The London Globalist: I Predict A Riot by The London Globalist

Issue no. 6, January 2015

THE LONDON GLOBALIST

I PREDICT A RIOT 2014: a year in protest

#FERGUSON

UMBRELLA REVOLUTION

A RIOTOUS LSE

A series engaging from various angles with the events in Ferguson, Missouri and their aftermath.

A look at Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ongoing struggle for democracy, characterised by its distinctive use of umbrellas.

Revisiting the tumult of the school in 1969, and a student body armed with pickaxes and sledgehammers.

Contents 04

Letter from the President

Introduction from the Editor

2014: Mapping a Year of Protest

“The Rise of Protest”

“#WhereAreOurGirls?”

“How to Protest in Style”

Issue 6, January 2015

THE LOND ON GLOBALIST

“From Arab Springs to Islamist Winters”

Geila Alpion

“LSE’s Lost Legacy?”

Words of Wisdom

“Strawberries & Sunflowers”

Ethan Meade

Wen-Yu Weng

Madalena Ferreira

Ferguson

James Hunte Darya Loika

Hong Kong 16

“Under a Vast Sky”

“Umbrellas in Hong Kong”

“#HandsUpDontShoot”

“Sufficient unto the Day...”

“It’s Not About You”

“From Protest to Riot”

“The Power of Peace”

Isabel Togoh Kevin Steyer

Malvika Jaganmohan

Janis Wong

Naomi Chang

“The Revolution Online”

15 Protest Songs for 2015

Antone Christianson-Galina Alexandra Lulache

George Greenwood

ON THE COVER: Photography by Lam Yik Fei, Getty Images.

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Letter from the

President Dear Readers, The London Globalist is proud to present this year’s annual in-print magazine- a collection of articles, features and illustrations reflecting on the theme of ‘The Power of the Protest’. The London Globalist is one chapter of the Global 21 Network. Founded at Yale University in 2005, it provides a platform for student dialogue on international affairs. Societies are now established in twenty of the world’s finest universities: from Sydney to Oxford, Sciences Po to Cape Town, it is a truly global sensation that inspires student debate around the world. Here at the LSE, The Globalist has had an outstanding year. Our newly designed website has been regularly updated with articles and videos from some of LSE’s most talented and engaged student writers. Covering stories from Botswana’s Democratic Elections to Indian Space Missions, our articles have been read and discussed worldwide. We have also ventured onto the airwaves with the ‘The London Globalist Live’- a weekly radio show broadcast from LSE Pulse Studios. From the ongoing tribulations of Guatemalan politics to Kenyan MiniSkirt protests, we provide perspectives and dissections of news stories often neglected in mainstream headlines, to a playlist of diverse global music. The Globalist also looks ahead this term to our Second Annual Conference- ‘Breaking the news: the future of international journalism’. We invite you to join us on March 7th for a day of keynote speeches, panel debates and workshops for insight into the world of an international journalist. For the massive progress we have made, I would like to thank all of those who have been involved in The London Globalist this year. Firstly, I would like to thank all of our committee: I appreciate all of your hard work and truly believe I have made some great friendships working with you along the way. I would also like to place a special mention to our Magazine Editor Krish Anil and Designer Lisa Thompson- the hours of hard work you have put in have created a publication you can honestly be proud of. Similarly, to all of our contributors and illustrators- it has been a delight to publish all of your work and I hope to collaborate with you again in the future. I hope you enjoy this issue as much as we’ve enjoyed making it and continue to join in the Global Debate. - Erin Duffy, January 2015

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Introduction from

the Editor protest noun: protest; plural noun: protests 1.  a statement or action expressing disapproval of or objection to something. This is perhaps the weakest possible definition of a word that carries with it the weight of centuries of history, politics and revolution. Protest, which has toppled regimes, liberated countries and liberated peoples, which has variously been peaceful and riotous, negligible and radical, bloodless and bloodthirsty. Protest, which remains a simple and powerful tool of challenging forces that provoke our discontent. 2014 was undeniably a year to demonstrate the power of the protest. Pervading months and borders, it emerged in Ukraine, Venezuela, Russia, Taiwan, Pakistan, Hong Kong amid many others, each time with renewed force and character. In the wake of these, many and various as they are, how could we have settled on any other theme but ‘The Power of the Protest’ for this year’s Magazine issue? To chronicle a year of protest however is inevitably also to chronicle a year of global politics, and in doing so here we are confronted with some of the significant questions we will face in 2015. Is post-racialism a myth? How have our governments, judiciaries and legislatures been failing us? What does the rise of technology mean for political engagement and political discourse? Are we apathetic? Or worse, are we now activists in sentiment, in show, but not in principle or practice? These are an exceedingly interesting collection of pieces, often engaging similar issues through the lens of different countries or from opposing angles. When reading, consider for example the parallel observations of George Greenwood and James Hunte, the interplay between Antone Christianson-Galina’s piece and Alexandra Lulache’s or indeed the tensions between each of the Ferguson articles. Note especially however that none of these articles declare absolutely the powerlessness of protest: if the past year (and indeed these articles) establish one thing in common, it is that protest is as vivacious now as it was when it provoked the Storming of the Bastille or the dismantlement of Apartheid. We at the London Globalist are eager to observe the aftermath of this year of protest in the year to come, and further to present you with the following collection of articles which address and reaffirm once again, the power of the protest. - Krish Anil, January 2015

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2 0 1 4 : Mapping a Year of P r o t

10 2

1. Ukraine, January: Anti-governmental protests turned violent in February 2014,

4. Taiwan, April: The ‘Sunflower Student Movement’ objected to the Cross-Strait Service

leading to the ousting of President Viktor Yanukovych in what has become known as the

Trade Agreement between China and Taiwan, which aimed to liberalise trade in service.

Euromaidan Revolution.

5. Brazil, May: Concerns over the government’s decision to spend millions on creating 2. Venezuela, February: A result of high levels of endemic violence, inflation, and

football stadiums for the FIFA World Cup, whilst ignoring pressing social issues, led to

chronic shortages of basic goods, peaceful protests turned violent as some demonstrators

public demonstrations across the country.

clashed with security forces.

6. Pakistan, August: Following allegations of rigging in the 2013 Pakistani general 3. Russia, February: Protests broke out in response to President Putin’s anti-gay

election, the ‘Azadi March’ led by former cricketer Imran Khan was the largest public protest

legislation during the Sochi Winter Olympics.

in Pakistani history to call for free and fair elections.

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test

6 4

7. Hong Kong, September: Students of the Umbrella Movement launched pro-

10. Burkina Faso, October: In response to attempts at changing the constitution to

democracy protests outside the Hong Kong government to show their disapproval of the

allow President Blaise Compa to extend his 27 year rule, pro-democracy protestors targeted

People’s Republic of China’s proposal to reform the electoral system.

Government buildings to call for free elections.

8. Spain, September: On the 11th September, the National Day of Catalonia, thousands

11. United States, November: Following the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in

marched upon Barcelona in support of the Catalan independence movement and the self-

Ferguson, Missouri, and the Grand Jury decision not to indict his shooter- police officer

determination referendum.

Darren Wilson- protestors took up arms once more against the perceived institutionalised racism in the USA.

9. United States, September: Demonstrations on the streets of New York spark “an invitation to change everything” and take action to reduce climate change.

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The Rise of Protest A Theoretical Approach to the Evolution of the Protest

Madalena Ferreira discusses the undeniable growth of the practice of protest in recent years, engaging with the question of why this might be, and further, dissecting the complex relationship between protest and democracy.

rom a sociological point of view, the study of social protest has evolved considerably over the past five decades. Breaking out with the view that protest is an undemocratic intrusion into politics, post-1960s sociologists have come to understand social movements and protests rather as a vehicle for democracy, as “politics by other means”. In light of such a theoretical shift, protest has come to be de facto recognized as a deeply embedded, extra-institutional facet of democratic politics. Hence, a sociological approach ascertains that institutional and extra-institutional features of politics gradually became intertwined and interdependent, thus highlighting the power and necessity of protest as an adjunct to the democratic process.

