21 minute read
11 Roderick Conway Morris, "Pleasure in the Floating World." International Herald Tribune, April
other hand, Cassatt’s lines are more deliberate and fragile, and she uses multiple fragmented
strokes to create a curve. The curves in the folds of her subject’s clothing are less boldly rounded than those of Utamaro’s.46
Figure 10. Utamaro, Kitagawa. A Woman Dressing a Girl for a Kabuki Dance “Musume Dojōji,” with “Brother Picture” (E-kyōdai) of a Monkey Trainer, ca. 1795-96. Woodblock print in the e-kyodai format. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Figure 11. Cassatt, Mary. The Fitting, 189091. Drypoint and aquatint, 16 13/16 x 11 3/4 in. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
The same holds true for Cassatt’s print The Letter (See Fig.12), possibly inspired by
Utamaro’s print Hinazuru of the Keizetsuro (See Fig. 13). Cassatt had continued borrowing
themes from ukiyo-e beyond mother-child relationships, unwittingly adopting the allusion of the
Japanese oiran (prostitute) with a towel to her mouth in this work. The Letter retained the same
modest downward glance as Utamaro’s depiction of the courtesan, with both women averting
46 Ives, The Great Wave, 53.
their eyes away from the viewer of the work.47 However, Cassatt toned down the sensuality
significantly in her depictions; once again, she still places all of her subjects firmly in a solid
environment and depicts wallpaper as visible in the background, forgoing Utamaro’s use of free, blank space.48
Figure 13. Cassatt, Mary. The Letter, 1890-91. Drypoint and aquatint. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Figure 14. Utamaro, Kitagawa. Hinazuru of the Keizetsuro, ca. 1789-1800. Color woodblock print. Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago.
The Influence of Cassatt’s Upbringing on Her Viewpoint
Cassatt’s devout adherence to social standards was also shaped by her upbringing and past experiences. Cassatt came from a well-bred, wealthy American family, enjoying a high
social status and refined upbringing. Her family had moved often during her childhood, taking
47 Johnson, “Cassatt’s Color Prints,” 31. 48 Ives, The Great Wave, 51.
their wealth and social position to cosmopolitan circles through the United States and Europe.49
In 1850, the Cassatt family left their home in Philadelphia to embark on an extended tour of
Europe spanning six years, allowing Cassatt her first taste of European life. Similar to many
Americans, Cassatt’s parents held firsthand knowledge of European culture in high regard and
considered it a distinct advantage in the education of their children. Their tour included
prolonged stays in the cities of Darmstadt, Heidelberg, and Paris, where the Cassatt children
were enrolled in school and the young Mary quickly picked up German and French. Cassatt must
have experienced the magnificent Exposition Universelle in Paris in 1855, with the family
returning back to Philadelphia later that year.
Five years later, at the age of sixteen, Cassatt enrolled at the Pennsylvania Academy of
the Fine Arts and began her formal artistic education as a full-time student. The academy
familiarized Cassatt with the classical European style, teaching her from its robust collection and
annual exhibition of Old Master works and contemporary European paintings. Cassatt underwent
two years of preliminary training, where students created copies of antique casts from the
academy’s collection before they were allowed to learn painting or sculpture.50 In the face of
contemporary changes in artistic styles, the Academy where Cassatt studied maintained a
reputation as a staunchly traditional art school.51 Cassatt met and learned from many peers at the
Academy, especially fellow female artists from the same social class. (See Fig. 14) She would
keep in contact with her Academy classmates for many years; Cassatt’s best friend at the
49 Mathews. Mary Cassatt, 11.
50 Mancoff, Mary Cassatt: Reflections of Women's Lives, 8.
51 Stephan Salisbury, "Old School Ties: There's Nothing Abstract about the Teaching at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts.," Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, P.A.), 1997. Proquest.
Academy, Eliza Haldeman, also moved to Europe to pursue an artistic career, traveling around
Europe with Cassatt for a period to explore genre painting (paintings featuring everyday peasant
life). 52
Figure 14. Cassatt (right) creates a casting of a hand with other students at the Academy. Photograph of Eliza Haldeman, Inez Lewis, Edmund Smith, Rebecca M. Welsh (?), and Mary Cassatt taken in the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, 1862. The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts Archives.
