in this study, it now follows to digress from the focus upon comparison, and more directly concern the outcome of this study in its own right. However, there are certain positive relations between trends in frequencies between the two. Also, if Steinacker’s dollar results are adjusted for inflation (weighting the amounts from anchor year 2000 into anchor year 2014) then some of the amount values are positively correlated as well. Nevertheless, even if the former were to be the case, if this study’s result amounts included manipulated I-O economic analysis matrices and multipliers, then they could potentially be further skewed away from Steinacker’s results and therefore less comparable. The Charts and Tables section below gives the most concise visual representation of the percentage and amount spent on answer options for all questions concerning frequency and amount with respect to the various T.O.P.s, for both local and regional impact areas. Excluding Table 1 and Table 2, the Charts and Tables The College of Saint Rose

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Christopher Stillman section has been provided by SurveyMonkey using data collected from the survey. The table of most importance is Table 1. It has been created using raw data collected from SurveyMonkey, and then hand calculated for accuracy and precision, as well as custom formatted as to be presented with the appearance of being directly equivalent to that of Steinacker’s. Table 1 shows that the majority of Steinacker’s specific T.O.P.s are fairly antiquated and no longer as relevant to today’s commuter students. The percentage of “Never” answer options is the overwhelming majority in nearly all fields and categories except Food and Drink. Responses to the Other T.O.P.s dominantly consisted of answers mentioning food or drink, so overlapping of T.O.P.s is certainly an issue. The most telling numbers are the approximate annual lower bound (actual number of respondents) local direct impact, $1,227,303, and upper bound (total potential respondents) local direct impact, $4,092,700.50. Also, approximate annual regional direct impact came out to $3,253,060.80 for the lower bound and $10,848,016.80 for the upper bound. These four results show the statistical significance of Saint Rose’s commuter students upon the local and regional economies, providing certain validity, credibility, and approximate measurements to shed light on this study’s general inquiry. The qualitative information re-spillover results were similarly telling and informative. With an average rating of 2.6, this 184

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Economic Impact of Saint Rose Commuter Students equates on average to those who said “maybe” or “yes” to the question before, i.e., that they do share information and that it has certain small to fair amount of positive benefit on the people and places they commute back to. “Certain small to fair amount” is still an average positive amount of perceived benefit that commuter students bestow upon their local residences and populations, which could be seen as an uncovered positive externality associated with commuting. This study proved the ability to approximately gauge a far too frequently overlooked and underreported statistic. The economic impact that Saint Rose’s commuter students have on the local as well as regional areas is quite significant and needs to be measured and reported with more frequency, accuracy, and clarity. This study shall be conducted and produced again, in a more refined fashion. Future changes to methods of data collection and aggregation, as well as survey questioning ease of comprehension, overlap and appropriate T.O.P.s, have already been noted and discussed throughout this report.

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Work Cited Steinacker, Annette. "The Economic Effect of Urban Colleges on Their Surrounding Communities." Urban Studies 42.7 (2005): 1161-1175. Web.

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Call for Papers:

Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume VIII

The Journal of Undergraduate Research publishes high-quality research produced by undergraduate students at The College of Saint Rose in all fields each spring. Current students and recent graduates are invited to submit their work for consideration. Submissions are accepted on a rolling basis, though there is a deadline each fall for the following spring’s publication. All submissions are evaluated by faculty reviewers. Accepted papers must be revised in accordance to reviewer reports before publication. • •

• •

•

• •

Email your submission as a Microsoft Word document to journal@strose.edu. Include a cover page with your name, major, class year, student ID number, and name of the course and faculty member for whom the paper was written. Do not place your name anywhere else in the document. All sources must be thoroughly documented in strict accordance with the conventions (APA, MLA, Chicago, etc.) of the relevant discipline. Papers must be carefully proofread before submission. Papers containing significant errors will not be circulated for review. If the conventions of your academic discipline require one, include an abstract. Tables and figures should be attached separately as individual PDF documents.

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