“...the power and necessity of protest as an adjunct to the democratic process.” The 21st century has been the stage for a seemingly unprecedented mushrooming of protests at the global scale. Indeed, over the past years, we have seen the Indignados, Occupy Wall Street, Chilean students, Que se lixe a Troika and the Arab Spring amongst many others abound in the pages of the daily papers. Is this the result of an increased media exposure of social movements or does it reflect the reality of protest numbers increasing? According to Hernán Saenz’s data analysis of more than 800 protests around the world since 2006, protests are indeed increasing in numbers and expanding in terms of geographical scope, and this is especially true when referring to developing regions such as Latin American, Africa and Asia. In regards to the driver forces of social protest, it would seem that the Clinton’s 1992 election campaign catch-phrase “it’s the economy, stupid” does no longer provide a convincing account of the motives for protest. Indeed, according to the aforementioned study, protests are increasingly ascribed to a panoply of grievances rather than solely to a desire for economic justice. Saenz differentiates between two sets of grievances: he outlines four “main grievances”, namely (from most to least important) ‘economic

justice and austerity’, ‘failure of political representation’, ‘global justice’, and the ‘rights of citizens’. He notes that the third grievance of “global justice” has had the most exponential increase in recent years, reflecting a pattern of growing global conscience, linking the local issues with the global level. Such “glocal” conscience seems to suggest a continued rise of global protests in the future. Saenz then points to a set of “secondary grievances”, the main one being a lack of “real democracy” that prevents the tackling of economic issues in the first place. Hence, this study suggests that there is a quid pro quo in the way society demands more and better democracy whilst the political elite and institutions seem to be myopic, failing to adapt to social changes, focusing instead on economic issues. As Professor Emeritus Mick Moran puts it, “The [2008 economic] crash was as big an intellectual challenge for political science as for economics. But, whereas the latter has begun to recognize this, political science sails blithely and complacently on”. Such political inertia may in fact deepen the widening gap between society and politics, as well as financial and corporate elites, and ultimately threaten the legitimacy of the social contract. We seem to be heading towards a perfect storm.

“...democracy loses substantially from this ever more polarized relationship between state and electorate...” Such rising levels of political disaffection are further enhanced by a perceived lack of accountability of political elites to society, deriving from a number of widely covered corruption scandals. Such a democratic deficit nurtures outrage and the perception of increased insulation of both sides. As previously mentioned, democracy loses substantially from this ever more polarized relationship between state and electorate, as the gulf seemingly legitimises extra-institutional populist trends (i.e. protests and protest movements).

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Illustration by Maria Komarova Moreover, it is important to note that the media also plays an important role in the development of a democratic deficit. Increasingly better educated, politically sophisticated and better informed through prominent mass media (which in turn challenges traditional interests and modes of communicative power), citizens become increasingly self-sufficient and less dependent on political institutions as educating, informing and mobilizing organizations, thereby increasing a sense of insulation on the part of the electorate. However, this does not entail political disinterest, quite the opposite: the electorate seems to be moving towards a more participatory attitude, giving preference to more direct channels of action such as interest groups or even protest. Hence, it should not come as a surprise to witness a growing number of protests across the world, as it is a product of societal change and a response to a growing democratic deficit. Another question then arises: how should the incumbents react to this pattern of social movements and protests? On Thursday December 11th, 2014, Spain’s lower House of Congress approved the so-called “Ley Mordaza” (i.e. gag law) aimed at curbing popular protest through sanctions imposed on dissenters. This decision was met with widespread discontent across the country, echoed in the voices that erupted from the House of Congress’ balconies singing the powerful lyrics of “Do You Hear the People Sing” from the musical Les Misérables. The conservative Popular Party (PP) has justified this legislative measure as a necessary step to be taken given the elevated number of “violent disturbances” that have taken place over the past three years.

Behold the gag law, as it is fundamentally indicative of both a burgeoning trend of social protests ever more embedded in the democratic process and of the states’ incapacity to address citizens’ concerns, thus indirectly further fuelling the wave of protests. Indeed, such an attempt to tame the vox populi by silencing citizens may in fact be rather counter-productive as it fails to bridge the gap between the electorate and the institutional realm, and instead further spurs grievances related to a democratic deficit and unaddressed political concerns of the citizens. Indeed, political inertia - or worse, denial in a context of increased institutional insulation inevitably leads to an increased antagonism between the citizens and the governments, to the denunciation of governments for not listening to citizens’ demands, and to a rising trend of more protests and new methods of protest. The first order of business for governments would be to listen to, not trample upon or ignore the voices of the citizens. As political scientist Colin Crouch puts it, protest is “a response to post-democracy, to the inaccessibility and incapacity of formal politics, but it is also a strengthening of pluralism and civil society. It is not democracy and is not a substitute for it, but it is a healthy and exciting development.” Protest has become the vox populi: a vital, extra-institutional exercise for a more participatory political society.

Madalena Didier Ferreira is a MSc student in Politics and Government in the European Union with an interest in European foreign affairs, learning languages and philosophy.

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#WhereAreOurGirls? Revisiting the too-soon forgotten #BringBackOurGirls campaign

Looking through the lens of the #BringBackOurGirls campaign and the ice-bucket challenge, James Hunte criticises the contemporary culture of protest without conviction, highlighting the short attention span of public and media on issues which deserve and necessitate more dedicated, sustained attention.

ivil society has provided an opportunity for the selffulfilment of ‘pseudo-activists’. People flock the streets in protest to later pat themselves on the back in congratulation of a job well done. They see their actions as part of the duty of humanity to stand up for injustices, and are fuelled by the desire to be the change they want to see in the world. They are able to sleep happily at night knowing they contributed to ‘making a difference’ and can subsequently feel good about themselves. But in reality they lack the dedication to sustain efforts and effect change; they make no difference, and so contribute nothing to the world except their own sense of satisfaction. Protest that take this form are futile. The #BringBackOurGirls campaign is a prime example. It went viral, sweeping media streams, both social and traditional, before manifesting itself as protestation on streets around the world. Outrage was signalled, awareness was raised, governmental inaction was berated, but what was the outcome of citizen outcry? Where are our girls now and alarmingly, why does no one seem to care? Protests signal public discontent of an issue with the objective of causing change. Whether you reach your desired ends are important. A fisherman who spends hours out at sea but returns empty handed has participated in a useless activity. If people stop fighting for the cause before the ultimate end has been achieved (this end being change), the protest has been entirely futile. Yes, awareness may have been raised. But so what? The status quo is unchanged, so what was the point?

“People flock the streets in protest to later pat themselves on the back in congratulation of a job well done.” In some instances, it seems as though people protest for the sake of being active rather than for the sake of affecting change. In doing so they avoid the regret of being mere bystanders and feel good about their proactive attitude. Once they have achieved a sense

of fulfilment the collective goal falls to the wayside. After all, by marching the streets or creating a video they have done their bit. If a protest has individuals consciously or subconsciously motivated by self-fulfilment, there will be no prolonged action and the situation will remain unmoved. This may be an explanation for why the #BBOG campaign seemed to submerge into the background. If the protesters and campaigners of the Western world had a more than superficial interest in the cause, a more sustained effort and comment would have followed. The girls have not been rescued so those same protestors should be striving to bring the conversation back into the public’s, the media’s and world leaders’ blinkered vision. The outcome has not been achieved; the fight is not over. I even wonder if the now mute Western protestors have recently thought to themselves: “Hmmm, where ARE our girls?”

“Where are our girls now and alarmingly, why does no one seem to care?” The disappearance of the #BBOG campaign may also be explained in part by the attitudes of today’s society. On August 1st 1955, Life magazine published an article titled “Throwaway Living” which discussed the trend in consumerism of using products to then throw them away shortly after. Today it is possible to see the concept of the ‘short life of things’ being embodied by other parts of our society such as the news industry and civil society. The technological progress of mankind (such as the creation of the internet, social media and smartphones) has meant ideas can transcend national boundaries and can spread in the time it takes to click send on a computer or mobile. The result is a more informed world but a world which is engrossed with, and governed by the latest trends and fashions. This is evident in the news industry where a topic is covered prominently by the media before being thrown away shortly after as the buzz of the story fades. This was the case with the #BBOG campaign. After the campaign trended on social media, traditional media platforms started to take notice. In the days that followed it seemed as though western news outlets had discovered terrorist

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Illustration by Rosie Duvall

ideas, has a sell-by-date. The trend passed and people moved on. It was as if the act of protest was in some way fashionable where a herd mentality formed. Once the campaign was no longer in fashion people stopped being active, stopped pushing for action and the ultimate goal was not achieved. There is no doubt BBOG successfully brought the issue to the foreground and grabbed the attention of political leaders and organisations around the world. However, like many a trend/fashion it passed. What we have not witnessed is a continued pressure on leaders by both the media and civil society to maintain the all hands on deck attitude, and that’s what disappoints me the most.

