Journal of Undergraduate Research at The College of Saint Rose, Vol. IV

Journal of Undergraduate Research at the College of Saint Rose Volume IV Spring 2013 Contents Editor’s Introduction Ryane McAuliffe Straus………………………...2 Editorial Board……………………………………………………..…..3 “Training is Everything:” Nature, Nurture, and Mark Twain’s Pudd’nhead Wilson Mike Atkinson………….………………...………….………..4 Introduced by Brian Sweeney Every Sole Has a Story: Material Relations, Social Relations Nicole Stallman………..……………………….…………....14 Introduced by Vaneeta Palecanda U.S. Policy in Cuba: Cuba’s Bondage to an ‘Empire of Liberty,’ 1898-1909 Richard White………………………...………………...…...34 Introduced by Bridgett Williams-Searle Animal Cruelty Committed by Citizens and Research Institutions Brianna Grant…………………………….…..………………...59 Introduced by Alfred Chapleau Other-Oriented and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism: Predictors of Social Anxiety, Romantic Relationship Strain and Infidelity Stefanie Green…………………………….………..……….73 Introduced by Nancy Dorr Baseline Study of Macroinvertebrates in the Vlomanskill Amanda Kopet………………………………………………94 Introduced by Paul Benzing High-copy Suppressor Screens of Monomer Actin Limitations Cathleen Green……………………...……………………..105 Introduced by Ann Zeeh Call for Papers: Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume V…...122

Editor’s Introduction Ryane McAuliffe Straus Department of History and Political Science I am very pleased and proud to present this year’s Journal of Undergraduate Research to the campus and broader community. Once again, this issue represents the best of what Saint Rose students do. As a liberal arts college, our campus culture is becoming more and more supportive of undergraduate research in all fields. As this support grows, it is also becoming more institutionalized. Through projects such as the Undergraduate Research Symposium, held each spring, the competitive Undergraduate Summer Research Grant project, and this Journal, Saint Rose faculty are encouraging and mentoring student research in all disciplines.

This issue of the Journal garnered 21 submissions from students across the campus. Acceptance is competitive; eight papers were granted provisional publication. Of those, seven underwent arduous revisions over winter break, plus additional revisions in the first month of the Spring semester. This represents a dedication that is telling of how intellectually motivated our student body is.

The seven articles that are published in this issue represent a wide variety of research from across the campus, from English to Biology. This issue represents the first publication—and first submission—from the field of Criminal Justice. It is also the first time that a student has published a second paper. Cathleen Green’s paper on Bollywood Cinema was published in the third volume of the Journal; in this issue, she is publishing a paper from her major, Biology. These contributions showcase the wide variety of research in which our students are engaged.

This issue represents a full circle for me in a number of ways.

The idea for the Journal first developed when I taught a senior capstone seminar in Fall 2007. Frustrated that our talented students had few publishing outlets, I broached the idea of a campus-wide research journal to then Provost (now President) Szczerbacki. I recently taught my second capstone, which only reminded me of how talented our students are.

This is also the final volume of the Journal that I will edit. I have seen wonderful submissions over the last four years, only about one-third of which were published. Although the Journal strives to publish only the very best of the papers that are submitted, the diversity of research that occurs on campus has clearly been growing over the last several years. I am confident that this trend will continue to grow under the new editor, Dr. Brian Sweeney.

Editorial Board Editor Ryane McAuliffe Straus, Department of History and Political Science School of Arts and Humanities Michael Brannigan, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies Cailin Brown, Department of Communications May Chan, Department of English Eurie Dahn, Department of English Jenise DePinto, Department of History and Political Science Theresa Flanigan, Center for Art and Design Dennis Johnston, Department of Music Kate Laity, Department of English Angela Ledford, Department of History and Political Science Jeffrey Marlett, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies Karen McGrath, Department of Communications Silvia Mejia, Department of World Languages and Cultures/American Studies Kim Middleton, Department of English Erin Mitchell, Department of Foreign Languages Marda Mustapha, Department of History and Political Science Dan Nester, Department of English David Rice, Department of English Rone Shavers, Department of English Brian Sweeney, Department of English Bridgett Williams-Searle, Department of History and Political Science School of Math and Science Amina Eladdadi, Department of Mathematics Rob Flint, Department of Psychology David Goldschmidt, Department of Computer Science David Hopkins, Department of Biology Ian MacDonald, Department of Computer Science Richard Pulice, Department of Social Work Ann Zak, Department of Psychology Ann Zeeh, Department of Biology School of Education Deborah Kelsh, Department of Teacher Education Christina Pfister, Department of Teacher Education Elizabeth Yanoff, Department of Teacher Education School of Business Janet Spitz, Department of Business Administration

Michael Atkinson

Introduction to “‘Training is Everything:’ Nature, Nurture, and Mark Twain’s Pudd’nhead Wilson” Brian Sweeney Assistant Professor of English In the darker works of his later years, Mark Twain became increasingly obsessed with questions concerning the nature and origins of personal identity. In late works like The Prince and the Pauper (1881) and Pudd’nhead Wilson (1893-94), Twain reanimates the creaky plot device of switched identities to explore one of the fundamental philosophical questions: Is heredity or environment more determinative of what we call the “self”? As a writer whose maturity was spent in a U.S. coping with the legacy of racial slavery, Twain understandably explored these questions in terms of their implications for American racial ideology. Did dominant American ideas about racial difference reflect an objective, empirically verifiable “reality”? Or were the racial categories that structured American life social constructs masquerading as neutral descriptions, generating the very differences they pretended to describe?

With analytical sharpness, solid command of relevant scholarship, and lively prose, Mike Atkinson’s “‘Training is everything’: Nature, Nurture, and Mark Twain’s Pudd’nhead Wilson” considers anew how Twain explores these questions in one of his most intriguing late works. What makes Atkinson’s paper particularly valuable is its effort to rethink these questions from the vantage point of the emerging field of periodical studies. Recalling that Pudd’nhead Wilson was originally published as a serial in Century Magazine, Atkinson turns to periodical context to explain some of the novel’s most puzzling aspects. The Century was a genteel monthly periodical dedicated to the cause of post-Civil War national reconciliation; its conciliatory politics led it to downplay chronic racial injustice in the postwar South and to interpret the failures of Reconstruction, not as evidence of entrenched Southern racism, but as confirmation of the folly of racial integration. An archetypal literary entrepreneur, Twain demonstrated an unusual, perhaps even disturbing flexibility and willingness to tailor his work to different “markets”; Atkinson argues that Twain’s desire to make his novel ideologically acceptable to the editors of the patriotic Century may help explain its notoriously ambiguous treatment of the “nature” and “nurture” problem. The friction between Twain’s complex, ironic narrative and the Century’s earnest, whitewashed nationalism manifests itself, Atkinson argues, in

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the striking inconsistencies between Twain’s text and the illustrations that accompanied it in the Century.

In this essay, Atkinson demonstrates the potential of periodical studies to rethink the relationship between literary texts, material conditions, and social ideologies, by way of a smart, fresh, and convincing interpretation of an elusive novel.

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“Training is Everything:” Nature, Nurture, and Mark Twain’s Pudd’nhead Wilson Mike Atkinson Adolescent English Education Major; Class of 2013 Mark Twain’s serialized novel Pudd’nhead Wilson was one of the author’s most popular yet thematically puzzling works. Published between 1893 and 1894 in seven issues of The Century Magazine, the work frequently examines the age-old question of nature versus nurture, yet does so in a way that does not provide any easy, clear-cut answers. Given the high stakes of the ultimate answer in the context of the novel’s events, siding with nature would suggest the inherent inferiority of African-Americans. Therefore, it is worthwhile to take a closer look at the text, and attempt to figure out exactly what Twain is trying to say. This paper combines a close reading of the text, an examination of secondary sources, and a look at periodical studies as a means of finding that answer.

Mark Twain had the courage to tackle difficult and controversial topics in a way that few other mainstream writers did in his time. Twain’s intelligent, often-biting critiques of 1800s American society rarely pulled punches, and frequently challenged readers to think deeply about their own lives in ways they may not have done before. Pudd’nhead Wilson, the last novel Twain set in America, is no exception. As he often does, Twain lends an air of humor to the story, which tells the intertwining stories of the citizens of Dawson’s Landing, Missouri, but underneath the wit and comedy lay serious issues and challenges that have major implications not only for the characters, but for readers as well. Perhaps the most serious of these issues is the ongoing debate of nature versus nurture. The story, which was originally serialized in seven issues of The Century Magazine in 1893 and 1894, involves several instances of characters disguising themselves, moving to new locations, or even swapping identities, and the results of these changes are so complex that it becomes difficult to figure out what part of those changes is due to the characters’ natural attributes, and what part is the product of their environments. With a close study of the novel, however, as well as an examination of some scholarly texts and The Century Magazine itself, it becomes clear that Twain believes more strongly in the power of nurture.

It is important, first of all, to understand why the concepts of nature and nurture are such important parts of this story, and of Twain’s views of society as a whole. Though Pudd’nhead Wilson was written 6

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after the end of the Civil War, race relations in 1890s America were still far from ideal. Racism was still rampant throughout the country, especially in former slave states, and it was still a widely-held belief that African-Americans were biologically inferior to their white counterparts. A more progressive individual, of course, would argue that African-Americans’ struggles in society were due more to the circumstances into which they were born than any internal defects, but that view was far from dominant. By discussing nature and nurture in the context of slavery and race relations, then, Twain is not merely tackling questions of biology and social environments; he is commenting on whether or not he sees true racial equality as a viable goal.

For a narrative that has such weighty implications, it is interesting that Twain chooses to begin the story with a comical “Author’s Note” in which he assures the accuracy of the legal jargon in the book after “they were rewritten under the immediate eye of William Hicks, who studied law part of a while in southwest Missouri thirtyfive years ago,” and has since worked as a stable boy in Florence, Italy, where Twain claims to have written the book (Twain 1). This introduction, though bizarre on the surface, serves a twofold purpose: it conveys a comic absurdity that runs throughout the novel, and it establishes a certain distrust of the legal system, which plays a huge role in the story. There is also an interesting connection between Hicks and Pudd’nhead Wilson. Much like Hicks, Wilson had ambitions of starting a legal career in Missouri, only to have it derailed. The difference, of course, is that unlike Wilson, Hicks never reached his goal, but Wilson only did after two decades of waiting and a set of wildly unlikely circumstances that worked in his favor. It is entirely possible, then, that the only true difference between Hicks and Wilson is that Wilson was in the right place at the right time, and Hicks was not. Though Twain never explicitly makes this connection, the parallels are hard to ignore. The fact that outside circumstances are the only things that spare Wilson from Hicks’s fate of irrelevance seems important to a story that spends so much time weighing the relative significance of nature and nurture.

The absurdity of this introduction also ties into some interesting points made by literary critic James E. Caron, who discusses the book in his 1982 essay, “Pudd'nhead Wilson's Calendar: Tall Tales and a Tragic Figure.” According to Caron’s analysis, Pudd’nhead Wilson is often misread by critics as being a piece of realistic fiction, and that Twain actually wrote the book with the intention of it being read as something of a tall tale (456). This interpretation does seem valid. Much like a traditional tall tale, the believability of the novel’s College of Saint Rose

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events is often suspect, but rarely cross the line into complete implausibility. Furthermore, the story’s lack of complete legitimacy parallels the society in which it is set (Caron, 455). As Caron explains, “the fundamental imbalance of a slave-based aristocracy functions as an artful lie woven into the history of America. Slavery and aristocracy are like the preposterous conceptions of the tall tale, and the unquestioning acceptance of both is created by people’s upbringing and social conditions – the realistic details which provide the supporting plausibility” (Caron 455-456). Caron is arguing, then, that the entire structure and telling of the story is a metaphor for the real-life implausibility of the antebellum South. This supports the idea that Twain is arguing more in favor of nurture being the dominant force in an individual’s development, as the implausible things that happen to these characters are taking place in, and being strongly influenced by, a society that is itself highly implausible.

This interpretation also seems significant in the context of Twain’s characterization of Tom and Chambers, the two characters who are most strongly affected by their respective environments.

Though neither is aware of it, Tom, who was born into slavery due to a negligible amount of African heritage, and Chambers, who was born the heir to considerable wealth and privilege, were switched at infancy

by Tom’s mother, Roxy (for the sake of clarity, each will be referred to by his false identity, as that is how they are known for the majority of the book). The path that each character takes as a result of this switch is fascinating. Even early in their lives, Tom and Chambers each show the effect that their respective upbringings have had on them. Tom, unaware of his true identity, quickly becomes a spoiled, petulant brat, treating both Roxy and Chambers with astounding cruelty, while Chambers becomes physically imposing and impressively patient with Tom’s antics. Moreover, Chambers’s character seems to bear a closer resemblance to Roxy than Tom’s does, as Tom possesses none of Roxy’s toughness, intelligence, or likability. One could argue, then, that the environments in which Tom and Chambers grew up have had a profound effect on their respective developments.

This becomes especially apparent when Tom and Chambers enter their teen years. As the two grow older, Tom, having been pampered and sheltered for his entire life, fails to develop any of the physical or mental strengths that Chambers is forced to acquire due to his life of work and hardship. Tom becomes increasingly aware of this as the years go on, and grows to hate Chambers for “his superiorities of physique and pluck, and for his manifold cleverness” (Twain 22). This jealousy fuels Tom’s cruelty towards Chambers, and his actions towards him become increasingly appalling, a trend that culminates 8

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when Chambers saves Tom from drowning, and Tom repays the favor by stabbing his amazingly loyal servant. The fact that Chambers has clearly grown up to be a superior individual to Tom, however, means nothing due to the environments in which they live. With that in mind, there is likely no small amount of symbolism in Twain’s observation that when Tom and Chambers would steal fruit together “Chambers did his stealing, and got the peach stones, apple cores, and melon rinds for his share.”

The fact that nurture plays a significant role in character development, however, does not mean that nature can be overlooked.

Nature is still a force to be reckoned with, and it still plays a significant role in many of the book’s events. This can perhaps be seen most clearly in Twain’s puzzling characterization of Wilson. Despite the fact that Wilson is the book’s namesake and one of its most important characters, he is also one of its most static and unchanging ones. The novel takes place over a period of two decades, and his victory in Tom’s trial is due to the very same eccentric brilliance that earns him his nickname of “Pudd’nhead” when he first arrives in Missouri. Even the townspeople come to recognize this at the book’s conclusion, acknowledging that they were the true fools for misunderstanding Wilson for so many years. Since it is so unusual for such a central character to be so static, it is unlikely that Twain did this without a clear intention. It would seem entirely possible, then, that Wilson’s character is meant to serve as a reminder that, in a story where individuals are so dependent on the society in which they live, nature can still play an important role in its developments. As previously mentioned, however, Wilson’s eventual success as a lawyer still hinges almost entirely upon outside circumstances, so even a character whose personality is not shaped by outside influences is still far from immune to their effects This argument could also help to explain the aforementioned scene in which Wilson earns his unflattering nickname. In response to an obnoxiously loud dog, Wilson tells the townspeople that “I wish I owned half of that dog…Because, I would kill my half” (Twain 6).

The joke completely baffles the uneducated townspeople, who immediately assume that Wilson is either insane or an idiot. Even to readers, the comment is somewhat puzzling. In the 1987 essay, “‘De Nigger in You’: Race or Training in Pudd'nhead Wilson?,” however, literary scholar Lee Clark Mitchell does propose an interesting interpretation. Mitchell argues that “the confusion troubling the naïve storefront scholars of Dawson’s Landing results from their inability…to imagine identity unencumbered by circumstance,” as well as an inability to separate the part from the whole (298). Such an College of Saint Rose

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interpretation could easily be extended to a commentary on Wilson’s character. The joke makes perfect sense to Wilson because he does possess the ability to separate the part from the whole, and to distinguish personal intentions from outside circumstances, an ability that enables him to remain unchanged by his environment despite being embroiled in it for over twenty years.

It seems, then, that Twain is hesitant to jump to any definitive conclusions about the true origins of an individual’s character. Things do, however, become a bit clearer near the novel’s conclusion. Once Tom’s true identity is revealed and he is convicted of Judge Driscoll’s murder, Chambers, the judge’s true nephew and heir, is freed from the bonds of slavery and receives his share of the fortune to which he was rightfully entitled. Twenty years of slavery, however, has left Chambers completely unfit for upper-class society, as “he could neither read nor write, and his speech was the basest and deepest dialect of the negro quarter. His gait, his attitudes, his gestures, his bearing, his laugh – all were vulgar and uncouth. His manners were the manners of a slave” (Twain 121).

Chambers was born a free man, but twenty years of slavery have left him completely unprepared for the life that his genes and his bloodline indicated he should live. Trapped in a society in which he will never feel comfortable, Chambers is no freer after the trial than he was before. Though he may no longer be a slave, he will always be seen as one, and no amount of money or nice clothing will ever change that. Though Chambers was always meant to be in this position, the path that his life has taken has left him entirely unequipped for it.

Chambers is no longer a slave to society, but the metaphorical bounds into which his upbringing and experiences have placed him can never be escaped. It would seem, then, that Chambers is the epitome of nurture dominating an individual’s life, a point that Twain emphasizes by discussing the fate of such a relatively minor character so close to the end of the story.

With this in mind, it would appear as though Twain is favoring the effect of nurture over that of nature in Pudd’nhead Wilson, a point that is further reinforced by the context in which the story was published. It is important, first of all, to understand the relationship that Twain had with The Century Magazine, the publication in which Pudd’nhead Wilson was serialized. Less than a decade earlier, The Century had published significant excerpts from Twain’s most famous novel, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn. The excerpts, however, were printed with considerable edits and changes, all of which were made with Twain’s consent (Scott 357). Some of the edits were minor, as little as a word or a line, while others were significant, some over 10

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fifteen lines; but regardless of length, these changes are indicative of an important aspect of The Century (Scott 357).

As a matter of fact, one of the smallest changes proved to be the most significant: the deletion of the famous “ladies and children not admitted” line from Huck’s theater program (Scott 358). The Century was, in general, fairly conservative in tone at this point, and editor Richard Watson Gilder seems to have considered Twain’s tone too “irreverent” for his audience, a point that is further reinforced by his deletion of the story’s more morbid jokes and comments (Scott 359).

This could explain the subtlety with which Twain espouses his views on nature and nurture throughout the story. Already aware of The Century’s reluctance to be overly controversial, it is entirely possible that Twain intentionally made his message somewhat difficult to decipher, as a more explicit condemnation of antebellum society could have easily cost him the support of his editors.

No less interesting is the manner in which the story itself appeared in The Century. Along with the high level of literature it published, The Century Magazine was perhaps best known for the impressive illustrations it included in its pages (Martyn 96). It seems strange, then, that the illustrations published alongside Pudd’nhead Wilson, while certainly visually appealing, contain one strange oversight. It is stated multiple times throughout the story that Roxy, though bound to slavery, is only one-sixteenth black, and is indistinguishable in appearance from a fully-white woman. It is, therefore, puzzling that the illustrations that include Roxy, such as the one in the February, 1894 issue, depict a woman with much darker skin (Lolb).

Given how much of a selling point these pictures were for The Century, as well as how significant it must have been for a Mark Twain novel to be making its debut in their magazine, it is hard to believe that the magazine’s editors would allow such an oversight. Though it surely was an honest mistake, this erroneous depiction of Roxy is still relevant. The fact that it is explicitly stated in the text that Roxy is essentially white, and the artist and editors still pictured her as a black woman, shows a complete lack of understanding of one of the most important points of the story: the fine and arbitrary line between black and white in the antebellum South. With this in mind, it is understandable that Twain was less than explicit in his condemnation of old-school southern racism. Considering the fact that Pudd’nhead Wilson has been criticized over the years for the ambiguity of its message, this information definitely seems important (Wiggins 183).

Moreover, as scholar Susan Gillman points out, it is important for readers to be aware of the societal conditions in which Pudd’nhead College of Saint Rose

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Wilson was written. Though the Civil War had been over for decades, little was done to solve the rampant discrimination that continued to take place after Reconstruction ended. Slavery was over, but with the enactment of Jim Crow Laws, statutes banning intermarriage, and voter disenfranchisement, there remained a significant problem with race relations in the South (Gillman 454). Even after emancipation, there were laws in several states, including Louisiana, which abided by the “one drop rule” for defining an individual’s race, meaning that even trace amounts of African heritage consigned that person to a life of discrimination and disenfranchisement (Gillman 455). Though Twain addresses these issues in an antebellum context, the spirit of his societal critiques are still highly relevant to the time in which Twain was writing them. It is likely no coincidence that Tom’s swift changes from free man to prisoner to slave “are analogous to the process of legal reversal after Reconstruction,” in which former slaves went from being “freedmen” to second-class, segregated citizens (Gillman 463).

Perhaps most importantly, however, Gillman points out that Pudd’nhead Wilson was written during a time in which considerable efforts were being made to scientifically establish white superiority, and to justify discrimination and colonization not only domestically, but across the world (463). These theories, “which shored up racism with theories of ‘natural’ degeneration,” provoked Twain to write a number of essays criticizing imperialism later in his career, and seem to have had an impact on his development of the debate between nature and nurture in Pudd’nhead Wilson. By taking the side of nurture throughout the story, Twain appears to be subtly condemning the socalled “scientists” who were using biased research and backward logic to empirically confirm their own perceived superiority.

Considering the nuance and subtlety with which these arguments are made, Pudd’nhead Wilson is by no means an easy story to analyze. It takes a considerable amount of thought, close reading, and research in order to truly grasp what Twain was trying to say about the complex relationship between nature and nurture, and its connection to race relations both before and after the Civil War, and the process can be confusing, even frustrating at times. The result, however, is an enjoyable story with engaging characters, and a social commentary that is complex, thorough, and highly effective. Though it is not easy to grasp, the density of Twain’s argument, that racial inequality is a product of social constructs, and not natural inferiority, does justice to its importance not only to his own society, but to today’s as well. In that respect, Pudd’nhead Wilson truly is a remarkable accomplishment.

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Bibliography Caron, James E. "Pudd'nhead Wilson's Calendar: Tall Tales and a Tragic Figure." Nineteenth-Century Fiction. 36.4 (1802): 452470. JSTOR. Web. 22 Apr. 2012 http://www.jstor.org/stable/3044773.

Gillman, Susan. ""Sure Identifiers": Race, Science, and the Law in Pudd'nhead Wilson." Pudd'nhead Wilson and Those Extraordinary Twins. Ed. Sidney E. Berger Second Critical Edition. New York, 2005. 445-464. Print.

Lolb, Louis. "Does You B'lieve Me When I Says Dat?."Century Magazine 47.4 (1894):548. Making of America. Web. 22 Apr 2012.

Martyn, Henry. "History of the Century Magazine." Quarterly Illustrator. 1.2 (1893): 93-96. JSTOR. Web. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25581818.

Mitchell, Lee C. ""De Nigger in You": Race or Training in Pudd'nhead Wilson?." Nineteenth-Century Literature. 42.3 (1987): 295312. JSTOR. Web. 22 Apr. 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3045265.

Scott, Arthur L. "The Century Magazine Edits Huckleberry Finn, 18841885." American Literature. 27.3 (1955): 356-362. JSTOR Web. 22 Apr. 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2922156.

Twain, Mark. Pudd'nhead Wilson and Those Extraordinary Twins.

Second Critical Edition. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2005. Print.

Wiggins, Robert A. "Pudd'nhead Wilson: "A Literary Caesarean Operation"." College English. 25.3 (1963): 182-186. JSTOR. Web. 22 Apr. 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/373685.

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Introduction to “Every Sole Has a Story: Material Relations, Social Relations” Vaneeta Palecanda Associate Professor of English In the English senior seminar “Footnotes: Memory, Commodity, Culture,” we traced the motif of shoes from medieval times to the present in multiple genres. Historically, shoe motifs represent cultural anxieties, class distinctions, gender and ethnic divisions, racial servitude as well as innumerable atrocities. Their absence/presence indicate desire, status, abuse, conformity, work, poverty, power, pleasure, resistance, and activism (sabotage comes from sabot—French wooden clogs). Once we became aware of the motif/ metaphor as commodity, we asked if we could talk about commodity without mentioning consumerism, talk about consumerism without addressing desire or capital, or talk about capital without examining ideology or servitude. Nicole Stallman’s paper “Every Sole has a Story: Material Relations, Social Relations” explores these questions.

Drawn to cultural studies and the essayistic tradition, curious about philanthropy and nonprofit organizations, she chose to study acts of everyday consumption, in particular that of TOMS shoes and SoleRebels. Largely influenced by Marxist theory, she explores the companies’ work relations and marketing practices to study the shoes’ appeal to particular consumers. Comparing work practices and social relations thus engendered, Stallman draws attention to role of commodity in new philanthropy, a feature that scholars such as Slavoj Žižek have addressed; in such new economies, the participating individual receives usually something in return--a ribbon, a CD, or an address label. In analyzing such commodity relations, Stallman creates a tension between, and therefore a question about, “real” acts of social good (philanthropy without cache) and “misrecognised” returns of social distinction (philanthropy with cache). Finally, Stallman points out differences amongst philanthropic practices, where one model idolizes the product, an unsustainable practice, and the other engenders real relations between people, a sustainable practice. Thus, every sole and its story. . .

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Every Sole Has a Story: Material Relations, Social Relations Nicole Stallman English Adolescence Education Major; Class of 2012 This paper examines the commodified nature of philanthropy that has occurred with the development of business models that combine charity with the purchasing of goods. The two companies examined are TOMS shoes and soleRebels; both companies sell shoes and work to end poverty. A Marxists examination of these companies, shows that TOMS shoes is more focused on creating material relationships between people while soleRebels focuses more on developing social relations among people. I determined that TOMS shoes is more well-known than soleRebels because it gives its consumers and those who benefit from the company a tangible product.

The popularity of TOMS also allows the consumer to present themselves in a specific manner furthering the social goals of the consumer. SoleRebels on the other hand does not produce a social benefit for their consumers thus limiting their popularity. The conclusions of this research suggest that soleRebels might provide a more long term solution to poverty when compared to what TOMS shoes does. However, the goodness of both companies cannot be overlooked, but should be embraced by consumers.

It is estimated that in 2010, Americans donated almost $212 billion to charitable organizations, an almost 3% increase from 2009 (The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University 1, 4). These statistics show that Americans donate to various charitable organizations, illustrating that Americans do care about the needs of others. Some charitable organizations work to alleviate poverty in a nontraditional way. Currently there are new business models1 in which people do not donate time or money to an organization, but instead purchase a product which then allows the company to provide aid. This business model combined with charity has taken off in the shoe business in particular; two such businesses are TOMS shoes and soleRebels. Both companies produce and sell shoes to the general public and attempt to solve issues of poverty. While these companies have a great deal of similarities, their business practices and methods 1

The practice of companies, and in particular shoe companies, creating business practices that not only focus on selling their product but also focus on representing beliefs that are integrated into their business. Both TOMS and soleRebels are examples of this, as well as Blackspot shoes which is taking a stand against “corporate capitalism� (Blackspot Shoes).

