CORDOBA INTELLECTUAL REVISIONS BRIEFING PAPER 1 —NOVEMBER 2012
The Arab Spring through the lens of the Islamic Movement
Cordoba Intellectual Revisions is a series of open debates to explore the limits and boundaries of the modern Islamic thought and ideology This briefing note summarises discussions held with prominent members of the Islamic movements in the West and the Arab World where new boundaries of political Islam and Islamic thought were candidly discussed.
Introduction
Key Points
countries without sufficient empirical evidence, extensive studies and reliable scholarly work to assess various aspects of the reality on the A realisation that economic ground. However, some general trends could be discerned. An earlier issues need to take a central role in any political movement paper summarised several think tanks’ findings with regards to the in the Middle East causes and the driving force behind the Arab Spring so there was no pressing need to delve into those causes again. Our discussions should Key questions being asked instead focus on the aftermath of the Arab Spring and whether Islamic about reframing Islamic PolitiMovements would succeed in remaining at the political helm or wither cal thought and recede into the background eroded by internal and external factors A realisation of a rethink of the that could diminish their popularity and affect their ability to press on narrative and discourse on ahead. human rights and what this means in practice
An invitation was extended to a number of figures from within several Islamic movements. Representing diverse political, intellectual, social and charitable trends, guests were invited to debate a number of issues outlined in a letter sent out to participants prior to the meeting. To begin with, the letter argued against any attempt to engage in far-reaching debates about events in Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco and other Arab Spring
A discussion on the priorities of the Islamic Movement in today’s context
Past experiences have seen these Islamic movements enter periods of crises which culminated in the loss of popular support for various reasons, a scenario not unlikely to repeat itself in Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, and perhaps Syria. It has become increasingly evident that slogans alone do not suffice once these Islamic movements secure positions of power. Fierce Westernisation campaigns have been launched in Arab countries to derail Islamic movements with the backing of both local and foreign
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powers. Institutions of old regimes have not yet been dismantled, the culture of corruption is so institutionalised and rife, it will be some time before it is totally eradicated. It is almost as if the Arab world has not made any significant strides since the collapse of the Ottoman empire and its corrupt financial and administrative institutions. Many parties have a vested interest in ruining or marginalising Islamic forces in which case it would take Islamists decades to win back popular confidence and support.
A question must be posed at this juncture: What are the priorities of Islamic movements at this historical moment? Where do the following issues fit into their agendas at a time when they are aspiring to play a leading political role now and in the future? This has been discussed below in a series of sections
The Economy The importance of this dimension in the life of the average citizen cannot be overestimated. Tackling economic issues successfully will play a great role in winning popular confidence. Clearly, this may require a great degree of political pragmatism in dealing with international powers and an equal measure of seriousness and assertiveness in tackling administrative and financial corruption. According to some studies, almost 40% of most Arab countries’ GDP funds black budgets.
The Political Philosophy of the State This section entails posing questions about the philosophies that underlie the work and thought of Islamic movements in their respective countries. There has been, for example, a general consensus that the Turkish model has demonstrated a great measure of success which could possibly serve as a model for Islamic movements in Arab countries, bearing in mind it would necessitate that Western liberal values be adopted on both the political and personal levels. Alternatively, the Islamic movement may choose to explore other options. A pertinent question would be whether the same option should be adopted by Islamic movements everywhere. Would the conflict between Islamic movements and secular parties in Arab countries negatively influence the progress towards a Turkish model of government? And PAGE 2
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finally, should Islamic movements retain the political structure of the old regime or seek to promulgate new constitutions that set the stage for new judicial and security apparatuses that reflect the values of the post-revolution era?
Foreign Relations The changes the Arab world witnessed in the past two years were the natural outcome of decades of oppression and tyranny. Caught between a rock and a hard place, Arabs and especially Islamic movements were forced to seek the help of erstwhile enemies such as the United States and some Western countries. Questions have been raised about whether Islamic movements should pursue such a cooperation (especially with the US) and about whether ideology or pragmatism would be the determining factor for such closer ties. More pertinently, where do we stand vis-a-vis foreign intervention in the aftermath of events in Libya and Syria?