“Everything, including ideas, has a sell-by-date.” Another example (although not a protest) takes a similar form. The Ice Bucket Challenge was another social media phenomenon. A bucket full of icy water was dropped on the head of the participant, who would then nominate a number of other friends to do the same and donate to the Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS) Association to help fund research of motor neurone disease. The goal of the campaign was clear: raise awareness (take action) to increase donations to fund research (effect change). Like the BBOG campaign the Ice Bucket Challenge campaign became another trend or fashionable initiative. According to the Independent, one in six Britons took part but only 10% donated. Were participants really caring about the cause or were they just joining the herd?

had discovered terrorist organisations in Nigeria and the troubles of the country. Every news outlet was discussing the situation in Nigeria and analysing the Boko Haram kidnappers, who had been operating in Nigeria for years before. All of a sudden the news industry was interested in Nigeria’s circumstances; however, once the social media frenzy died down the story was effectively thrown away and forgotten about. The same issue ensued with civil society. As a result of the trending twitter hashtag and the increased news coverage, people flooded the streets in protest. This was all well and good but let’s not forget we live in a throw-away society. Everything, including

To me, feel good driven protests, the dynamic throw-away society we live in and the flocking of the herd to the next flashing trend are real problems faced by protests and campaigns today. There lacks sustained dedication to some social media driven causes. If there is no true dedication to the cause how can we expect it to be at the forefront of people’s minds, let alone achieve sustained collective action that keeps the cause at the forefront of political debate? Like a cheap magic trick it is there in one instance and gone the next. If protests and campaigns are to achieve its goals of causing some form of change we need to learn from the successful movements of the 1950s and 60s. Only with true dedication and drive can we achieve sustained action. And only with sustained action can we truly effect change. Raising awareness is simply not enough. In the UK we have a right to freedom of speech and the right of assembly in which gives us the ability to protest. The act of protest is fundamental in transmitting the preferences of the people to the governing leaders. If we are going to protest, let’s do it properly. On the issues we truly care about let’s take unrelenting action. On the issues dear to our hearts let’s effect change. James Hunte is a second year Government and Economics undergraduate .

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How to Protest in Style

OR Why you should put on your dwarf hat when staging a revolution

Below is a review by Darya Loika of an exhibition at the Victoria and Albert museum called ‘Disobedient Objects’: a display of articles of protests from all over the world from the 70s onwards. This exhibition will be running until 1st February 2015.

wanna go shopping!’ - exclaims G.I Joe, a chiseled and strapping young toy soldier, in a rather unflattering Barbie voice. This happens just after passing a heartbreaking letter written by a political prisoner who has been locked up in solitary confinement for nearly 40 out of the 225 years of his sentence. The exhibition stirs emotions beyond control: a natural reaction after staring at the death mask of somebody so freshly dead you can notice the goose bumps. Talking of the power of protest, one often overlooks the art it inspires, and focuses on the political goals. Art creeps in and grapples with you even further. After all, even G.I. Joe couldn’t resist the urge to go shopping to help the feminist cause. A series of short films where Bashar al Assad is a tiny finger puppet, ridiculed by a member of the opposition with a covered face does send a powerful image and moves you as you realise just how recently this act of protest was empowering people to continue the battle, and still does.

“...moves you as you realise just how recently this act of protest was empowering people to continue the battle...” You walk in to a dimly lit disorder turned into art. Not only are some of the protests covered recent, but there is a wall of artefacts currently in use which will be returned to the protesters who own them when the exhibition ends. If it has been a while since you’ve seen a woman’s body with the head of a guerrilla campaign for equal treatment or if you want to give a subtle hint to your boyfriend that he should be as dirty as Mr Putin’s policies, it is the place for you. You will learn that you should never forget to put on your dwarf

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hat when going out to protest, it is a sure sign of an impending revolution. The precedent happened in Poland in 1988, when the government’s actions were reduced to the absurd as the militia arrested hundreds out of the 10,000 people who gathered wearing orange hats and chanting: ‘we are the dwarves!’. The disobedience fair verges on being perceived as an awarenessraising campaign. You witness people locking their limbs and necks to railways and cars, risking their lives to save rainforests - a social change in the making. You feel like part of the process as you pass step-by-step manuals on how to build a gas mask or a book shield and try on the handcuffs. It’s not surprising that after the ‘free of

charge’ exhibition, you are offered to buy a little paperback ‘On Anarchism’ - yes, yes, killing the trees in those rainforests and making the publishers a little richer, but never mind. When you head over to the Victoria and Albert, don’t forget to pack up a note pad, a bottle of water (you might be stuck there for a while) and all your right-wing convictions - you might be turned into a revolutionary at the exit.

Darya Loika is a first year undergraduate in philosophy who recently took part in a movement in support of a human rights activist oppressed by a dictatorial regime in Belarus.

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Special Feature:

Hong Kong The battle for democracy is, to our Western memories, a battle we long ago fought and won. Yet the greatest source of protest for much of the rest of the world in recent history has been the struggle for these same liberties. Hong Kong is politically a city in its infancy, having gained its autonomy from 115 years of British rule only in 1997. Its first election to engage universal suffrage has yet to occur, currently scheduled for 2017. It is over this basic step to democracy that discontent originally arose, developing in time into the vast, even iconic movement that has now become dubbed ‘the Umbrella Movement’. Janis Wong explains how this name came to be, highlighting the movement’s engagement with art and culture. Naomi Chan alternatively approaches the topic via a discussion of the history of protest in China. Both pieces inevitably then engage with questions of Hong Kong’s democratic future, and indeed the powers of the protest. Clearly the battle for democracy in Hong Kong has only now truly begun. How this will end appears to a large extent vested in the hands of its citizens; regardless, the next few years for Hong Kong will be imperative for its future.

The Lennon Wall in central Hong Kong, covered in Post-It notes carrying messages of support.

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Under A Vast Sky The beginning of Hong Kong’s road to Democracy Janis Wong delves into the Hong Kong protests, engaging variously with the narrative of events, the nature of these protests, their impact on art and culture and finally, a consideration of the future of Hong Kong.

n the 28th September, thousands of people took to the streets of Hong Kong. The movement, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, showed the world a different side of the city. Although protests ended after 79 days, it created an open art gallery, unleashed a powerful youthquake, and strengthened prodemocracy voices in Hong Kong. It was the widespread use of umbrellas that led to this particular protest being dubbed ‘the Umbrella Revolution’, and now the apparatus has come to symbolise the activists’ resistance and defiance. Though they were originally intended to shield against sun and rain, protesters were soon forced to defend themselves against police tear gas and pepper spray. On the streets, protestors call for the Chief Executive CY Leung to step down. Nicknamed ‘689’- the number of votes attained from a nominating committee of 1200 representing 7.2 million people- Mr. Leung has ignored talks with protestors and calls to resign. With the Chief Executive refusing to negotiate, Hong Kong’s activists were just as unwilling to budge. Having set up study camps equipped with wifi, protestors were clearly adamant that they were not going to move on their own. In the evenings, residents and restaurant owners alike would come by, serving up meals and handing out bottled water for those camping throughout the early hours. With the night coming to a close, the people bellow out Cantonese renditions of Do You Hear The People Sing? and the pop tune Under A Vast Sky. Protestors light up the skyline as the crowd wave their cellphones to the beat. Both pieces reflect the longing for freedom, the people’s desire for universal suffrage. As the movement expanded, people not only took to the streets but also protested through the form of art. Activists have stuck colourful post-its on walls just outside the main government offices.