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which address poverty are different. TOMS shoes works to meet the needs of people living in poverty and soleRebels works to create a lasting solution for poverty. The different ways these companies work and represent themselves greatly impacts their final levels of effectiveness in combating poverty.

In order to understand these two companies and their practices, I studied their websites, promotional advertisements, logos, slogans, mission statements, and news articles discussing the companies. These are unusual texts to read and examine, but they provide a great deal of information about how the companies wish to be viewed and the way they work towards their goals. This examination brings attention to the commodified nature of philanthropy that has developed with this emerging business model. There are extensive ways in which Marxist theory can inform an understanding of these companies. By looking at the modes of production through a Marxist lens, a greater awareness of how the companies function arises.

In his discussion of commodity fetishism, Karl Marx explains that the value of an object has no connection to its physical properties but that value is perceived by people. As Marx explains fetish, it is the “value relation between the products of labor which stamps them as commodities” and not the physical properties or the labor needed to create the object. Marx shows that when material relations arise, or when people connect to the material, those people are alienated from or forget laborers who create the product or labor that goes into the product. Social relations that commodity fetishism creates are centered solely on material relations, shifting relations between people from social to material. Simply put for this discussion, commodity fetishism is the inseparable connection between an object and the social use value invested in the object and how it informs social relations. I argue that TOMS encourages material relations between people while soleRebels strengthens social relations between people.

Why do people donate?

The first thing I considered in order to understand TOMS shoes and soleRebels is why people donate to charities. Americans, even during a period of recession, are still giving hundreds of billions of dollars annually to charity. People give to charitable organizations for a multitude of reasons, some easier to measure than others. Some people donate to charities because they wish to do “good” and work to alleviate a problem, while others donate to feel “good,” and others give for other, extrinsic, outside rewards that may accompany donations such as recognition or products like shoes. Richard M. Clerkin, Sharon R. Paynter, and Jami Kathleen Taylor point out that intrinsic 16

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motivations, such as the desire to do good, are difficult to measure, while extrinsic motivations, while still challenging, are easier to measure,. They point out that it is difficult to place most people who give in only one category (676). They also state that “donations derived from satisfying the need to do good deeds are most likely the result of a combination of egocentric and altruistic forces that compel donations” (676). This combination of forces is contradictory in that the egocentric force centers on the giver's personal desire to satisfy his or herown needs and desires by helping others. In this case, contributors need to feel as if they have done “good,” an egocentric motivator, but their action is based in their unselfish concern for others, the altruistic motivator. Despite this contradiction, it seems as though all giving is motivated by these two forces in varying ratios among different people.

Everyone who donates wishes to lessen the problems of others, but still benefit from the feeling of doing “good.” The ratio between egocentric and altruistic forces vary: older volunteers tend to have more altruistic motivators while younger volunteers are often more likely motivated by egocentric forces such as career development (Clerkin, Paynter, Taylor 678). This complicates how consumers think about TOMS shoes and soleRebels. These products are marketed to and created for a younger audience. While buying these products does not result in career development, it could be argued that purchasing and wearing these products could enhance young people's social status. Wearing shoes from either TOMS shoes or soleRebels allows someone not only to make a fashion statement, but also to express what he or she cares about at the same time. Wearing shoes that serve another mission allows a wearer to present themselves as someone who cares, which

Image 1 (Giving Report 12)

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Image 2 (Toms Shoe - Akira)

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could possibly better their relationship with a certain social group without actually having to care that much about the problems these companies address.

TOMS Shoes I originally heard of TOMS shoes in high school, but I never saw a pair until I was a senior in college. It seems that in recent years the popularity of TOMS shoes has exploded; people can be seen wearing them everywhere. TOMS has a unique business model: for every pair of shoes sold, a pair of shoes is donated to a child who needs them.2 According to the company's Giving Report published online, the company currently gives shoes in twenty-three countries across the globe and in September 2010 had given away a million pairs of TOMS shoes.3 The type of shoe that is most commonly donated is the company's “black, unisex canvas slip-on with a sturdy sole,” (Image 1) which is based on the alpargata shoe, a traditional shoe from Argentina (Image 2). However, the Giving Report states that in Ethiopia they give “a variety of locally produced shoes” to meet the needs of those who distribute and receive the shoes (12).

TOMS shoes' slogan is “Shoes for a better Tomorrow” (Giving Report 4). The slogan suggests that their product can better lives. While the slogan's message is meant to be understood as bettering the lives of those who receive the donated shoes, it also subliminally suggests that TOMS shoes can better the lives of those who purchase their shoes. This idea is furthered by the desirable lifestyle projected throughout the company's website and through their founder and spokesperson, Blake Mycoskie. This image that TOMS projects influences their popularity and why people buy and wear TOMS. Since the company is committed to alleviating issues related to poverty, it makes TOMS not only a fashion statement, but also a social statement. Wearing TOMS shoes allows people to represent themselves as people concerned with issues of poverty around the world. When someone wears a pair of TOMS shoes, it can be believed that that person cares about the needs of others. However, this presented image may be deceiving, since TOMS makes philanthropy extremely passive and based on extrinsic motivations. This claim can be made because the only thing one has to do is buy a pair of shoes.

This is something that most people would do even without the added 2

While TOMS began only selling and giving shoes, their product line has expanded to include eyewear. The buy one give one model applies to glasses as well.

3 This also means that a million pairs have been sold.

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benefit of donating a pair. The buyer has to do nothing more than they normally do when purchasing shoes in order to donate a pair of TOMS to a child in need. Those who buy TOMS and see their purchase as a good deed are partaking in this good deed without having to actually do anything. Secondly, the philanthropic actions of a TOMS wearer are extrinsically motivated because their donation is reinforced by their receipt of a pair of shoes. It is safe to say that if TOMS simply asked customers to pay $604 in order to give a pair of shoes to a child who needs them, TOMS would not have been able to give away as many pairs of shoes as they have. TOMS shoes' business model works as well as it has because people receive something in exchange for their good deed. The TOMS shoes’ social statement is also strengthened by who they are marketed to. TOMS shoes are available to the general public. They were originally sold in high end stores such as Nordstrom, suggesting the company had a niche audience in mind.

This in and of itself creates a social class divide among those in developed countries, since this philanthropic company looks to highend buyers to purchase their product instead of looking to everyone, regardless of income. However, TOMS are now available in shoe stores that cater to middle income shoppers in stores such as Journeys, allowing the company to sell their product, image, and lifestyle to consumers who might not typically find it accessible.

In exploring the TOMS website, the company's desire for people to see the shoes as a social statement becomes apparent. They have an entire section of the website, broken down by gender, for TOMS owners to submit photos of themselves wearing TOMS shoes in various situations. In the women's section of this page, there is an entire section of photos of girls who wore TOMS shoes to prom.

Similar to these images is the relatively new section of bridal TOMS shoes for women, men, and children which encourages couples to purchase TOMS and wear them at their wedding. These versions of TOMS are not all that different than any other TOMS that are already available on the website, except that the colors are traditional bridal colors. Also part of the wedding page is the TOMS wedding “tool kit,” which provides tips for ways to integrate TOMS shoes into a wedding.

For example there are invitation inserts which asks guests to forgo buying the couple a gift and instead purchase a pair of TOMS shoes, place-seating cards and table number cards with the TOMS logo, and postcards to display at the reception with an image of wedding TOMS shoes on them and an explanation of what TOMS shoes does. The wedding section of the TOMS website allows a couple to plan a 4

The average cost of a pair of TOMS and soleRebels

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wedding centered entirely on TOMS shoes which on the surface makes the couple appear altruistic. The invitation inserts asks guests to buy themselves a pair of TOMS instead of giving the couple a gift, which allows the couple to present themselves as either wealthy enough to begin their lives together without needing the traditional wedding gifts or as caring more about the needs of others than their own wants. The wedding that TOMS develops on their website produces more buyers for them, which commodifies the practice of giving. This also encourages wedding guests to act in an egocentric manner, which can result in them being more concerned with their perceived image at the wedding. The desire to purchase TOMS for the guests becomes motivated purely by extrinsic factors rather than intrinsic, altruistic factors. A guest invited to a TOMS wedding could feel pressured to purchase and wear TOMS, regardless of how they feel about the company. If TOMS represents the image wedding guests desire, the TOMS wedding encourages them to become regular consumers of TOMS products. Regardless of how wedding guests feels about the company, the TOMS wedding has immediately created more consumers for the company.

The examples of people wearing TOMS to both the weddings and proms suggests that not only those who do so are fashionable, as suggested by the popularity of TOMS shoes, but that they are concerned world citizens, which improves the way they are viewed by society. While the choice to wear TOMS to an event like prom or a wedding can be intrinsically motivated, the choice is also motivated by extrinsic factors such as the attention one might receive for wearing such shoes to a formal event and the subsequent praise one might also receive for being so unselfish on a special occasion. Such social practices demonstrate what Marx calls attention to in his discussion of commodity fetishism. Shoes have become an important part of social rituals with invests them with an aura and meaning beyond their material value. This new meaning creates new forms of social distinctions.

While most people who are aware of TOMS shoes know of their basic business practices, few know about where the shoes are produced. TOMS produces shoes in Ethiopia, China, and Argentina.

The TOMS shoes' Giving Report states that their factories have been third party audited to guarantee that there is no child labor in the factories and that the employees make fair wages (15). This is the type of information that is often overlooked by consumers. Ethiopia, China and Argentina are all countries in which TOMS shoes frequently donates shoes as well. This brings up a question of whether or not the employees of TOMS shoes' factories afford shoes for their own 20

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children and whether their employment with TOMS shoes help them and their children escape the cycle of poverty. These questions about the impact of their factories go unanswered by the information provided to consumers. Consumers who are buying TOMS for philanthropic reasons, more so than those who buy TOMS for the fashion statement, should be thinking critically about these questions.

If people really want to make a difference to those living in poverty, they should be considering how their donation impacts their life in the long term and the immediate.

TOMS shoes founder Blake Mycoskie TOMS shoes' creator Black Mycoskie dedicates his business and professional life to giving to others. He is an important figurehead to consider because he acts as the spokesperson and face of the company. In this role, he represents an image that the company wishes to project as a whole. His image and how he presents himself is important because it is partially how the company persuades some consumers into purchasing its shoes. As the owner and founder of TOMS, his actions represent the company's goals. By examining his actions, a better understanding of what TOMS values and represents becomes more apparent.

The way that he and his company are depicted to the public creates the image that Mycoskie is deeply involved with all aspects of the company. In Tamara Schweitzer's portrayal of Mycoskie in Inc., it is evident that even though he wants it to seem as if he is heavily involved with the all aspects of the company, he is not. One of Mycoskie's main responsibilities with the company is to be the face of the company, which requires him to frequently speak to groups about what TOMS does and the way his business works. This is an excellent way to spread his message and goals to people, but when he explains what he does, he instantly returns to promoting TOMS' message and goals back to the material product and consumers buying shoes. After explaining who he speaks to, Mycoskie says that the benefit of these presentations is that “many of the people who hear me speak eventually purchase a pair of TOMS.” While this does result in more pairs being given away to children who need them, it also results in an increased monetary gain for Mycoskie (Schweitzer 114).

He shares many aspects of his professional life throughout the article as well. He talks a great deal about how he likes being involved with the company, but what he tells of his involvement shows him as rather disconnected from the company. For example, he talks about being on the road and checking in with the office “occasionally” and being dependent on a team of about ten employees to “pretty much lead College of Saint Rose

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the company” (Schweitzer 115). As far as meetings that are centered on business, he says that he “likes making decisions, but [he's] not big on sitting around and talking about ideas. I get bored really quickly” (Schweitzer 116). He continues to say that he prefers to just have the creative team develop ideas and then he can help pick one (Schweitzer 116). He sums up how he wants to be involved by saying that he prefers “to be involved in the first meeting – to put my thumbprint on” new projects “and the last meeting” (Schweitzer 116). Mycoskie's preferential involvement illustrates how he wishes to perceived as an involved member of the company. Marx says that labor becomes social when men work for one another. In this manner, TOMS is increasing and encouraging social relations; people work together and for one another in their business. Mycoskie, however, attempts to partially alienate himself from this social relation by not getting too involved in the labor of TOMS. Lastly, Mycoskie talks about his routines. He works with the company in Los Angeles mainly in June and July. But while he is there, he says that almost daily he leaves early to sail and that every night he is in Los Angeles he has “some type of dinner or event scheduled” (Schweitzer 116). He says that, “for two or three months of the year, I kind of do my own thing … I take a lot of time off” (Schweitzer 116). He spends this time surfing in Costa Rica or flyfishing in Colorado. He says that he uses this time to explore, meet new people, and get inspired (Schweitzer 116). Even as he claims involvement, he projects a desirable lifestyle of a successful business owner. Mycoskie’s image markets his shoes. This image, in turn, becomes the desire that Tom’s embodies.

This jet-setting image that Mycoskie creates feeds into the desires of his target consumer, which shows his business acumen.

Based on the information about Mycoskie provided on the TOMS website and on The Huffington Post website, it is clear that Mycoskie is a smart business man. On the TOMS website he is represented as an average young man who happened to find himself in Argentina, and while there he experienced the hardships of those living there, which inspired him to start TOMS. While this is probably an accurate explanation of how he developed TOMS, he is also said to have “an entrepreneurial spirit” (Bio of Blake). In addition to that spirit he started five businesses before TOMS, one of which was a “successful campus laundry service, which he later sold” (Bio of Blake). This suggests that Mycoskie is fully aware of and involved in the consumeristic nature of business. His laundry business also suggests that he is incredibly aware of his target consumer – young people – since he has already developed one successful business marketed to 22

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Every Sole Has a Story that niche.5 All of the business experience Mycoskie has outside of charitable business demonstrates that his mode of production has always been capitalistic rather than altruistic.

It is pretty safe to say that in America's capitalist society, a great deal of value is placed on material objects. Consumers have become distanced from those producing the products we buy, and the case of TOMS is no different. TOMS is centered on creating, selling, and donating a material item. The success of Mycoskie’s business demonstrates the aim of capitalistic modes of production, which has alienated him from those who produce for his company. However, this same mode alienates producers from those who consume and benefit from the shoes. While he tries to maintain relations with the small group of employees in his headquarters in America, he does not seem to have direct relations with any of them. His interactions with his employees based in America illustrate Marx's idea that commodity fetishism takes the relations that connect the labor of an individual with the labor of the rest of the group from “direct social relations between individuals at work” and changes them into “material relations between persons and social relations between things” (Marx). soleRebels I had not heard of soleRebels until I began exploring TOMS shoes. Their product is less well known than TOMS shoes, although it seems as if this is slowly changing as soleRebels begins to expand with retail stores opening in Taiwan. The path soleRebels takes to reduce poverty is different than TOMS shoes' path. While one might say that TOMS shoes merely treats the symptoms of poverty, it is evident in soleRebels' business model that they are working to end the causes of poverty. SoleRebels is located in Zenabwork, a small rural community in Ethiopia. The soleRebels website explains that the company was started by a young woman, Bethlehem Tilahun Alemu, who is a native of Zenabwork; her grandmother had moved to the community with the hope of finding a better life (Our Ethos). SoleRebels has a business plan in place that is working towards creating a business in Ethiopia that allows employees and community to eventually escape their dependency on foreign aid. Alemu stated, in Erin Kobayashi's article, that the people living in the community suffer from poverty but often

5

It could be argued that all five of Mycoskie's businesses before TOMS were in some way directed towards young people. His other ventures include an outdoor media company in Nashville, TN, a start-up Reality TV channel, and a driving school featuring hybrid cars and “hip instructors” (Blake Mycoskie)

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While these shoe companies are popular in America, their business practices are widely viewed as negative, especially in regards to how they treat their employees. In multiple ways, Alemu and soleRebels provide members of her community with an alternative to the big name companies that typically dominate the shoe industry.

Much like TOMS shoes, soleRebels depends on consumers for their business and poverty alleviation plan to be successful. However, the companies differ in the way they organize their business.

SoleRebels, like TOMS, produces shoes that are based on the traditional shoes of the area. As described on their website, soleRebels produces shoes that resemble selate and barabasso shoes (Image 3), which have a history in Ethiopia (Alemu). The traditional shoe was made from recycled tires, and this tradition has been carried through to the soles of all the shoes they now produce (Alemu). All of their products are made from sustainable and/or recycled materials as a way of preserving the limited resources that exist in the community and the world (Our Ethos). Their product is also “the world's first fair trade footwear company,” which means that all of their materials are acquired through fair trade practices and therefore also represents the company's goals (Our Ethos).

In addition to their environmentally aware practices, their factory hires local people to work on every aspect of production, from growing the local cotton, to spinning the cotton, to piecing the shoes together (Kobayashi). In 2009, the company was employing “forty full-time workers and one hundred part-timers” (Kobayashi). For company owner Alemu, these people were not only her employees, but also her neighbors, family members, and community elders (Kobayashi). This deepens the connection between Alemu and her employees. For soleRebels, the workers are not nameless, faceless workers. They are real people who mean something important to the company owner. This is evident in the company's practices towards their employees, which soleRebels clearly explains on their website.

According to their website, soleRebels pays, on average, 223% more than the industry average (Our Ethos). This is about four or five times

6

Interestingly enough, Skechers has recently created a line of shoes called BOBS. These, shoes named rather similar to TOMS are inspired by the South American alpargata (Image 2). Also like TOMS, when a pair of BOBS are bought a pair is given to a child in need. Their website says this business idea is not new, which does suggest that Skechers gives some credit to TOMS for inspiration. BOBS are about $40, making them cheaper than TOMS and therefore more accessible to some people. Overall, BOBS are suspiciously similar to TOMS in many ways, illustrating a growing trend in companies adopting a business model that encourages philanthropy. (Our Story)

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the legal minimum wage in Ethiopia. Their wages are also not based on quotas, which is the common practice in the fashion business. The wages are negotiated and are based on “mutually agreed company-wide goals” (Our Ethos). The benefits to their employees, and therefore to the community, do not end there. The company provides their employees and their families with 100% medical coverage. To help with getting to a doctor, the factory has board certified practitioners doing on-site medical checks. The company also employs disabled community members, who are often discriminated against in Ethiopia, and these employees can also receive transportation to and from work (Our Ethos).

SoleRebels' practices illustrate the company's commitment to the laborers. Marx explains that when men work for other men, “their labor assumes a social form,” which occurs in all factory settings, but the way in which soleRebels treats this social form is different from other companies. By treating their workers the way they do, soleRebels is focusing on those working for them, not the capital benefits of their material product. An example of the social form of labor at soleRebels is their practice of hiring disabled workers. By doing so, the company employs people who are usually pushed outside of social relations and welcomes them into social relationships. This practice directly illustrates soleRebels' commitment to the people in the community over the material product of their laborers.

Image 3 (soleRebels 101)

The Ethos of soleRebels SoleRebels lays out all of their business practices on their website on a page entitled “Our Ethos.” This word choice is significant to what soleRebels does. What is so significant about this word choice and page on the website is that this page is where soleRebels explains everything they stand for and where they support it with evidence from their business practices. The choice to have an entire web page committed to exploring the ethics of the company shows the company's College of Saint Rose

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commitment to ethics. By being up front about the ethics of the company, they must then uphold these positive practices or risk ruining the image of the company. Most businesses do not list their practices and ethics so publicly, but soleRebels focuses on being a positive factor in the community.

Overall, in looking at both companies, it became obvious that soleRebels is more open with their factory and employee practices than TOMS shoes which, comparatively, has a more veiled approach to sharing its business practices. The TOMS website does have information about their business practices available, but it offers limited information about the location of their factories and states that they are “audited” to ensure fair practices. The details of their fair practices are not explained, and consumers who are interested in the practices of TOMS factories cannot easily access that type of information. SoleRebels' openness suggests that the goals of the company and what it represents are demonstrated more through their practices than their product. The way that soleRebels represents themselves shows that they are more about the people who make up the

Image 4 (soleRebels 101)

company than they are about the product. Their open approach illustrates soleRebels' commitment to social relations instead of relations among products.

SoleRebels' Logo The soleRebels logo is representative of what the company stands for. Their logo is a tree with its roots growing down and the words “roots. culture. tires.” (Image 4). The tree with the roots and the word roots illustrates the company's long standing roots in the community. Culture represents soleRebels' commitment to preserving the culture of Ethiopia by creating shoes that are modeled after the traditional shoes of the area. SoleRebels also preserves the local culture by hiring local people. By doing this, these people can stay in the area, thus maintaining the cultural traditions of the area. The last 26

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part of the logo, tires, points to soleRebels’ commitment to reusing tires as part of their product because that is how they were traditionally made and because it is a way to recycle. This part of the logo also connects to the company's fair trade practices and their use of sustainable and recycled products, which protects resources in the community. This again circles back to the word roots. Since the company has such deep roots in the community, it works to protect the resources in the community. The logo of the company is not only an eye-catching image that allows consumers to identify the company, it also represents the company's ethos. This incorporation of the company's ethos into the logo shows that soleRebels is truly invested in what they believe and that they want to share their ethos with their consumers. The fair trade practices, the company's roots in the community, and their commitment to cultural sustainment encourage people to become connected to those who are producing the shoes for soleRebels. All of these practices keep the laborers and the consumers close. Those who choose to purchase soleRebels do so because they value the people and the environment in which people are laboring to make shoes.

Why are both companies in Ethiopia?

TOMS shoes and soleRebels have the location of their factories and the focus of their efforts in Ethiopia. Ethiopia is one of TOMS top recipients of donated shoes, and soleRebels focuses all of their philanthropic efforts in Ethiopia. It is necessary to consider the importance of Ethiopia to both of these companies because it is a point of similarity between the two; they have invested a great deal of capital and effort into the country. This requires a close examination as to why both might have interests in Ethiopia in order to gain a better understanding of what the companies are working with and against.

Kobayashi explains why soleRebels is located in Ethiopia.

She describes Ethiopia as a “devastated community that heavily rel[ies] on charitable aid.� Although this article discusses soleRebels, it also explains why TOMS shoes works in Ethiopia as well. According to the U.S Department of State, Ethiopia is a nation that is currently dealing with widespread poverty. 80% of the population is employed in agriculture, and the country's major agricultural export is coffee, which accounts for about 26% of their foreign exchange earnings. This amount is less than 50% of what it was about ten years ago because of the drop in coffee prices (Ethiopia). Other than being dependent on foreign prices, the success of the agricultural sector depends on many other uncontrollable aspects, and in Ethiopia these conditions are often not optimal. This country deals with periodic drought, underdeveloped College of Saint Rose

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water resources, soil degradation, and deforestation, which affects how well crops grow and how well farmers can care for their crops. The space available for farming is limited by the high population density and poor transportation infrastructure, which makes transporting goods difficult and expensive for farmers (Ethiopia). Looking at these issues, it becomes apparent that the country's financial success is dependent on factors outside of its control or that require monetary investment that the government cannot currently provide. Diao Xinshen and Alejandro Nin Pratt, point to the instability of prices and the factors that affect agriculture as the cause of the high levels of poverty in rural areas where the residents depend on agriculture (206). This information suggests that agriculture might not be what Ethiopia should look to for capital; however, there are currently few alternative options for them to turn to.

Access to education is also related to issues of poverty in Ethiopia. Ethiopia has a 43% literacy rate with about 88% of elementary aged children in school (Ethiopia). These rates are alarming because they mean that there are many undereducated citizens in Ethiopia. Based on the percentage of children in school, there is little happening to dramatically increase the education level of the nation's citizens. Maria Emma Santos explains that while education may not move an individual out of poverty in their lifetime, it can have a major impact over the generations. The quality of education a child receives is directly related to his or her family's income. Poor children get low quality education and rich children get the highest quality education (25). The problem with this is that it traps poor children, even those receiving an education, in poverty because even though they have an education, it is not of a high enough quality to allow them to compete with those who have received a higher quality education. These poor children simply become a slightly higher class poor who still cannot compete with the wealthy.

After finding information about why TOMS is in Ethiopia specifically, one can assume that they are working there for many of the same reasons that soleRebels is located there. TOMS is most likely working in Ethiopia because of the widespread poverty and lack of education that helps children escape the cycle of poverty.

So why are TOMS shoes so much more popular than soleRebels?

Through examinations of the companies, it can be concluded that they are similar. They produce similar products in similar settings and both work against poverty. However, soleRebels can be viewed as having a more effective approach to dealing with poverty because it addresses the causes of poverty. Regardless, soleRebels has a much 28

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smaller following than TOMS shoes. Both shoes market to similar high end stores and customers, and both companies sell shoes in a similar price range, approximately 60 dollars a pair, and both companies do little advertising. These factors which influence the popularity of the companies are similarly aligned. Since TOMS is much better known than soleRebels, there must be another aspect that causes TOMS to be more popular than soleRebels.

It is possible to say that TOMS shoes are more popular than soleRebels because TOMS shoes give a tangible object as a result of a purchase, while what soleRebels gives benefits the people and community more, which is not a tangible object for either the giver or receiver. A donation without a material item becomes associated with no donation, and is therefore seen as less valuable or believable by those in developed countries who place a high value on the material.

Capitalistic societies trust the tangible and distrust the intangible.

TOMS shoes has commodified the act of giving. As Karl Marx explains, the use value of an object is not part of the object itself. It is something that can be “realized without exchange by means of a direct relation between the objects and man, while, on the other hand, their value is realized only by exchange, that is, by means of a social process.” This, in other words, means that the value of an object is not naturally part of the object, but instead is created only when the object is exchanged and that we have the ability to recognize the value of an object before an exchange occurs. This applies to the difference in popularity between TOMS and soleRebels. The use value in a pair of shoes can be recognized without the exchange or purchase of a pair.

As a society of people who typically have lived their entire lives with shoes and have not had to go without shoes, we generally understand the use value of shoes. Most of us would not willingly7 go without shoes if we did not have to because we understand their use value.8 We do not need to have ever bought a pair of shoes to understand this use value.

Since those buying TOMS understand the use value of shoes, another layer of use value can be added socially. This value is also not part of the shoe as an object. This use value is the social value 7

However, TOMS does sponsor a day of awareness about the value of shoes through their “One Day Without Shoes” event. This event asks people to join the cause and not wear shoes for a day to raise awareness about the many people in the world that lack adequate footwear.

8 While I say that most of us understand the use value of shoes, I also believe that since the majority of us have not had to go without adequate footwear we do not fully understand the use value of shoes. The true use value of shoes often goes overlooked by those of us who have lived in “developed” countries.

