100 DAYS UNDER THE MARCOS JR. PRESIDENCY OCTOBER 2022 EDITORS DERICK M. GABRILLO and RYAN SUAREZ COVER ART ALISSA EVANGELISTA and DARYL D. SY LAYOUT ARTISTS JEZZYRAE B. MAGLENTE and AJ RAYMUNDO
Henry Romero, a journalist taken by the men of President Ferdinand Marcos Sr., was never seen again after being detained. Benigno Aquino Jr., one of Marcos’ foremost political adversaries, was assassinated upon his return home from exile. Edgar Jopson, an Atenean activist, was shot and killed by Marcos’ personnel. Evelio Javier, an Atenean public servant, was shot 24 times by masked gunmen for his opposition to political dynasties. Archimedes Trajano, a student activist who criticized the Kabataang Barangay appointment of presidential daughter Imee Marcos, was found dead with signs of torture and abuse. Kian delos Santos, a 17-year-old high school student, was killed by members of the Philippine National Police (PNP) during President Rodrigo Duterte’s’s infamous drug war. Althea Barbon, a four-year-old girl, was shot and killed in a PNP drug operation targeted at her father who was also murdered. Raymart Siapo, a 19-year-old boy, was tortured and killed by masked vigilantes amid accusations of peddling marijuana. Carl Arnaiz, a 19-year-old boy, was declared missing for 10 days before being discovered dead, killed by two PNP officers. Myca Ulpina, a three-year-old child, was killed during a drug raid conducted by PNP officers in her family’s home. And countless more. They would like us to forget, but the people remember.
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100 Day Special
New Marcos, old remittances BY JANA O. ANG AND ARIANA ENRIQUEZ ILLUSTRATION BY FRANZ MANLUTAC
FOR MANY Filipino families, the decision to work abroad conjures dreams of the good life. Overseas employment offers for many a chance at better work and higher pay, but often forgotten in the romantic vision of work abroad is the cost of distance—home and family. A s O versea s Fi l ipi no Workers (OFWs) remain a significant component in the country’s economic model, t he for ma lization of a n overseas employment program through the 1974 Labor Code of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos still retains its relevance today. Now, the dawn of a new Marcos presidency raises questions about the continuity of the labor export policy—and the gover n ment’s l a rger steps towards ensuring an equitable and sustainable job market at home. PARCHED PASTURES Born into a family of Overseas Filipino Workers, Andrea Joyce Peñaf lor (2 BS BIO) carries conflicting sentiments toward labor migration. Her father has been working as an electrical engineer in Kuwait for 22 years, resulting in a gaping disconnect between him and his daughter’s life. No stranger to generational hardship himself, Peñaf lor’s father endured f inancia l constraints as a college student, exacerbated by the scarcity of economic opportunities in his hometown Isabela City, Basilan. This forced him to take on multiple side hustles, alongside the responsibility of looking after his younger siblings. After passing the licensure examination, Peñaflor’s father immediately migrated to Kuwait in 2000,
partly compelled by the low compensation and undesirable working conditions that he saw in the Philippines. Such promise of decent remittances, job security, and related work benefits entice Filipino laborers like Peñaflor’s father to work abroad and settle anywhere but in the Philippines. Now, having been in Kuwait for more than a decade, Peñaflor’s father says he has been welltaken care of—not only by his agency but also by the close-knit Filipino community surrounding him. Thus, he was compelled to stay in the comfort of his newfound home despite the numerous job offers in the Philippines. If poverty were not in the picture, Andrea Joyce Peñaflor would have wanted her father to stay instead of sacrificing h i s relationship with his children. “Maybe my father did not know me as much as I wanted him to, and it’s not because he genuinely wanted to be disconnected from us…. [Going abroad] was brought about [by] the circumstances,” Peñaflor expresses. Like many others, she reconciled growing up without a father with the hope that this sacrifice would pave the way for a future better than the past. A BATTLE BEYOND BORDERS D e s pit e ..w ide s pre a d misconceptions of peace and unparalleled prosperity, the Martial Law years were plagued with declining wages, skyrocketing inf lation, and mou nt i ng foreig n debt . According to Ateneo Center for Economic Research and Development Director Ser Percival Peña-Reyes, PhD, the economic mismanagement led