Words of encouragement for fellow supporters and demands for political action stretch farther than the eye can see. Artistic representation goes beyond the limits of sticky notes. University students pull out life-sized sculptures whilst local artists set up photo booths in the main protest camps in Admiralty, Mong Kok, and Causeway Bay. Walking along the rows of tents, tables of arts and crafts are set up for children. Small origami umbrellas line the iron barricades. Throughout the campaign, artists have stepped forward to present their own version of the Movement. From umbrella canopies to the statue of liberty, these pieces were created to encapsulate the core values of the movement.

“Political art revolutionalises civil disobedience.” By using artwork as a form of protest, passers-by are able to interpret the works of art as they please. Political art revolutionalises civil disobedience. For those who are not able to take to the streets or feel uncomfortable doing so, creativity becomes another avenue for political expression. Popularised in China by prominent artist Ai Weiwei, art is political in the sense that it takes place in a public forum, engaging with already existing ideologies. Making interactive pieces, people are able to incorporate as much or as little political weighting as they please. Particularly in this digital age, art becomes a more easily accesible form of communication. Each photograph is a post, like, and share away from gaining traction. Back in 2013, there was a popular internet saying: “Sometime ago, we lived in Hong Kong. Now, we only live in a place called Hong Kong.” The political environment has shifted further since, for better or for worse. Not only are Hong Kong people striving

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A close-up of the Lennon Wall.

“Sometime ago, we lived in Hong Kong. Now, we only live in a place called Hong Kong.”

discussion, provoke interest in politics, as well as provide insight on wider implications. However, people interact with a work of art only once. When such interest disippates, it becomes difficult to bring people back together.

for ‘one person, one vote’, they are also preserving their Cantonese language, different to the Mandarin spoken on the mainland. “We need to protect Cantonese language and Hong Kong culture,” says designer Silas Fong. Based in Cologne, the Hong Kong artist founded his project doing.hk, creating totebags on politics, everyday and personal expressions to promote Hong Kong’s unique heritage. Mr. Fong’s designs include the phrase ‘袋唔落’ (pronounced doi m lok), literally translating to ‘unable to fit in my bag’. It also represents the Hong Kong people’s unwillingness to accept the Central Government’s proposal for a ‘broadly representative nominating committee’ to screen candidates before the public can cast their vote in the 2017 elections. “By reading the phrases, you can understand and revise the apparent and hidden meaning of the bag.”

Stuck between a rock and a hard place, Hong Kong was given a 50-year adjustment period under ‘one country, two systems’ when Hong Kong was formally handed back to China in 1997. Although Hong Kong still maintains its own judiciary and capitalist economy, many believe that their autonomy is already being undermined. In 2013, the Hong Kong Government proposed a compulsory National Education as part of the school curriculum. The course graded pupils based on their levels of patriotism towards the mainland, omitting events such as the Great Chinese Famine and the Tiananmen Massacre. In July 2014, Beijing released its White Paper, placing the judiciary as ‘Hong Kong rulers’ which should ‘love Hong Kong and the Motherland’. As tensions between the Government and people grew, the events of the past few months have awakened politial consciousness that Hong Kong didn’t even know she possessed.

As the movement becomes more complex, more segregated, art is incapable of bringing people back onto the streets. There seems to only be so much we can say through art. It can open doors for

More recently, China has taken a harder line on Hong Kong and external interference. The Chinese Foreign Affaris Committee

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charged its UK counter part with “highly inappropriate acts” as the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office conducted its inquiry on the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Further, the Chinese embassy barred a group of MPs from making a trip to Hong Kong as the Westminister committee planned their inquiry into the ongoing tensions. China’s explicit message demonstrates that even behind its iron walls, Beijing still fears the Movement’s escalation. None of this has deterred the unlikely leaders of the prodemocracy movement – the student activists. Leading a hunger strike lasting just under a week, Joshua Wong rose to fame as he became a catalyst for the Hong Kong protest movement. The eighteen-year old helped organise the protests but would rather shy away from the spotlight. For Mr. Wong, the pro-democracy movement will only succeed if people act on their own accord. Particularly as students have more time and more energy, they should be the ones on the front line. It is this generation that sparked the most consequential protests since 1989.

continuously chanted ‘I want true universal sufferage’ over the hours as police took them away. The Hong Kong governement shows no sign of backing down, but neither do the Hong Kong people. As pollution levels in the air once again rise, so do the spirits of the Hong Kong people. Undampened by the closing of the camps, a generation of young people are now increasingly politicised. With discussions continuing online, the goal of universal suffrage and a free and full democracy is still in sights, even if the path will be a long one.

Janis Wong is a first year Law undergraduate who enjoys capturing events of activism through film photography.

“Someone in Beijing will be ready when the time comes, and the time will come.” As a younger generation heads the Movement, technology becomes increasingly important. “The mainland mentality is largely cultured by its regime … What will change this old, strong regime? Social media and young people” said Edward McMillan-Scott. Much like the Jasmine Revolution and the Sunflower Movement, the role social media plays is crucial in sending out rapid updates. Mobilising information, developments are instantaneously accessible with a swipe, engaging a larger audience. “Beginning of change in mainland will largely come from Hong Kong where social media is a lot freer.” However, even press freedom is under monitoring since Kevin Lau, the former chief editor of the Hong Kong daily newspaper Ming Pao, was stabbed early last year. Regardless of the outcome of recent events, Mr. McMillan-Scott is optimistic about future developments. “Someone in Beijing will be ready when the time comes, and the time will come.” Although people may still desire universal suffrage, many are tired and fed up of slow progress. As the orginal convenors of Occupy Central turned themselves in to police, the student leaders also asked protestors to peacefully withdraw. However, as protestors prepared for the sites to be cleared, they preserved their artwork and put up banners with the slogan ‘It’s just the beginning’. On the 11th December at the largest campsite in Admiralty, protesters

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The main protest site in Admiralty.

Umbrellas in Hong Kong Does protest have enough power to bring democracy to China? Naomi Chan considers the history of protest in China, leading to a discussion of the recent ‘Umbrella Revolution’ in Hong Kong and what it has meant, and will mean for China’s political landscape.

Annual protest on the day of the HKSAR’s establishment.

he word ‘protest’ is never new to Asia, and certainly not to the Western world. It is revolution, generated from public protests, that kick-started the evolution of many Western democracies. Protests are commonly used as tools for the general public to express their discontent over a certain issue in society and thus, demand change. The doctrine of ‘non-violent’ protest was first introduced in the 1920s by Gandhi, the leader of the Indian nationalist movement against British rule. The success of India’s breaking away from being a British colony was greatly appreciated by Martin Luther King, who then upheld similar principles during his fight for the civil rights of African Americans in the 1960s. Up until recently, the belief that protests should be held in a peaceful and non-violent way has been widely spread across the world, even in communist countries such as China. Despite huge efforts to suppress the freedom of speech and media, the Chinese government still felt challenged by the protest movements of recent years. The outbreak of the Tiananmen Incident within a decade of the Qing dynasty being overthrown by the Xinhai revolution of 1911 is a typical example. As students at elite universities in Beijing saw the new Republic of China government as weak, especially in its response to the Treaty of Versailles at the end of World War One, they co-opted into a broader “May Fourth Movement” (fused with a more intellectual cause to reject traditional

“This is China, where the governing party rules over everything.” Confucian culture) that called for radical political changes in China. Over 3000 of them marched to Tiananmen Square shouting slogans and burning the residence of an official they saw as culpable, ‘challenging’ the government in power. The student leadership which began the Tiananmen protests in April 1989 never directly called for an overthrow of the Communist Party, but rather for top leaders to step down, and for those more receptive to political reform to take over. Despite splits within the party, those in power took a hard line against the occupation of Tiananmen Square, ultimately resulting in the bloody crackdown that killed several hundred demonstrators, many of them students. The survivors of the protest could never forget that day, one of the most disastrous moments that they had encountered in their lives. The dictatorial rule of the Chinese government was once again highlighted due to its suppressing of the 1989 Tiananmen Protest. Opposition against any value or element of the government is never allowed. One does not even dare mentioning the word ‘protest’ in China, as he/she will most probably face prohibition from communicating with the

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rest of the world, prosecution, or even house imprisonment. This is China, where the governing party rules over everything. This is where the government constantly fears the eventuality that a protest movement may become so powerful as to overthrow their rule. The Hong Kong July 1 Marches are an annual protest rally originally led by the Civil Human Rights Front since the 1997 handover on the HKSAR establishment day, which clearly reflect the power of the common masses to demand changes in society. The 2003 march has proven to be one of the most remarkable and largest protests of them all. Half a million citizens took to the streets, opposing the legislation of Basic Law (i.e the constitution of Hong Kong, Article 23) and expressing their dissatisfaction towards the happening of SARS earlier in the year. It forced the government to back down on the proposal because it lacked the necessary votes to pass it. As a result of the protest, the introduction of the Article 23 legislation was temporarily shelved. It was the first time since the 1997 handover that the Hong Kong government had suffered a defeat. It definitely set a precedent (although not in law), to the minds of people in Hong Kong. Since then, they have maintained a belief that by protesting, by striking for what they want, the government could no longer ignore the opinions of the people. From 2003 onwards, the July marches have been held every year, rationally and peacefully by citizens of Hong Kong, as a channel to demand

democracy, universal suffrage, rights of minorities, protection of the freedom of speech and a variety of other political concerns.