Cassatt’s writings from her time spent painting in Spain also indicate her genteel attitude. After studying briefly in Parma, Italy for eight months in 1872, Cassatt took trips to Madrid and
52 Mathews, Mary Cassatt, 43.
Seville as she continued traveling around Europe to refine her artistic skill, painting portraits of
the local residents she encountered (See Fig. 15).53 As she continued her stay in Spain, Cassatt
viewed Spaniards as “odd” and “peculiar” for their skin color. In a letter to her sister in 1873,
Cassatt wrote that “The great thing here is the odd types and peculiar rich dark coloring of the models, if it were not for that I should not stay.”54 Cassatt also found her life in Spain jarring to
what she had experienced in the more genteel environment of her upbringing: “In her characteristic high-handed way, she judged ‘the Spaniards infinitely inferior in education and
breeding to the Italians’ and that they were ‘barbarians’ when it came to fashion.”55
Figure 15. Cassatt, Mary. Spanish Dancer Wearing a Lace Mantilla, 1873. Oil on canvas, Smithsonian American Art Museum, Washington D.C.
53 Adelyn Dohme Breeskin, A Catalogue Raisonné of the Graphic Work, 2nd ed. (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Pr., 1979), 29.
54 Mathews, Mary Cassatt, 84.
55 Mathews, 84.
In 1874, Cassatt stopped wandering Europe in search of artistic inspiration and instead
returned to Paris with the intention of settling in the city permanently to live a fashionable life
with her sister, Lydia. Cassatt then purposefully turned toward more socially acceptable subject
matter in creating her works, revealing her adherence to genteel European social standards.
Although she had spent a few years in the countryside painting themes of melancholy women,
“she had been so shaken by the lack of public appreciation of her work, as measured by sales, that she cast about for a surer foothold . . . Consequently, she abandoned her old interest in
costume genre pictures, such as the peasant paintings, Carnival subjects, and bullfighters, and set
about becoming a society portraitist and painter of fashionable life.”56
Gender Influence on Cassatt’s Conventionalism
Cassatt’s position as a woman among the impressionist also played a critical role in her
more orthodox depictions of subject matter, eschewing the raw and scandalous sensuality that
her male counterparts incorporated into their work. As Japanese culture became popular in
nineteenth century Europe, it was introduced differently to men and women. Texts written by
men, intended for men, emphasize “feminized delicacy of Japanese art and of the exotic beauty and sexual availability of their women.”57 For instance, geisha, or Japanese hostesses trained to
entertain men with conversation, dance, and song, were portrayed as exotic and deferential
females.58
However, for French female audiences, texts about Japan do not emphasize sensuality or
eroticism. Instead, journals focus on the role of women in Japanese society, highlighting
56 Mathews, 95.
57 Criss, "Japonisme and beyond,"39.
58 Criss, 39.
differences that would have appealed as fascinating to French readers. In Le Journal des
demoiselles (The Ladies’ Diary) author Ernest Chesnau, one of the leading collectors and
connoisseurs of Japanese artwork along with Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, observes how
marriage in Japan was “a true bond, a bond of affection and also business” that related to “the deepest respect, by foresight, by the cares, by the delicacies of attention for which many of our
European women could rightly be jealous.”59 French women would have actually perceived that
women’s rights in Japan surpassed their own, ingraining the strict and oppressive gender standards of France in their minds.
Unlike her male contemporaries, Cassatt also was confined solely to the domestic sphere
in choosing the subject matter for her paintings. While Manet often painted scenes of modern life
featuring locations such as the beer bar in The Beer Waitress (See Fig. 16), Cassatt painted
within private, elegant locations considered acceptable for women, rendering a fashionable lady
sitting in a tea room in Lady at the Tea Table (See Fig. 17). Although Cassatt still strove to break
the mold of formal classical academic painting in seeking commonplace scenes, her gender
obliged her to turn to elegant parlors rather than unrefined, plebeian settings.60 Cassatt’s gender restrictions created a paradox in her process of choosing subject matter: “Cassatt gave expression to the modern woman’s desire for autonomy and access to the public sphere, a desire based on
59 Ernest Chesneau, Le Journal des demoiselles 11 (November 1868), 322. Original text written in French, translated in this paper “Apprenez, d’autre part, que ces rigueurs assez rares en somme, qui forcent la femme a s’inquieter avec sollicitude des actes de son mari, et qui font par cela meme un lien véritable, un lien d’affection et aussi d ’affaires de l’union conjugale; apprenez, dis-je, que ces rigueurs sont compensées, dans l’ordinaire de la vie, par l’hommage constant du respect le plus profond, par des prevenances, des soins, des delicatesses d’attention, dont beaucoup de nos femmes europeennes pourraient a juste titre se montrer jalouses.” 60 Barbara H. Weinberg and Carrie Rebora Barratt. American Stories: Paintings of Everyday Life, 17651915. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2009.
