POLITICS IN BRIEF

RORY FLEMING FEATURES EDITOR

and almost certainly not within their governments’ lifespan. Thus, many countries are quietly turning towards international students as a means of alleviating the pressure.

EU freedom of movement law means that no member state can put an official cap on the number of international students coming to their country to study. These rules are unlikely to change. So instead, certain governments are using the colleges as a proxy, throwing up as many administrative barriers to international and Erasmus students as possible through them.

This is done with the aim of reducing the amount of courses taught through English and putting limits on the number of non-EU students is another measure being taken .

Given the vast sums of money being thrown at the problem, it is possible that eventually an apex will be reached, and more affordable student accommodation begins to filter through to the student housing market. Unfortunately though, it looks like this generation of students will be long graduated before the words “Accomodation Crisis” recede from the headlines.

Coined the “Housing for All” plan, this document outlines the strategy to meet the housing demand with an estimated 33,000 new homes needed each year from 2021 to 2030. This figure has come under revision as Varadkar stated recently after a summit on housing that targets should be increased to 40,000 new units annually. “It makes sense we will need to revise upwards”, Varadkar says.

Homelessness figures have also surpassed 11,000, which further highlights the urgent need for new affordable housing. Mr. Varadkar stated that tackling homelessness was the government’s top priority.

Some opposition TDs in the Dáil have shared their perspectives on government action regarding housing. “We are in the middle of an unprecedented housing crisis and the government is failing miserably to meet its own targets”, said TD Cian O’Callaghan, Housing Spokesperson for the Social Democrats.

Mr. Varadkar expressed his wish to treat the housing crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic, with the implication that more interventionist action by the Taoiseach’s government is possible. The Fine Gael leader also expects the housing budget to rise in future, citing a growing economy and strong public finances to fuel this increase.

Another pressing issue faced by the “newly” formed government is

Many observers view wholesale reform of the health service as the only appropriate way to deal with these issues. However, in Varadkar’s statement made before Christmas about his 5 priorities of government, no mention was made about any such healthcare reform. Regarding the government’s implementation of Sláintecare, Mr.Varadkar has recently criticised Ireland’s two-tiered healthcare system which provides both private and public care, regarding it as “not right and not normal”.

With the Irish health system’s transformation under Sláintecare, Mr. Varadkar’s government hopes to make healthcare affordable and accessible to all Irish citizens.

Opposition parties like Sinn Féin have provided alternative health budgets for 2023 which promote both greater levels of funding already provided by Varadkar’s government and a promise to end overcrowding and trolley shortages in hospitals.

Having previously served as Taoiseach from 2017 to 2020, Varadkar resumes the role of head of a legislature that continues to struggle with the same problems that plagued his previous government. It leaves one to speculate on this government’s ability to deliver on its aims and promises with Varadkar at the helm. If the necessary solutions to the housing and healthcare crisis are not adequately addressed by Varadkar’s government, it is very likely that seismic shifts in the political landscape of the Irish state will occur, with the public’s patience wearing thin.

Change is required, but can these familiar faces deliver it?