“...by protesting, by striking for what they want, the government could no longer ignore the opinions of the people.” However, fearing the slipping away of the freedoms promised to them under the ‘one country, two systems’ formula introduced after the handover in 1997, citizens of Hong Kong then decided to initiate a large scale protest, hoping to prevent communist rule in Hong Kong in the near future. 28th September 2014 marked the beginning of this historical event—the Umbrella Movement, the Day when Hong Kong Cried. The failure of the Hong Kong police in using tearing gas to drive away large crowds of pro-democracy protestors in Admiralty rallied more people to the cause. The use of ‘umbrellas’ by the protestors as a shield from the continuous use of tear gas by police was how the name of the movement came to be. Tens of thousands of Hong Kong residents, young and old, rich and poor, have peacefully occupied major thoroughfares across doing.hk designed tote bags – ‘unable to fit in my bag’ and ‘true universal suffrage’

the city, demanding ‘true universal suffrage’ and the resignation

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of hugely unpopular Chief Executive CY Leung. It was the largest demonstration on Chinese soil since the 1989 Tiananmen Square protest. The scale of the current protests has thus invited comparisons. Many regarded the movement to be ‘the MiniTiananmen’, a repeat of 4 June 1989. Violence between the police and protestors had been seen during the driving away of protestors in Causeway Bay, and the beating of protestors by wielding batons and pepper spray in Mongkok. Nonetheless, it failed to gain a large degree of support from the international community, especially from the US, which proclaims itself to be ‘The Leader of the Democratic World’. Although the movement started to lose its support after 70 odd days and the Chinese government claimed victory after police dismantled the main protest camp on 15th December, it certainly rang the bell for student involvement in future protest movements. The protest also brought the problems underlying the city of Hong Kong to the surface, such as the widening income inequality, rocketing property prices, regions being ‘over-flooded’ by mainland tourists, ever-increasing cost of living and the lack of opportunities. Commentators suggest that the protest presented to the government the socio-economic problems that Hong Kong has been encountering in recent years. Despite the failure to achieve the aims of the ‘Umbrella Movement’, the protest has been able to demonstrate the unity of the Hong Kong community and once again, forced the Chinese government to rethink its governing policy over this special administrative region.

“...the Umbrella Movement, ‘the Day when Hong Kong Cried.’” Since the twentieth century, protests have been seen as a way to demand change and to express discontent towards the leader of the region. While I have focused only on the protest movements that have taken place in China and Hong Kong in recent years, these can be treated as microcosms of the wider world, where the outbreak of demonstrations can either end up in partial success or complete failure. However, whilst remaining under the rule of the Communist Party, Hong Kong, and even China, will not be able to aspire for large scale political, social and economic changes without the consent of the Beijing government.

Naomi Chan is a first year undergraduate of Law, who regards Hong Kong as her home because she has spent most of her life there.

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The Revolution Online The powers and pitfalls of new technology in protest movements George Greenwood explores the complex impact technology has had and will have on the power of the protest, engaging in a discussion of the virtues and vices of social media, as well as the rise of new technology-driven social issues.

echnology is transforming the way we protest in the 21st century. It is defining both how and why we stand up to our leaders and demand a different path for our lives.

Alongside the more traditional mediums of making ourselves heard- the print media, the telephone and our own voices- we can tweet, Facebook, Whatsapp, and communicate with each other across as many electronic applications as can be dreamed up by software developers. On the one hand, this has multiplied exponentially the platforms upon which we can campaign and engage those traditionally disengaged. Rather than newspaper headlines being driven by reporters in the field, they are often now driven by social media, with thousands of individuals communicating on the causes that matter to them via decentralised and extremely pervasive forums. Once upon a time it was remarked that a day was a long time in politics; as Emma Thornberry found out all too well recently, today it is a tweet that is a long time in politics.

“This sort of global outrage simply could not have been expressed or even initiated just twenty or even ten years ago.” Hashtags such as “#ferguson, #icantbreathe, and #blacklivesmatter, have driven social media commentary on the recent killing of Mike Brown in the States, and have allowed the anger behind the protest to spread far and wide. We saw recently a number of arrests at a “die in” protest at the Westfield Shepherd’s Bush to express British anger over the incident that happened in a small town in the USA, with protests as far afield as Tokyo and Melbourne. This sort of global outrage simply could not have been expressed or even initiated just twenty or even ten years ago.

And in less democratic societies, the impact is even more telling. Where public outcry is generally met with police brutality rather than political engagement, new communications technology is a paradigm shift in opposition organisation. Groups are now able to successfully organise peaceful resistance movements through secured social media communications. The security services can only monitor so many communications, and when these occur in a far more decentralised way than telephone calls or even email, they simply can’t keep up. Even the NSA cannot monitor all email and Facebook communications. We have seen this in Hong Kong, in Taiwan and in all the countries affected by the Arab Spring. But there is another side to the technological revolution, and it is a risk. By making it so easy for people to have their say, without leaving their rooms, we risk being less able to bring our leaders to account. In recent years, we have seen a massive drop off in voter turnout. The trend seems to be that people are willing to sign their change.org petitions fighting for the rights of illegal immigrants detained in the UK, or sharing news articles and blogs about the oppression of minorities in Burma, but are taking less and less part in the only real way that we can force out our government. Voting is one of the few ways in which we can stand up and make our views heard, and, if necessary, throw out our rulers by constitutional means. If we cannot be bothered to get off our arses and exercise our rights, how are we to change the society within which we live? Thus, if causes that are important to keyboard warriors are still unable to get them out of the house, then all this newfound activism will be for no good. Those who rule us will be able to say one thing and do another, without facing people out in the streets demanding change. The internet is a wonderful tool, but we must never forget that it is our persons, as well as our voices, that give our protests power. The new forms of protests must therefore be combined

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;If we cannot be bothered to get off our arses and exercise our rights, how are we to change the society within which we live?â&#x20AC;? with the old, getting on the streets to fight for our rights, as well as spreading our anger online, or we risk having less and less impact over our rulers in future. Ultimately, what forces those in power to change their minds is bodies on the streets using collective power to force change. It also seems likely that the things we protest about will change fundamentally. As we have seen, developing technology has pushed the boundaries of possibility. Thus, new issues are becoming issues that people are willing to fight for. Our privacy, and our right to be forgotten online, seems potentially one of the most important issues that will flare up in future given that we conduct more and more of our lives online. Through our online data one can find out almost anything about people. Medical technology is another, and with the ability to save younger and younger foetuses, the scene seems to be ripe for new and interesting protests over medical ethics, over term limits for abortions and at what stage in a pregnancy the foetus can be seen as a legal person. Whatever our engagement level, the future of protest seems to be destined to be on the new issues thrown up by technology and further protested and counter protested by new technological means. Therefore, evolving technology may be a mixed blessing for the power of the protest. On the one hand, it will allow relatively unknown and local issues capture national and international attention through trending and retweeting. It will also allow for a fundamental power shift in the way that ordinary protesters can take direct action against the state. But there is a risk. Our reliance on electronic communication might stop us from going out there, by deluding ourselves that it is by tapping away at our keyboards and our touchscreens that we really make a difference. George Greenwood is an Msc International Relations student at LSE, who is particularly interested in the forms of social power that protest movements can build up and use to achieve their aims.