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embedded in the label of TOMS. The use value of a shoe with the TOMS label is one that allows the wearer to present themselves in the way TOMS represents the company. While TOMS makes an effort to represent the company as altruistic, the manner in which TOMS appeals to a social class and maintains social distinction contradicts the altruism of donating. This social image that TOMS represents is one that subconsciously fuels their sales. When numerous brands saturate the market, consumers pick brands based on how well the company represents the image the consumer wishes to present. The idea that wearing a well-known brand like TOMS allows one to be viewed as charitable and yet fashionable and jet-setting influences why their target audience buys them; it is the image influencing a majority of young consumers today. Media, celebrities, and companies create a desire for such a social image through products. And while TOMS consumers may not recognize the influence of the TOMS image on their purchase, it does at least unconsciously affect why most people choose to buy TOMS shoes over another brand.

SoleRebels, on the other hand, does not represent themselves in a similar way. Instead, the focus of the company's website is about getting their message across. The owner of the company represents herself only in direct relation to the company, while TOMS' founder can be found in various media outlets, including the reality TV show The Amazing Race. The only place on the soleRebels website where information or images about Alemu can be found is on the page “A Letter From soleRebels' Founder,� which is dedicated to her addressing visitors to the website and informing them about the company. There is no return social benefit, other than altruistism, for buying soleRebels, as there is with TOMS. Everything people wear becomes representative of who they are, and shoes from a company that is more about their philanthropic goals than the image that their product projects may influence some buyers to turn to TOMS in order to be able to project not only an image of philanthropy but also a fashionable, jet-setting image. Why TOMS might be more popular than soleRebels also has some connection as to why some might choose to donate through these companies instead of traditional charities. The extrinsic benefit of shoes of TOMS or soleRebels might impact why someone would choose to use them as an avenue to donate and might also impact why TOMS is more popular.

Conclusions While both companies are reaching out to those in need, there is one major difference between them. That difference is in the longterm impact of each company. TOMS shoes, as a company, has no 30

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long-lasting effects on the children they donate to. While TOMS does donate repetitively in the same place, there is no guarantee that a child will receive a new pair after they outgrow or wear out their current pair.

The work that TOMS' partner organizations do in order to determine which children need shoes may help poor children receive a pair of shoes, but the receipt of shoes does not independently help children out of poverty. The giving practices of TOMS do not help the children or their families become independent in a way that allows them to eventually buy their own shoes. This practice encourages the beneficiaries of TOMS to focus on the material relations between people. Those receiving the shoes connect with those delivering the shoes through the material object of the shoe and then forge other connections in their community because they have shoes, when they did not before. On the other hand, this is the improvement that soleRebels cultivates in Ethiopia. SoleRebels does not want their beneficiaries to be dependent on what the company can do for them: instead, they want their beneficiaries to become independent. These practices encourage social relations. Those benefiting from soleRebels are connecting socially. They are forging relations based on their ability to be independent because of the labor they do with other people.

This examination of TOMS and soleRebels is also an examination of what matters to consumers. These opposing businesses illustrate that consumers are deeply concerned with the image of a product that has a known label attached to it. This is evidenced by the popularity of TOMS shoes over soleRebels despite their similarities and soleRebels' better business model. It seems that consumers will buy a product more for the image it projects than to support the best business practices. This illustrates that there is a huge emphasis placed on what people wear and how objects reflect who they supposedly are and the ego-centrism that goes along with this notion that what someone wears represents who he or she is.

My concern while conducting this examination was that I did not wish to accidentally suggest that either company was not making a positive impact on the lives of its beneficiaries. It was in no way my intent to undermine what either company is doing. While TOMS shoes is not treating the cause of poverty, the benefits of its practices are widespread. In comparison, soleRebels has an opposite approach, in which the company treats the cause of poverty for a smaller group of people.

More organizations are taking on business models similar to the TOMS model. This raises questions about how these organizations function and just how much they are able to do with donations when College of Saint Rose

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some of the donated amount must be returned to the giver in the form of a material item. For example, the ASPCA runs television commercials appealing for donations. For the amount that people give, they get multiple “gifts” in return, leaving one to wonder how much of a donation is left to actually make a difference. Organizations clearly feel the need to switch to this business model in order to continue receiving donations, raising the question of why such a model is favored. This, in turn, raises the question of whether or not capitalism and commodity fetishism have become so intrinsically tied with our cultural psyche that we need to receive material goods in response to our acts of altruism. Possibly even more important, is the question of how this will affect the impact charities can have in the future.

Works Cited Alemu, Bethlehem Tilahun. "A Letter From soleRebels' Founder."

SoleRebels. SoleRebels, 2011. Web. 17 Nov. 2011.

"Blake Mycoskie." The Huffington Post. Web. 08 Dec. 2011.

"Bio Of Blake." TOMS Shoes. TOMS. Web. 08 Dec. 2011.

"Blackspot Shoes." Adbusters. Adbusters Media Foundation. Web. 08 Dec. 2011. <http://www.adbusters.org/campaigns/blackspot>.

Clerkin, Richard M., Sharon R. Paynter, and Jami Kathleen Taylor.

"Public Service Motivation In Undergraduate Giving And Volunteering Decisions." American Review Of Public Administration 39.6 (2009): 675-698. Business Source Premier. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.

"Ethiopia." U.S. Department of State. United States Government. Web. 27 Nov. 2011.

"Ethos." Merriam-Webster Online. Merriam-Webster. Web. 08 Dec. 2011.

Kobayashi, Erin. "Good Soles Flourish in Ethiopia." Toronto Star (Canada) n.d.: Newspaper Source. Web. 23 Nov. 2011.

Marx, Karl. “Economic Manuscripts: Capital Vol. I - Chapter One: Section 4 – The Fetishism of Commodities and the Secret

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Thereof.” Marxists Internet Archive. 2005. Web. 15 Nov. 2011.

"Our Ethos: SoleRebels Footwear." SoleRebels. SoleRebels, 2011.

Web. 06 Nov. 2011.

"Our Story." BOBS Shoes by Skechers. Skechers Shoes. Web. 6 Dec. 2011.

Santos, Maria Emma. "Human Capital And The Quality Of Education In A Poverty Trap Model." Oxford Development Studies 39.1 (2011): 25-47. Academic Search Premier. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.

Schweitzer, Tamara. "I'm So Used To Traveling That I Can Sleep Anywhere." Inc 32.5 (2010): 112. MAS Ultra - School Edition.

Web. 17 Nov. 2011.

"SoleRebels 101." SoleRebels. Web. 11 Dec. 2011.

The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University. Giving USA 2011: The Annual Report on Philanthropy. Rep. Giving USA Foundation, 2011. Web. 28 Nov. 2011.

"TOMS Giving Report." TOMS Shoes. TOMS, 2011. Web. 6 Nov. 2011 "TOMS Shoes." Akira Chicago. Akira, 22 June 2010. Web. 11 Dec. 2011.

TOMS Shoes. TOMS. Web. 08 Dec. 2011.

Xinshen Diao, and Pratt Alejandro Nin. "Growth Options And Poverty Reduction In Ethiopia – An Economy-Wide Model Analysis."

Food Policy 32.(2007): 205-228. ScienceDirect. Web. 21 Nov. 2011.

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Introduction to “U.S. Policy in Cuba: Cuba’s Bondage to an ‘Empire of Liberty,’ 1898-1909” Bridgett Williams-Searle Associate Professor of History Cuba and the United States share a vexed history in the 20 th century and the interpretation of their diplomatic and political interactions have been equally contentious. Scholars who wrote about US involvement in Cuba in the early 20th century tended to stress either the benign intentions of US policymakers or their general ignorance of Cuban politics and society. Eventually, other schools of thought suggested that Cuban-US relations could be best understood either in regional security terms or, more cynically, as the efforts of an imperialist to dominate a smaller, weaker neighbor. For the most part, all of these studies concentrated solely on US sources to tell a UScentered tale.

In the current article by Richard White, he takes a more balanced approach. By examining Cuban sources and private diplomatic correspondence, White is able to present both sides of the political conversation. In so doing, he reveals that US policymakers, businessmen, and other key officials were well-informed about Cuban desires for greater autonomy, economic self-direction, and democratic inclusion. Cubans in all segments of society articulately discussed their political and economic aspirations with US representatives. Despite their clearly expressed wish for broad democratic inclusion and economic reform (including land reforms), Cubans would be disappointed with US “help.” White demonstrates that US officials deliberately destabilized Cuban efforts to self-govern, eroding their economic security and creating the conditions whereby continuing US control over key sectors of Cuban life could be justified.

While other historians have argued that this US interference was mostly accomplished through military means, White suggests that the US secured its strategic interests both by direct intervention and also by US officials’ covert collaboration with Cuban elites who remained nervous about societal transformations in the post-war period.

Maintaining the conditions of threat – even when military force was not directly applied – provided just the coercive tool to allow Cuban elites to restructure Cuban politics and society to protect and advance the US interests.

Most Cubans, White concludes, had very different ideas about what freedom, democracy, and economic security would look like in the 20th century; by ignoring their wishes and pursuing its own covert 34

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imperial agenda, the US kept Cuba enslaved and exploited within the ironically named â&#x20AC;&#x153;empire of liberty.â&#x20AC;?

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U.S. Policy in Cuba: Cuba’s Bondage to an “Empire of Liberty,” 1898-1909 Richard White History Major; Class of 2011 In the beginning of the twentieth century, U.S. foreign policymakers had a vision for the United States to be an empire of liberty that would help govern other nations, particularly in Latin America. Until recently, many scholars did not question the benevolence or intentions of these policymakers. Generally, scholars throughout most of the twentieth century accepted that the United States selflessly sought to promote democracy and freedom in Latin America. However, recent scholars have questioned these motives, and many have concluded that selfish political and economic goals drove U.S. foreign policy. An examination of the U.S. intervention in Cuba at the time of their first war for independence (1895-1898) sheds light on these policies. By considering the goals of Cuban revolutionaries and the policies the United States forced on Cuba, it becomes clear that the U.S. policies did not help to promote freedom in Cuba. On the contrary, U.S. policymakers strategically influenced Cuba politically and economically to promote their own agenda, despite the negative consequences on Cuba’s independence.

After a long struggle for freedom, Cuba finally tasted independence from Spain with a military victory aided by the United States in 1898. Naturally, Cuba’s success as an independent nation was of great concern to Cubans. However, U.S. troops remained in Cuba at the end of the war to “suppress disorder and preserve public peace.” 1 Cuban elites embraced these troops and welcomed their ideas for maintaining peace because they could make tremendous profits if they partnered with U.S. corporations. One elite assured that “nothing will be done in combination against the American wishes,” but the U.S. general might “have difficulty in keeping the low people down and restraining the young men in the [Liberation] army.” 2 Cuban soldiers and citizens who just achieved independence might celebrate, but U.S.

“Cubans Yield to General Brooke,” New York Times (New York, N.Y., December 31, 1898), http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.strose.edu/docview/95577963/12DB12C9779251778 97/1?accountid=14120.

2 Ibid.

1

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troops preferred the celebration consist of “peace and order and of quiet rejoicing only.”3 U.S. policymakers never quite accomplished the peace and order they sought, and the proposed short occupation at the end of Cuba’s war for independence turned into a series of direct and indirect interventions. U.S. troops remained in Cuba until 1901, occupied the island again from 1906-1909, and yet again from 1912-1916. During the periods U.S. troops were not in Cuba, the United States influenced Cuba from abroad through a series of laws passed and signed by elite white Cubans. The United States strategically enacted policies that would give it control of Cuba economically and politically, and it used this control to promote its own agenda, despite the negative impact of this agenda on Cuba’s economic development and political sovereignty.

This project will explore U.S.-Cuban relations between 1898 and 1912, and it will show how the United States was able to gain and maintain near total control of Cuba during this time. Many U.S. policymakers considered the United States to be an “empire of liberty,” an empire that would assist Caribbean republics to gain independence and further their development. The United States intervened in the Caribbean countless times in the 20th century using the excuse of acting as an empire of liberty, but it actually sought to gain economic and political control of these Caribbean nations to promote its own interests. In reality, the United States acted as covert empire by intervening diplomatically and not always with military force, but this military threat remained present if Cuba’s wishes were contrary to U.S. wishes.

Accounts from Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) provide the official documents between the two countries. Contained in FRUS are the official treaties, letters from the U.S. Military Governor and other U.S. actors present in Cuba, and accounts from the Cuban presidents and ministers. These accounts include all the treaties that the United States and Cuba signed, as well as the justification and reasoning of U.S. policymakers to implement these treaties. By examining these justifications it becomes clear that policymakers knew what was in the best interest for Cuba, but instead deliberately implemented policies that created instability in Cuba to further U.S. control. Accounts by José Martí, a leader of the Cuban revolutionary movement, will show that U.S. policymakers immediately undermined the goals of the Cuban revolution following the war. Likewise, accounts from Cuban government officials illustrate the exploitative practices of the United States. Many historians have consulted these 3

Ibid.

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sources individually, but considering them jointly will illuminate every voice in the conflict, including U.S. policymakers, Cuban government officials, U.S. Army generals, and Cuban citizens.

Until recently, such an approach would have been unusual as many historians insist that U.S. policies encouraged Cuba’s economic development and that the United States acted in a benevolent manner.

These historians belong to the nationalist school of historiographic thought. They emerged around World War 1 and were influenced by their political training, which gave them significant bias in interpreting foreign policy. Led by Samuel Flagg Bemis, nationalists insist that U.S. policymakers had good intentions and promoted democracy and economic stability in the Caribbean. Basing their research primarily on official state to state documents, they conclude that nations in the Caribbean looked to the United States for assistance in their economic and political development.4 Blazing the trail for other nationalist historians, Samuel Flagg Bemis attempts to interpret U.S. policy in Latin America in Latin American Policy of the United States. In this study, he examines U.S. relations with Latin America from the early nineteenth century to the mid twentieth century when it was written. His overwhelming theme is that the United States served to protect the Caribbean from European threats through military and economic intervention. He refers to U.S. intervention as both “protective imperialism” 5 and “short-lived benevolent imperialism.”6 Likewise, Dana Gardner Munro defends U.S. foreign policy in Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921.

Drawing primarily on the accounts of U.S. Secretary of War Elihu Root, he argues that the U.S. occupation in Cuba after the war was to promote a stable government in Cuba. However, Munro neglects to analyze any Cuban agency, but assures that a “concern for their [U.S. economic] safety does not seem to have played an important part in determining the policy that the United States followed.” 7 Of course, the neglect to consider Cuba’s reaction to any of these policies discredits Munro from an accurate analysis of the nature of U.S. policy.

An analysis of the Cuban agenda will more accurately identify U.S.Cuban relations and the nature of the U.S. empire in Cuba.

4

Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G. Paterson, Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations (New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 1.

5 Samuel Flagg Bemis, The Latin American Policy of the United States (New York: Harcourt, Brace and company, 1943), 237.

6 Ibid., x.

7 Dana Gardner Munro, Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921 (Princeton, New Jersey: Greenwood Press, 1980), 25.

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Drawing largely on the same sources, Robert Freeman Smith advocates U.S. foreign policy in The Caribbean World and the United States, Mixing Rum and Coca Cola. Smith emphasizes the U.S. determination to establish a stable government in Cuba, and ignores the negative implications that U.S. policies had. He ignores the details of the Platt Amendment that undermined Cuban sovereignty, and refers to a reciprocity treaty that greatly hindered Cuba’s economic development as “special treatment for Cuban sugar.” 8 Nationalist historians face many limitations because of the lack of Cuban agency in their sources, and drawing exclusively from the accounts of U.S. policymakers distorts the history of U.S.-Caribbean relations.

Not departing significantly from the nationalists, the realist school of thought emerged in the 1950s. The realist historians led by George F. Kennan were still concerned with official state to state relations, and still uncritically accepted that U.S. policymakers sought to promote freedom in Latin America. However, they believed that policymakers should be less concerned with promoting democracy and more concerned with promoting regional security. Moreover, realist historians believed policymakers were largely influenced by the American public and political pressure. 9 Like the nationalists, realists lack any Caribbean agenda in their sources, which undermines the Cuban voice in U.S.-Cuban relations.

George F. Kennan examines U.S. intervention in the SpanishAmerican War in American Diplomacy. He attributes the primary reason for U.S. intervention to the American public’s response to the violence and misery in Cuba. Moreover, the “political pressures which were freely and bluntly exerted on the President” greatly contributed to U.S. involvement in the war.10 Overall, Kennan insists that President McKinley did not want war with Spain but internal pressures shaped his policies. Only examining official state to state documents weakens Kennan’s argument, but even a closer examination of FRUS documents shows that President McKinley and other U.S. presidents had concerns other than their political constituents and national security, namely the economic and political control of Cuba.

The revisionist school emerged in the 1960s and 1970s as a sharp critique of the previous schools. Aware of the flaw of only examining U.S. sources, this school began to examine Caribbean agency and rejected the conclusions reached by nationalists and 8

Robert Freeman Smith, The Caribbean World and the United States: Mixing Rum and Coca-Cola (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994), 15.

9 Hogan and Paterson, Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, 2.

10 George Kennan, American Diplomacy, 1900-1950 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951), 11.

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realists. Revisionists argue that the United States forced policies on the Caribbean republics to achieve its own economic agenda, despite the negative implications these policies had on the Caribbean. Moreover, the United States violated civil rights and supported violent military coups to gain these objectives.11 With the use of a variety of sources, many revisionist scholars offer a more accurate portrayal of U.S.Caribbean relations, and this project is based on the conclusions of some of these revisionist scholars.

Greg Grandin addresses U.S. policy in Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of New Imperialism.

Early U.S. policymakers considered the United States an “empire of liberty” to promote freedom and democracy, but Grandin rejects the reality of this freedom. Instead, he argues that Latin America served as a workshop of empire, where the United States formed its conception of itself as an empire. Grandin traces U.S. covert operations in supporting violent military coups in Nicaragua and El Salvador to achieve U.S. economic objections. The overwhelming evidence Grandin draws on explains U.S. interventions that “even the most stalwart champions of U.S. hegemony have trouble defending.” 12 Focusing specifically on U.S. policy in Cuba, Jules Benjamin also makes a revisionist argument in The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution. He argues that the disparate goals between the United States and Cuba produced an inevitable tension that prohibited both agencies from fully achieving their goals. U.S. goals included a “rational economic order that would create the soil in which U.S. influence could flourish.” 13 Benjamin also argues that U.S. corporations began to exploit Cuban businesses with the removal of Spain and the assurance of long-term U.S. influence. Benjamin’s work is centered on how the United States understood its domination of Cuba, but this project will examine the memoirs of José Martí to understand goals of the Cuban rebels before the United States became involved. An examination of these goals shows that the United States and Cuba had very different goals for independence and ideas for freedom. Their contrasting goals call into question how the United States could promote Cuban freedom and still achieve its own agenda.

Similarly, Fred Rosen challenges the benevolence of U.S. foreign policy in Empire and Dissent: The United States and Latin 11

Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York, New York: Macmillan, 2007), 87-88.

12 Ibid., 3.

13 Jules R. Benjamin, The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution: An Empire of Liberty in an Age of National Liberation (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1992), 62.

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America. Like Grandin, he denies early policymakers’ claims to promote freedom. Instead, he believes U.S. policies were implemented to “exercise sufficient control over those neighbors in order to maintain U.S.-defined ties of civilization.”14 Rosen, like other revisionists, assures that U.S. economic interests shaped its foreign policies in Latin America. Rosen also acknowledges Grandin’s work and agrees that Latin America has served as a trial run in shaping U.S. foreign policy.

Furthermore, in “United States Intervention in Cuba, 1898: Interpretations of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Filipino War,” Thomas G. Patterson argues that U.S. policy prevented the success of Cuban objectives. Because the United States referred to the war as the “Spanish American War,” it assumed that Cubans needed the United States to aid them in freedom from Spain, and without the United States this freedom would have been impossible. In reality, however; U.S. intervention “denied them full-fledged independence once they were freed from Spain and placed under American control.” 15 Paterson concludes that the United States denied Cubans and Filipinos any credit for the success of the war because it had to look anti-imperialist. While the United States acted indirectly to secure its agenda, it did so in the name of liberty. U.S. policymakers continued their assertion of being an empire of liberty while their policies put Cuba in deeper bondage following the war.

Many revisionists have drawn excellent conclusions on U.S. foreign policy, but few revisionists have examined the nature of U.S. empire as a whole in Cuba during this time. Economic interests are only the beginning of U.S. policy, and this project will go beyond economic interests and show that the United States used Cuba’s racial structure and class formation to further its own political agenda. The little sovereignty that Cubans did exercise only operated within a larger framework of U.S. hegemony and the threat of direct military intervention was in the back of the minds of Cuban nationalists.

U.S. interest in Cuba began long before 1898. U.S. policymakers throughout the nineteenth century believed that Cuba could not successfully gain and sustain its independence, and that Cuba’s inability of self government would naturally lead to annexation to the United States. Henry Clay, for example, claimed in 1825 “if Cuba were to declare itself independent, the amount and character of its population render it improbable that it could maintain its 14

Fred Rosen, Empire and Dissent: the United States and Latin America (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2008), 3.

15 Thomas G Paterson, “United States Intervention in Cuba, 1898: Interpretations of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Filipino War,” The History Teacher 29, no. 3 (May 1996): 342.

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Richard White independence.”16 Likewise, John Quincy Adams predicted Cuba would be “forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only toward the North American Union.”17 Cuba’s annexation was perhaps the most important to southern slaveholders. Many slaveholders hoped to expand slavery into Cuba, and feared that Cuba would become another black republic like Haiti without U.S. annexation. To be sure, southern states sent several unofficial military expeditions into Cuba during the 1850s with the hope of removing Spanish control. 18 On the contrary, Cuba desired independence from Spain and did not seek incorporation into the United States. The Ten Years War began in 1868 as rebel leaders in the eastern provinces of Cuba sought independence from Spain. They attempted to move west to destroy the property of those who supported Spain. The movement failed in large part because of its Afro-Cuban leadership. Many Cubans resisted the rebels because the rebel leaders were not white, and the thought of a largely Afro-Cuban rebel army terrified many white Cubans in the western provinces.19 However, in 1895, just nine years after the abolition of slavery in Cuba, the largely Afro-Cuban rebels had a very different experience in their march west. Cubans who lived in the west fully expected to see savages and bandits waging a race war, and not an insurrection against Spain. To their surprise, this well organized army of different races (although largely Afro-Cuban) was focused on independence from Spain. Spanish officials had been convincing Cubans in the west for decades that the insurgency was simply a race war so that those in the west would not join their cause. However, many Cubans in the west became sympathetic to their cause and joined their ranks once they personally saw them. 20 Although there were still racial tensions in the Cuba Libre army, this group of largely AfroCubans finally gained approval from many Cubans in the west, and they successfully organized to challenge Spanish rule.

Three main leaders of the Cuba Libre army were José Martí, Máximo Gómez, and Antonio Maceo, and they had very clear goals for the war and for the development of Cuba thereafter. Martí and Gómez outlined their goals in the Manifesto of Montecristi in March of 1895.

Martí also frequently discussed his vision of Cuba in his Obras Completas (Complete Works). Examining their goals within the 16

Benjamin, The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution, 9.

Ibid., 8.

Ibid., 10.

19 Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898 (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 144.

20 Ibid., 147.

17 18

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political and social context of Cuban society helps to explain how U.S. policymakers used military occupation as a chance to reject Cuba’s goals and implement policies that were contrary to Cuban interests.

The first and most obvious goal of the leaders was complete political independence from Spain and an institution of a democratic government. José Martí’s dream was for “every Cuban to engage in politics in an entirely free manner…without being influenced by any harmful or deceitful interests.” 21 He longed for a Cuba where the people could vote on political leaders and the country’s policies without external influence. Martí favored a democratic government, and he wanted to “improve the voting mass.” 22 For Martí, a democracy was impossible unless the entire population was involved in political decisions. However, for these political ideas to be successful Martí knew that people’s involvement in politics had to be selfless. People had to seek the good of the nation instead of their own benefit. He used the United States as an example of a nation that promoted its own self interests, and he expressed his concerns for his people to not “be like these Americans-an ignorant, emotional mass that goes wherever the bosses want it to go.”23 He believed that Americans were manipulated by political leaders and he did not want Cuba to have the same fate. He wanted complete independence from any outside force, and sole involvement of Cubans in political decisions.

Similarly, the revolutionary leaders sought complete economic independence, free from outside coercion. Martí claimed that “[Cuba’s] goal is independence-a tremendous punishment for all of your secular errors of colonization.”24 Cuban revolutionary leadership sought independence from other nations and denounced colonial relationships. They wanted to rid Spain’s long lasting exploitation of Cuba, and feared U.S. intervention if Cuba achieved independence from Spain. He referred to the United States as “a very different kind of nation, formidable and aggressive, which does not regard us as their equal and which denies us the conditions of equality.” 25 He did not oppose trade relationships with the United States, but his goal for independent Cuba a non-exploitative relationship on equal terms.

José Martí, “Obras Completas,” La Habana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, I, 276 (19631966): 1980, in John M. Kirk, José Martí: Mentor of the Cuban Nation (Tampa: University Presses of Florida, 1983), 73.

22 José Martí, “Obras Completas,” La Habana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, X, 43 (1963-1966): 1980, in Ibid., 6.72.

23 José Martí, “Obras Completas,” XXII, 73 in Ibid.72.

24 José Martí, “Obras Completas,” I, 107 in Kirk, José Matri: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 134.

25 José Martí, “Obras Completas,” IV, 424 in Kirk, José Martí: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 137.

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The leaders knew that their economic policies could only be achieved if Cuba was careful to preserve its economy during the war.

Thus, another economic goal from the leaders was to protect Cuban infrastructure and promote the economy at the conclusion of the war.

In the Manifesto of Montecristi, they warned against transforming the war into “a capricious attempt at an independence that would be more fearsome than useful.”26 If Cubans could not be self sufficient economically after the war, then there was no point in achieving independence. Furthermore, they sought “a future in which the conditions of stability and immediate labor for a fruitful people in a just republic will exceed those of dissociation.” 27 They wanted conditions after the war to promote the economy and they hoped for a time of economic prosperity following the war.

Along with political and economic goals of independence, the leaders also had racially transformative goals for independent Cuba. Of great concern to them was racial equality. In the Manifesto of Montecristi, they considered the fear of the black race as “senseless” and “always unjustified.”28 For them, the revolution insisted on equality for all in a racially unified nation. Martí and Gómez insisted that only those who hate blacks think that blacks are inferior or dangerous to society. Clarifying even further, Martí claimed that “man has no special privileges just because he may belong to one race or another…. The black man is neither superior nor inferior to any other man.”29 José Martí envisioned a society where race would not determine one’s rights. It was crucial to the leaders that blacks participate in the rebellion and that racial equality exist in independent Cuba. Maceo himself was a prominent black leader in the war, and insisted on racial equality as well. He claimed that, in Cuba, there were “no whites nor blacks, but only Cubans.”30 The leaders insisted on nothing less than complete racial equality, which was appropriate considering the war for independence started with a largely Afro-Cuban army seeking racial equality.