modern doctrines of rationality, progress, and ambitious individualism.”61 However, at the same
time, “her words betray signs of a conventional, almost essentialist belief in ‘women’s qualities,’ a femininity of sweetness and charm, an acceptance of the gender stereotypes that the mural
seems to defy.”62
Figure 16. Cassatt, Mary. Lady at the Tea Table, 1883-85. Oil on canvas, 29 x 24 in. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Figure 17. Manet, Édouard. The Beer Waitress, 1879. Oil on canvas, 77 x 65 cm. Musée d'Orsay, Paris.
Thus, Cassatt focused mainly on domestic themes, with scenes of children and mothers located
securely in the home, instead of adopting Utamaro’s themes of pleasure-seeking with yūkaku
(red-light-districts with brothels) scenes.63
61 Norma Broude. "Mary Cassatt: Modern Woman or the Cult of True Womanhood?" Woman's Art Journal 21, no. 2 (2000): 36-43. https://doi.org/10.2307/1358749, 36.
62 Broude, 36.
63 Goncourt, Utamaro, ix.
In placing her subjects within the domestic sphere reserved for women, Cassatt chose to
create an enclosed sense of privacy within many of her works. Instead of adopting the voyeur-
esque gaze of many of her male contemporaries as well as Utamaro’s more erotic ukiyo-e prints,
she defines the realms within her paintings as strictly private, personal to the mother and her
child only. In Maternal Caress (See Fig. 18), Cassatt employs many techniques drawn from
ukiyo-e compositional styles, drawing the figure forward to touch the edge of the print. She
flattens the perspective and, again, makes use of decorative patterns to place the subjects within a
defined, wallpapered background, confining them within the domestic sphere of the home and
creating an atmosphere of privacy.64
Figure 18. Cassatt, Mary. Maternal Caress, 1890-91. Drypoint, aquatint and softground etching, 14 3/8 × 10 9/16 in. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
In comparing Cassatt’s work with male contemporary and fellow Impressionist Edgar
Degas, two starkly different artistic approaches are again revealed. Although both artists depict a
64 Debra N. Mancoff, Mary Cassatt: Reflections of Women's Lives, 88-89.
bathing scene, a common theme in ukiyo-e, Cassatt keeps her subject matter at eye level in The
Child’s Bath (See Fig. 20) while Degas paints as if looking down at the woman that is his subject
matter in The Tub (See Fig. 21). Both artists use stylistic elements like asymmetrical composition
to emulate ukiyo-e in different ways, maximizing their two different intended effects. Ultimately,
“whereas the Frenchman’s scenes seem observed from a voyeur’s keyhole perspective, The
Child’s Bath and other Cassatt pictures are infused with a wholesome domesticity, as though
seen from the vantage point of a family member.”65 Unlike Degas, Cassatt refuses to adopt the
sensuality of ukiyo-e themes such as bathing, instead choosing a more chaste manner of
depiction.
Figure 19. Cassatt, Mary. The Child's Bath, 1893–1893. Oil paint, 3′ 3″ x 2′ 2.″ Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago. Figure 20. Degas, Edgar. The Tub. 1886. Pastel. Musée d'Orsay, Paris.
65 "Mary Cassatt, Genteel Powerhouse." World and I, March 1999, 96. Gale in Context: Biography.
Another comparison can be drawn with Cassatt’s against fellow impressionist Claude
Monet’s work. In La Japonaise (See Fig. 21), Monet paints his wife wearing a Japanese kimono
and holding a Japanese fan, with several more painted paper fans in the background. However, at
the time, it would only have been acceptable for male artists, and not female artists, to
exaggerate sensuality as Monet did in Japonisme: “Monet manipulated the perceived sexuality of Japanese geisha to his advantage and appropriated it to a distinctly European vision of male
desire, something that would never be seen in the works of Morisot, Cassatt, or Bracquemond.”66
Unlike her male contemporaries, Cassatt upholds a feminist stance in her works. Although far
more reserved and uptight in execution than those of male artists, Cassatt’s paintings show no semblance of the male gaze; Cassatt in no way attempts to sexualize her female subjects,
portraying them in a clear-headed light.