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Illustrations by Ruth-Sarah McCarthy T H E LO N D O N G LO BA L I ST

From Arab Springs to Islamist Winters ‘Climate Change’ in Middle Eastern Politics Geila Alpion explores the vacillating political climates of the Middle East; addressing the irrefutable power protest has had in recent years: a power that has been positive for some and negative for others, but revolutionary for all.

rotests about climate change are not unheard of in the 21st century. But protests that change climate? Somewhat of a more puzzling phenomenon. Yet this is what the geopolitical region of the Middle East has been faced with since the start of this tumultuous decade. There has been a perplexing etymological obsession with how to categorise the uprisings and unrest that have occurred across North Africa and the Middle East since 2010. ‘Arab Spring’, ‘Arab Winter’, ‘Islamist Winter’ have all been bandied about by commentators, journalists and academics alike in their quest to decipher this turning point in history. The fixation with various seasonal metaphors is more important than may initially appear. The ‘Arab Spring’, as the media was intent on calling it, implied an awakening of the Arab peoples, a beginning of revolutions designed to achieve a more Western way of organising civic and political society. What happened next of course, was not the happy ending that many ‘Arab Spring’ enthusiasts had expected. In fact, with the rise of the Islamic State and the repercussions of this the term ‘Arab Spring’ has seemingly fallen out of favour with the mainstream media and political scholarship. What has been happening in the regions since the uprisings has been nothing short of unpredictable, despite many efforts made to the contrary attempting to predict the consequences of such revolutions. Thus the events of 2010 onwards were not quite the spring awakening that many commentators wished or indeed, predicted it to be. The analogy of seasons that has been applied to this part of the world to represent this moment in history has been misguided and inaccurate primarily because the repercussions of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ have been too varied to categorise collectively into one grand awakening . However, one must not forget that it is not the rhetoric of choice that is most important here: it is of course the political climate we are discussing and the actual effects of protest on the ground. Protests are usually a collective movement. But oftentimes, it takes one person to light the match to an already existing burn pile. On 17 December 2010, this person was Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunis who quite literally sent flames soaring when he lit a match and set

himself on fire. It was the beginning of a chain of events that would make much of the Middle Eastern domestic and political landscape unrecognisable. Self-immolation is not an unheard of style of protest, but it is always a devastatingly powerful one. Bouazizi was no exception. In an act of desperation, brought on by his inability to defend his economic security in a country riddled with corruption and an incumbent government that had clung onto power for over two decades, Bouazizi set aflame the hearts and minds of his fellow Tunisians and subsequently of his neighbouring nations.

“Self-immolation is not an unheard of style of protest, but it is always a devastatingly powerful one.” If we take the meaning of protest and the motivations behind a protest to be an act of defiance or disapproval at the status quo, then it is clear to see five years on that the power of protest was highly successful in many parts of this geopolitical area. But with all the media attention that the successful protests received, it is important to reflect upon those states in which the power of the protest was not enough to overcome the power of the state. Often, these cases are forgotten about in the chapters of history. Bahrain and Iran are the prime examples of the power of the protest being successfully quashed. Whilst we enjoy hearing about dramatic news in which visible, tangible change occurs- as was the case for places like Tunisia and (in its earlier days) Egypt- countries in which the the power of protest ran out have not resonated in our consciousness as much. Despite much hope of an Iranian revolution in the Western media in 2011, with almost blanket coverage of ongoing protests in Tehran, ultimately change did not arrive in this country and the regime successfully hung on as has been the case in Bahrain with increasing human rights abuses and authoritarian crackdowns. But as much as there has been no change in some areas, in others the ‘climate change’ has been so erratic and so powerful, it has resulted in near man-made disasters. In Egypt, there has been

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Illustration by Maria Komarova

emerged from the murky post-revolution landscape with a victory for consensual, secular politics. Winter in North Africa and the Middle East is usually a temperate affair. Temperatures average 10-14°C and rainfall is negligible. Apart from in 2013. From December 11 to December 15, the Middle East experienced unprecedented conditions. Cairo experienced snowfall for the first time in 112 years. It was nothing short of a miraculous spectacle. For a region that had recently faced severe upheaval in what commentators have repeatedly termed the ‘Arab Spring’, the region experienced a real life Arab Winter. This is perhaps as far as meteorological commentary on this complex region should go. To reduce the power of the protest that has resonated throughout the Middle East in the past 4 years to a Spring or a Winter, is to simplify for ulterior motives the ongoing turbulences and tensions within this geopolitical setting.

“Our fixation with changing seasons points to a desire to understand both history and future as a process of logical and scientific evolution. ”

what can only be described as ordered chaos. The equally rapid rise and fall of the Muslim Brotherhood and its authoritarian replacement has created an identity crisis for a nation already on the cusp of grave economic instability and human rights abuses. The situation in Egypt has become so unstable that in December 2014, the incumbent government was accused of passing the most authoritarian measures in over 60 years, bringing pillars of freedom crashing down. If the whole point of the revolutions in the Arab world was to help give a voice to the voiceless, then the outcomes that have been witnessed in Egypt under the tyranny of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi have been disastrous. But the ‘weather forecasts’ are not all doom and gloom. The seeds of the ‘Arab Spring’ were sown in the one state that has proven to be a tentative success story. The Economist recently voted Tunisia the country of 2014, highlighting how it is widely considered by those in the West and original ‘Arab Spring’ enthusiasts in the Middle East to be a triumph. Having recently held their first post-revolution fully democratic presidential elections, Tunisia has proven to many that unlike some of its neighbours that are descending into various states of disrepair, it has thus far successfully harnessed the initial power of protest that it felt on that fateful December day in 2010 and has

For whatever rhetorical reasons, the power of protest appears to incite climate change. The Arab Spring and Islamist Winters are not the first example of this man-made phenomenon. Throughout history, the revolutions of 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe which led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of Communism became known as the ‘Autumn of Nations’. Our fixation with changing seasons points to a desire to understand both history and future as a process of logical and scientific evolution. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that such attempts are somewhat futile. Where this analogy succeeds is in its similarities with the repetitive nature of history. In the same way that the seasons come and go, year after year, humankind has a habit of repeating itself, of starting wars, finishing them and then restarting them again. But in the same way that scientific climate change is affecting our understanding and experiences of the changing seasons, as are the ever-expanding powers of protest. Their ability to change political climates continues to astound us.

Geila Alpion is a current MSc Theory and History of International Relations student and a former ‘Obama for America’ volunteer during the 2012 presidential election.

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LSE’s Lost Legacy? Have we lost the activist spirit of our forefathers? Ethan Meade revisits a tumultuous time in the LSE’s history, characterised by riots, protest and extreme student activism: an undeniably different landscape from the LSE today. Courtesy of The Beaver Archives

icture the scene – as you turn off Kingsway and into Houghton Street, you see ahead of you students, armed with crowbars, pickaxes and sledgehammers, running riot on campus. The LSE was a very different place nearly 50 years ago. Whilst the big businesses of Goldman Sachs, Credit Suisse et al dominate campus today, the LSE was famously a hotbed of student activism and left-wing politics. Ask anybody of a certain generation about the LSE, and they will inevitably reply with tales of student activism, and a reputation of the LSE as a breeding ground of international socialism, and furthermore Marxism. The end of the 1960’s was a time of protest worldwide. The United States had been a hotbed of activism throughout the 60s by virtue of the civil rights movement, and by the late 60s this activism re-manifested in an explosion of student protests over the Vietnam War. Colleges and universities in the USA had more students than ever before, with college enrolment reaching 25 million by

the end of the decade. As a consequence of an attempt to increase institutional control over the increasing student body, many college students became active in causes that promoted free speech, student input in the curriculum, and an end to archaic social restrictions. Apartheid South Africa was another extremely pertinent issue at the time. An increasingly socially-aware and active wing of the student body saw the wrongs of the system – which in particular, made the appointment of Walter Adams as LSE Director so important. At the LSE, the students considered themselves to be at the vanguard of revolution worldwide. Their peers at Sorbonne had nearly unseated De Gaulle in Paris, and the students chanted “London, Paris, Rome, Berlin, we shall fight and we shall win!” at an anti-Vietnam protest in October 1968. The protests themselves began in 1967, after the aforementioned appointment of Walter Adams as the Director of the LSE. Adams had previously been the Principal at the University of Zimbabwe