Likewise, José Martí sought a non-exploitative social structure in Cuba where workers enjoyed labor rights. Martí considered Karl

José Martí, “Montecristi Manifesto,” March 25, 1895, http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/marti/Manifesto.htm.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29 José Martí, “Obras Completas,” II, 298 in Kirk, José Martí: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 112.

30 Antonio Maceo in Caroline Field Levander, Cradle of Liberty: Race, the Child, and National Belonging from Thomas Jefferson to W. E. B. Du Bois (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2006), 261.

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U.S. Policy in Cuba Marx to be “a man burning with the desire to do good works.”31 He did not agree with all of Marx’s theories, but he did sympathize with Marx’s view on the poor classes. He believed that capitalists did not consider the workers in their decisions and often exploited their labor.

He argued that a capitalist might increase the cost of food by a few cents and it would not affect him, but “for the worker, however, that few-cents increase could possibly result in his being deprived of several basic essentials.”32 Martí was not a Marxist, but he sympathized with workers’ rights and sought to promote class equality, which did not exist before in Cuba.

The war for Cuban independence began in 1895 as Spanish warships sailed to Cuba and mass insurrections broke out across the island. At first, it did not go as the rebels planned, and Spanish forces quickly took the lives of Martí and Maceo. However, by 1898 the Cuba Libre Army under Máximo Gómez had largely defeated Spanish troops, and independence seemed fairly certain. As Martí feared, however, the United States did not want to see an independent Cuba, as it threatened U.S. interests because of the vast markets U.S. companies held in Cuba. John Sherman from the U.S. State Department expressed these fears to the Spanish government, insisting that Cuba’s independence would be the means of “letting vast interests suffer.”

The loss of economic investments would be “of no benefit to Spain, while certain to do the United States incalculable harm.” 33 Realizing that Spain could not suppress the Cuban rebels, U.S. policymakers looked for any way to intervene in Cuba that would disguise their imperialist intentions. They found their excuse when the Maine, a U.S. battleship in Havana Harbor, exploded. At the time, the United States claimed that Spanish forces exploded the ship, but the actual cause may have been internal.34 Whatever the cause of the explosion, the United States committed itself to shaping “independent” Cuba’s future.

Cuba’s bondage to this self proclaimed “empire of liberty” began shortly after U.S. troops arrived. U.S. military forces quickly concluded that Cubans were incapable of self-government. Major Alexander Brodie explained “the Cubans are utterly irresponsible,

31

Kirk, José Marti: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 115.

José Martí, “Obras Completas,” IX, 322 in Kirk, José Martí: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 114.

33 John Sherman, “Political Situation in Cuba.,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1897), 560, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0656&id=FRUS.FRUS1898&isize=XL. 34 Jaime Suchlicki, Cuba: from Columbus to Castro and Beyond (Dulles, Virginia: Brassey's, 2002), 71.

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Richard White partly savage, and have no idea of what good government means.” 35 General Samuel B.M. Young confirmed that the “insurgents are a lot of degenerates, absolutely devoid of honor or gratitude. They are no more capable of self-government than the savages of Africa.” 36 Similarly, Military Governor Leonard Wood complained to the White House that “we are dealing with a race that has steadily been going down for a hundred years and into which we have to infuse new life, new principles, and new methods of doing things.” 37 U.S. policymakers’ views on race significantly shaped their doubt in Cuba’s ability for self government, as they believed that blacks were incapable and needed to adopt the same principles that whites had. Of course, Cuba Libre leaders sought to rid these racist views from Cuban society, as they desired racial equality. However, between U.S. policies that favored elite whites and racial tensions that already existed in Cuba, U.S. policymakers were easily able to further marginalize Afro-Cubans.

It was of great interest of the United States to further marginalize these Afro-Cubans and other lower-class Cubans, and to favor those white elites who could greatly benefit from U.S. intervention. As a result, the U.S. military immediately disbanded the Cuba Libre army and gave public jobs to those elite and middle-class whites in the army. Many of these whites had dual Cuban and U.S. citizenship.38 Similarly, Afro-Cubans held very little skilled professional jobs in Cuba. No Afro-Cuban was a banker or a broker.

Only 9 out of 1,240 physicians were Afro-Cuban, and only 4 out of 1,347 lawyers were Afro-Cuban.39 Employment was just one element of the racial inequality apparent in Cuban society, but Afro-Cubans were also discriminated against in the media. Newspapers always included the race of criminals if they were black, but often omitted racial information if the criminals were white. To make matters worse, newspapers also made fun of blacks and used racial stereotypes. 40 The United States was able to use these racial tensions in Cuba to further promote inequality, and achieve its own goal of “whitening” Cuba and colluding with those white Cubans who shared U.S. economic interests.

Just as the United States exploited racial tensions in Cuba to help promote its agenda, U.S. policymakers also greatly exploited Cuba’s agricultural development. Many Cubans relied on agriculture 35

New York Times, July 22, 1898 in Louis A. Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934. (Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986), 32.

36 In Ibid., 36.

37 Ibid., 33.

38 Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912 ( Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 94.

39 Ibid., 100.

40 Ibid., 107.

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before the war as their only means of income. However, the war and now the U.S. occupation continued to harm Cuba’s agriculture, as U.S. policymakers denied public aid to the agricultural sector. The Cuban Secretary of Agriculture, Perfecto Lacosta complained of the U.S. occupation: “Up to the present time nothing has been done toward the improvement of our agricultural situation.” 41 He begged the U.S. government to “use every means at its command to foment and favor [agriculture’s] most rapid development.” 42 This left many Cubans in deep poverty and desperation, exacerbated by their inability to receive any loans from local banks under U.S. control. Mayor Julio Domínguez of Cruces, Santa Clara lamented, “misery, hunger, sickness and general discontent prevailed among the people.”43 As these peasant Cubans struggled for land, money, and even survival, U.S. citizens moved into Cuba and immediately began reaping the benefits of Cuba’s resources. Cuba’s hardwood forests, mineral potential, metals, and particularly sugar attracted U.S. investors. Two U.S. agents in Oriente assured that “land, at this writing, can be bought in unlimited quantities at from one-half to one-twentieth of its value before the insurrection.”44 Of course, this cheap selling of Cuban land was at the expense of Cuban citizens that rightfully owned the land. To the Cubans’ dismay, U.S. policymakers saw Cuba’s resources as “wonderful opportunities for industrious Americans.” 45 U.S. citizens moved into Cuba in large numbers and cultivated the land and mined useful resources. Senator Manuel Sanguily said “it is easy to notice the considerable number of foreigners, the majority of them North Americans, arriving at Havana and spreading through the territory of the Island,” and these foreigners quickly inhabited “hundreds, or even thousands of acres.”46 Senator Sanguily actually underestimated the number of U.S. companies occupying Cuban land. By 1905, nearly 13,000 Americans had titled land in Cuba amounting to over $50 million. U.S. companies owned a majority of the land in several Cuban provinces, and some Perfecto Lacosta, “Report of the Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry,” March 19, 1901, in U.S. War Dept., Annual Report, 1901 (Washington, D.C., 1901), 1:9 in Louis A. Pérez Jr., Lords of the Mountain: Social Banditry and Peasant Protest in Cuba, 1878-1918 (Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), 72.

42 Ibid.

43 Julio Domínguez, “Informe,” November 20, 1900, file 1900/3589, MGC/RG 140 in Pérez Jr., Lords of the Mountain, 72.

44 Pulaski F. Hyatt and John T. Hyatt, Cuba: Its Resources and Opporunities (New York: J.S. Ogilvie, 1898), p. 95 in Pérez Jr., Lords of the Mountain, 90.

45 Leonard Wood, Report by Brigadier General Leonard Wood on Civic Condiitions in the Department of Santiago and Puerto Principe (Cristo, Cuba: Adjutant General's Office, 1899), p 9 in Pérez Jr, Lords of the Mountain, 91.

46 In Pérez Jr, Lords of the Mountain, 75.

41

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Richard White seven-eighths of the land in Sancti Spíritus. 47 Two years later, foreign companies owned around 60% of rural property in Cuba, and the United States owned around 4.3 million acres of farmland. By 1911, the United States had over $200 million invested in Cuba, including $50 million in the sugar industry, $25 million in railways, and $25 million in manufacturing.48 This increase of the U.S. economic stake in Cuba was only possible because U.S. policymakers colluded with the elite white Cubans who had similar interests. This further exploited the lower-class and many black Cubans who began the war for independence in the first place.

Given the vast American interests and the testimony of U.S. military personnel, members in Congress were concerned that President William McKinley would push to annex Cuba. Senator Henry Teller proposed an amendment to a declaration of war that prohibited the United States from annexing Cuba. The Teller Amendment stipulated that “the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise…control over the said Island,” and that once a proper government was established in Cuba that the United States would “leave the government and control of the Island to its people.” 49 This left U.S. policymakers to simply establish a stable government in Cuba and then evacuate the island. Annexation to protect growing U.S. interests was not necessary so long as the United States could create a Cuban government that represented U.S. interests.

In charge of creating such a government was Leonard Wood.

However, a popular vote among all Cubans would be detrimental to U.S. power. Those who fought in the Cuba Libre army and those AfroCubans, mixed Cubans and creoles who made up the lower classes would never allow a president who promoted U.S. interests to be elected. Leonard Wood explained that a popular vote would “destroy the standing and influence of our government among all thinking intelligent people in the island.”50 Therefore, he strictly limited suffrage to the “better classes.” Voters had to be Cuban-born males at least 21 years old, free of felony convictions, able to read and write, and owners of property worth $250. U.S. policymakers estimated that under these provisions, a mere 5% of the total population of Cuba could

47

Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 72.

Ibid., 72-74.

49 Henry Teller, “Joint Resolution for the Recognition of Cuba,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1898), 765, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0861&id=FRUS.FRUS1898&isize=L. 50 Wood to Root, February 23, 1900, Wood Papers in Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 36.

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U.S. Policy in Cuba actually vote.51 The small minority of Cubans eligible to participate in government found their power greatly restricted. Wood allowed Cubans to create a constitution and to establish Cuba’s relationship with the United States. However, if the United States did not approve, Leonard Wood assured that the United States “will doubtless take such action on its part as shall lead to a final and authoritative agreement between the people of the two countries.” 52 Since his military rule governed Cuba, he also reminded them that “you have no duty and no authority to take part in the present government of the island.” 53 The United States crippled Cuba’s autonomy and further forced U.S. interests on Cuba.

Despite his effort to establish a government that would promote U.S. interests, the municipal elections in 1900 failed Wood.

The Cuban National Party still prevailed and eligible voters seemingly did not want U.S. influence any more than the revolutionary leaders before them. Communicating with Secretary of War Elihu Root, Wood said of the eligible voters, “I do not mean to say that the people are not capable of good government,” but the people who Wood sought to hold office in Cuba “are not as yet sufficiently well represented to give us that security and confidence which we desire.”54 This left the U.S. policymakers frustrated as they sought another way to establish control in Cuba.

U.S. policymakers faced a dilemma by 1900. The United States needed to establish control in Cuba but it had to do so constitutionally. Under the recently passed Teller Amendment, the United States could not annex Cuba. Moreover, U.S. policymakers could not rely on elections within Cuba, as many even in the Cuban bourgeois opposed U.S. interests. However, President William McKinley insisted that “this nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for the future of good government in Cuba,” and would not shirk that duty.55 If the United States was to preserve its influence in Cuba, Leonard Wood had to implement new policies because his electoral idea failed. Instead of making new voting laws, he proposed an amendment to the Cuban Constitution. If Cuba accepted this amendment, then the United States would withdraw troops and allow Cuba to govern itself. Perhaps Cuba could finally 51

Matthews to Peabody, January 17, 1902, File 102, Letters Received, Records of the Adjutant General’s Office, 1780s-1917, RG 94, U.S. National Archives in Ibid., 36.,38.

52 Leonard Wood, Report of the Military Governor of Cuba on Civil Affairs, December 20, 1899-December 31, 1900 (Government Print Office, 1901), 626.

53 Ibid.

54 Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 33.

55 Richardson, ed., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 17891902 10:152 in Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 42.

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achieve the long desired political independence of which the rebel leaders had dreamed.56 However, this new amendment, written by Senator Orville H. Platt and passed by Congress on March 2 of 1901 put Cuba into deeper bondage to U.S. hegemony. The Platt Amendment had eight different provisions to it, each detrimental to Cuba’s sovereignty. It required Cuba to confirm all foreign relations with the United States and allowed U.S. intervention whenever it felt that the Cuban government encroached on its peoples’ independence. Of course, the United States intervened when Afro-Cubans or other lower class Cubans rose up to challenge U.S. rule and promote Cuba’s economy. This amendment crippled Cuban freedom for much of the twentieth century, and included: I. That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of the said island.

III. That the Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba.57 These two provisions especially capture the nature of this covert empire. The United States relied on Cuba economically, so any other foreign power that sought trade with Cuba would harm the U.S. economy. Thus, the Platt Amendment stipulated U.S. approval over all of Cuba’s foreign relations. Likewise, any president who sought to 56

Louis A. Perez Jr., Cuba Between Empires, 1878-1902 (Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998), 317.

57 Orville Platt, “Establishment of Independent Government in Cuba,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1901), 321, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1902.p0401&id=FRUS.FRUS1902&isize=XL.

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nationalize industries to benefit Cuba’s lower classes threatened U.S. business. The Platt Amendment formed Cuba in a way that U.S. interests could thrive, which was vital to U.S. policymakers. U.S. Ambassador to Spain Stewart L. Woodford expressed these economic goals: “The sugar of Cuba is as vital to our people as are the wheat and cotton of India and Egypt to Great Britain.”58 He continued, “Large amounts of capital [have] been invested by American citizens in the sugar and tobacco plantations and in the iron mines and railways of Cuba.”59 Economic interests were more important to U.S. policymakers than granting the desires of the Cuban people.

Furthermore, the Platt Amendment greatly contradicted the goals of Cuba’s revolutionary leaders. Martí’s goal of politics without “harmful or deceitful interests” failed. He sought a government run by Cubans, which included the masses and only promoted interests that benefited Cuba. U.S. policymakers ignored these goals. Also, under the Platt Amendment, “all acts of the United States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated.” 60 Laws passed that disenfranchised black Cubans under U.S. occupation had to be accepted in Cuba, which shattered Maceo’s goals of racial equality and the goals of the many Afro-Cubans that began the fight for independence. The Platt Amendment disrupted Cuba’s economic and political goals, but also allowed the United States to worsen racial and class tensions that already existed in Cuba, which was favorable to U.S. policymakers.

The Platt Amendment greatly influenced Cuba’s politics because the United States could constitutionally intervene in Cuba whenever the U.S. Government wished. This prohibited any politician who sought to transform society to benefit Afro-Cubans and Cuban nationalists from coming to power. Cuban politicians needed approval from Washington to stay in office, which prevented Cuba from forming any substantial political parties that represented the lower classes. 61 For example, José Miguel Gómez of the Liberal party took office promising to bring social reform to Cuba’s blacks and lower classes in 1909. However, the threat of U.S. intervention led José Miguel Gómez to forsake his reform platform and use his position as president to gain popularity through patronage. 62 The pressure from U.S. policymakers Stewart L. Woodford, “Woodford to Sherman,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1897), 562, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0659&id=FRUS.FRUS1898&isize=L. 59 Ibid.

60 Platt, “Establishment of Independent Government in Cuba,” 320.

61 Benjamin, The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution, 71.

62 Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 123.

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caused him to compromise the liberal platform and ultimately leave Cubans in deeper poverty.

With the Platt Amendment passed and U.S. troops withdrawn, Cuba sought to elect its first democratic president. Two popular Cuban political figures included José Miguel Gómez and Tómas Estrada Palma, the latter with U.S. support. Estrada Palma was nearly 70 years old with no political constituency in Cuba. He was a political leader in the Ten Years War, but he had lived in the United States for the last three decades and spoke fluent English. More importantly, he supported annexation at one time and was an advocate of the Platt Amendment.63 His policies appealed to the United States, so U.S. officials made a deal and persuaded José Miguel Gómez not to run. As a result, by the time of the election in 1902, Estrada Palma was the only candidate in the race. He was the first “democratically” elected president in Cuba in an election with only one candidate.

During his presidency, Tómas Estrada Palma continued to discourage Cuban independence and the achievement of revolutionary goals. One of his first actions as president was his agreement to sign a reciprocity treaty between Cuba and the United States. One of the provisions of the agreement stipulated that “similar articles of both countries shall receive equal treatment on their importation into the ports of the United States and of the Republic of Cuba, respectively.” 64 This called for Cuba to treat U.S. goods in the same manner that the United States treated Cuban goods. Because Cuba was already dependent on the United States but the United States had other resources, this only increased Cuba’s dependence on the United States.

Moreover, it hindered economic diversification in Cuba. Cuba became even more reliant on the sugar industry, and this lack of new markets sustained the poverty of many Cubans. Overall, this treaty discouraged the economic independence that Cuba sought.

Internal conflicts arose throughout Estrada Palma’s presidency, and, by the end of his term, there was much internal tension. When he was elected, he used his position to give favors to build a political constituency. Many people became dependent on his presidency for their jobs and well-being. In 1905 when the next presidential election occurred (Cuban presidents had three year terms), his political constituents wanted to reelect him to save their jobs. On the other hand, the Liberal party greatly opposed Estrada Palma and 63

Ibid., 89.

Theodore Roosevelt, “Commercial Convention Between the United States and Cuba.,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1903), 378, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1903.p0459&id=FRUS.FRUS1903&isize=XL. 64

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wanted to end his presidency. José Miguel Gómez claimed that Estrada Palma was corrupt and a U.S. puppet, and he called for Afro- Cubans to rebel against Estrada Palma. In August of 1906, the resurrected Cuba Libre Army under José Miguel Gómez attacked the Rural Guard, an independent Cuban army that protected private property, in the western provinces. They captured most cities in the west, and Estrada Palma and the United States panicked.65 The United States reacted immediately to counter this rebellion. In a letter to the U.S. secretary of State, Jacob Sleeper admitted that he encouraged the Rural Guard to add more soldiers to suppress the rebel forces. He wanted enough soldiers so that they could “protect foreign interests, particularly American lives and property.” 66 U.S. policymakers needed to end this rebellion to sustain U.S. interests in Cuba. Tómas Estrada Palma recognized the urgency of this rebellion and he also sought “to increase the strength of the rural guard to 2,000 more members.”67 But even these efforts failed for Estrada Palma.

The rebellion only gained momentum, so Estrada Palma had to take more desperate measures.

By September the rebel forces were too vast for Tómas Estrada Palma to suppress. He requested that the United States send two vessels immediately. He insisted that his government forces “are unable to quell the rebellion,” and “unable to protect life and property.”68 President Theodore Roosevelt was reluctant to send troops again to Cuba. He wanted Cuba to govern itself and sustain U.S. interests, but that failed with the rebellion. Roosevelt said of the situation, “I am so angry with that infernal little Cuban republic that I would like to wipe its people off the face of the earth.” He continued, “They have started an utterly unjustifiable and pointless revolution,” 69 65

Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 94.

Jacob Sleeper, “Insurrection in Cuba,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906), 456, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0562&id=FRUS.FRUS1906v01&isize=X L. 67 Juan F. O'Farrill, “Presidential Decree,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906), 455, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0561&id=FRUS.FRUS1906v01&isize=X L. 68 Steinhart, “Intervention Necessary in Cuba,” in Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906), 473, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0579&id=FRUS.FRUS1906v01&isize=X L. 69 Roosevelt to White, September 13, 1906, Roosevelt Papers in Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 97.

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which forced him to intervene. President Roosevelt did not understand Cuba’s insurrection. Like the Cuban forces in 1898 seeking independence from Spain, these Cuban forces sought freedom from U.S. coercion. Because of their contradictory interests, the United States could never reach an agreement with Cuba without a rebellion.

Thus, the United States intervened militarily for the second time in a decade, but things did not change significantly.

U.S. troops entered Cuba again late in 1906, and occupied it this time until 1909. Tómas Estrada Palma remained President of Cuba by name only. At this point, U.S. policymakers sought to establish a governor in Cuba to govern while U.S. troops were there until they could set up elections. For this assignment, they chose Charles Magoon, a Minnesota judge who spoke no Spanish and resided in the United States his whole life. However, the United States still considered his government “a constitutional government just as truly as was the government of Palma.”70 U.S. policymakers considered these governments equal because, under the Platt Amendment, the United States had the authority to intervene and maintain Cuban government.

Magoon’s main policy was to create a Cuban Army because he believed Cuba’s instability was the result of a weak police force. This army was to be trained by U.S. officials and soldiers and loyal to the command of the United States.

Ironically, instead of bringing stability to Cuba like U.S. policymakers claimed, this army led to even deeper instability. The United States now had a permanent force in Cuba that would protect political leaders friendly to U.S. interests. On the other hand, this army was a great threat to those leaders who did not protect U.S. interests and often influenced their policies once they took office (like the next president José Miguel Gómez). Secretary of War William Taft explained, “when we leave the government there we shall leave it with something with which to preserve itself.” 71 Governments like Estrada Palma’s inevitably brought massive riots and the reuniting of a revolutionary army to combat his presidency, but with this army the U.S. government had security that riots would be suppressed and U.S. interests would be protected.

This pattern of military intervention and political control from abroad lasted for half a century in Cuba. Although U.S. policymakers claimed to promote democracy and ensure Cuba’s development, their policies hindered Cuba’s autonomy and gave the United States near “The Nature of the Government in Cuba,” The American Journal of International Law 1, no. 1 (April 1907): 149.

71 Taft to Magoon, January 3, 1907, Taft Papers In Perez Jr., Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934., 106.

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total control of the island. Tensions were inevitable because of the dissimilar goals for each nation; while many Cubans sought freedom and racial equality, the United States sought to gain political control so that U.S. economic interests could thrive. As a result, much of Cuba went deeper into poverty and simultaneously U.S. markets in Cuba reached unprecedented heights, particularly in the sugar industry. The only way for U.S. markets to thrive was a political system in Cuba that remained friendly to U.S. interests, so the United States consistently put people in power that had dual Cuban and U.S. citizenship. If the United States allowed a popular vote or revolutionary political parties consisting of lower classes to rise to power, its economic stake would not be protected and it would lose control of Cuba politically. The U.S. claim to be an “empire of liberty” while undermining the desires of black and lower class Cubans who made up much of the population clearly shows the self-interest of U.S. policymakers. It was not an ignorance of Cuban goals that drove U.S. policymakers because the instability created by Estrada Palma and the Platt Amendment were no surprise to the United States. On the other hand, Cuba’s goals greatly threatened U.S. economic interests, and this preservation of economic interests drove U.S. policymakers to put Cuba in deep bondage to this self proclaimed “empire of liberty.”

References Primary Sources: “Cubans Yield to General Brooke.” New York Times. New York, N.Y., December 31, 1898. http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.strose.edu/docview/95577 963/12DB12C977925177897/1?accountid=14120.

Marti, José. “Montecristi Manifesto,” March 25, 1895. http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/marti/Manifesto.htm.

O'Farrill, Juan F. “Presidential Decree.” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 455. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0561&id=FRU S.FRUS1906v01&isize=XL. Platt, Orville. “Establishment of Independent Government in Cuba.” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 320-322. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1901. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSCollege of Saint Rose

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idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1902.p0401&id=FRUS.F RUS1902&isize=XL. Roosevelt, Theodore. “Commercial Convention Between the United States and Cuba..” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 375-381. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1903. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1903.p0459&id=FRUS.F RUS1903&isize=XL. ———. “Policy Toward Other Nations of Western Hemisphere.” In Foreign Relations of the United States, XLI. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1904. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS1904&isize=M&submit=Go+ to+page&page=xli.

Root, Elihu. “The Nature of the Government in Cuba.” The American Journal of International Law 1, no. 1 (April 1907): 149-150.

Sherman, John. “Political Situation in Cuba..” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 558-560. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1897. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0656&id=FRUS.F RUS1898&isize=XL. Sleeper, Jacob. “Insurrection in Cuba.” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 456-457. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0562&id=FRU S.FRUS1906v01&isize=XL. Steinhart. “Intervention Necessary in Cuba.” In Foreign Relations of the United States, 473. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1906. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1906v01.p0579&id=FRU S.FRUS1906v01&isize=XL. Stewart L. Woodford. “Woodford to Sherman.” In Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington D.C.: Government Printing 56

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Press, 1897. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgibin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0659&id=FRUS.F RUS1898&isize=L. Teller, Henry. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Joint Resolution for the Recognition of Cuba.â&#x20AC;? In Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Press, 1898. http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUSidx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1898.p0861&id=FRUS.F RUS1898&isize=L. Wood, Leonard. Report of the Military Governor of Cuba on Civil Affairs Dec. 20, 1899-Dec. 31, 1900. Government Print Office, 1901.

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Benjamin, Jules R. The United States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution: An Empire of Liberty in an Age of National Liberation. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1992.

Ferrer, Ada. Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 18681898. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1999.

Grandin, Greg. Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism. New York, New York: Macmillan, 2007.

Helg, Aline. Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995.

Hogan, Michael J., and Thomas G. Paterson. Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations. New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Kennan, George. American Diplomacy, 1900-1950. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951.

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Levander, Caroline Field. Cradle of Liberty: Race, the Child, and National Belonging from Thomas Jefferson to W. E. B. Du Bois. North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2006.

Munro, Dana Gardner. Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921. Princeton, New Jersey: Greenwood Press, 1980.

Paterson, Thomas G. “United States Intervention in Cuba, 1898: Interpretations of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Filipino War.” The History Teacher 29, no. 3 (May 1, 1996): 341-361.

Perez Jr., Louis A. Cuba Between Empires, 1878-1902. Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998.

———. Cuba Under the Platt Amendment, 1902-1934. Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986.

Pérez Jr., Louis A. Lords of the Mountain: Social Banditry and Peasant Protest in Cuba, 1878-1918. Pittsburgh PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989.

Rosen, Fred. Empire and Dissent: the United States and Latin America.

Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2008.

Smith, Robert Freeman. The Caribbean World and the United States: Mixing Rum and Coca-Cola. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994.

Suchlicki, Jaime. Cuba: from Columbus to Castro and Beyond. Dulles, Virginia: Brassey's, 2002.