by Marcos Sr. and his team of technocrats disrupted much of Filipinos’ daily lives with fluctuating prices, loss of job security, and stagnant incomes— ultimately fomenting opposition. “If the firewall [between politics and economics] is broken, meaning to say, you do [make] politically bad decisions that are already spilling over to people’s day-to-day living, [then] that becomes the people’s concern,” he explains in a mix of English and Filipino. As the elder Marcos’ term wore on, dismal working conditions— leading to food insecurity and
minimal earnings—began to fracture that barrier. In 1972, urban youths aged 20 to 24 years old and adults aged 25 to 44 years old occupied 50% and 30% of the unemployed, respectively. As a result, dissatisfaction emerging from these sectors ignited protests against the regime. A m id g row i ng soc i a l inequality, the implementation of the 1974 Labor Code and the broad institutionalization of Filipino migrant worker outflow served as political instruments designed to maintain control and momentarily appease
Maybe my father did not know me as much as I wanted him to, and it’s not because he genuinely wanted to be disconnected from us…. [Going abroad] was brought about [by] the circumstances. ANDREA JOYCE PEÑAFLOR DAUGHTER OF AN OFW
dissidents. “It wa s a convenient way, perhaps, to go about it because soaring domestic prices and stagnant incomes were a recipe for w ide socia l un rest,” PeñaReyes states. While the labor export policy addressed the United States Dollar shortfall and the lack of career opportunities in the country, it also served to divert attention away from the administration and send critics abroad. Across the seas and on foreign lands, however, the exchange of idea s t h at t ra n spi red between OFWs and the norms of their host countries may have inf luenced the former’s views on governance. For instance, some Filipino immigrants who were among the most involved in the anti-Martial Law movement resided in the West Coast of the United States, an area historically known for political activism. “ T he s a me d ay M a rc o s en ac ted P rocl a m at ion No. 1081, a gather ing of Filipino prog ressives took place i n S a n Fr a nc i s co. Most ly Philippine- and some US-born Fi l ipino Americans created the Nationa l Coa lition for t h e R e s t o r a t io n o f Ci v i l Liber ties in the Philippines, the first organized US-based opp os it ion to t he M a rcos dictatorship,” San Franciscobased Yuchengco Ph i l ippi ne St ud ie s P ro g r a m D i re c tor James Zarsadia says. NOTHING “NEW” Now a college sophomore, Peñaf lor shares that she has considered going abroad in the future. She adds a caveat, “Now that I take a look at the situation of the
Philippines, I feel very compelled to go back [to the Philippines if ever I go abroad]… I think it would be best to share the opportunities with people by just staying in the countr y and partaking in initiatives that make more opportunities available to people.” Peñaf lor emphasizes the need for government initiatives to create robust systems that sustainably promote nationa growth. In particular, she believes that worker safety and humane treatment are key hallmarks towards true development. Unfortunately, current progressive e f f o r t s , i n c lu d i n g t h e int roduct ion of a h a za rd pay for hea lt hc a re professionals, remain significantly superficial and ineffective improvements in the system. “Most often than not, it does not really trickle down to the needs of these people that go outside of the country,” Peñaflor states. She adds that the government and other concerned institutions h a ve t h e r e s p o n s i b i l it y to invest in education and programs that prevent the Filipino laborers—tormented by frustrations and broken promises—f rom resenting their own country. More than providing safe spaces for the labor force, Peñaf lor shares that ensuring the welfare of laborers entails cultivating the optimum selves they aspire to become. A new Marcos may be at the helm, yet plans to implement l a bor m ig r at ion pol ic ies resembl i ng t hose of h i s father loom in the horizon. Thus, generations of Filipino workers must contend with a labor system that still lags in development until fundamental changes are made.