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from 1955 to 1967, and had subsequently been seen, at the very least as doing too little to combat Ian White’s white minority dictatorship in the state, and at worst, being complicit in the regime’s abuses. This was not Adams’ first association with the school – he served as secretary of the Academic Assistance Council from 1938 to 1946. However, it was his appointment as Director which stirred controversy and emotion. The initial protests against Adams’ appointment took place on January 31st 1967, events during which a university porter suffered a fatal heart attack. Though post-mortem examinations revealed that the heart attack was unrelated, undoubtedly this amongst raging tensions gave the sense of a fever pitch being reached. David Adelstein and Marshall Bloom, Presidents of the Students Union and Graduate Students Union respectively, were suspended for their part in the protests, a move which escalated tensions at the school. On March 13th, hundreds of students protested in a sit-in, occupying school buildings, whilst a number of students went on hunger strike; lectures were boycotted, and pickets organised. Eventually, Adams agreed to lift the suspensions, which led to a temporary calming of tensions. Bloom returned to the USA, and committed suicide after receiving a military call-up to Vietnam in November 1969.

“...the school gave the impression of a concentration camp.” On October 24th 1968, Adams, fearing an occupation and growing support by the students for an upcoming anti-Vietnam War demonstration, decided to close the school for the weekend. As this questioned the right of the administration to close LSE against the wishes of lecturers and students, the move led to 3,000 students occupying. Tensions further escalated, and in January, Adams and the university responded with the erection of steel gates on buildings. The school claimed this was to ensure certain buildings could be closed during protests whilst others, such as the Union, would remain open. However, these measures were derided by students and proved to be extremely provocative, with many claiming that the school gave the impression of a concentration camp. On January 24th, the protestors promptly demolished these gates with iron bars and crowbars, in a truly aggressive scene of protest. With more than 100 police officers summoned, the school was closed and twentyfive students were arrested, although this was far from the end of the controversy. The arrested students were followed by a crowd of marching protestors, supporting their peers and demanding their release. With the proximity of the school to the city, and to Fleet Street, these actions were both a public relations nightmare for the school, and a coup for the left-wing protest movement. By the 27th January, the school had seized control of the

of London Union building on Malet Street, claiming they wanted to establish a London School of Economics in exile, with the school remaining closed on Houghton Street. Entrances to the buildings were shut, and posters stuck on doors on walls, proclaiming the ‘LSE in exile.’ Whilst the base in exile lasted only a day, the school remained closed for three weeks. Two of the three staff members involved in the protests were sacked, ringleaders were reprimanded and banned from college for a month. One might ask what all these protests achieved, and what their legacy was. At the time, a great deal of concern at the school was devoted to maintaining LSE’s historic left-wing traditions. Even in the age of activism and protests, the socialist traditions of the school appeared to be eroding. Adams’ appointment highlighted the growing shift Right at the school. The Leftist spirits of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, of the renowned socialist and lecturer at the LSE, Harold Laski, and former Director, William Beveridge – moving in the Rightist direction of the likes of Lionel Robbins, Michael Oakeshott, and of course Walter Adams. The spirit of protest continued at the LSE as a result of the actions of the class of 1969. Although activism diminished, occupations still took place throughout the 1970’s and 80’s, such as the 1983 occupation to secure the LSE Nursery. Meanwhile, the head of the student’s union’s role title was changed to General Secretary, in a show of support to the striking miners. A more notable protest took place in 1986, as students occupied the Old Building for 7 days, to protest against the school’s investment in South African companies supporting the apartheid regime. Riot police intervention led the students to leave immediately, without confrontation, marching to South Africa House to protest outside the Embassy. So what is the legacy of this ‘golden era’ of protest at LSE? Has the spirit of activism been eroded in the face of big business and corporation presence on campus? Certainly some will argue that the LSE’s reputation of being at the vanguard of social activism has been eroded, with greater emphasis on the chase for the latest spring week or internship. That said, one only has to point to the Free Education march in November of 2014 to show the continued power of student protest. The scandal over Men’s Rugby this autumn provoked widespread opinion on both sides, showing the continued polarity of opinions and interest in student affairs that remain on campus; whilst the recent UGM motion to publically condemn antiSemitism showed the LSE student’s commitment to standing up for what is right. The class of 2015 may not quite be following in the riotous footsteps of their peers in 1969, but that activist spirit still remains somewhere.

Ethan Meade is a 2nd year undergraduate of International Relations and History, with a keen interest in global affairs and the protest movement.

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Words of Wisdom Famous thoughts to consider on the power of the protest

“If I were to remain silent, I’d be guilty of complicity.”

“I’m not interested in preserving the status-quo; I want to overthrow it.” - Niccolo Machiavelli

- Albert Einstein

“A patriot must always be ready to defend his country against his government.” - Edward Abbey

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“One has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws.” - Martin Luther King Jr.

“If it is necessary to form a Black Nationalist army, we’ll form a Black Nationalist army. It’ll be ballot or the bullet. It’ll be liberty or it’ll be death.” - Malcom X

“Nothing strengthens authority so much as silence.” - Leonardo da Vinci

“Nonviolence is a powerful and just weapon. It is a weapon unique in history, which cuts without wounding and ennobles the man who wields it. It is a sword that heals.” - Martin Luther King Jr.

Illustrations by Ruth-Sarah McCarthy T H E LO N D O N G LO BA L I ST

Strawberries & Sunflowers What power has protest had to the Young Taiwanese? Wen-Yu Weng relives some of her experiences in the Taiwan Protest, discussing in turn the character of Taiwan’s younger generation of protestors.

ang kept his opinions – particularly the political – to himself. This was not strange, even for Political Science majors at one of the most eminent universities in the country. After all, for many in Taiwan, politics is dirty. “You’re too smart and honest to be a politician,” Yang’s father had exclaimed once. Then, on the night of March 18th, 2014, Yang joined a determined group of hundreds of protestors - mostly comprised of youngsters and students – who stormed into the Legislative Yuan, Taiwan’s parliament building. The issue at hand was the hasty attempt of the Kuomintang (KMT) government to pass the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA), a trade pact which aimed to liberalize trade in services between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the People’s Republic of China. Inspired, other protestors broke into the Executive Yuan building nearby on March 23rd. The latter’s more confrontational development sparked a disorderly crackdown by the riot police. A number of protestors and police were injured in the clash. The movement was a coalition of various interests. There were those who opposed the CSSTA on procedural grounds. They condemned the passing of the service pact by the ruling KMT party without a clause-by-clause review as “black-boxing”. Separate, but not entirely unrelated, are concerns over perceived dependence on the Mainland China if Taiwan further opens up its service sectors. Many Taiwanese looked to Hong Kong as a cautionary tale. And, for years, concerned onlookers have spoken out on China’s increasing clandestine influence on Taiwanese media outlets through alliances with overtly pro-China Taiwanese business tycoons. Many feared that China’s economic influence cumulated through liberalized service sectors may one day undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty as its tentacles tighten around Taiwan’s vital organs. By the time I flew back and enlisted the help of a friend to smuggle me in, the protestors and police had reached an impasse. Hundreds of protestors in the building, having braved the chaos since the first night of the “318 movement”, survived on a cornucopia

of food as donations flooded in. The police had moderate success in preventing more protestors from entering, forcing barracks blocking the building, but could not avoid the rapidly gathering crowds, in tens of thousands, who camped on the grounds outside and on Qingdao Road in solidarity. Nor could they expel the protestors who fashioned a bulwark from furniture within the building. Indeed, there was no desire to – an earlier crackdown at Executive Yuan had created a media storm. A repeat could implicate a new historical low in public opinion of President Ma, Premier Jiang, and the police force. The security controls getting in was a breathing physical display of realpolitik. With a makeshift identification tag around my neck, I past the first level of police security through the North entrance, followed by another security check by protestors. The tag served dual purposes: the police needed to know that the protestors are not recruiting in more people and the protestors needed to know I am not up to funny espionage business.