Human Rights Islamist discourse has recently embraced calls for observing human rights without specifying what kind of human rights they are advocating and whether these apply to both Islamic and non-Islamic movements. Aren’t human rights absolute and indivisible, regardless of whose rights are being violated? Demonstrating otherwise would depict Islamic movements as being morally relativistic and prove once again they don’t practice what they preach. A lengthy debate ensued of which the following is a summary: 1- Recent events have demonstrated that Islamic discourse tends to shift once these Islamic movements were afforded the opportunity to participate in political life. This necessitates we explore whether some of the tenets underlying schools of thought which gave rise to pre-revolution Islamic discourses were faulty or whether these discursive practices were not themselves properly formulated? Alternatively, whether political participation has its own contingencies that necessitated these Islamic movements demonstrate a greater degree of flexibility in dealing with contentious issues like the Occupied Lands, Women’s status, Banking services, etc. 2- It is important to note that Islamic movements had, for a very long time, been persecuted by Arab regimes which often forced them to go underground and operate on the margins of political life. This explains why they were not prepared for the sudden changes that swept through the Arab world and did not have clear and well-
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conceived plan of action. 3-There is a pressing need to establish research centres to bridge the gap between Islamic thought and political participation now that many Islamic movements have found themselves assuming leadership positions in the Arab world. 4- The gap between Islamic politicians and Islamic thinkers and intellectuals should be bridged to ensure full collaboration between the two groups. 5-Political fiqh comes on the heels of political work. Actions come first followed by the fiqh that interprets and sets the rules for such action. With the end of the era of the Righteous Caliphs, jurists engaged in heated debates about how to ground political life in Islamic teachings with most of them finally opting for jurisprudence of necessity which advocates adherence to the dictates of leaders. All monarchical systems adopted this approach to avoid revolutions and coups which, many jurists argued, threatened the Ummah with disunity. This point of view has persisted for centuries. 6-As a consequence of these schools of thought from which Islamists sought inspiration prior to the Arab Spring, the notion of democracy was rejected outright. The idea was to achieve power and reject the Other if he or she represented nonIslamist thought. But the reality on the ground has changed and Islamist discourse now incorporates elements of democracy, pluralism, exchange of power and human rights. 7-Islamic movements continue to be judged on the basis of their literature and thought during former eras. Some of the movements’ young proponents feel that they have reached an impasse and can no longer offer anything of value in the domain of political legitimacy. This dated discourse speaks of an Islamic state and applying the rules of Sharia without political legitimacy and in the absence of democratic institutions. Iraq is a very good example of this state of affairs; on paper it has all the trappings of democracy but in reality it could not be further from being one. 8- Islamic movements cannot offer comprehensive solutions to all the political, social and economic problems facing today’s societies. They can only offer solutions in a context of political legitimacy with the help of and in collaboration with other political parties. 9-Modern technology and access to the internet means that modern societies don’t
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live in isolation and are exposed to all sorts of cultures, thoughts and ideas. Today’s struggle is one over people’s hearts and minds and power is not something that could be achieved by force. 10-One of the participants pointed out that the questions posed today about the priorities and main issues facing Islamic movements were debated back in the 1950s and 60s although not in such detail. He cited pre-1952 Egypt as an example. Rashid al-Ghannouchi often put forth these ideas in his writings and lectures. In addition to that, the Muslim Brotherhood and for the past 8 years has been advocating the principles of democracy and public freedoms, but possibly not as extensively and elaborately as is required of them. The European Council for Fatwa and Research is an example of these initiatives to present modern and more progressive interpretations of Islamic teachings. 11- Participants stressed that Islamic movements draw their inspiration from politically advanced and rich resources such as the letters of Imam Hasan Al-Banna to the fifth and six conferences in which he alluded to the principles of democracy and modern forms of government. 12- Self-flagellation seems to be rampant among Islamists. It is worth noting here that, similar to any other movement or party, the Islamic movement has its ups and down which is a natural reflection of the way in which societies go through phases of progress and regression. 13- The Islamic movement is the not the sole representative of Islam but is rather part of a wider movement. Moderation is the driving force behind its Islamic project and it should defend it legitimacy as the best solution to what ails Arab societies. And although it would be great if such ideas were welcome by society at large, any rejection should be seen as an invitation for the movement to revaluate its discourse and performance before launching itself anew. 14- The Jurisprudence of Necessity which Islamic movements had to resort to in the past was dictated by disempowerment and should in no way be drawn upon now that Islamic movements have become more empowered. 15-When considering the issue of public freedoms, it is worth recalling Allah’s words “Remind them, for thou art but someone who reminds. Thou hast no authority to compel them.” 16- We should not refrain from criticising the mistakes made by Islamist governments, regardless of how insignificant they may seem and we should address