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Animal Cruelty

Introduction to “Animal Cruelty Committed by Citizens and Institutions” Alfred D. Chapleau, M.A., J.D. Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice, Behavior and Law Who can forget, let alone forgive NFL Atlanta Falcons quarterback Michael Vick for his participation as a kingpin in the dog fighting world? His 2007 federal prosecution and conviction for illegal interstate dog fighting resulted in a 21-month prison sentence. Vick’s high profile prosecution for animal cruelty involving pit bulls stands as an encouraging indication of how far both our society (public opinion) and laws (animal cruelty legislation) have come in the defense and protection of companion animals. There are many more examples, such as New York State’s 2006 legislation that allows a court to issue an order of protection in favor of companion animals in family offense prosecutions, directing the defendant to “refrain from intentionally injuring or killing…any companion animal” 1 or the 1999 legislation that makes it a felony in New York to intentional kill or seriously physically injure a companion animal in a depraved or sadistic manner or doing so while causing extreme pain. 2 Animal cruelty prosecutions, great and small together with enlightened legislation like that mentioned above represent proof that we have come to see our pets as companions, friends even members of the family whom we love and cherish for their often singular unconditional devotion to us, their human companions. But what of the others - those animals, often dogs, cats, monkeys, mice or rabbits that live out their lives in laboratories - the subjects of scientific experimentation, research, or product development by colleges, universities, government labs and private industry?

After a brief and informative review of the evolution of animal rights from 500 BCE (dog fighting arose as an entertainment) through Descartes’ characterization of animals as merely “machines” and the beginnings, during the Enlightenment, of human emotional attachment to animals, Brianna Grant takes us into the shadowy world of the research laboratory where animals are used (abused) in the name of 1

NY CPL §530.12 (f) 1 and 2; L.2006, Ch. 253, §8. NY CPL §350 (5) defines “companion animal” or “pet” to be any dog or cat as well as any other domesticated animal normally kept in or near a household of the owner that is not a farm animal (animal raised for commercial or subsistence purposes).

2 NY AGRI and MKTS § 353-a; L.1999, Ch. 118, §1.

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science, progress and profit. Ms. Grant shines a light into these dark places and asks the questions why are these creatures not protected more; and is what we subject them to in the name of science, progress and profit worth the suffering they sometimes endure?

Parts of the subject matter in this essay may be difficult to read, but read it you must if we, as a society, are to affect the kinds of changes in public opinion and law for these “other” creatures that have allowed our pets and companion animals to be protected from human cruelty. As Ms. Grant concludes laws protecting these often forgotten laboratory animals need to be updated, it is the least we can do until the day comes – hopefully not far off – when cruel forms of experimentation on animals are at last outlawed.

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Animal Cruelty Committed by Citizens and Research Institutions Brianna Grant Criminal Justice Major; Class of 2014 Animals today are mostly viewed as companions, pets, and by some a part of the family. The attachment and emotional response people feel towards animals helps to push the animal rights movement forward. Issues like dogfighting and animal abuse by citizens are viewed more harshly and taken more seriously than in times before.

The switch from animals as agricultural tools and sources of entertainment to common pets has helped to transform peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s view of animals to creatures with emotions such as pain and fear. This philosophy has propelled the animal rights movement into modern day politics. The legislation against animal cruelty in institutions, however, has not improved much since the government first took action to regulate it. The practices in institutions have been scientifically proven to be far outdated and irrelevant to modern day research. Not enough effort is being put forth by the US government to regulate and improve the actions of these research facilities to a higher standard like the one adopted in modern day legislation against animal cruelty by citizens.

Animal cruelty is defined as the shooting, burning, or beating of an animal; failure to provide necessary care to an animal; and organizing or engaging in acts related to fights with animals. Animal cruelty can be justified if the harm inflicted upon the animal was for the safety of a person (Soehnel, 1992). Awareness of the issues surrounding animal cruelty have expanded with the studying and understanding the animal mind. Scientists have studied and observed high, humanlike intelligence in apes (Singer, 1985, pg. 77). This increased understanding of animals helps people to see that animals are more related to humans intelligently than we thought.

There are several main issues surrounding the ethics of animal cruelty. The first issue is the ability of animals to feel pain; this ability makes cruelty morally wrong as the animal feels the pain as a human would. Animals also present levels of intelligence entitling them to statutory rights against cruelty. An important issue, which will be highlighted, is the moral discrepancy of using animals for experimentation (Beers, 2006, pg. 2). Since this cruelty is being used for scientific purposes, public policy and legislation against animal cruelty in research have not evolved as far as animal cruelty performed by citizens has in recent years. The lack of ability to charge institutions for animal cruelty while charging citizens, specifically dog owners, College of Saint Rose

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with cruelty causes a double standard in animal cruelty public policy and legislation. The cruelty in the institutions is unnecessary and the pain inflicted on animals could be avoided with advanced legislation and policy changes by the government.

History The central issues of animal cruelty have not been fully understood until recently. Animals have not always been looked at as deserving statutory rights or government protection. Animal cruelty emerged in 500 BC when dogfighting first arose as a sport and entertainment. Dogs were trained to attack people and other animals (Kalof & Taylor, 2007, pg. 321). During the Renaissance dogs would fight chained bears and bulls in an arena for people to watch (Kalof &Taylor, 2007, pg. 322). In the Middle Ages cruelty to animals continued with the belief that man had a God-given domination over the world. Medieval animal cruelty reflected man’s belief in his placement above animals and therefore was not prosecuted or even looked down upon. In the 17th century the famous philosopher Descartes described animals as “machines” taking away any human qualities the animal possessed, making it less cruel to harm the animal.During the Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century, the idea of animals as inferior and unworthy of protection was changed drastically. The idea of treating animals humanely was discussed for the first time. Until this time animals had no legal protections from their owners (Tannenbaum, 1995, pg. 564). This is also around the time Europeans first started to adopt animals as pets. The adopting of animals as pets is an important move towards animal rights as people start to become emotionally attached to animals and begin to understand the intelligence and emotional ability of animals (Horner & Minifie, 2011, pg. 316). The Age of Enlightenment brought a wave of animal rights movements to Europe and America; it would set the stage for further political and legislative changes. The American Society for the Prevention of Animal Cruelty to Animals, referred to as the ASPCA, was created by Henry Bergh in 1866. This symbolizes the start of the animal rights movement. From the inspiration of the ASPCA almost 700 organizations emerged across the country by the 1900 (Beers, 2006, pg. 3).

Legislation against animal cruelty began two centuries before this with the passage of the Body of Liberties in Massachusetts in 1641.

The Body of Liberties addressed the issue of animal cruelty by stating, “No man shall exercise any Tyranny or Crueltie towards any bruite creature which are usualie kept for man’s use” (Tannenbaum, 1995, pg.

565). New York adopted a similar statue against animal cruelty in 1828 62

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stating, “Every person who shall maliciously kill, maim, or wound any horse, ox, or other cattle, or sheep belonging to another or shall maliciously or cruelly beat or torture any such animal, whether belonging to himself or another, shall upon conviction, be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor” (Tannenbaum, 1995, pg. 565). Both of these laws referred solely to animals used for work, in the Body of Liberties as a “bruite creature” and in the New York legislation as “any horse, ox, or other cattle, or sheep.” Although both of these statutes gave rights to animals, they only applied to animals that were owned for work such as farming and did not apply universally. Bergh fought for a change in the legislation and won by having the statute include all animals and neglect as well as malice as forms of cruelty.

(Tannenbaum, 1995, pg. 566).

The animal rights movement was influenced further by the Civil War. At this time animals and slaves were looked at similarly; both were purchased, used, and then sold (Beers, 2006, pg. 25). Neither of them were given rights that citizens of America were afforded.

During the Civil War the status of slaves was questioned and brought way to questioning other ethical dilemmas-like the treatment of animals. Bergh compared the use of whips and boarding irons against animals to the torture of slaves (Beers, 2006, pg. 26). The discovery by Charles Darwin of evolution influenced the animal rights movement as well. The idea that people evolved from animals changed people’s perception of animals. People started to consider animals as humanlike creatures (Beers, 2006, pg. 30). The animal rights movement did not evolve very far with legislation and stalled until the 1970s. During this time scientific evidence showed that animals share intellectual and perceptual qualities; most of the focus of the research focused on animals presenting mental lives and consciousness. Also apes were studied at this time and shown to have high levels of intellectual capacity (Singer, 1985, pg. 77). This furthered people’s understanding of animals as intellectual, emotional creatures who can feel and understand neglect and pain. This idea helped by establishing animals as worthy of statutory rights and protections.

Animal Cruelty by Citizens Animal cruelty by citizens has always been an issue in public policy in America. Cases have been brought to court for animal cruelty and problems have emerged with these cases. The struggle to define the state of mind needed in animal abuse cases by citizens can be seen in court cases. In State v. Fowler in 1974 the defendant was charged with beating and torturing his dog. His neighbors observed him beat up, tie up, and then submerge his dog’s head in a hole of water. The defendant College of Saint Rose

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then hit and kicked the dog. The defendant testified in court that he was a professional dog trainer and he was teaching the dog not to dig holes (Soehnel, 1992). The neighbor testified that this abuse lasted for 15 to 20 minutes. The anti-cruelty statute in North Carolina at this time stated that the acts of animal cruelty had to be willful. The court stressed the idea of willful being held to a higher standard than intentional animal cruelty. Willful is defined legally as a deliberate act that is done with criminal intent as opposed to intentional which is also a deliberate act but no criminal intent or mens rea is established. This standard made it necessary for the prosecution to prove the specific mens rea of a person during the act of abuse for it to be an animal cruelty charge. The court decided that since the defendant acted in good faith training the dog and did not have malice intent that he could not be charged with animal cruelty (Dichter, 1978, pg. 159).

The case of People v. McKnight challenged the decision of Fowler. In this case a dog was kicked to death by the defendant. The defendant denied any malice intent. The court stated that malice can simply be interfered by the actions of the defendant, in this case the motion of his foot kicking the dog (Soehnel, 1992). This standard of intent lessened the necessary specific intent needed to be proven in cases of animal cruelty, making convictions in cases that could have trouble proving specific intent more possible.

The case of State v. Motts in 1980 stated that in neglect cases there was no burden of proof that the defendant acted with malice. The defendant could be charged with a misdemeanor even without any malice or willful intent. Court cases continued to shift their opinion on animal abuse by focusing further on animal safety and protection over the defendantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s specific intent. Regalado v. US shows this when it was decided by the court that in cases of animal cruelty there only needed to exist proof of general intent of malice. There needed to be no proof of intent to injure or abuse the animal. Even though the intent of malice still needs to be proven in animal cruelty cases according to this standard, the burden of proof decreased greatly from the case of Fowler. In Fowler the court decided that the acts had to be willful, a higher standard of proof than general intent of malice. Another case that helped animal cruelty rights was People v. Ferrell in 2004, which decided that animal cruelty could encompass physical or mental pain of animals. This case helped broaden the definition of animal cruelty to include more than just physical abuse but also mental anguish an animal might suffer as a result of circumstances such as neglect (Soehnel, 1992).

As seen by these cases in the state courts, the necessary intent for animal cruelty is held to a lower standard than the federal court 64

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established in Regalado v. US. People v. McKnight lacks the burden of proof that Regalado needs to prove. State courts establish more lenient standards for animal cruelty, making convictions more possible. The standard in McKnight should be adopted by the federal court as well, because as the case states malice can be inferred simply by the motion of the person inflicting pain upon the animal. Both federal and state cases, however, have established clear precedents against animal cruelty by offenders.

By examining animal cruelty cases the changes in defining animal cruelty violations can be observed over time. In cases of citizens, such as animal owners committing acts of animal cruelty, a switch can be seen after the case of Fowler where the concern for the animal’s wellbeing is growing. The switch from willful intent to general malice lowers the standard needed to commit crimes of animal cruelty. This new standard helps convict more offenders of charges of animal cruelty who could have been acquitted based on the Fowler standard because of lack of willful intent or a good faith exemption.

Animals are defined by the law as sentient property. This means that although animals such as pets and agricultural means owned for farming are the property of their owners, they also can experience pain and pleasure. This entitles animals to basic rights against unnecessary suffering. This idea of animals being sentient has helped promote legislation to develop no kill shelters, restrict tethering of animals and to protect animals from other such abuses (Ascione & Shapiro, 2009, pg. 578). The use of the word “property” as defining animals has caused conflict. In the case of Deiro v. American Airlines the plaintiff sued American Airlines for the death of his nine greyhounds. The plaintiff boarded his nine greyhounds on his flight where the dogs where stored in the back of the plane exposed to staggering levels of heat. The dogs were also not provided with adequate ventilation or water during the flight. Seven of his greyhounds were found dead when the plane landed and the two other died days later from causes related to the plane ride. The plaintiff sued the airline and was only awarded $750 in court because that was the amount of money his plane tickets afforded him for lost or damaged luggage by the airline (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 154). This case illustrates how the nine dogs were looked at as nothing more than damaged luggage and were equated to the plaintiff’s property as if he had lost his suitcase. Even though it is clear in this case that the dogs were neglected by the airline and their deaths were caused by this neglect, the fact that animals are defined partially as property causes trouble in cases such as these.

Another controversy stemming from animal cruelty is the struggle between citizens’ rights and animal rights. Some have College of Saint Rose

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attempted to use the First Amendment to justify acts of animal cruelty.

The first issue is the right of citizens to exercise their own religions in the United States. Some of these religions involve the use of animal sacrifices. It has been claimed by citizens that they are protected from charges of animal cruelty for murdering animals because of their First Amendment rights to exercise their religion. It has been found by the court that religion cannot be used as a safeguard to animal cruelty (Soehnel, 1992). The courts also established that sale and distribution of depictions of animal cruelty, such as videotapes of dogfights, are not protected by the First Amendment right to free speech (Chen & Mian, 2009, pg. 1). The courts stated that the videos would not have existed without the preexisting animal cruelty depicted in the videos. Therefore the claim to freedom of speech is obsolete (Chen & Mian, 2009, pg. 4).

The decisions in both of these cases favored the animals’ rights over the people’s. This shows a growing concern in the court system for animal rights. This switch from people’s rights to animal rights could be a step towards harsher punishments for charges of animal cruelty and stricter enforcement of animal cruelty laws.

Animal cruelty legislation has been heightened to favor the animals’ rights in recent years. Although the advances are slow they are steps in the right direction. Before 1986 animal cruelty was seen as only a misdemeanor in 46 states in the United States. The Humane Society worked through the 1990s to try to launch animal cruelty legislation. Their hard work paid off; by 2004 41 states and Washington D.C. had enacted felony animal cruelty laws (Allen, 2005, pg. 443). One act of legislation made during this time was the Illinois Humane Care for Animals Act. This legislation outlined the distinctions between degrees of animal abuse such as cruel abuse, aggravated abuse, and torture. It also prohibited hoarding animals and depictions of animal cruelty (Ascione & Shapiro, 2009, pg. 570).

Through the passage of this legislation an increased emphasis on broadening the spectrum of animal rights and getting tough on abusers can be seen.

Animal rights in legislation against citizens has faced trouble since the beginning of the Animals Rights Movement. One of the main problems derives from the dispute of how to define animals. Originally they were defined as personal property of a person, meaning they could do as they wanted with their own property (Dryden, 2001, pg. 3). This could encompass acts such as neglect, abuse, and even murder. Animal cruelty legislation has evolved since then. Animals are now viewed by the United States government as sentient property, meaning they are the property of a person but still have statutory rights as they are living creatures. The struggle to define the mens rea of a person to legally 66

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constitute animal abuse has also proven to be a setback in the prosecution of animal abusers. The change of definition of mens rea went from willful in the case of State v. Fowler to less severe standards like in People v. McKnight and State v. Motts, where malice was not required to be proven in cases of neglect. These new standards that were later adopted favored animal rights over the abusers, making it more likely that the abuser will end up convicted for his crimes against the animal. Animal cruelty research facilities, though still perform outdated and harmful procedures on animals when more efficient ways have already been discovered. The institutions seem to be an exception to the idea of becoming stricter on animal abusers even when the procedures of injecting animals with dangerous and sometimes fatal chemicals can be more harmful than the citizens who abuse animals.

Animal Cruelty in Institutions “Research is defined as the systematic investigation including development, testing and evaluation designed to develop or contribute to preexisting knowledge”(Horner & Minifie, 2011, pg. 304). Much of the research today involving testing chemical products, cosmetics, and studying diseases involves the use of animals for purposes of experimentation. Behaviors are studied through tests as well, such as taking young primates away from their mothers to observe their reactions (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 131).

Many of the experiments are conducted by pouring chemicals or cosmetics down the animal’s throat, but they can also be conducted through injection, forced inhalation, and topical application. Many of the animals will not survive this process, but if they do they are killed and their bodies are studied to see the effects of the drugs. After the drugs and chemicals are administered the animal may experience convulsions, bleeding, diarrhea, and other painful side effects as a result of the testing (Singer, 1985, pg. 132). Effects can also include restlessness, twitching, paralysis, swelling of organs, and skin eruptions (Golden & Herzong, 2009. pg.370). Care cannot be provided to the animals during this painful process as it would hinder the results of the test (Golden & Herzong, 2009, pg. 371). The experiments are mainly performed on rodents, primates, dogs, birds, and fish (Singer, 1985, pg.

79). These animals will spend the entirety of their short lives confined in small cages trapped in research facilitates without being able to go outside or live as animals should. The animal’s life will only be ended after it is subjected to unwarranted levels of pain through invasive procedures. These experiments include burning, exposure to irradiation, electric shock, and the application of substances to eyes (Singer, 1985,

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pg. 80). It was found that 100 million to 200 million animals die in laboratories around the world a year (Singer, 1985, pg. 79).

PETA conducted an undercover investigation of laboratories’ treatment of animals. Using a spy, they studied the University of North Carolina’s lab that was conducting research on alcoholism using animal testing. The results of the investigation found that the animals were not being properly treated. The animals were kept in small cages that were stacked on top of each other and many times the animals were not properly euthanized after becoming infected. This resulted in slow, painful deaths for the animals (Brainhard, 2006). Unfortunately behavior like this is not restricted to this laboratory alone. These unfortunate conditions and treatment of animals still exist in facilities across the country.

Many of the tests conducted are found to be inconclusive.

Tests such as the LD-50 test, which measures how long it takes half the animals injected with a chemical to die, warrant little information when applied to humans (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 132). A large range of animals are used in experiments, all of whom react differently to drugs and chemicals and all of whom react differently than a human would.

Results from these tests differ wildly even among the same species of an animal. Once applied to humans these results from tests are useless.

Single doses are applied to animals and examined. If a human applies multiple doses then the results of the experiment are irrelevant. Also the tests assume that all humans will react the same way to the drug or chemical as an animal would which is proven to be untrue. Sheep, for example, have no poisonous response to arsenic, making them differ greatly from other animals, such as humans (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 132).

Scientists have admitted that this can result in these tests being invalid (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 133). A researcher even said, “None of the models used are appropriate to the human condition” (Bernstein, 2004, pg.136). And yet these tests are still being performed actively; some of the tests conducted are not even mandated by the government anymore (Goldern & Herzong, 2009, pg. 371).

In 1981 Dr. Irwin Bross, director of biostatistics at the Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute, spoke about animal experimentation stating, “Indeed while conflicting animal tests have often delayed and hampered advances in the war on cancer, they have never produced a single substantial advance either in the prevention or treatment of human cancer” (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 37). He suggested that not only does animal research make no improvements in our understanding of sciences such as cancer but hinders and hampers it. As a result of statements such as Dr. Bross’s, advancements in research have been made that make animal research obsolete. Alternatives such as clinical 68

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trials observing humans with symptoms of diseases are being used over injecting animals with diseases (Bernstein, 2004, pg. 138). Test tube research has also emerged as an alternative. Researchers learn much about different chemicals, drugs, and viruses by isolating cell cultures and testing how they react to certain chemicals (Bernstein, 2004, pg.

143). Both of these research tests involve no pain or suffering to animals and have far more conclusive results as they are being observed through humans or through the drug, chemical, or virus itself.

Legislation enacted by the US government does little to protect the animals being tortured in research facilities today. The first federal law governing the usage of animals in research laboratories was the Animal Welfare Act in 1966. This was followed by further legislation such as the Health Research Extension Act in 1985 and the Nation Institute of Health Revitalization in 1993. The National Institute of Health Revitalization set goals for the advancement of animal research such as finding methods of research that do not require the use of animals (Horner & Minifie, 2011, pg. 317). Since the legislation was passed in 1993 methods have been scientifically proven to advance our understanding without using animal research. Despite this animal research is used today without being outlawed or at the minimum having stricter limitations on it. The legislation put in place by the US government has been found to be a failure by many. The Animal Welfare Act does not protect 95% of the animals used in research. It does not even define terms crucial to protecting animals’ rights, such as “humane” or “scientific necessity,” which leaves much of the regulations vague and open to different interpretations. It also does not regulate the appropriateness of the experiments, leaving tests like the LD-50 test to continue to be used without regulation (Horner & Minifie, 2011, pg. 318).

Analysis It would seem that the attempt by the US government to oversee animal rights in institutions through legislative and public policy measures has been a failure. Even when legislation clearly states that its goal is to find other methods not involving animal experimentations, animal research still continues when clear alternatives have been found. The experiments have been found to be irrelevant and of little use to humans by the very people conducting the research. Through this all the research continues with little regulation by the government. The pain and suffering of these animals in the most slow and drawn out way is ignored in favor of institutional rights.

Legislation for animal cruelty and abuse has improved greatly throughout the years in cases against citizens committing the abuse College of Saint Rose

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over institutions committing the abuse. Court cases, legislation, and public policies have helped to establish animal rights in cases against citizens as a statutorily given right. The courts have stated that animals are sentient property of humans, meaning that although they are owned by citizens they are still entitled to their own set of rights against cruelty and negligence. This idea has not transferred over to institutions where the same animals that are protected against citizens are being abused and tortured by research facilities. In the case of People v.

McKnight the courts stated that there is no burden of proof of malice in cases of animal cruelty. They stated that the simple act of abusing an animal shows the malice itself. If this idea was adopted for institutions as well it would be clear that the acts of the research facilities are acts of malice and therefore cruelty. It has been stated that sometimes pain and suffering needs to take place for the greater good of man to research and therefore understand and gain knowledge. This could be applied to cases of research using animal subjects except for the fact that the methods and tests used have been proven to be obsolete, outdated, and unnecessary. The little attempts that are made by the government to protect animals from cruelty in institutions actually protect the animals very minimally. For example, the Animal Welfare Act lacks the clarity and definitions needed to properly execute the regulations it sets up. The regulations it does outline clearly only protect 5% of the animals being used for research testing today.

Legislation against animal cruelty needs be expanded to encompass all animals used in research facilities, giving them all equal protections. The legislation needs to focus further on making sure the tests used are necessary and conclusive. This would eliminate irrelevant tests like the LD-50. If this was enacted it would save many animalsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; lives a year preventing painful deaths through tests that hold very little scientific merit. dying painfully. Improvements need to be made in the treatments of the animals while they are in the facilities as well. In the end, though, the long term goal should be to eliminate animal testing altogether in favor of alternative methods that have been scientifically found to be far more effective. Until that day comes when animal experimentation is eliminated, higher standards like the ones pointed out need to be executed to limit the abuse and cruelty of the animals as much as possible.

Conclusion Animal rights have not always been considered an important issue, or even an issue, in the world. In Medieval times people believed they had God-given power over animals and therefore they could treat animals however they pleased. This idea was not challenged until the 70

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Age of Enlightenment when the animal rights movement in America truly began. From there on legislation and court cases against citizens committing acts of animal cruelty escalated. Now all states have statutes against animal cruelty and 41 states have felony animal cruelty statutes. There seems to exist a hypocrisy in animal cruelty legislation today favoring formal institutions over citizens in leniency in animal cruelty charges. Although the ideas of animals used for research have been proven to be ineffective and unreliable at best they are still used with little regulation. The government itself pointed out that one of its goals was to find alternatives to animal research. Although this has happened animal research still exists. Legislation against animal cruelty in research facilities needs to be updated to higher standards, until one day in the future when it can be abolished all together. Animals have suffered at the hands of humans for centuries now; it is time for animal rights to be fully recognized as an important issue in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s society and for the animals to be fully protected by the government from cruelty and unnecessary suffering.

References Allen, Mahalley D. (2005). Laying Down the Law? Interest Group Influence on State Adoption of Animal Cruelty Felony Laws.

The Policy Studies Journal. Vol. 33(Issue 3) 443-457.

Ascione, Frank R. & Shapiro, Kenneth. (2009). People and Animals, Kindness and Cruelty: Research Directions and Policy Implications. Journal of Social Issues. Vol. 65(Issue 3).

569-587.

Beers, Diane L. (2006). For the Prevention of Cruelty: The History and Legacy of Animal Rights Activism in the United States. Ohio: Ohio University Press.

Bernstein, Mark H. (2004). Without A Tear. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.

Brainard, Jeffrey. (2006). Undercover Among the Cages. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Vol. 52(Issue 26).

Chen, Joanna & Wang, Mian. (2009). United States v. Stevens. Legal Information Institute. <http://www.lawschool.cornell.edu/>.

Deirdo v. American Airlines, 816 F. 2d. 1360.

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Dichter, Anita. (1978). Legal Definitions of Cruelty and Animal Rights.

Boston College Environmental Law Review. Vol. 7(Issue 1).

147-163.

Dryden, Amie J. (2001). Overcoming the Inadequacies of Animal Cruelty Statutes and the Property-Based View of Animals.

Idaho Law Review.

Golden, Lauren L. & Herzog, Harold A. (2009). Moral Emotions and Social Activism: The Case for Animal Rights. Journal of Social Issues. Vol. 65(Issue 3). 486-498.

Horner, Jennifer & Minifie, Fred D. (2011) Research Ethics I: Responsible Conduct of Research (RCR). Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, Vol 54. 303-329.

Kalof, Linda & Taylor, Carl. (2007). The Discourse of Dogfighting.

Humanity and Society. Vol 31. 319-333.

People v. McKnight. 302 N.W. 2d 241.

Regalado v. United States. 572 A. 2d. 416.

Singer, Peter. (1985). In Defense of Animals. New York: Basil Blackwell Inc. Soehnel, Sonja A. J.D. (1992). What Constitutes Offense of Cruelty to Animals-Modern Cases. American Law Reports. Vol. 5.

State v. Fowler, 2012-Ohio-4352.

Tannenbaum, Jerrold. (1995). Animals and the Law: Property, Cruelty, Rights. Social Research, Vol 62(Issue 3). 539-607.

Regan, Tom. (2004). The Case for Animal Rights. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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Other-Oriented and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism

Introduction to â&#x20AC;&#x153;Other-Oriented and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism: Predictors of Social Anxiety, Romantic Relationship Strain and Infidelityâ&#x20AC;?

Nancy Dorr Professor of Psychology Over the last twenty years, researchers have debated whether perfectionism is an adaptive or maladaptive trait. On one hand, perfectionism may promote positive outcomes in one's life due to striving to meet one's high standards. On the other hand, perfectionism may promote displeasure when one's self or others cannot live up to these high standards. Researchers now realize that such a dualistic question of whether or not perfectionism is adaptive or maladaptive is not likely to be a profitable one, as it is unlikely that any personality trait is always a good or bad characteristic to possess. Researchers have now turned to examining which aspects of perfectionism are adaptive in which contexts and which are maladaptive in which contexts.