Figure 21. Monet, Claude. La Japonaise (Camille Monet in Japanese Costume), 1876. Oil on canvas, 91 1/4 x 56 in. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
66 Criss, "Japonisme and beyond,"147.
The European Exoticization of Japan
Cassatt’s perception of Japan ultimately was also shaped by the common exoticization, or
othering, of the country in European media at the time. The 1867 World’s Fair (Exposition
Universelle de 1867) played a major role in the initial introduction of Japanese culture to Europe,
with a model of a Japanese farmhouse and three Japanese women present in Paris as part of the
show. Exhibitions such as the 1867 World’s Fair left a monumental impact: nearly seven million people visited the six-month-long exhibition, of which the Japanese pavilion was one of the
noted highlights.67
Figure 22. Anonymous, 1867. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.
Images of Japan (See Fig. 22) became commonly published in newspapers and journal articles to
be disseminated to the European public. The text accompanying this image, written by Paul
67 Criss, 38.
Bellet, in the journal publication L’exposition universelle de 1867 illustrée [International
Exposition of 1867 Illustrated] reads:
Here is the farm with its straw roof which rises to a point on the edges and which carries
at its summit the protective divinities of the hearth, very pretty monsters! Here is the
women’s apartment; this is where three Japanese beauties stand . . . They do not seem to
suspect the presence of the public who crowd around them to see and admire them. They
go, come, get up, sit on their mats, cross-legged exactly as if they were alone in their
house of Yeddo [Tokyo] . . . The complexion of these young women is exactly that of
Andalusian brunettes, but they make the mistake of bleaching it with rice powder with a
profusion that proves that rice is a Japanese product!68
Bellet’s description of Japanese women as “pretty monsters” reflected the common intonation in Europe of the Japanese as “other” than themselves, contributing to readers of the journal viewing
the Japanese as a group designated to be “other” than civilized citizens.
Stereotypes propagated through media representations led to a resulting association of
Japan with passivity and sensuality in Europe. The three Japanese women’s presence in the 1867
World’s Fair appealed to the long-standing French belief in Japan as a nation characterized as
demure, feminine, and sensual. Their passive inclusion must have also appealed to how the
French exhibition goers imagined the Japanese to be, corroborating the widespread images of
Japanese courtesans that circulated around France in the wildly popular ukiyo-e woodblock prints
and in other media.69
68 Paul Bellet. "Les Costumes populaires du Japon" [Popular Costumes of Japan]. L 'Exposition Universelle de 1867 illustrée, 1867, 364.
69 Criss, "Japonisme and beyond, " 38.
Other widespread journal articles about Japan also created a specific image of Japan in
readers’ minds. In an 1869 article for the journal Femme et la famille (Wife and family), despite
her generally positive tone, author Julie Gouraud does not fully admire Japan. Describing
Japanese parents as “cruel pagans,” she writes:
The distinctive character of New Year’s Day in Yedo is to take care of the pleasures of childhood. If only the light of the Evangelicals would arrive in the heart of these cruel
pagans, and so they would understand that fathers and mothers have plenty of other
duties to fulfill than to give gifts to their children.70
With this critique of Japan, Gouraud emphasizes the differences between Japanese society and
that of the French. As was common in late nineteenth-century opinion writing, Gouraud
reinforces Western cultural and religious superiority to her reader audience of French women.71
Among the most influential publications in spreading knowledge of Japan and sustaining
interest in Japanese artwork within the European and American public was the journal Le Japon
Artistique, or Artistic Japan (See Fig. 23). Published in a run of monthly installments and printed
in three languages (French, German, and English), the magazine contributed to the Japonisme
movement on an international level. Helmed by leading art critic and connoisseur Siegfried Bing,
Artistic Japan was a product of interest from artistic circles including writer and collector
Edmond de Goncourt and art dealer Philippe Burty, who started the original attempt at a
Japanese art and culture magazine before Bing took over. The magazine appealed to an audience
70 Julie Gouraud, “Causerie,” La Femme et la famille 2 (December 1869), 37.
71 Criss, "Japonisme and beyond, " 57.
of not only experienced collectors but also members of the wealthy middle class, who were
seeking to discover more about how best to furnish their homes with Japanese objects.72
Figure 23. Le Japon Artistique, vol.3, no.17, 1888-1891. Cover. University of Edinburgh.