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them publicly. The Islamic movement must also examine what were once considered immutable and axiomatic facts and give up some of them before assuming the reins of power compels them to do so which would run the risk of making them appear unprincipled and weak. 17- The Islamic movement should focus on adopting a practical approach to the challenges facing the Arab world. 18- This is an opportune time to re-examine the priorities established when the Islamic movement was far from the reins of power. Now that they have assumed leadership roles, the challenges, issues and crises facing the Arabs cannot be reduced to the goal of establishing an Islamic state nor can the forms of government be limited to Islamic ones. 19- The Islamic movement and its leaders had for a long time proclaimed they were not interested in assuming power. Clearly, this is no longer a valid claim in light of the movement’s recent participation in elections all over the Arab world. 20- The Islamic movement is still struggling to secure its political footing especially in light of all the great challenges it currently faces. It is not feasible at all to expect it to hold on to its old modes of thinking which were developed when the movement was away from power. The movement must demonstrate a great degree of pragmatism and flexibility to tackle the challenges it faces and the fierce opposition it has to contend with. 21- Tunisia and several other countries are witnessing a counter-revolution by Salafis, secularists and left-wingers who have invested a lot of time and effort in creating bones of contention with Islamic governments over issues like the West and Israel. 22-Jurists in previous eras had based their teachings on a unique understanding of their context. The same still applies and modern day jurists should take into consideration the passage of time and the emerging issues that should be addressed in a manner more suited for our times. The Islamic movement should never be seen as something bigger than the context in which they have to exist. Some views have been rigidly framed, adopted and presented as irreversible and absolute, a state of affairs which reflected negatively on the Muslim Brotherhood. 23- Islamic thought does not possess a clear vision with regards to political systems. So what kind of Islamic government are we looking for? Islam is based on principles
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but not clearly- defined and binding systems. The Prophet (PBUH) may have been a just and fair leader but it was a one-man rule and as such poses a dilemma for modern Islamic movements which need to address whether a one-man system is remotely feasible or acceptable nowadays. 24- Any form of government is a man-devised system reflecting the ethos and intellectual trends of the time. It is, thus, wrong to adopt the term “Islamic government” to refer to systems of rule during previous centuries. They were no more than political systems devised by mere mortals but ones which sought to govern in the name of justice and equality, values at the heart of our Islamic values. 25-For the first time in modern history, Islamic movements have assumed the leadership of countries. Many of the thoughts put forward have been a form of selfflagellation at a time when there is an urgent need to evaluate our experiences realistically in light of the present circumstances. Too much negativity will thwart efforts and sink us further into the abyss of frustration. 26-The Prophet’s migration (Hijra) from Mecca to Medina holds many valuable lessons. Had Muslims stayed in Mecca a civil war would have ensued. Hijra afforded the Islamic movement the chance to breathe in Medina where everyone converted to Islam and those who did not pretended to do so once it was clear Islam had ruled the day. It is essential to point out that the Islamic movement can one of two paths: the political and social ones. The former is not responsible for imposing the Hijab, prohibiting alcohol, and so on and so forth. But because the social path was fully integrated, everyone in Medina adhered to these rulings. In other words, it is a personal decision that comes on the heels of embracing Islam and there is no need to establish committees to force anyone to do anything. 27- Islamic movements should concern themselves with political legitimacy. Islamic principles such as justice and equality are values everyone embraces these days compared with 500 years ago when very few believed these should form the basis of any system of government. Muslims have tried over the past few centuries to establish these values as the basis of their rule but did not succeed in implementing all of them nor were able to find the proper mechanisms for doing so. We are similar to everyone else in our modern times and believe that these values are inalienable rights that should be fully integrated into modern government to avoid descending into the abyss of martial laws and dictatorships.
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28- As such, political Islam should not waste its time on the social aspects which are really the speciality and domain of the Dawa movement. The latter works towards educating people until such time when calls for applying Sharia come from the people themselves. The Medina society did not problematise the issue of applying Sharia’ laws. 29- Islamic theories of government are steeped in idealism and sacredness. Decades of persecution made us averse to accepting the point of view of the Other which prompted the latter to attempt to completely eradicate Islamic movements. 30- No one is claiming that the Islamic movement is infallible nor are its leaders representatives of Allah on earth. They are mere mortals who were destined to rule and never actually thought they would ever assume such positions of power so quickly. 31-It is a well-known fact that we are in desperate need for theories, laws and principles of good governance but it is wise to remember that the Islamic movement had been persecuted for so long, a fact which contributed to the lack of planning and preparedness for what was to come. Its financial resources were greatly curtailed or confiscated, and their institutions were dissolved leaving very little room for proper political participation except for a few parliamentary seats. It would do us well to remember these facts as we attempt to evaluate the Islamic experience thus far. The Islamic movement has definitely made mistakes but it has also achieved a lot in a very short period of time. 32- Only specialists and those with the proper knowledge may debate Prophet Mohammed’s style of government. Across history, schools of fiqh have changed and it is simplistic to say there is only one way to rule. It is equally unfair to claim that today’s jurists don’t possess the tools to debate economic, political or social issues. When jurists issue a fatwa about the economy, it is backed by the opinion of specialists in that field. We need to incorporate both the teachings of the Koran and he prophet but also a deeper understanding of the reality on the ground. 33- The questions posed touched upon two main issues; the political dimension of government which, as outlined above, is the outcome of various schools of thought. There are no references in the Quran or Hadith to political matters and we should therefore strive to make the most of other nations’ experiences. The other dimension is the one related to Sharia such as Hijab, alcohol, etc. even things like whether it is acceptable to share power with an atheist communist minister, for example.