The GUIDON | October 2022
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Never forget: A tale of two activists Disinformation equates to historical distortion, but the stories of these two activists loudly refute the lies of the present and shed light on the truth. BY REIGN IRIS CENTENO AND KENT LAGUMBAY
NOT TOO long ago, former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. signed Proclamation No. 1081, which placed the Philippines under Martial Law and marked the beginning of an era that Filipinos will never forget. A revisionist narrative to blur out the atrocities of the past has since emerged, offering the foundations of a propaganda t h a t i n s t e a d e x a lt s t h e Marcos family. W hile Marcos S r.’s administration passed orders t h at s y s t e m at ic a l ly a nd irrevocably corroded public life, society then sought to shake the prevailing order and upend the politics of the unjust society, an effort that culminated in the 1986 EDSA Revolution. In a bid to uphold the memory and legacy of the revolution, a new movement h a s emer ged—u s i ng t he memories of the old movement to inform the current for healing, learning, and pursuing change for the better. DOWN THE MEMORY LANE During the third year of Martial Law, Attorney Filemon D. Nolasco was a freshman entering the halls of the University of the Philippines Los
Baños (UPLB). The halls were eerily quiet during those times as Nolasco and his fellow students were mourning Proclamation No. 1081 which crushed their basic rights, among which was the freedom of expression. “Biruin mo, ang bata-bata pa namin, makakaranas ka ng biglang mawawala na lang ‘yung kakilala mo (Imagine, we were so young yet we experienced losing someone we actually knew),” Nolasco recalls. With television stations shut down, national daily newspapers ef faced , a nd student associations banned, there were barely any spaces for speaking up. All that was left were a few university organizations such as the UP Student Catholic Action (UPSCA), which Nolasco joined and later attributed as his doorway to activism. In UPSCA, a young Nolasco met Gerry Faustino—a fellow UPLB student who later turned out to be his roommate. One day in 1977, Gerry was declared missing, along with nine other students who were also activists. Nolasco believes that this was a message that was sent out to those who expressed dissent. “The message was: Kung magpapatuloy kayo, sasapitin niyo rin ‘yung sinapit ng sampu (if you will
continue, what happened to the ten will happen to you),” Nolasco adds. This group of activists was eventually known as the Southern Tagalog 10. Up to this day, they still have not been found. After those devastating disappearances, Nolasco felt compelled that someone had to continue carrying the spirit of revolutionary thought and action. The disappearance of the Southern Tagalog 10 became personal for him—as his will to fight was rooted in the personal ties he made with the vanished. According to Nolasco, life provided him with two forking roads, but he strayed from the beaten path. “I was next in line,” Nolasco describes. “May darating na punto ng buhay mo na mapipilitan ka talaga. What will you be living for? Papayagan mo na lang ba ‘yon? Or magsasalita ka? (The time will come in your life that you will be forced to fight. What will you be living for? Will you let the injustices be? Or will you speak up?).” RELIVING THE PAST IN THE PRESENT The culture of terror and dread from Marcos Sr.’s Martial Law still towers over the country— and its activists—today.
Amid this fraught political climate, youth activist Christian Tiu (4 BS PSY) answered the call to pursue activism when Kian Delos Santos—who was roughly the same age as Tiu at the time— was murdered. “To have his life cut short just because he was in the wrong place at the wrong time—it brought something in me where I [realized] I can’t just sit and watch and feel bad anymore. I felt like I had to do something,” he shares. Studying Psychology in col lege a l lowe d T iu to understand others much more easily. Now, he firmly asserts that activism necessitates a deep, meaningful connection to t he com mu n it ie s he advocates for. “To put it simply, [to be an activist] is to be a person who is steadfast to the will of marginalized communities and a person who is willing to unite with them, to join them in their fight, and to advocate for them through various needs,” he says. Tiu f u r t her desc r ibes activism today as “more accessible but still difficult.” Through current technologies, social movements gain faster momentum, making activism more inclusive and participatory. Broader conversations on both global and national issues
also ensue across multiple media, which lend platforms for underrepresented voices to express the problems they face. However, the vilification and stigmatization of activists in the Philippines are more rampant than ever. Tiu argues that the ubiquity of red-tagging has made activism more daunting for Ateneans despite having the privilege of a protective University administration. For instance, red-tagging has been used to discredit activists who criticize the policies or behavior of government authorities and other influential persons. This may occur via smear efforts against persons viewed as threats, regardless of whether or not they are really involved in unlawful activity. State authorities have also begun including the quelling of dissent in their responsibilities. For instance, the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino halted the distribution of “subversive materials” that are allegedly antigovernment. Unfortunately, this is only one of many strategies used to prevent Filipinos from speaking out and following the path of activism. HEEDING THE CALL Not many choose to take the road less traveled, but
the brave few realize the importance of heeding the call of being an activist. Encompassing generations, activists continue to fight against the persisting injustices of greed and corruption. The legacies of what these activists fought—and sometimes perished—for continue to fall on deaf ears, modified in today’s era of historical distortion. A mid the da nger that disinfor mation i m p o s e s , Nolasco stresses that the yout h shou ld engage i n online activism, especially in a ol it ic a l l a nd sc ape where echo chambers are dictated by manipulated social media content and algorithms. He adds that one way to fight it is to hold the teachings of history in such high regard, and to never forget. In this regard, Nolasco advises the youth to “always choose the side of the people.” Likewise, Tiu believes that the need for activism continues to increase in light of sociopolitical issues that are being experienced in contemporary society. “A lot of issues are becoming too big to ignore,” he says. The road less traveled—the route that no one dares to take—is not guaranteed to be safe, but it is necessary.