Ms. Green's study examines the extent to which perfectionism can be beneficial or harmful within the context of romantic relationships. In doing so, she adds to our knowledge of perfectionism in a lesser-studied context -- the potential impact on interpersonal relationships. One new aspect of interpersonal relationships she studies is the correlation between scoring high on perfectionism and perceiving one's romantic partner to be "cheating" with another love interest. This allows her study to contribute to the scientific literature on infidelity, as much past research has examined gender differences in perceptions of infidelity, but fewer studies have examined personality characteristics as they relate to perceptions of infidelity. Thus, the results of Ms. Green's study further knowledge of both perfectionism and infidelity.

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Other-Oriented and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism: Predictors of Social Anxiety, Romantic Relationship Strain and Infidelity Stefanie Green Psychology Major; Class of 2014 Past research suggests that perfectionists have difficulties with romantic relationships, particularly those high in socially prescribed perfectionism. Socially prescribed perfectionism is considered the unhealthy form of perfectionism, as it is linked with many negative outcomes. Other-oriented perfectionism is another type of perfectionism; however, less research has been conducted on its outcomes, particularly in romantic relationships. The current study examined perfectionism as it relates to three variables associated with interpersonal relationships: social anxiety, the quality of current romantic relationships, and infidelity (both actual and perceived). I hypothesized that those high in other-oriented or socially prescribed perfectionism would have less social anxiety, more relationship strain, and would be more likely to engage in infidelity or suspect their partner of doing so. The sample consisted of 74 college student participants, a majority of whom attended a medium-sized private college in northeastern New York. Participants completed seven questionnaires measuring these variables. Pearson correlation coefficients and Spearman correlations were performed. Results showed that individuals who scored high in socially prescribed perfectionism also scored high in infidelity and social anxiety, but low on emotional and intellectual intimacy. No other results were statistically significant. The implications of these findings suggest that the interpersonal relationships of those high in socially prescribed perfectionism may be strained. Interestingly, other-oriented perfectionism was not correlated with these variables, suggesting that it may not be as maladaptive as socially prescribed perfectionism.

Current research focuses on perfectionism as having different dimensions, including both intrapersonal and interpersonal aspects (Hewitt & Flett, 1991). Researchers often divide the perfectionism construct into adaptive perfectionism and maladaptive perfectionism.

They consider adaptive perfectionism to be the healthy form, which is characterized by an individual having high standards, but not worrying about negative judgment from others (Slaney, Rice, Mobley, Trippi, & Ashby, 2001). They consider maladaptive perfectionism to be the unhealthy form in which an individual still has those high standards, but is extremely critical of his or her attempts to live up to those 74

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standards (Slaney et al., 2001). Adaptive perfectionism and maladaptive perfectionism are the two broad types of perfectionism; however, more specific forms of perfectionism exist under these general categories.

Hewitt and Flett (1991) described three forms of trait perfectionism: self-oriented, other-oriented, and socially prescribed.

Self-oriented perfectionism focuses on the intrapersonal aspect of perfectionism, in which a person needs him- or herself to be perfect. An example of this form of perfectionism is an individual who wants to succeed in every task he or she attempts. Other-oriented perfectionism focuses on an individual demanding that other people around him or her be perfect. For example, one may score high in this form of perfectionism if he or she wants family members to avoid making mistakes and always say the “right” thing. The last form, socially prescribed perfectionism, is marked by an individual having the idea that other people have extremely high, unrealistic expectations of him or her, and the person cannot relax until those standards are achieved.

An example of this form of perfectionism is if an individual feels other people need him or her to always be perfect and never make mistakes.

Researchers consider other-oriented and socially prescribed perfectionism unhealthy. Thus, researchers may also refer to maladaptive perfectionism as unhealthy perfectionism, and this may include other-oriented perfectionism and socially prescribed perfectionism (Slaney et al., 2001). Researchers consider self-oriented perfectionism slightly healthier than the two previously described forms, and sometimes use the term "adaptive" with respect to it, although some controversy within the field exists over this classification (Hewitt & Flett, 1991; Klibert, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, & Saito, 2005).

Researchers have conducted a considerable amount of studies on the relationship between perfectionism and physical health. One study found a link between self-oriented perfectionism and eating disorder symptoms (Bardone-Cone, 2007). Furthermore, one study found that women high in self-oriented or socially prescribed perfectionism tended to limit their dietary intake and had extreme desires to continuously exercise (McLaren, Gauvin, & White, 2001).

Additionally, Fry and Debats (2011) found a link between self-oriented perfectionism and a higher risk of death for aging diabetic adults.

Additionally, research has focused on perfectionism as it relates to mental health. Researchers have noted a relationship between perfectionistic concerns and depressive symptoms (Mackinnon et al., 2012), as well as between socially prescribed perfectionism and suicidality (O’Connor, 2007). Interestingly, one study also found a link College of Saint Rose

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between scoring high on a perfectionism measure (specifically a concern over mistakes measure) and postpartum depression (Gelabert et al., 2012). Clearly, this construct may be linked to mental health problems.

While many studies have focused on perfectionism as it relates to physical and mental health, fewer researchers have examined the potential effects of perfectionism on interpersonal relationships. This topic needs to be explored further. Thus, the current study examined the maladaptive forms of perfectionism as they relate to three variables associated with interpersonal relationships: social anxiety, the quality of intimate relationships, and infidelity.

Perfectionism and Social Anxiety One aspect of interpersonal relationships that researchers have previously examined is social anxiety. According to the current version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000), social phobia, commonly referred to as social anxiety disorder, is marked by an extreme fear of social situations in which a person believes he or she will be evaluated by others. Individuals with social phobia worry about the embarrassment or shame that could accompany social interactions.

While research is expanding on the implications of social anxiety, it is still limited on the relationship between social anxiety and personality traits such as perfectionism.

Studies examining the relationship between perfectionism and social anxiety are not only limited in number, but they have yielded mixed results. One study found a link between perfectionism and social phobia (Juster et al., 1996). The authors examined patients with social phobia and assessed their concern over shortcomings. The results indicated that among those who had social anxiety, there were increased perfectionistic tendencies, particularly worries over making mistakes and uncertainties regarding oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s actions. Juster and colleagues (1996) also suggested that perfectionism, particularly the high personal standards component, increases the symptoms of social anxiety. This suggests perfectionism may enhance the detrimental effects of social anxiety.

However, other studies involving these two variables have produced contradictory findings. In a recent study, Shumaker and Rodebaugh (2009) tested the claim that holding high personal expectations is associated with social anxiety. They found that social anxiety seems to involve reduced personal expectations, not higher expectations, as a component of perfectionism. This was an interesting finding, as it added to the already mixed results. These authors 76

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indicated that the unhealthy forms of perfectionism should be considered in order to better understand this topic. Thus, taking these two studies into consideration, the research does not yield consistent findings. The current study aimed to take the suggestion by Shumaker and Rodenbaugh (2009) into consideration by examining the unhealthy forms of perfectionism as predictors of social anxiety.

Perfectionism and Romantic Relationships Another aspect of interpersonal relationships that past researchers have investigated is the romantic component. Research examining the relationship between perfectionism and intimate relationships is not particularly limited. Past studies have examined the quality of romantic relationships among perfectionists compared to nonperfectionists. There seems to be a rather unanimous general finding that those high in the negative forms of perfectionism appear to have difficulties with intimate relationships, either marked by relationship trouble or dissatisfaction among partners (Flett, Hewitt, Shapiro, & Rayman, 2001; Habke, Hewitt, & Flett, 1999; Haring, Hewitt, & Flett, 2003; Lopez, Fons-Scheyd, Morua, & Chaliman, 2006; Martin & Ashby, 2004). Interestingly, one study concluded that socially prescribed perfectionism appears to be the most maladaptive form, as self-oriented perfectionism appears to be healthy in individuals if socially prescribed perfectionism is not present (Klibert et al., 2005).

This study highlighted the unhealthy form, on which the current study focused. Additional research adds to current knowledge of maladaptive perfectionism. One such study found that individuals scoring high in socially prescribed perfectionism showed more negative, unhelpful reactions in their romantic relationships (Flett et al., 2001). Haring et al.

(2003) found this form of perfectionism was related to maladaptive coping skills and difficulties settling into marriages.

Past researchers have also examined different components of intimate relationships. One study by Martin and Ashby (2004) examined the relationship between a fear of intimacy and adaptive and maladaptive aspects of perfectionism. They found that individuals high in the maladaptive forms of perfectionism had a noticeably higher selfreported fear of intimacy than did those who didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t score on this dimension of perfectionism. This adds additional insight into the relationship distress associated with perfectionists. Even though this study examined a fear of intimacy as opposed to overall relationship satisfaction, the results are still in accordance with research cited above. Finally, researchers have examined the quality of intimate relationships in terms of sexual satisfaction. Habke et al. (1999) found that, among couples, those high in other-oriented and socially College of Saint Rose

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prescribed perfectionism had less sexual satisfaction in their marriages.

The researchers found this pattern for sexual satisfaction specifically with one’s partner, as well as with overall sexual satisfaction from the relationship.

Considering all of these studies together, the general pattern of research indicates a lower quality of romantic relationships when perfectionism is present. Perfectionism appears to be related to relationship dysfunction, negative reactions among partners, and an overall lack of satisfaction in the relationship. These negative implications are certainly worth investigating further, as they could provide further insight into the complex interpersonal relationships of perfectionists. Thus, the current study sought to examine the relationship between perfectionism and the quality of romantic relationships, particularly the level of satisfaction and intimacy present.

Perfectionism and Infidelity Not all individuals are able to maintain close interpersonal relationships, and infidelity may occur. In fact, infidelity is a topic that is gaining more attention in the literature. Much of the past research has focused on sexual infidelity and emotional infidelity. Sexual infidelity refers to having sex with someone other than one’s current partner, while emotional infidelity refers to being emotionally involved with, or in love with, someone other than one’s current partner (Buss, 2003).

More recent research has shifted its focus to potential causes of unfaithfulness. Previti and Amato (2004) have suggested that unfaithfulness by a partner may lead to relationship decay and may be a result of a relationship decline. This second point is interesting to note: if the quality of a relationship is decreasing, this may be a reason to engage in infidelity.

Emmers-Sommer, Warber, and Halford (2010) investigated possible reasons for cheating on a partner, and the results were surprising. Participants gave many reasons to remain faithful, but gave even more reasons to be unfaithful. They indicated one of the main reasons to engage in infidelity was because one was not satisfied with the relationship.

Considering these two studies together, it appears that decreasing relationship quality and a lack of satisfaction among partners are predictors of infidelity. It is interesting to apply these findings to perfectionists. Since maladaptive perfectionists tend to have relationship trouble and dissatisfaction as indicated by previous research, could this lack of satisfaction be related to increased infidelity among perfectionists? Researchers have not yet conducted research on perfectionism and infidelity. Thus, the relationship between these two 78

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variables has yet to be examined. Research that takes this into consideration could give more insight into the quality of romantic relationships among perfectionists. This was part of the current study’s purpose.

The Current Study The current study examined the relationship between perfectionism, social anxiety, the quality of intimate relationships, and infidelity. Past studies examining perfectionism in association with social anxiety have been limited and with contradictory results. Some results suggest that perfectionism could make social anxiety worse (Juster et al., 1996), whereas others suggest that social anxiety centers around low standards, not high expectations as does perfectionism (Shumaker & Rodebaugh, 2009). This is a topic that needs more research to clarify the potential relationship among the two variables.

This is part of the current study’s purpose. Additionally, since past research suggests that perfectionism is associated with unsatisfying and distressed relationships (Habke et al., 1999; Haring et al., 2003; Lopez et al., 2006; Martin & Ashby, 2004), and a major reason to engage in infidelity is because one is in an unsatisfying relationship or the relationship quality is decreasing (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2010; Previti & Amato, 2004), it would make sense that maladaptive perfectionists would be more likely to engage in infidelity than nonperfectionists.

This was the second part of the study’s purpose.

The current study used self-report questionnaires to measure perfectionism, social anxiety, the quality of the participants’ current relationships, and infidelity. The researcher predicted that people high in other-oriented perfectionism or socially prescribed perfectionism would have less social anxiety than would those who were low in other-oriented perfectionism or socially prescribed perfectionism. She also predicted that people high in other-oriented perfectionism or socially prescribed perfectionism would be more likely to have relationship strain and engage in infidelity or suspect their partner of engaging in infidelity than would people low in other-oriented perfectionism or socially prescribed perfectionism. In the current study, the researcher measured intimacy, sexual satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction to indicate relationship strain (with lower intimacy and satisfaction indicating more relationship strain). Taken together, the researcher specifically hypothesized that scores on measures of otheroriented perfectionism and socially prescribed perfectionism would be negatively correlated with scores on social anxiety, intimacy, sexual satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction scales, and positively correlated with scores on scales that measure one's infidelity and College of Saint Rose

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suspected partner infidelity.

Method Participants The sample consisted of 74 college students. There were 10 males (14%) and 64 females (86%). Of the 74 total participants, 65 of them attended a medium-sized private college in northeastern New York, while the other 9 were acquaintances of the researcher.

The participants attending the private college were eligible to participate in the study as long as they were currently in a romantic relationship. The sample was one of convenience. The researcher recruited volunteers from Introduction to Psychology classes or Research Methods classes and gave them course credit in exchange for participation. Students who did not wish to participate in research studies could write journal article critiques to satisfy the course credit requirement.

The researcher directly contacted the nine college student acquaintances to invite them to participate. The researcher applied the same criteria for inclusion: individuals were required to be in a romantic relationship in order to participate. All but two acquaintances attended the same college as the student participants in the Introduction to Psychology and Research Methods classes. The researcher did not give inducements in exchange for acquaintance participation.

All participants ranged in age from 17 years old to 46 years old, with the average age being 20.5 years old. Twenty-one participants were freshman (28%), 20 were sophomores (27%), 17 were juniors (23%), and 16 were seniors (22%). Most participants were Caucasian, as this ethnicity comprised 81% of the sample. Other ethnicities included were African American (7%), Hispanic (7%), Asian (4%) and mixed race (1%).

Procedure The researcher recruited most participants from their psychology classes. She told participants what the study would entail, including possible sensitive topics, and asked if they would like to participate. The researcher gave a packet containing a written informed consent form, a demographic sheet, and several questionnaires to interested participants. Participants took the packets home, completed the questionnaires, and brought them back to their next class. The researcher returned to the psychology class the next class period and collected the packets from the students. Participants removed the demographics and the written consent form from the packets and kept the completed questionnaires in the envelope (to protect anonymity).

The researcher gave a debriefing to participants, thanked them for their 80

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participation in the study, and gave them course credit.

The researcher contacted acquaintances either in person or via phone and asked if they wanted to take part in the study. Interested acquaintances completed the questionnaires, informed consent form, and demographic sheet at home and brought these back to the researcher. Participants took the signed informed consent form and unattached demographics out of the packet and then placed their packets in a pile of completed ones. The researcher gave them a debriefing and thanked them for their participation.

Measures Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (Hewitt, Flett, Turnbull-Donovan, & Mikhail, 1991). This 45-item scale assesses three different dimensions of perfectionism. The participants read each item and indicated whether they agreed or disagreed with each statement and to what degree. This measure is based on a 7-point scale, which ranges from 1 (disagree) to 7 (agree) with a rating of 4 being the midpoint.

There are three subscales: Self-Oriented Perfectionism (e.g., “One of my goals is to be perfect in everything I do”), Other-Oriented Perfectionism (e.g., “It is not important that the people I am close to are successful”), and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism (e.g., “The better I do, the better I am expected to do”). Several items are reverse scored from each subscale and then all items are averaged. Higher scores on the scale indicate higher perfectionism.

Social Anxiety Scale (Leary, 1983). This 15-item scale examines social anxiety in terms of how one feels and reacts to being in certain social situations (e.g., "I usually feel uncomfortable when I am in a group of people I don't know"). Participants indicate their responses on a 5-point scale, which ranges from 1 (not at all characteristic) to 5 (extremely characteristic), with 3 being the midpoint. Four items are reverse scored and the items are averaged together. Higher scores indicate higher social anxiety.

Sexual Satisfaction Scale (Bridges, Lease, & Ellison, 2004).

This is a 4-item scale that examines one’s current relationship in terms of sexual satisfaction (e.g., “I have been satisfied with my sex life in the last three months”). Questions range from satisfaction with erotic contact to overall satisfaction with sexual life. The rating scale ranges from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), with 4 being the midpoint. To score the scale, the researcher averaged the four items.

Higher scores indicate higher sexual satisfaction.

Intimacy Scale (Schaefer & Olson, 1981). This 36-item scale assesses the intimacy level among a respondent's current relationship.

When making assessments, the instructions directed the participant to College of Saint Rose

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think about his or her current relationship. The rating scale ranges from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), with 3 being the midpoint (neither agree nor disagree). The scale contains six subscales: emotional intimacy (e.g., "My partner listens to me when I need someone to talk to"), social intimacy (e.g., "We enjoy spending time with other couples"), intellectual intimacy (e.g., "I feel it is useless to discuss some things with my partner"), recreational intimacy (e.g., "I share in very few of my partner's interests"), sexual intimacy (e.g., "I am satisfied with our sex life"), and a conventionality scale (e.g., "My partner has all the qualities I've ever wanted in a mate"). The sexual intimacy subscale uses the same rating scale; however, if a respondent has not had sexual relations with his or her partner, the directions indicate that these questions remain blank. Between two and five items from each subscale are reverse scored and then items applicable to each subscale were averaged. Higher scores indicate higher intimacy.

Relationship Satisfaction Scale (Hendrick, 1988). This is a 7-item scale that measures overall relationship satisfaction. Each item is presented as a question. Participants were asked to select the letter from each item that best described their current relationship (e.g., "How well does your partner meet your needs?"). Each item ranges from A (e.g., poorly, unsatisfied, not much, very few) to E (e.g., extremely well, excellent, completely, very many) depending on what each question is asking, with C being the midpoint (average). A always indicates the complete absence or minimal level of the characteristic or behavior being asked, and E always indicates a definite presence or the highest level of the characteristic or behavior being asked. Each letter represents a specific number of points. Two items are reverse scored.

Following the reverse scoring, the seven items are averaged together.

Higher scores indicate higher relationship satisfaction.

Infidelity Scale (Drigotas, Safstrom, & Gentilia, 1999). This scale contains 11 items that measure infidelity. The instructions asked the respondent to think of a person, other than his or her current partner, to whom he or she was attracted within the last six months. The responses were based on the respondents feelings, interactions, and thoughts about this other person (e.g., "How much time did you spend thinking about this person?", "How physically intimate were you with this person? "). Each item is presented as a question and has its own rating scale, although the scale is constructed similarly for each item.

The scale ranges from 0 (e.g., not at all attractive, no arousal, never) to 8 (e.g., extremely attractive, a great deal of arousal, very often) with 4 being the midpoint for ten out of the eleven items. Zero always indicates the complete absence or minimal level of the characteristic or behavior being asked, and eight always indicates a definite presence or 82

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the highest level of the characteristic or behavior being asked. One item on the scale ("Who initiated the mutual attraction between the two of you?") only has three options to choose from: 0 (other person), 1 (equal), and 2 (me). This is the only item without the 0 to 8 scale. The items represent either emotional infidelity or physical infidelity. Nine items are averaged together for a composite infidelity score. Higher scores indicate more infidelity.

Perceived Infidelity Scale. This is an 11-item scale that assesses the respondent's perception of potential infidelity by his or her partner (see Appendix A). The respondent was asked to think about the current relationship and whether he or she suspected his or her partner was currently cheating (e.g., "I sometimes suspect my partner is cheating on me"). This measure uses a 5-point scale, which ranges from 1 (not at all characteristic) to 5 (extremely characteristic) with a rating of 3 being the midpoint (moderately characteristic). The items assess physical and emotional infidelity, as well as the overall perceived infidelity. Since the scale does not assess the (un)faithfulness of the respondent's partner, the purpose of the scale is to assess whether the participant believes he or she is being cheated on. Four items are reverse scored and then all items are averaged together. Higher scores indicate higher perceived infidelity (i.e., the respondent suspects his or her partner of being unfaithful).

Results The researcher conducted Pearson-product moment correlation coefficients and Spearman correlations to test the hypothesis that scores on the other-oriented perfectionism and socially prescribed perfectionism subscales should negatively correlate with scores on social anxiety, intimacy, sexual satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction scales, and positively correlate with scores on the infidelity and suspected partner infidelity scales. She performed two-tailed tests and set the Type I error rate at ď Ą = .05 for each test. As shown in Table 1, results yielded several statistically significant correlations. Results showed correlations of moderate size between socially prescribed perfectionism and each of the following: social anxiety, r(71) = .30, p = .01; emotional intimacy, r(72) = -.25, p = .03; intellectual intimacy, r(72) = -.26, p = .03; physical infidelity, r(70) = .25, p = .03; and composite infidelity (this included both physical and emotional infidelity), r(70) = .28, p = .02. Results failed to show any other statistically significant correlations between perfectionism and the other variables (see Table 1).

Discussion College of Saint Rose

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This study aimed to examine whether individuals high in other-oriented and socially prescribed perfectionism experienced less social anxiety, more relationship strain (as measured by intimacy, sexual satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction), and more infidelity.

Results showed that individuals who scored high in socially prescribed perfectionism also scored high in infidelity and social anxiety, but low on emotional and intellectual intimacy.

Socially prescribed perfectionism was positively correlated with infidelity, both emotional and physical. These results were consistent with the hypothesis, suggesting that the romantic relationships of maladaptive perfectionists may be marked by distress, as individuals engaged in more infidelity. A possible explanation for this might be that these perfectionists, since they believe others hold incredibly high expectations of them, may feel distressed by these high standards and their failure to fulfill them, and may turn to other partners in an attempt to escape any negative feelings associated with such failure. However, contrary to predictions, there was not a statistically significant correlation found between this form of perfectionism and perceived infidelity in a partner.

When examining infidelity more closely, results indicated that socially prescribed perfectionism was correlated with physical infidelity, as well as the overall composite infidelity score that included both physical and emotional infidelity. However, results did not show a significant correlation between perfectionism and emotional infidelity alone, which suggests that the stronger relationship among perfectionism and physical infidelity raised the overall composite infidelity score.

The researcher could not support the hypothesis that scoring high in socially prescribed perfectionism would be associated with low social anxiety (see Shumaker & Rodenbaugh, 2009, for original suggestion). Thus, the conclusions stated by these researchers that social anxiety may involve lower personal expectations do not seem to be supported by the results of the current study. However, Shumaker and Rodenbaugh did note the importance of examining unhealthy forms of perfectionism, as they did not, so new information is added to the social anxiety literature. The current finding is, however, consistent with the results mentioned earlier by Juster et al. (1996), which found a positive correlation between perfectionism and social phobia. These results do not appear to make complete sense because if one is high in social anxiety, it seems reasonable to conclude that he or she would be less likely to be in a close, romantic relationship to begin with.

Results showed moderate, negative correlations between socially prescribed perfectionism and emotional and intellectual 84

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intimacy. These findings suggest that maladaptive perfectionists may have reduced emotional connections with and shared intellectual interests with their partners. However, no other forms of intimacy (sexual, social, or recreational) were correlated with perfectionism.

Contrary to expectations, no results were found between perfectionism and dissatisfaction with the relationship and sexual dissatisfaction. This suggests that those high in socially prescribed perfectionism may be content with shared activities, common friends, and sexual intimacy, but may lack aspects of intimacy (emotional and intellectual) that are important for healthy relationships. These individuals may be more physically involved with their relationships than they are emotionally.

Interestingly, the researcher did not find significant correlations between other-oriented perfectionism and any of these variables. This seems to suggest that other-oriented perfectionism may not be as maladaptive and detrimental to interpersonal relationships as is socially prescribed. This is consistent with other studies previously mentioned that consider socially prescribed to be the most detrimental form (e.g., Klibert et al., 2005). The absence of a relationship was surprising because these individuals demand that people around them be perfect. It would have made sense for these perfectionists to engage in more infidelity or suspect their partners of doing so if they felt their partners could not live up to their perfectionism standards. However, taking these results together, the findings were consistent with past research: socially prescribed perfectionism is unhealthy in some way to interpersonal relationships (Haring et al., 2003; Kilbert et al., 2005; Martin & Ashby, 2004). Maladaptive perfectionists did appear to have less intimacy in their relationships and engaged in more infidelity.

There were several strengths of the current study. First, results suggest new information that adds to the ongoing debate about the relationship between perfectionism and social anxiety. The current study showed a positive correlation that strengthens some results (e.g., Juster et al., 1996) and contradicts others (e.g., Shumaker & Rodenbaugh, 2009). Additionally, these results may enhance the current understanding of the interpersonal relationships of maladaptive perfectionists, as several significant correlations were found. Otheroriented perfectionism was not correlated with any other variables, which may suggest that this type of perfectionism is not as unhealthy as socially prescribed. Other strengths included only using data of participants who were currently in romantic relationships, and relationship strain was measured by several variables, including relationship satisfaction, sexual satisfaction, and several different types of intimacy.

Despite the strengths previously noted, there are some College of Saint Rose

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important limitations of the current study that should be considered.

First, the study included a rather small sample size. All 74 participants were college students, a majority of whom attended the same private college in northeastern New York. The sample may not have been representative of the population. Most participants were Caucasian as well. Additionally, the female to male ratio of participants was about 6:1. There were 64 females and only 10 males, so males were underrepresented. Having a primarily female population could have influenced the results of the study in several ways. For example, women may view intimate relationships differently than men. While women tend to focus on the emotional aspect of relationships, men may focus on other aspects, such as the sexual component (Buss, 2003).

Thus, the results regarding relationship satisfaction, intimacy, and sexual satisfaction may reflect a primarily female view of relationships that may or may not be generalizable to males. Additionally, perfectionism and its specific types may not be equally present or experienced the same way by both males and females. Having a sample with more male participants could give additional insight into these questions. Second, most of the participants took part in the study to satisfy a course requirement, so whether or not the participants answered honestly is another question. Furthermore, since the researcher asked participants to take the questionnaires home to complete, one cannot say with certainty that the participants themselves completed the packets.

Other limitations beyond the sample include internal, external, and construct validity. Because the current study was correlational, there is no internal validity. Results showed several relationships, but concluding causation is not possible. Whether the results of this study can be applied to other situations, settings, and times is questionable.

The selection of participants was one of convenience and only included college students, so those who volunteered may not have been representative of the population. Also, most participants came from the Introduction to Psychology or Research Methods classes, so participants may not have been diverse.