As the craze for Japanese art and culture grew over the course of the mid to late
nineteenth century, Japonisme became considered fashionably exotic in bourgeois French
society. A high demand for decorative fans, screens, and all other japonaiserie objects emerged,
with these artisan items described in the Petit Journal de la Mode [Little Fashion Journal] as “the
character of a very presentable exoticism” that had enraptured French society.73 Artists were
72 Gabriel P. Weisberg, Muriel Rakusin, and Stanley Rakusin, "On Understanding Artistic Japan," The Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts 1 (1986): 6.
73 Criss, 82.
especially dedicated collectors of Japanese art objects and often painted them into the
compositions of their paintings. French painter James Tissot’s studio collection included a Japanese black lacquered household altar, embroidered silk kimonos, Japanese dolls, and folding
screens along with many others; Tissot assembled these items into paintings featuring young
women admiring the Japanese objects. 74 (See Fig. 24) Cassatt herself decorated her apartment
Figure 24. Tissot, James. Young Ladies Looking at Japanese Objects, 1869. Oil on canvas. Cincinnati Museum of Art, Cincinnati.
74 Lawrence Helman, "Resplendent James Tissot Works at Legion of Honor," San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, C.A.), 2019, 14, https://puffin.harker.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/resplendent-james-tissotworks-at-legion-honor/docview/2309273495/se-2?accountid=618.
in Paris with these fashionable objects. When Cassatt and her sister Lydia entertained guests,
they served chocolat, or Parisian hot chocolate, in the finest china sets and their guests sat among
the statues and “exotic” curiosities of their home.75 Her decorative furnishings also inevitably
became the subject matter in many of her drawings and paintings. Cassatt created multiple
artworks featuring women holding uchiwa paper fans imported from Japan, which must have
been part of her everyday collection of art objects in her home.
Figure 25. Cassatt, Mary. Tea, ca. 1890. Drypoint, 12 × 9 3/8 in. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
In Tea (See Fig. 25), Cassatt creates an intimate, quiet atmosphere of elegance and wealth
using carefully placed Japanese objects. Atop the table sits a cup and saucer decorated with
cream and deep blue motifs from Cassatt’s prized tea set, which she believed to be Japanese porcelain, and a paper uchiwa fan dangles from the hand of the sitter. Her inclusion of the gilded
75 Mathews, Mary Cassatt, 97.
tea set and the uchiwa fan reinforce the fashionable bourgeois setting, achieving her intention of
emphasizing the elite social class of her sitter. Similarly, the young woman in Girl in Pink with a
Fan (See Fig. 26) holds a painted uchiwa fan in one hand. Cassatt’s depictions of Japanese art objects in her works reference her identity as a fashionable upper-middle class woman who
collected highly sought-after objects from a popular, elite Japan that influenced both French art
and society in the late-nineteenth century.76
Figure 26. Cassatt, Mary. Girl in Pink with a Fan, 1889. Pastel on paper, 59.8 x 49.5 cm. Tokyo Fuji Art Museum.
76 Criss, 163.
Conclusion
Mary Cassatt was among the most passionate admirers of Japanese artwork as well as the
most successful in creating her own emulations of ukiyo-e. Cassatt pushed Japonisme to new
limits, studying carefully from ukiyo-e masters and working fervently at perfecting her own
printmaking techniques. However, ultimately the elements that Cassatt drew from Japanese
artwork were toned down, molded by Cassatt to fit the upper-middle class experience of living in
bourgeois Paris. While Cassatt admired Japanese art objects for their innovative techniques and
artistic style, she still adopted the widespread European mindset of Japan as “other” or as exotic.
Through a combination of media circulation and exhibitions, the rise of Japonisme created a
wave of cultural influence in France, Europe, and America, with audiences adopting their
perceptions of Japan based on the artwork and media they were consuming. Cassatt played a
pivotal role in creating some of the most influential works of the Japonist movement, most
notably her series of ten drypoint aquatints featuring the ukiyo-e theme of mother-child
relationships and women’s interior lives. Japonisme’s nineteenth century influence still can be felt in the modern day, with remnants of overly stereotyped attitudes still remaining in Western
perceptions of Japanese artwork and visual culture. Cassatt’s response to Japanese artwork left a lasting impression on the realm of Japonisme both artistically and culturally, providing valuable
insight into how she perceived Japan as an American woman living in the bourgeois circles of
French society in the late-nineteenth century.
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