To put it simply, [to be an activist] is to be a person who is steadfast to the will of marginalized communities and a person who is willing to unite with them, to join them in their fight, and to advocate for them through various needs. CHRISTIAN TIU 4 BS PSY
ILLUSTRATION BY ALISSA CO
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100 Day Special
A Marcosian mirror
BY BIEL L.B. AREVALO AND FELICITY C. SANTOS ILLUSTRATION BY DANNI NATIVIDAD
REMNANTS OF Martial Law seep into today’s times as the Philippine media is once again challenged by those in power. Following the recent victory of Ferdinand Marcos Jr., another Marcos presidency has emerged. Much then may be expected of Marcos Jr. to distort historical narratives through Philippine media, akin to his father’s methods of manipulating the press. At present, the ascendance of new media—powered by the internet—has ushered in a modernized approach to propaganda by the Marcos Jr. camp that echoes repressive media patterns during the Martial Law regime. THE TYRANT’S TAKEOVER On September 21, 1972, the late dictator Former President
Ferdinand Marcos Sr. declared a nationwide martial law, exacerbating the plight of Philippine press and media. Recognizing the pivotal role of press freedom in radically shaping public opinion, Marcos Sr. sought to capture Philippine traditional media and the right to free expression to forward his administration’s agenda. Such a scheme was catalyzed as Marcos Sr. issued his first Letter of Instruction one day after martial law was declared, ordering the shutdown of private media outlets. This stripped Philippine media of their freedom of expression by “[preventing] the use of privately owned newspapers, magazines, radio and television facilities, and all other media of c om mu n ic a t ion s for propaganda purposes against the government.” Decades after the martial law regime, little has changed in the regulation of Philippine press. However, with the rise of new and unregulated media platforms such as YouTube,
Facebook, and TikTok—in which users experience greater freedom of speech—it is no surprise that modern-day Filipinos have developed a distrust of traditional forms of media and are more inclined to believe what is presented on social media. University of the Philippines Assistant Professor Fatima Gaw affirmed the use of new media by the Marcos Jr. camp to whitewash history, “Now, it’s about a demolition job against [traditional] media first, then [swooping] in with these alternative sources of information so that there’s no need for media already in this era,” Gaw disclosed. A parallelism may then be observed between the policies of the late dictator and his son’s strategies in skewing stories to their advantage. With the pervasiveness of social media, patterns of media repression in the martial law era are now reflected in the Marcos family’s current disinformation machinery.
[W]e have to think of disinformation as not really isolated or happening within democratic events like the election, but it’s something that’s happening in everyday political circles online.
FATIMA GAW UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES ASSISTANT PROFESSOR
MODERN-DAY MANIPULATION A more intr icate a nd unregulated platform for disinformation—social media— has paved the way for a carefully orchestrated attempt to revise history. Gaw explained that this is a result of being able to seed lies and distortionist narratives early and continuously—even before election season. “So, we have to think of disinformation as not really isolated or happening within democratic events like the election, but it’s something that’s happening in everyday political circles online,” she added. Using social media as a form of capital, the Marcoses employ two main strategies in messaging: recalling the supposed legacy of Marcos Sr. and mythmaking. Learning from Marcos Jr.’s unsuccessful vice presidential bid, they have now reattached their name to Marcos Sr., Gaw said. By using Marcos Sr.’s legacy, the Marcos camp cherry-picked narratives of the country’s state of discipline during the regime while denying atrocities and allegations of widespread corruption. Moreover, the camp turns to mythmaking to justify how corruption was never an issue in the first place. An argument is that the Marcoses were already rich from the “Tallano gold,” a conspiracy theory that the Marcos family were paid gold bars by a Spanish family. While denied by Marcos Jr., the gold myth is still being circulated by his supporters. T hese messaging strategies are then employed through YouTube videos, Facebook posts, and TikTok clips. Most notably, micro-influencers peddle this narrative to a target audience, a small demographic that they are able to establish resonance with. With a more intimate following, these microinfluencers are more effective in sharing the narrative— especially when this system is multiplied to thousands of other micro-influencers. “Since the Filipino culture is into celebrities to begin with, it’s not a far-off assumption that there’s a connection between the prominence or pervasiveness of [micro-influencers] in the online space,” Gaw cited. In totality, this coupled with the bandwagon effect and other election strategies, led the Filipinos to elect another Marcos into the presidency. Gaw further explained that with battles being fought online and off line, the war against historical distortion a nd den i a l i sm requ i res a n i nter sec tora l ef for t . This can be done through the country’s collaboration with the international community to pressure platforms to employ anti-false information measures. T he deat h t hreats to members of the press prove to be reminiscent of Marcos Sr.’s regime, hence the need to scrutinize the current state of Philippine media. Ultimately, strengthening intersectoral cooperation would make clear the truth about Martial Law— keeping lies from staining present-day media.