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34- One should take into consideration the great advances in technology over the past few decades that led to the dissemination of knowledge about many Islamic issues. The advances made in the field of Sharia jurisprudence were not paralleled by a similar one in political jurisprudence, possibly because the latter was funded and supported by countries like Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. It is true that economic and political jurisprudence is understood by very few people with things like financial Jurisprudence proving to be almost too cumbersome for the great majority of Muslims. It is going to take time before developments are made in these fields. 35- It is imperative that we constantly engage in a process of introspection and revision. Equally important is the ability to examine any progress away from the metaphysics of the sublime and the absolute. It is also worth remembering that the notions of democracy, modern state, government, etc. are not absolute in their meanings and definitions. 36- Discourse and practice often stand worlds apart. We might be in agreement about issues such as human rights, the nation-state, etc. but once we get into the nitty-gritty, the details stand in sharp contrast with what have been advocated. In reality, none of these Arab societies is an Islamic society; sometimes we cannot even consider it to be a Muslim society. We need to dispel the myth that the governments of Egypt and Tunisia could possibly enforce the rule of Sharia. Reality dictates a different strategy and more flexibility not only for the purposes of political gain but because we live in an ear of coalition governments that require the Islamists to try to integrate Islam into them. 37- It is extremely dangerous to claim that the Islamic movements that rules Tunisia and Egypt are pretending to be flexible and pragmatic as part of a plan to empower itself before they imposes their own Islamist agenda on the people. 38-The Muslim theologian Al-Asha’ri adopted a distinction between being Muslim by birth, and Muslim by choice. The same difference exits today between Islamists and the vast majority of Muslims who are not concerned with applying the teachings of Islam. As such, we need wise jurists who could offer a discourse that adheres to Sharia and takes into account the needs of the time. 39- The Quranic verse “Remind them, for thou art but someone who reminds. Thou hast no authority to compel them� refers to the act of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil and could form the basis of a new social order. These issues need
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to be debated at length to come up with fresh formulations especially since Islamic movements have always focused on politics rather than jurisprudence. 40- To appreciate the importance of social forces, and if we take Tunisia as an example, it is quite evident that many sectors of the Tunisian society reject the application of Sharia because they stand to lose a lot. Al-Nahda, fully aware of this fact, adopted a fresh approach whereby they insisted that articles of the old constitution which stipulated Islam as the religion of the country and its language is Arabic be retained. Should the reality on the ground change, and the majority calls for implementing Sharia, these articles would provide the constitutional basis needed for responding to these demands. This is an example of compromise that takes into account the wishes of all those concerned without breaching any Islamic teachings. 41– The Arab Spring revived hope that real political change could be effected. Is it possible to argue that the priorities of the Islamic movement have changed accordingly? Who is better placed to answer this question? How are priorities determined and decided upon and by whom; the politician/leader or the jurist/ intellectual? 42-Islamic movements in countries not touched by the Arab spring still insist they are not seeking positions of power. Is this still a valid claim or has the situation changed in light of the all the recent developments? 43-Some argue that since Islamists are pragmatic and flexible enough to believe in the principles of democracy, secular government, freedoms and human rights, why insist on referring to them as “Islamists”, a term of reference which provokes fear and enmity in the heart and mind of the Other? 44-The Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt had been for a long time opposed to participation in any form of government and limited their involvement to the parliament. Mamoun Al-Hudaibi was one of the staunchest opponents of the idea of participating in government but leaders such as Sheik Qaradawi were in favour of participation so Hudaibi deferred to the opinion of the majority. 45- There are those who still oppose participation in government. Is that because they believe Islamic movements are destined to always play the role of the opposition? Doesn’t the Islamic movement have a political, economic and social agenda that it would like to implement regardless of whether these attempts will succeed or not? 46-The European Council for Fatwa and Research deconstructed many notions that PAGE 10