When it comes to the actual questionnaires themselves, the researcher notes some limitations as well. First, self-report measures were the only way information was gathered from participants. More specifically, on the Infidelity Scale (Drigotas et al., 1999), participants may have misunderstood the directions. The directions included a paragraph that asked the respondent to think of a person within the last six months whom he or she was attracted to and to answer the following questions about that person, not the current partner.

Participants may have failed to read the instructions and may have 86

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based those answers on their current partners, which could account for the positive correlation found. Furthermore, the current study didn’t employ any statistical control for plausible third variables. Participants may also have answered the questions based on what they thought the researcher wanted, so social desirability could have been an issue.

There are at least three limitations of the current study that may be the most important to consider. Some participants may have considered the topics that the questionnaires assessed to be sensitive or embarrassing, particularly those involving sexual satisfaction and intimacy, infidelity, and potential infidelity by one’s partner. Some respondents may not have been comfortable answering questions about their sexual activity and satisfaction, and may not have answered honesty. The directions for the sexual intimacy subscale (Schaefer & Olson, 1981) indicated that if the participant hadn’t had sexual relations with his or her current partner, to leave the questions blank. Some respondents may have been embarrassed leaving that blank, so they might have selected answers anyway. It is also unclear as to whether those who left the questions blank truly hadn’t had sex, or just didn’t feel comfortable answering the questions.

Finally, infidelity is a topic that is considered socially unacceptable by many individuals, so there may be stigma associated with such questions. Participants may not have answered honestly about whether they themselves engaged in infidelity, and they also might have felt uncomfortable or threatened thinking about their partner possibly cheating on them. This could have affected responses.

Furthermore, romantic partners of the respondents were not included in the study nor were they asked to indicate their (un)faithfulness to their partners, so perceived infidelity is just that, a perception. It is unknown whether or not the participants were correct or incorrect in their perception of partner loyalty.

There are some important implications of these findings.

Results suggest that the romantic relationships of maladaptive perfectionists could be dysfunctional. Couples therapy and other programs for assisting couples with relationship barriers could be improved by taking this information into account. It might be worthwhile to examine personality traits, such as perfectionism, more closely in couples entering counseling. Additionally, new methods may need to be considered for assisting those high in socially prescribed perfectionism, considering the potentially detrimental outcomes, such as infidelity and less intimacy in relationships. Being a perfectionist in a relationship or being in a relationship with a perfectionist could bring additional problems to the relationship that may require professional assistance. However, these therapy options may not be considered even College of Saint Rose

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if individuals need help because, as the results indicated, socially prescribed perfectionists had higher social anxiety. Whether these individuals will feel comfortable enough to seek counseling is a new question.

Future research needs to be conducted not only in an attempt to replicate the results but also to answer the remaining questions.

Future research should first work with the current study’s external validity issues. A larger sample should be used with a better male to female ratio. Additionally, an ethnically diverse sample including more than primarily Caucasian college students should be used. If future correlational studies are conducted, a social desirability scale might be useful to include in the questionnaire packet in an attempt to control for this factor.

It might also be beneficial to extend this study to incorporate significant others. Since this study was examining whether respondents perceived their partners of being unfaithful, responses could have been inaccurate. If couples were actually included, as opposed to just the one participant, more accurate results could have been obtained. Perhaps in addition to the Perceived Infidelity Scale (see Appendix A), respondents could indicate whether they suspect they are being cheated on by a partner, and the partner could also indicate whether or not they are being faithful. Of course, a study such as this has the potential to dissolve relationships and hurt partners, but this would be a better indication as to whether one is being cheated on than a scale measuring one’s perception.

Finally, one of the main questions that this study produced involves the relationship between socially prescribed perfectionism and social anxiety. While this study adds to the contradictory results, the implications aren’t clear. People who scored high in socially prescribed perfectionism also scored high in social anxiety. This finding in itself wasn’t a problem; it becomes perplexing once one considers that it came only from people in close, romantic relationships. Social anxiety is marked by an extreme fear of social situations, as they have the potential to cause one embarrassment (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Since the results showed a positive correlation between this form of perfectionism and social anxiety, it is surprising that these participants were in romantic relationships to begin with. One might think that these individuals would be afraid to form close relationships with others, such as with a romantic partner, because this is a social situation that could cause discomfort. In the future, researchers should examine social anxiety more closely as it relates to perfectionism, particularly the level of severity of social anxiety.

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References American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text rev.). Washington, DC: Author.

Bardone-Cone, A. M. (2007). Self-oriented and socially prescribed perfectionism dimensions and their associations with disordered eating. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 45, 1977-1986. doi:10.1016/j.brat.2006.10.004 Bridges, S. K., Lease, S. H., & Ellison, C. R. (2004). Predicting sexual satisfaction in women: Implications for counselor education and training. Journal of Counseling and Development, 82, 158-166. doi: 10.1002/j.1556-6678.2004.tb00297.x Buss, D. M. (2003). The evolution of desire: Strategies of human mating. New York, NY: Basic Books.

Drigotas, S. M., Safstrom, C. A., & Gentilia, T. (1999). An investment model prediction of dating infidelity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 509-524. doi: 10.1037/00223514.77.3.509 Emmers-Sommer, T. M., Warber, K., & Halford, J. (2010). Reasons for (non)engagement in infidelity. Marriage & Family Review, 46, 420-444. doi: 10.1080/01494929.2010.528707 Flett, G. L., Hewitt, P. L., Shapiro, B., & Rayman, J. (2001).

Perfectionism, beliefs, and adjustment in dating relationships.

Current Psychology, 20, 289-311. doi: 10.1007/s12144-0011013-4 Fry, P. S., & Debats, D. L. (2011). Perfectionism and other related trait measures as predictors of mortality in diabetic older adults: A six-and-a-half-year longitudinal study. Journal of Health Psychology, 16, 1058-1070. doi:10.1177/1359105311398684 Gelabert, E., Subirà, S., García-Esteve, L., Navarro, P., Plaza, A., Cuyàs, E., ... Martín-Santos, R. (2012). Perfectionism dimensions in major postpartum depression. Journal of Affective Disorders, 136, 17-25. doi:10.1016/j.jad.2011.08.03

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Habke, A. M., Hewitt, P. L., & Flett, G. L. (1999). Perfectionism and sexual satisfaction in intimate relationships. Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment, 21, 307-322. doi: 10.1023/A:1022168715349 Haring, M., Hewitt, P. L., & Flett, G. L. (2003). Perfectionism, coping, and quality of intimate relationships. Journal of Marriage and Family, 65, 143-158. doi: 10.1111/j.1741-3737.2003.00143.x Hendrick, S. S. (1988). A generic measure of relationship satisfaction.

Journal of Marriage and the Family, 50, 93-98. doi: 10.2307/352430 Hewitt, P. L., & Flett, G. L. (1991). Perfectionism in the self and social contexts: Conceptualization, assessment, and association with psychopathology. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 456- 470. doi: 0.1037/0022-3514.60.3.456 Hewitt, P. L., Flett, G. L., Turnbull-Donovan, W., & Mikail, S. F. (1991). The Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale: Reliability, validity, and psychometric properties in psychiatric samples. Psychological Assessment: A Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 3, 464-468. doi: 10.1037/1040-3590.3.3.464 Juster, H. R., Heimberg, R. G., Frost, R. O., Holt, C. S., Mattia, J. I., & Faccenda, K. (1996). Social phobia and perfectionism.

Personality and Individual Differences, 21, 403-410. doi: 10.1016/0191-8869(96)00075-X Klibert, J. J., Langhinrichsen-Rohling, J., & Saito, M. (2005). Adaptive and maladaptive aspects of self-oriented versus socially prescribed perfectionism. Journal of College Student Development, 46, 141-156. doi: 10.1353/csd.2005.0017 Leary, M. R. (1983). Social anxiousness: The construct and its measurement. Journal of Personality Assessment, 47, 66-75. doi: 10.1207/s15327752jpa4701_8 Lopez, F. G., Fons-Scheyd, A., Morua, W., & Chaliman, R. (2006).

Dyadic perfectionism as a predictor of relationship continuity and distress among college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 53, 543-549. doi: 10.1037/0022-0167.53.4.543 90

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Mackinnon, S. P., Sherry, S. B., Antony, M. M., Stewart, S. H., Sherry, D. L., & Hartling, N. (2012). Caught in a bad romance: Perfectionism, conflict, and depression in romantic relationships. Journal of Family Psychology. Advance online publication. doi:10.1037/a0027402 Martin, J. L., & Ashby, J. S. (2004). Perfectionism and fear of intimacy: Implications for relationships. The Family Journal, 12, 368-374. doi: 10.1177/1066480704267279 McLaren, L., Gauvin, L., & White, D. (2001). The role of perfectionism and excessive commitment to exercise in explaining dietary restraint: Replication and extension.

International Journal of Eating Disorders, 29, 307-313. doi:10.1002/eat.1023 O'Connor, R. C. (2007). The relations between perfectionism and suicidality: A systematic review. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 37, 698-714. doi:10.1521/suli.2007.37.6.698 Previti, D., & Amato, P. R. (2004). Is infidelity a cause or a consequence of poor marital quality? Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 21, 217-230. doi: 10.1177/0265407504041384 Schaefer, M. T., & Olson, D. H. (1981). Assessing intimacy: The Pair Inventory. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 7, 47-60. doi: 10.1111/j.1752-0606.1981.tb01351.x Shumaker, E. A., & Rodebaugh, T. L. (2009). Perfectionism and social anxiety: Rethinking the role of high standards. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 40, 423-433. doi: 10.1016/j.jbtep.2009.04.002 Slaney, R. B., Rice, K. G., Mobley, M., Trippi, J., & Ashby, J. S. (2001). The Revised Almost Perfect Scale. Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Development, 34, 130-145.

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Appendix A Perceived Infidelity Scale For these questions, please use the following scale to indicate the number that best describes your perceptions of your current romantic relationship.

1 Not at all characteristic

2

3 Moderately characteristic

4

5 Extremely characteristic

____ 1. I sometimes suspect my partner is cheating on me. ____ 2. I often worry that my partner is with someone else. ____ 3. I suspect that my partner has cheated on me in the past. ____ 4. When my partner goes out without me, I am confident that he/she will remain faithful. ____ 5. I suspect that my partner is cheating on me when he/she is being secretive. ____ 6. I am confident that my partner is faithful. ____ 7. I think my partner is seeing someone else. ____ 8. I suspect my partner is flirting with someone else. ____ 9. I think my partner is having sex with someone else. ____ 10. I don't think that my partner would ever cheat on me. ____ 11. My partner doesn't think about cheating on me.

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Table 1.

Correlations Among Other-Oriented and Socially Prescribed Perfectionism and Social Anxiety, Sexual Satisfaction, Intimacy, Infidelity, and Relationship Satisfaction Variable Social anxiety Sexual satisfaction Intimacy Sexual intimacy Emotional intimacy Social intimacy Intellectual intimacy Recreational intimacy Conventionality Infidelity Physical infidelity Emotional infidelity Composite infidelity Perceived infidelity Relationship satisfaction

Other-oriented perfectionism -.01 -.08

Socially prescribed perfectionism .30* -.03

.09 .06 .17 -.003 .07 -.04

-.09 -.25* -.13 -.26* -.13 -.08

.13 .23 .23 -.14 .10

.25* .20 .28* .19 -.17

Note. *p < .05

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Amanda Kopet

Introduction to “Baseline Study of Macroinvertebrates in the Vlomanskill” Paul Benzing Assistant Professor of Environmental Science The Capital District is fortunate to have in its environs the Five Rivers Environmental Education center. As one of the most active of the five DEC run environmental education centers in the state, it serves the community both as a natural area and an educational resource. Over its 32 year history the park’s guided school program has served over 200,000 school children, and countless visitors have enjoyed its natural beauty. One prominent natural feature of the environmental center is the Vlomanskill, a small forested stream that runs through the property, enters two ponds, and then leaves the property to eventually flow into the Hudson River. This area is enjoyed by many visitors who hike along the Vlomanskill trail, is a central feature of many of the guided school program’s lessons, and is of great value as a relatively healthy tributary to the Hudson. Despite this, there is no consistent program monitoring the stream’s health. Amanda Kopet’s research has the potential to be a foundation for such a monitoring program.

Amanda used three different tools at two different sites along the Vlomanskill to assess stream health. Her assessment of macroinvertebrate communities using two separate techniques provides a snapshot of how well the stream is doing by looking at community structure and the presence or absence of indicator species that are sensitive to degradation of habitat and water quality. A third tool Amanda used was a standardized visual assessment protocol that guides observations related to stream structure, riparian habitat, water quality, erosion, and in-stream habitat characteristics. Taken together, these three tools provide an effective way to evaluate water quality, habitat value, and stream health.

Amanda’s project is a first step to building a longer-term data set that can potentially alert us to changes in the health of the stream.

This data set establishes a baseline set of observations that will grow in value if the project continues. It is my hope that future student projects will maintain her sites. Their observations can build on her work, providing valuable information that can help us understand and protect this valuable natural and educational resource.

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Baseline Study of Macroinvertebrates in the Vlomanskill Amanda Kopet Biology Major; Class of 2013 With increased human development and changing climate it has become increasingly important to monitor freshwater sources for signs of serious impacts. Biomonitoring programs using aquatic insects and other macroinvertebrates can allow changes in water pollution level to be tracked over time by comparing taxonomic diversity from different years. Using two different sampling methods for macroinvertebrates, samples were collected and analyzed. Based on the taxonomic groups that were identified, including those belonging to the orders Ephemeroptera, Plecoptera and Tricoptera, it can be qualitatively determined that the pollution levels in the Vlomanskill are currently low. Coupled with a visual assessment to determine the overall health of the stream it can be reasonably stated that the Vlomanskill is a healthy creek. However, due to increased development of adjacent rural land, it is important that water quality continues to be monitored.

Located in Delmar on the Five Rivers Environmental Education Center property, the Vlomanskill is a small creek that is part of the Hudson River watershed. A valuable resource for both human recreation and wildlife, the creek is frequently used by school groups as an educational tool and is an important habitat for many organisms.

The creek retains many natural characteristics despite being extensively damned during the Great Depression, when the property was used as an experimental game farm.1 The purpose of my research was to establish baseline macroinvertebrate and visual assessment data to be used as part of an ongoing biomonitoring program. Biomonitoring programs use living organisms and their responses to determine the quality of the environment.2 Macroinvertebrates, particularly aquatic insects and their larvae, are most frequently used in biomonitoring studies for several reasons including their relatively long life cycles, sedentary nature, number of different species and wide distribution. Sampling of macroinvertebrates for study involves collecting, processing, and analyzing samples to determine numerous characteristics about the sampled populations.

Visual assessments are used to assess impacts on and around streams. The relative health of the stream can be determined by looking at several characteristics. Analysis of channel condition, bank College of Saint Rose

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stability and hydrologic alteration among others can offer insight into the functioning of the stream and any negative impacts it has been receiving. By determining the weak points in the health of a stream, you are better able to develop strategies to mitigate further degradation.

Methods Site Selection Two sites were accessed along the Vlomanskill, one downstream nearer to the visitor center that is frequented by school groups and one farther back in the property that receives fewer disturbances. These sites were chosen so that a comparison could be made to determine if small frequent disturbances by humans lead to changes in macroinvertebrate diversity and overall stream health.

Visual Assessment Both sites were accessed using the United States Department of Agriculture Stream Visual Assessment Protocol.3 Four different characteristics were focused on, after determining that changes in these categories would have the most deleterious effects on the stream as a whole. Channel condition, hydrologic alteration (such as flooding), bank stability and the riparian zone (the area along a stream bank, often associated with a flood plain) were all inspected. Rather than use a numerical score to grade each area in the stream as is done in the USDA procedure, a description of the area and what was happening was used to ensure that changes are tracked more precisely over time.

Macroinvertebrate Sampling and Identification Three samples were taken from each location using a Surber sampler. A Surber sampler consists of a one foot square frame with an attached net that is placed in a rifle, and used to collect insects that enter the water column after the sediment has been disturbed.4 A rifle is an area with a turbulent fast flow.5 The Surber sampler is placed into the rifle with the open end of the net facing upstream. Each rock within the frame is then carefully rubbed off and the sediment disturbed to ensure that all macroinvertebrates were collected. The net was then emptied into a one gallon freezer storage bag and filled with 70% ethanol while in the field to preserve the samples.

Three Hester-Dendy samplers were used to gather three additional macroinvertebrate samples from the upstream site. HesterDendy samplers mimic sediment substrate and are left in the stream for a period of time in order for insects to colonize them before being removed6.The Hester-Dendy samplers were placed in the same rifle the Surber samples were taken from. Galvanized nails were pushed into the sediment and the samplers were attached using twine to ensure that they werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t washed away. After six weeks the samplers were 96

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removed by placing a Surber sampler around the Hester-Dendy and then slowly pulling it out, ensuring that if any insects fell off they were collected by the net. Once the samplers were removed from the stream they were placed in one gallon freezer bags along with any macroinvertebrates in the net and preserved with 70% ethanol.

After sampling was completed specimens were sorted using a dissecting scope and the dichotomous key in An Introduction to the Aquatic Insects of North America2. Insects were sorted into taxonomic group by order and in some cases family and their numbers were counted.

Results Visual Assessment The upstream site showed high rates of erosion. Signs of erosion found at this site included exposed tree roots and high, steep banks. The height of the bank on one side of the stream severely limits access to the flood plain (Figure 1). The other bank is much lower allowing the stream access to the wide flood plain. The riparian zone in this area is well developed containing many mature trees as well as smaller understory shrubs and immature trees. Sand deposition in this area indicated that the creek had flooded recently.

At the downstream site there was increased bank stability.

There were fewer signs of erosion and where erosion was occurring exposed roots were protecting much of the bank. The banks in this area were also significantly lower, allowing greater access to the flood plain.

The riparian zone in this area was not as well developed, however there was significant recruitment of new plant growth occurring.

Figure 1. Exposed tree roots along the bank at the upstream site.

Macroinvertebrate Sampling and Identification College of Saint Rose

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The Hester-Dendy samplers collected very large numbers of Heptageniidea, as seen in Table 1. These types of mayflies are dorsoventrally flattened, generally living under rocks and fulfill the role of scraper in this community. Free swimming Baetidae mayflies were collected in greater abundance by the Surber samplers. Ephemeroptera, or mayfly nymphs, generally live for three to six months in the stream 2.

Upon hatching they mate quickly and generally die within two to three days.

Plecoptera, or stone flies, were found at every site, though only the family Perlidae was present. Perlidae are carnivorous, usually ingesting prey whole. The adults are terrestrial and generally live for several weeks after hatching.2 Tricoptera (caddis flies), there were two families found to be present, one of which is Hydropsychidae is a retreat making caddis.

Retreat making caddis create nets that catch particulate matter in the water column for food and have fixed retreats that they rely on for protection from predators. Hrydroptilidae is a free swimming caddis until its last larval stage where it constructs a portable case out of pebbles or leaves and other debris.

Ephemeroptera, Plecoptera and Tricoptera are among some of the most pollution insensitive macroinvertebrates. These orders are often mimicked by fly fisherman because they are highly prized prey in trout streams. The abundance of different taxa that were found indicates that water pollution is relatively low.

Elmidae, or rifle beetle larvae, were found in high levels of abundance at the downstream site, while very few were found upstream by either collection method. I hypothesize that this is because of the slightly smaller substrate size in the downstream rifle that was sampled.

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Table 1. Sample composition at each sampling site on the Vlomanskill.

Hester-Dendy Upstream Surber Downstream Surber Sampler Sampler Sampler Sample 1

Sample 2

Sample 3

Sample 1

Sample 2

Sample 3

Sample 1

Sample 2

Sample 3

Baetidae

2

Ø

6

Ø

1

4

2

11

14

Leptophlebiidae

Ø

Ø

Ø

1

Ø

4

Ø

Ø

2

Heptageniidae

6

45

17

Ø

9

1

1

Ø

Ø

Unknown

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

8

Ø

2

1

Ø

2

5

5

Ø

Hydropsychidae

1

6

4

Ø

1

2

1

17

Ø

Hydroptilidae

Ø

Ø

8

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Psphenidae

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

8

Ø

Ø

2

Ø

Elmidae

1

1

5

2

1

1

9

8

15

Corydalidae

2

7

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

1

Ø

Odonata

Ø

1

1

Ø

1

1

Ø

1

Ø

Chironomidae

Ø

3

Ø

Ø

3

5

Ø

5

10

Simuliidae

1

Ø

Ø

1

Ø

Ø

Ø

2

Ø

Nymphomyiidae CyclorrhaphousBrachycera

Ø

Ø

Ø

2

Ø

Ø

Ø

2

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

1

Ø

Ø

Tipulidae

1

Ø

Ø

1

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

3

Hemiptera

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

Ø

2

2

Ø

Ø

Ephemeroptera

Plecoptera Perlidae Tricoptera

Coleoptera

Megaloptera

Diptera

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Hester-Dendy

3%

Coleoptera

Megaloptera

Odonata

Diptera

Hemiptera

Ephemeroptera

Plecoptera

Tricoptera

0%

2% 5%

60% 7%

% EPT 83%

15% 8%

Figure 2. Sample composition of Hester-Dendy Sampler. Extended portion shows percent EPT.

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Upstream Surber Coleoptera

Megaloptera

Odonata

Diptera

Hemiptera

Ephemeroptera

Plecoptera

Tricoptera

4%

22%

37% % EPT 48%

4% 0% 22%

5% 6%

Figure 3. Sample composition of upstream Surber sampler. Extended portion shows percent EPT.

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Downstream Surber Coleoptera

Megaloptera

Odonata

Diptera

Hemiptera

Ephemeroptera

Plecoptera

Tricoptera

2% 1%

19%

8%

1% % EPT 48%

25% 15%

29%

Figure 4. Sample composition of downstream Surber sampler.

Extended portion shows percent EPT. Discussion The visual assessments reveal that the stream is relatively healthy. Measures to help mitigate further erosion should be taken at the upstream site. There are numerous ways to help control and prevent further erosion. Some of the most effective are also the simplest and consist of planting saplings that will grow expansive root systems and help to hold back soil.

Levels of water pollution dictate what kind of macroinvertebrates will be found in streams. The high numbers of Ephemeroptera, Plecoptera and Tricoptera that were found in all three sample groups qualitatively indicate that levels of water pollution in the Vlomanskill are low. While members of the order Diptera generally thrive in environments with low water quality, their low numbers in the samples can be counted as normal distribution and are not indicators of poor water quality.

The sample composition of the Hester-Dendy samplers shows that they are heavily biased towards organisms that are found living under rocks while Surber samplers collect many more free swimming organisms. This is most dramatically seen in the difference between 102

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the number of Heptageniidae and free swimming Baetidae from the order Ephemeroptera that were collected in the Hester-Dendy samplers versus the Surber samplers. This was an interesting result because I had not previously considered bias in my sampling techniques.

It is also of note that the percentage of Ephemeroptera, Plecoptera and Tricoptera found in the downstream and upstream samples is identical and that the percent EPT sample composition is very similar (Figures 3 and 4). This is most likely due to the habitat and benthic substrate in both areas being remarkably similar.

With baseline data now collected, it is possible to collect data in future years and compare both the visual assessments and the macroinvertebrate samples. By doing this we will be able to qualitatively say if human activities around the creek or other environmental factors are having positive or negative impacts compared to previous years.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank The College of Saint Rose for the funding of my undergraduate research grant. I would also like to thank Dr. Benzing for the encouragement, support and guidance that he has offered me over the last two years while working with him.

Literature Cited 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

"History of Five Rivers." New York State Department of Environmental Conservation. N.p., n.d. Web. 13 Nov 2012. <http://www.dec.ny.gov/education/55804.html>.

Merrit, R.W., K.W. Cummins, and M.B Berg. An Introduction to the Aquatic Insects of North America. 4th ed.

Kendall Hunt Publishing Company, 2008. Print.

Newton,B., ,Pringle,C., & Bjorkland,R. (1998). Stream Visual Assessment Protocol. United States Department of Agriculture.

Payne, Aric. Kentucky. Commonwealth of Kentucky Energy and Environment Cabinet Department for Environmental Protection Division of Water.

Methods for Sampling Benthic Macroinvertebrate Commuities in Wadeable Waters. 2011. Print.

Closs, Gary, Barbara Downes, and Andrew Boulton.

Freshwater Ecology A Scientific Introduction. 1st ed.

Blackwell Science Ltd., 2004. 97-98. Print.

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6.

104

Goh, Kean S., Frank C. Spurlock, et al. California. California Department of Pesticide Regulation Environmental Monitoring Branch. Procedure for Collecting Benthic Macroinvertebrates using a Hester-Dendy Sampler.

Sacramento: , 2005. Print. <http://www.cdpr.ca.gov/docs/emon/pubs/sops/eqwa 006.00.pdf>.

Journal of Undergraduate Research

High-copy Suppressor Screens

Introduction to “High-copy Suppressor Screens of Monomer Actin Limitations in an act1-159, aip1D Strain and an act1D, act1-159 Strain” Ann Zeeh Associate Professor of Biology The unseen physical architecture inside a single cell is something few take the opportunity to consider, but in truth, the important molecular interactions that form the basis of the miniature “skeleton” within cells, formally known as the cytoskeleton, are critical to the health and survival of cells within all organisms, large or small.

Discovered well over 100 years ago, one of the stand-out components of the cytoskeleton is a protein known as actin. Actin comes in a number of forms and wears several hats within cells, playing key roles in cell shape and motility, cell division, cell adhesion, and cell death events, as well as participating in cellular intake of food particles. As a more tangible description of actin’s importance in human cells in particular, malformations of actin protein and/or loss of actin in humans are tied to a wide variety of seemingly unrelated medical problems, ranging from aortic aneurysm and some types of hearing loss to nerve, muscle and blood cell disorders, resistance to certain chemotherapeutic agents, cancer metastasis, and susceptibility to some infections.

Even with actin’s long history of study within the field of cell biology, there is still much to be learned about this important protein and researchers today actively seek to further understand the roles of actin, and in particular, the molecules with which actin interacts, inside complex cells. One such researcher is Dr. David Amberg at the State University of New York Upstate Medical Center in Syracuse, New York. Dr. Amberg’s lab studies the roles of actin in cells using a classical model organism, Saccharomyces cerevisiae, more commonly referred to as Baker’s yeast, the tiny organism that helps bread to rise and which can ferment sugar into alcohol. Model organisms are organisms that are easily grown and manipulated in a laboratory setting and also share features in common with more complex, less easilystudied, higher organisms. While S. cerevisiae is a single-celled creature, it shares numerous important features with other much more complex multi-cellular beings, including humans, and has long been used in labs world-wide to study some of the most basic and some of the most elegant cellular processes. Dr. Amberg’s lab members focus their current work on the role of actin-binding proteins in the maintenance and organization of the actin cytoskeleton, with particular

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interest in how distinct disruptions in the actin cytoskeletal network may ultimately contribute to multiple and varied human disease states.

In the summer of 2012, Dr. Amberg’s lab participated in a 10week National Science Foundation-funded Summer Undergraduate Research Fellowship (NSF-SURF) program and acted as host to senior biology major, Cathleen Green from The College of Saint Rose.

Cathleen was one of only a few students chosen to participate in this program at Upstate Medical Center from over 230 applicants around the country. Following admission to the program, Cathleen chose the Amberg lab because of her interests in cell and molecular biology and once there, was assigned a project to study one aspect of actin regulation through the development of a screening technique to identify molecules that may control the dynamics of actin protein cycling between monomeric and polymeric states in the cell. Her paper, “Highcopy Suppressor Screens of Monomer Actin Limitations in an act1159, aip1D Strain and an act1D, act1-159 Strain,” describes her work.

In it, she details the construction of a yeast genomic DNA library, the acquisition of plasmid DNA carrying potential “suppressor” genes, and the creation of bacterial strains carrying these potential suppressors, for use in later testing. A suppressor gene is one that can compensate for, or “suppress,” the effects of a mutation in another gene. The intent of Cathleen’s work was to identify new yeast genes that could specifically increase monomeric actin in yeast cells. While no such genes were identified during the time of her internship, her research work gave insight into requirements for increasing the efficiency of this type of suppressor screening technique in the future.

Cathleen is now a PhD student at State University of New York University at Albany in the Department of Biological Sciences.

She is currently completing her first lab-rotation in the laboratory of Dr. Robert Osuna, who specializes in bacterial gene regulation processes.

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High-copy Suppressor Screens of Monomer Actin Limitations in an act1-159, aip1â&#x2C6;&#x2020; Strain and an act1â&#x2C6;&#x2020;, act1-159 Strain Cathleen Green Biology Major; Class of 2012 Research has established that actin exists in a dynamic equilibrium in the cell, constantly shifted back and forth between its monomeric and polymeric states. However, exploration of the numerous regulatory proteins that control this equilibrium may lead to a more detailed understanding of actin regulation in the cell. This study investigates two different mutant strains of Saccharomyces cerevisiae in an effort to try to uncover new actin regulatory mechanisms. The strains were both limited in their actin monomer pool by lethal combinations of two mutations, while being kept alive by a plasmid.

The strains were studied to see if any genes on a high-copy library DNA insert could suppress the mutations and allow loss of the original plasmid, presumably by causing an increase in the pool of monomeric actin. Most suppressors identified through this screen were found to be recombinants between the original plasmids and incoming library plasmids, suggesting that, while the screen has potential to uncover new suppressors, the procedure needs some modification before suppressors can be identified.

Actin is essential for the survival of most eukaryotic cells. Its ability to polymerize and depolymerize offer it numerous advantages to cells (Pollard & Cooper, 2009). For example, formation of actin filaments provides both cell shape and tracks for movement of organelles and vesicles, and is also the driving force behind cell motility. Polymerization and depolymerization also allow rapid remodeling of actin networks to regulate critical processes, including endocytosis, cell polarity, and cytokinesis (Moseley & Goode, 2006).

These complex cellular pathways are driven by interactions with many actin-binding proteins that tightly regulate the actin network (Hild, Bugyi, & Nyitrai, 2010). Actin-binding proteins also ensure that cells turnover actin as needed (Michelot & Drubin, 2011). For example, a major actin-binding protein, Aip1p, functions at cortical patches, one of three filamentous actin structures found in Saccharomyces cerevisiae. It works with the actin-binding protein cofilin to dissociate monomers from filaments, keeping the available actin in the cell in a dynamic equilibrium between its two forms (Moseley & Goode, 2006). This is an important regulatory mechanism because cells are sensitive to the amount of actin within them (Pollard & Cooper, 2009).

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High-copy suppressor screens are an excellent way to find other regulatory proteins, like Aip1p, that help balance the amount of actin within a cell. Suppressor screens allow mutations in one gene to be suppressed by a second gene that is present on a high-copy plasmid.

A high-copy plasmid is a plasmid that has an excellent efficiency for replicating itself, and therefore can be present in very high numbers in the cell. When certain genes are mutated, such as the ones that regulate the amount of monomer actin within a cell, the high-copy plasmid may contain a gene that can increase the monomeric pool of actin, and thus suppress the original mutation.

A suppressor screen was initiated in this study, using a yeast genomic DNA library that is based on a high-copy plasmid, known as YEp1. The plasmid was used to test for suppression in two strains that have reduced monomeric actin due to a mutation known as act1-159.

The goal was to discover novel proteins that regulate actin dynamics. If there existed reduced levels of monomeric actin, a lethal event for the cells, which genes could compensate for this, and thus increase the pool of monomeric actin to save the cells?

MATERIALS AND METHODS Plasmid and strain constructions.

The act1-159, aip1∆ strain was prepared by Dimitra Aggeli and designated AGY24. This strain was created by mating AGY14 (MATa, aip1∆::G418, his3∆-1, leu2∆-0, and ura3∆-0) of the Euroscarf hemizygote collection with BHY717 (MATα, his3∆-1, leu2∆-0, ura3∆0, and act1-159::NatR). The mating created a diploid strain that was heterozygous AIP1wt/aip1∆::G418 and ACT1wt/act1-159::NatR. At this point, the plasmid pDAb181 was transformed into the strain, which was then sporulated and dissected to generate the haploid strain AGY24.

The final genotype of AGY24 is MATa, his3∆-1, leu2∆-0, and ura3∆-0, act1-159::NatR, aip1∆::G418 [pDAb181]. pDAb181 is a URA3-based YCp50 vector that carried the AIPWT gene. YCp50 is a low-copy centromeric vector. The URA3 gene allowed for selection on medium lacking uracil in yeast strains that have a defective URA3 gene. The URA3 gene also allowed for negative selection on medium that contains 5-fluoro-orotic acid (5-FOA). When cells with the plasmid containing the URA3 gene are plated on 5-FOA, they convert the 5-FOA to 5-fluorouracil, which is toxic to cells. The consequence of putting AGY24 on 5-FOA was to select for those cells that have lost the original plasmid. Therefore, one can assume any suppression of lethality is being caused by the library DNA. The act1∆, act1-159 strain was prepared by Brian Haarer and designated BHY729. The genotype of BHY729 is MATa/α, ura3108

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52/ura3-52, leu2∆1/leu2∆1, his3∆200/his3∆200, act1-159/act1∆. This strain also contains pBH635, which is a YCplac33 vector with ACT1wt cloned into it. The vector keeps the strain alive by providing the only wild type copy of the actin gene in the cell. The URA3 gene is also on the plasmid, for the same reasons as previously noted, so the cells without the original plasmid are examined for suppressors from the library DNA only. BHY729 is a diploid.

Library DNA construction and insertion.

A YEp13-based yeast genomic DNA library, which was constructed by Marion Carlson in David Botstein’s lab, was used for the suppressor screens. The library is 2µ-based with 10-15 kb random genomic inserts. The 2µ sequences direct a unique replicating system, which allows 20 to 50 copies to be maintained per cell; thus the screen was high-copy. YEp13 is also marked with ampicillin resistance to allow for selection and amplification in Escherichia coli cells. The plasmid also carries a normal copy of the LEU2 gene, allowing for its selection in yeast by growing on medium lacking leucine.

The YEp13 library DNA was transformed into both strains, AGY24 and BHY729, following the Amberg Lab High Efficiency Transformation Protocol. Both strains were plated onto SC-leu and placed at 30ºC to purify the colonies.

Selecting for cells with only the library plasmid.

After transformants had sufficiently grown up on SC-leu plates (usually 2-3 days at 30ºC for BHY729 and 3-5 days at 30ºC for AGY24), they were replica plated. This technique was done using a replica plating block and velvets. First, the transformants were transferred from the SC-leu plate onto the velvet and then onto a fresh SC-leu plate, which was incubated at 30ºC. Next, the transformant colonies remaining on the velvet were plated on a 5-FOA plate to be incubated at 30ºC. Finally, the remaining transformant cells on the velvet were plated on a 5-FOA plate that was incubated at 37ºC for AGY24 and 34.5ºC for BHY729. Between each new transformant plate, velvets were changed. Growth of each 5-FOA plate was monitored daily for 3 days. Any promising colonies were then streaked onto SC-leu and put to 30ºC and 37ºC for AGY24 and to 30ºC and 34.5ºC for BHY729.

Retrieving plasmid DNA from potential suppressors.

Colonies that looked promising as suppressors were “smash-ngrabbed” to recover putative suppressor plasmids from the yeast cells.

The colonies that exhibited suppression were inoculated in 3.0 ml of College of Saint Rose

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liquid SC-leu and grown at 30ºC overnight. The following morning, 1.5 ml were transferred to a microcentrifuge tube and spun for 10 seconds at 16,000 x g. The supernatant was discarded and the pellet was resuspended in 60 μl STES buffer. A thin layer of acid-washed glass beads was then added to about the level of the liquid surface. The suspension was vortexed for 2 minutes. Next, 50 μl of phenol:chloroform (1:1) were added and vortexed for 1 minute. This was then spun for 5 minutes at 16,000 x g. After this final spin, the aqueous phase on top contained the plasmid DNA of interest. The supernatant was carefully pipetted off into a fresh tube and stored at 20ºC until ready to be transformed into E. coli.

Retesting potential suppresors.

Once potential suppressors were “smash-n-grabbed,” about 4 to 5 μl of plasmid DNA were transformed into competent E. coli DH5α cells using the Amberg lab E. coli Transformation protocol. The transformed cells were plated on Luria Bertani with ampicillin (LB + Amp) and incubated overnight at 37ºC. The following morning, the plates were removed from incubation, scanned, and put to 4ºC until overnight cultures could be set up for plasmid DNA isolation. All plasmid DNA isolations were done using a Qiagen QIAprep Spin Miniprep Kit to ensure clean DNA for sequencing.

The Qiagen miniprep DNA was then transformed back into the respective yeast strain from which it originally came. When the transformed colonies were fully grown on SC-leu medium, they were replica plated as before onto SC-leu and then 5-FOA at two different temperatures. The 5-FOA plates were monitored and scanned daily for potential suppressive growth. Some colonies that came up on 5-FOA at either temperature or both temperatures were sent for sequencing. From AGY24, 7 samples were sequenced, and from BHY729, 4 samples were sequenced.

Confirmation of suppression: sequencing Primers to sequence just the ends of suppressive plasmids were sent, along with 20 μl of Qiagen miniprep DNA, to the Upstate Medical University DNA sequencing facility. Colony designations and results of sequencing can be found in Tables 1 and 2.

Identifying which gene on suppressing DNA actually suppresses: sub-cloning Gene maps of each suppressive plasmid were determined from sequencing the ends of genomic DNA inserts, combined with the known sequence of the YEp13 parent plasmid. This mapping allowed 110

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for determination of restriction enzyme cut sites that would isolate a single gene off the plasmid. This single gene could then be tested in isolation by transforming it back into its host yeast strain and retesting for suppression. Some sub-cloning was achieved in this project, but the process was confounded by unexpected results from plasmid restriction digests. Often, band sizes were never quite correct or more bands were seen than expected. Eventually, the reason for this was determined.

RESULTS AGY24 – First Library Transformation Results Out of about 800 colonies that came up after the library DNA transformation, 15 came up fully grown on 5-FOA after 3 days of incubation. The 15 were re-streaked onto SC-leu plates, named colonies 1-15, and incubated at 30ºC and 37ºC. After 3 days growth, these 15 colonies were observed and categorized by growth characteristics. Five different categories were found: 1) good growth, better at 30ºC than 37ºC, 2) good growth, better at 37ºC than 30ºC, 3) good growth at 30ºC and 37ºC, 4) very slow growing at 30ºC and 37ºC, and 5) good growth at 30ºC, very poor growth at 37ºC. All 15 colonies were “smash-ngrabbed” and plasmids were transformed into E. coli. Only one very slow-growing colony, colony #9, failed to give transformants in E. coli, despite multiple attempts at transformation. The remaining 14 colonies’ plasmids were all transformed back into AGY24 and replica plated onto 5-FOA. Of these 14, 7 supported growth of AGY24 after plating on 5-FOA; these 7 were submitted for sequencing. Sequencing results showed 5 recombinant plasmids that had somehow picked up the AIP1 gene on the LEU2-based plasmid (Table 1). These colonies came from across all the growth categories. Two plasmids had distinct genomic DNA inserts. These 2 plasmids were known as AGY24-3 and AGY245, both which grew very slowly at 30ºC and 37ºC. AGY24-3 had IMP4, MLF3, MSK1, and a truncated version of the MKS1 gene. AGY24-5 has SMX3, DPM1, GDB1, and a truncated version of the ATG13 gene (Table 1). Unfortunately, these clones were subsequently found to also contain the AIP1 gene, presumably as a result of recombination with pDAb181 (Figure 2).

AGY24 – Second Library Transformation Results Numbers were much better the second time AGY24 was transformed with the same library DNA. For about 2,000 transformants seen, about 107 were suppressive on 5-FOA. All 107 were re-streaked onto SC-leu at 30ºC and 37ºC and again categorized by growth characteristics after 3 days growth. Out of these 107 colonies, 30 were chosen to be “smash-n-grabbed,” based on which growth category they College of Saint Rose

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came from. For example, since the first library transformation showed recombination of the plasmid when growth on 5-FOA was good at both temperatures, colonies were preferentially chosen from categories where growth was bad at either temperature. Out of the 30 “smash-ngrabbed” colonies, only 18 were transformed into E. coli. This number was low because of the unexpected sequencing results from the first library transformation. Out of the 18 plasmids transformed into E. coli, only 15 produced colonies on LB + Amp, and only 9 of these were chosen to be transformed back into AGY24. These 9 colonies were replica plated onto 5-FOA to retest for suppression. Only 2 were mostly dead on 5-FOA, and the remaining 7 colonies had full growth at 30ºC and mixed growth at 37ºC. These colonies seemed promising for suppression. However, before they were sent for sequencing, a polymerase chain reaction test (PCR) was run on them to look for the AIP1 gene. The result showed that each plasmid had picked up the AIP1 gene (Figure 4).

BHY729 Results When BHY729 was transformed with library DNA, about 8,000 transformants came up. After replica plating onto 5-FOA, 328 suppressive events were observed. Seventeen of these colonies were suppressive at 30ºC, but not at 34.5ºC. Sixty-four were suppressive at 34.5ºC, but not 30ºC. There were 247 colonies that suppressed at both temperatures. Eight colonies were chosen from each of the 3 growth categories to restreak onto SC-leu at 30ºC and 34.5ºC. Of these 24 colonies, 4 died on the restreak. All of the 20 remaining samples were “smash-n-grabbed” to get plasmid DNA. When transformed into E. coli, only 15 of the 20 colonies generated transformants. When these 15 plasmids were transformed back into BHY729, only 12 grew up on SCleu. Of those 12, only 4 supported growth on 5-FOA. All 4 of these potentially suppressive colonies were sequenced (Table 2). They were designated as BHY729-5, BHY729-15, BHY729-19, and BHY729-20.

Immediately, BHY729-20 was found to have ACT1 recombined on it, while BHY729-15 contained a genomic insert that included ACT1. At the same time, the remaining two seemed promising. BHY729-5 had 3 complete genes on it and 2 truncated genes: TFB6, MEK1, MNE1, [SOG2-Cterm], and [CIN1-Cterm]. BHY729-19 also had 3 complete genes and 2 truncated genes: PSE1, NIP1, YMR310C, [GAS1], and [GLC8]. However, PCR analysis showed that these two clones had also acquired ACT1 (Figure 3).

DISCUSSION

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Both genetic screens suffered from excessive level of recombination between the resident plasmid and incoming library plasmids. In both cases, too much homology existed between the library plasmid and the plasmid that was keeping the strain alive.

Because of this homology, there was an extremely high frequency of recombination. This means that, in almost every clone (sequenced or not sequenced), the AIP1WT or ACT1WT gene that was supporting viability crossed over onto the library DNA plasmid. Although the supporting plasmid was removed early in the experiment by plating on 5-FOA, it is plausible that the recombination happened before then, perhaps in the small window between transforming the library DNA and replica plating onto 5-FOA. The high combination rate was not discovered until late in the experiment. First, 7 clones had been sequenced for AGY24 and 4 clones for BHY729. Of the 7 AGY24 clones, 5 had revealed recombination between plasmids and acquisition of the AIP1WT gene.

The remaining 2 AGY24 clones, AGY24-3 and AGY24-5, had several genes on them (Table 1). Although no genes immediately jumped out as suppressive genes, the experiment proceeded in hopes of retesting them in yeast. Sub-cloning was started by isolating single genes with the aid of software-generated restriction maps. However, in many cases, restriction digests did not match predictions based on the genomic inserts. Bands that were not supposed to be there were and vice versa. Sometimes bands appeared to be the correct size, but the bands looked so strange that it was difficult to measure them against a standard. The immediate response was perhaps that there was a mix up with the isolated plasmid DNA (miniprep DNA). More miniprep DNA was isolated and diagnostically digested, but the repeated results agreed with the original digests. The miniprep DNA had not been mixed up and AGY-3 and AGY-5 were still separate clones (Figure 1).

The story was similar for BHY729, although results were closer to what was expected. Of the 4 clones that were sequenced for BHY729, only one revealed an obvious recombination of ACT1WT on the plasmid, while a second contained ACT1 on a bona fide genomic insert. BHY729-5 and BHY729-19 had some interesting genes, such as a protein kinase gene, MEK1, and an unknown gene, YMR310C (Table 2). However, gels continually showed bands contradictory to predicted sizes. Similarly to AGY24, more miniprep DNA was made for BHY729 and diagnostic digests were run to confirm separate clones.

BHY729-5 and BHY72-19 were in fact separate clones (Figure 1).

The problem was resolved when finally a PCR reaction was run on AGY24 and BHY729 clones with AIP1 and ACT1 primers, respectively. This test was done to verify if suppression was due to a College of Saint Rose

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library insert or reorganization of the plasmid. The first PCR was run on AGY24-3 and AGY24-5, using pDAB181 as the positive control.

Strong bands at the expected size of the AIP1 gene for both clones confirmed recombination (Figure 2). The next PCR was run on BHY729-5 and BHY729-19 with internal ACT1 primers (Figure 3).

This test also revealed that all suppressing plasmids were suppressing solely due to recombination of the plasmid.

While PCR tests were being run, other possible suppressors had come in from the second library transformation of AGY24. These potential suppressors (designated AGY24-Q, -54, -96, -97, -98, -99, 103), before they were ever sent for sequencing, were tested by PCR with internal AIP1 primers. Should any not show AIP1 on the plasmid, they could have been sent for sequencing. However, as seen in Figure 4, all clones had recombined.

An interesting thing to point out about these results comes from the BHY729 recombinant plasmids. There was no expectation that ACT1 could recombine onto a 2Âľ plasmid. The ACT1 gene recombining onto a 2Âľ plasmid was unusual because previous experiments have shown that cells do not tolerate having too much actin. Increasing the dosage of actin in cells is usually lethal, so it is remarkable that the more favorable event would be to recombine ACT1 on the library plasmid rather than lose it. Cells also do not tolerate having actin on high-copy plasmids, which is another reason the observations were so unexpected. Presumably, having the genetic makeup of act1â&#x2C6;&#x2020;/act1-159 makes cells more tolerant of actin overexpression.

For the future of this project, the first step would be to try and reduce homology between the plasmids, correspondingly YEp13 and pDAb181 for AGY24, and YEp13 and pBH635 for BHY729. There are not many other options for library DNA insert backbones, so modifying the library plasmid is not a good place to start. Homology might be able to be reduced on the plasmid that carries AIP1 or ACT1. A potential site that can be changed is the marker for E. coli. Currently, it is the gene for ampicillin resistance. This gene also resides on the library DNA plasmid. The marker could be changed to kanamycin or chloramphenicol resistance on the supporting plasmid, thus cutting down on some homology. Certainly, some homologous recombination would still be expected, but likely at a lower rate. A change in the antibiotic selection marker would also help when growing up potential suppressive plasmids in E. coli because they get plated on LB + Amp. If the original plasmid still resides, or has recombined onto the library plasmid, the cell would die at this step because it is not resistant to ampicillin.

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Small procedural changes could also be made to improve the outcome of future suppressors screens such as this one. After transforming a strain with library DNA, replica plating it to 5-FOA, and streaking all promising transformants on SC-leu at two temperatures, a thorough examination of growth differences should be undertaken.

There will likely be 5 categories: 1) grows better at 30ÂşC, 2) grows better at second temperature, 3) grows equally well at both temperatures, 4) grows poorly at both temperatures, and 5) little/no growth at both temperatures. Immediately, any colonies that have little to no growth at both temperatures should be discarded, as these likely have just been limping along. All other potential suppressors from the first 4 growth categories can be â&#x20AC;&#x153;smash-n-grabbedâ&#x20AC;? and retested in the original strain. However, before any DNA is sent for sequencing, the positive retests should be analyzed by PCR for the specific gene that was keeping them alive first. Any of those that suppressed, but do not have ACT1 or AIP1 on the plasmid, should be sequenced.

REFERENCES Hild, G., Bugyi, B., & Nyitrai, M. (2010). Conformational dynamics of actin: effectors and implications for biological function.

Cytoskeleton, 67(10), 609-629. doi:10.1002/cm.20473 Michelot, A., & Drubin, D. (2011). Building distinct actin filament networks in a common cytoplasm. Current Biology, 21(14), R560-R569. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2011.06.019 Moseley, J. B., & Goode, B. L. (2006). The yeast actin cytoskeleton: from cellular function to biochemical mechanism.

Microbiology and Molecular Biology Reviews, 70(3), 605645.

Pollard, T. D., & Cooper, J. A. (2009) Actin, a central player in cell shape and movement. Science, 326(5957), 1208-1211.

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Table 1: Seven potentially suppressive colonies from the AGY24 strain (first transformation) were sequenced. Results immediately revealed that five of the seven colonies had recombinant DNA. Two colonies, AGY24-3 and AGY24-5, had distinct genomic DNA inserts. (n/a = not applicable) Table 1: AGY24 Sequencing Results Chromosome Chromosome Insert Clone Chromosome coordinates from coordinates from Length Genes/Notes pBR-F pBR-R (bp) Recombinant; sequences AGY24-2 n/a – – – from Ty/LEU2 and AIP1 AGY24-3

XIV

483971

491581

7611

AGY24-5

XVI

909163

899984

9180

AGY24-6

n/a

–

–

–

AGY24-7

n/a

–

–

–

n/a

–

–

–

n/a

–

–

–

AGY2411 AGY2413

[MKS1-Cterm], IMP4, MLF3, MSK1, RNH201 SMX3, DPM1, GDB1, [ATG13-Nterm] Recombinant; sequences from Ty/LEU2 and AIP1 Recombinant; sequences from Ty/LEU2 and AIP1 Recombinant; sequences from Ty/LEU2 and AIP1 Recombinant; sequences from Ty/LEU2 and AIP1

Table 2: Four potentially suppressive colonies from the BHY729 strain were sequenced. The results immediately revealed that two colonies had recombinant DNA. Two colonies, BHY729-5 and BHY729-19, had distinct genomic DNA inserts.

Table 2: BHY729 Sequencing Results Chromosome Chromosome coordinates from coordinates from pBR-F pBR-R

Insert Length (bp)

Genes/Notes

991832

7656

[SOG2-Cterm], TFB6, MEK1, MNE1, [CIN1Cterm]

45718

55948

10231

YFL042C. FET5.

YFL040W, ACT1, [YPT1-Cterm]

XIII

887387

897546

10160

n/a

–

–

–

Clone

Chromosome

BHY729-5

XV

999487

BHY729-15

VI

BH7729-19 BHY729-20

[GAS1], PSE1, NIP1, YMR310C, [GLC8] Recombinant; sequences from Ty/LEU2 and pBR322

Cathleen Green

AGY24 BHY729 Expected Sizes Expected Sizes 14719 10931 3841 3645 1044 1821 644 1644 135 1287 710 472 Figure 1: HindIII diagnostic digest of AGY24-5 and BHY729-19. (A) “Old” versus “new” miniprep DNA for AGY24-5 and BHY729-19 was digested with HindIII and run on a 0.8% agarose gel. Lane 1 is the old miniprep DNA of AGY24-5; lane 2 is the new miniprep DNA of AGY24-5. Lane 4 is the old miniprep DNA of BHY729-19; lane 6 is the new miniprep DNA of BHY729-19. Lanes 3, 5, and 7 contain DNA size markers, with sizes (in kb) indicated at right. (B) Expected sizes of HindII restriction fragments for AGY24-5 and BHY729-19.

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1

2

3

4

5

6

Figure 2. PCR of AGY24-3, AGY24-5 with Internal AIP1 Primers. This gel picture shows that AGY24-3 (lane 3) and AGY24-5 (lane 4) had recombined the AIP1 gene. pDAb181 (lane 2) was a positive control, whereas BHY729-5 (lane 5) and BHY729-19 (lane 6) were used as negative controls. Lane 1 contains 1-kb ladder. The reason the AIP1 gene was not seen through sequencing was because only the ends of the insert were sequenced. Therefore, AIP1 probably recombined somewhere else on the library plasmid, such as into the backbone.

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1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Figure 3: PCR of BHY729-5, BHY729-19 with Internal ACT1 Primers.

This gel shows that BHY729-5 and BHY729-19 had recombined ACT1 somewhere on the plasmid. Lanes 1 and 7 contain 1-kb ladder, lanes 2 and 3 are products of PCR of BHY729-5 (lane 2) and BHY729-19 (lane 3) with internal ACT1-specific primers. pBH635 (the resident ACT1 plasmid in BHY729) is in lane 4 as a positive control. A second positive control, pKFW29, is in lane 5. YEp13 is in lane 6 (as a negative control).

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1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Figure 4: PCR of AGY24 Library Transformation 2 Potential Suppressors with AIP1-specific Primers. PCR was done on six potential suppressors from the second library transformation of AGY24. The first lane is a 1-kb ladder, and second lane is the positive control, pDAB181, and the six remaining lanes (lanes 3-8) are samples from the PCR-tested AGY24 miniprep DNAs.

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Call for Papers Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume V The Journal of Undergraduate Research publishes high-quality work written by undergraduate students at the College of Saint Rose in all fields, and is published each spring. Current students and recent graduates are invited to submit their work for consideration.

Submissions are accepted on a rolling basis, though there is a deadline each fall for the following spring’s publication. Papers must be revised before publication.

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Send your submission as a clean electronic copy, in Microsoft Word, to journal@strose.edu.

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Include a cover page with your name, department, and class year. If the paper was originally written for a course, please indicate which course it was, when it was taken, and who the professor was. Include a statement of original authorship. Do not place your name anywhere else in the document.

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Include an abstract and a complete bibliography. Tables and figures may be included in the text or attached at the end.

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Journal of Undergraduate Research