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were previously thought of as absolute, constant and immutable. 47- It is paramount to debate and change convictions before assuming power not after. 48-Islamic movements have not fashioned a clear vision of issues such as individual freedoms or the citizen’s relationship with the state and society. Newly-formed Islamic governments should not have any qualms about benefiting from Western thought and experience. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example, contains many articles that regulate the power of the state and leaders even though some argue that other articles contravene Sharia. Some governments, on the pretext they did not wish to breach Sharia, rejected the declaration to deprive their citizens of any rights and freedoms. Rejecting the declaration over a few minor points that may conflict with Sharia led to the persecution and oppression of many Islamic and Arab nations. 49-In the paper The Cordoba Foundation presented as a guide to the debate, we called for an initiative that could culminate in a Human rights and democracy declaration to pull the rug from under the feet of so-called liberal secularist movements which are anything but and who have long accused the Muslim Brotherhood of being hostile to these principles. 50-Any examination of the intellectual trajectory of Islamic movements is bound to reveal that most notions of government are initially rejected by these movements before they are forced to adopt them by other parties. It is worth pre-empting this outcome by conducting a careful analysis of these schools of thought and comparing them with Sharia to determine the points of convergence and divergence, a process that could help us establish social orders based on the principles of justice, equality, freedoms, etc. 51- The relationship between Islamic movements and the West has witnessed some interesting developments due to some unique circumstances that necessitated requesting Western support to save the lives of people as has been the case in Libya and Syria. It is irrational to refuse help from any party to save the lives of citizens being systematically annihilated by their governments. We accepted such help in Bosnia and even welcomed it because Islamic nations were too weak to offer any real help and support except prayers and some financial relief. Isn’t it time to devise mechanisms to regulate these relationships in a manner that would maximise our benefits and help save Arab and Muslim peoples should they require help? The issue of Palestine should be debated within this context especially in light of some PAGE 11
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literature that has placed greater value on land rather than people and their lives thus allowing dictators to assume power and kill tens of thousands on the pretext they are liberating these lands from occupation. 52- Our priorities today should centre on freedoms, educating people, and raising awareness of the principles of freedom, justice, fair judiciary, and the importance of the separation of powers. There cannot be any other priorities before we achieve these goals. Things have to be done gradually. Even the Prophet (PBUH) did not apply the teachings of Islam in one day. 53- Modern societies are not driven by faith alone. Economic factors, freedoms, equal access to opportunities, fair distribution of wealth are some of the forces that drive societies. Islamic movements need to realise that economic welfare, measures for tackling financial and administrative corruption are key goals that trump any other, otherwise they will lose all popularity. Religion may be a marginal or sometimes non-existent factor in Western societies but they devised laws and legislations that brought corruption to much lower levels than Islamic countries which should have been supposedly deterred by religion from committing these crimes.
General Remarks -The meeting lasted two and a half hours. -The meeting was held under the Chatham House rule which stipulates that participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed. -The ideas put forth in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of The Cordoba Foundation or its employees. -The aforementioned is a transcript of speakers’ contributions except for cases when modifications were made for linguistic reasons.
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www.thecordobafoundation.com
Cultures in Dialogue
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About Us The Cordoba Foundation (TCF) is a Muslim inspired Public Relations, Research and Policy Think Tank and Do Tank that provides an alternative communication channel to thought leaders and policy makers by promoting positive coexistence among cultures, ideas and people; and facilitating a platform for action on intercultural dialogue and peace building between communities focussing particularly on what Muslims can bring to the common good. Our activities are centred around Research and Publication; Media and Public Relations; Training and Consultancy; Facilitation and Mediation. Our areas of interest are around understanding the nexus between: Cosmopolitansim (Citizenship and Identity); Engagement (Political and Social); Social Justice; Rapprochement of Cultures (Understanding Culture and Heritage) The objectives of the organisation are: To promote dialogue and the culture of peaceful coexistence among cultures, ideas and people. To work with decision-making circles for better understanding and clearer comprehension of inter-communal and inter-religious issues in Britain, across Europe and beyond. To provide a new and unique standard of information, allowing decisions and policies to be established upon proper basis and efficient consultation. Advising leading Muslim organisations and figures on how to enhance their performance on a variety of levels and to make their respective efforts more efficient Advising leading organisations and figures on enhancing their efforts in reaching out to the Muslim World Cultures in Dialogue The Cordoba Foundation Level 7 Westgate House Westgate Road London W5 1YY Tel: 020 8991 3372 Fax: 020 8991 3373 Email: info@thecordobafoundation.com www.thecordobafoundation.com
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