“Strawberries refer to the beautiful and delicate exteriors of this generation, but also imply an inability to deal with hardships.” It is interesting to note that Taiwanese politics and sociology adopt symbolic imageries. There is the neologism – the “Strawberry Generation” – which refers to the generation of Taiwanese youth currently in their twenties and early thirties. Strawberries refer to the beautiful and delicate exteriors of this generation, but also imply an inability to deal with hardships. And then there is also the alternative name for the 318 movement – “the Sunflower movement”. Sunflowers were a symbol of hope and, despite continuing disagreements over the exact reach of the movement, they have spilled over the walls of the building and diffused beyond the tents and mattresses on Qingdao and Jinan roads. On March 30th, the movement organizers called for citizens to march on the Ketagalan Boulevard. Estimates for the turnout ranged from

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A board made by protestors displayed in the Parliament chamber, showing politicians catagorised as either good or bad.

the police estimate of around 100,000 to the organizer’s 500,000 but undoubtedly, the sight from the Presidential Office must have been impressive as waves of Taiwanese protestors flowed down the Boulevard, clutching on to their sunflowers in the wind. The Sunflower movement highlighted how student movements in Taiwan remain susceptible to the temptations of personification and dramatization, mostly from a lack of experience in dealing with massive societal attention and criticisms. The series of events that unfolded after 318 indicated a civil society that was still experimenting with its new responsibilities and rights, particularly amongst student activists. The half a dozen “student leaders” of the movement arguably gained cult-like status and admiration from many young people. The strictly hierarchical nature of the strategymaking processes inevitably hastened latent frustrations and precipitated splinter groups. Moreover, the movement was unable to convince an important segment of society of the legitimacy of its confrontational methods, exacerbated by the tendency for “leaders” and some supporters to exaggerate faults of those they disagreed with. Finally, the common knowledge that many student leaders lean politically towards the opposition party allowed pundits and media to question the intentions and independence of the movement,

fuelling criticisms that the protestors All these fuelled criticisms of protestors were seeking to fulfill their own political agenda by holding the state at hostage.

“...the radical political discourse Taiwan desperately needed” Yet, the movement achieved many things. The eloquent and unified challenge to authority was able to command lasting media attention. It also paved the way for the radical political discourse Taiwan desperately needed – the legitimacy of civil disobedience, the limitations of representative democracy, the inadequacies of the rule of law, and a critical analysis of flourishing trade with the mainland. Students who previously saw politics as distant and disconnected from themselves found patriotic and intellectual causes to uproot their reluctance and to dive in. The Strawberry Generation, it seemed, had shocked the nation with its political fervor and its ultimate display of defiance and perseverance. International observers had casually coined the term “Taiwan

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View of the protest in the Parliament chamber from the second floor.

Spring”, but the Sunflower movement proved itself above the comparison when it comes to its meticulous organization and discipline. Despite the internal conflicts within the building, for example, or the ideological divides simmering beneath the surface, the movement was structured and peaceful for the overwhelming majority of its existence. There were clearly delineated hierarchical structures in decision making and delegation of duties such as the media group, the translation unit, the security unit, the arts and crafts team, and so on. Individuals even took rotations to clean the bathrooms. On the streets, volunteers picked up trash and popped up speaker corners, giving all participants a voice and audience. Flimsy placards advertised free tutoring services and textbooks for the typically-studious Taiwanese students camped on the grounds. Various local documentaries on social movements were projected onto a gigantic screen. The Sunflowers made me believe in the power of protest, and created a widespread, organic civic awakening amongst young Taiwanese, who had become dangerously apathetic towards politics. Beneath the controlled, centralized messages from the organizers and the personalist politics was a fascinating display of collaboration and heterogeneity, as over fifty civil society groups and NGOS, coupled with spin-off political groups, converge to advocate a common cause. The sunflowers not only reinvigorated politics in Taiwan, but also movements abroad. The Hong Kong Umbrella movement, for example, embraced similar rhetoric and techniques. The synergy between the two events was evidenced by the Hong Kong authority’s decision, perhaps at Beijing’s behest, to deny entry to Taiwanese activist leaders of the Sunflower movement.

“...young Taiwanese ... had become dangerously apathetic towards politics.” That day when I entered the Parliament chamber, I tripped over Yang napping on the Parliament floor. For nights, he lay awake in fear, rationalizing to himself the police would not break in. But after living with strangers (and comrades) for three weeks, Yang was about to go home. The Sunflower movement’s occupation of the Legislative Yuan ended on April 10th as the movement “leaders” declared their decisions to withdraw upon a soft concession from Legislative Speaker Wang. Perhaps it is unsurprising that a significant number of protestors were left disillusioned. Although Yang and I possess differing views on occupying the Parliament, we remained united in the cause of accountability and independence. Above all, I respect him and the Sunflower movement, which will unquestionably become the defining moment for our generation.

Wen-Yu Weng is a med drop-out who is now pursuing her passions in development issues. She was active in the Thai red-shirts protests, shadowed Inner Mongolia activists, and filmed the three-week occupation of the Taiwanese parliament during the Sunflower movement.

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Special Feature:

Ferguson It is a near impossible task to fix upon a specific, irrefutable narrative of the events in Ferguson. To do so is to engage in a deeply political exercise. Do we paint the picture of a young black boy, fear in his eyes, stood with his hands up, pleading not to be shot? Or are we more inclined to picture the awesome figure of a man, 6ft 5â&#x20AC;?, 289 pounds, hurtling towards us? To opt for one is to embrace the frustrations of a community, struggling against oppression in a country congratulating itself on its progress. To embrace the other is to believe in the post-racialism of the Western world and trust that the processes of law reasoned the fairest conclusions. Perhaps the more valuable exercise however is assessing the aftermath, considering what it is we ought to understand from these events. For Isabel Togoh, it is the recognition of the failings of the US justice system. For Kevin Steyer, it is the understanding that riotous protest will only cause further harm. For Malvika Jaganmohan, it is the need to realise that antiblackness is distinct from all other forms of racism. For all, we may begin with the simple narrative that on August 9th 2014, black teenager Michael Brown was fatally shot by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri.

Protestors on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri.

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#HandsUpDontShoot How protests and social media are doing the job of the law In the wake of the St. Louis County grand jury decision failing to indict Darren Wilson for the murder of Mike Brown, Isabel Togoh explores the gulf between ‘justice’ as delivered by the formal courts and policy-makers of the US, and the ‘justice’ delivered through civil activism and civil dialogue.

ugust 2014 saw the now notorious ‘hands up, don’t shoot’ rallying cry erupt unrelentingly from the American town of Ferguson, Missouri. Fast-forward days, weeks and months later, and we have witnessed more US cities and international actors join in the chorus for justice. Despite the death of Mike Brown - an unarmed black boy of 18 years old - by white police officer, Darren Wilson, the St Louis County grand jury decided against indicting Wilson, and has instead, seen him walk free. We could leave it at that and suggest that a lack of sufficient evidence was to blame for said decision. However, the prior death-by-chokehold of Eric Garner in New York - caught on film - also failed to bring the officer who killed him whilst violating NYPD policy, to account. In light of these incidents, can it be justly said that the US lives in a post-racial society? Furthermore, has the employment of ‘hashtag activism’ been effective?

AGGRAVATED RACIAL TENSION It has been alleged - most likely as an attempt to demonise him - that on the day of his death, Brown had stolen cigarillos from a convenience store. Whether the incident happened on the 9th of August or before, the force used against Brown was undeniably disproportionate to the allegation. Not only that, but after the fatal shooting, Brown’s body was left in the street for a further four hours, on display for the community to witness. As a ‘warning sign’, some might have concluded. These events echo a notion of a precivil rights America, an era in which black people were brutally disregarded, mistreated and discriminated against. Moreover, we must not forget that the structural causes of poverty, discontentment and racism which existed 60+ years ago, are, to an extent, still in place today. As an example, we could turn to the Prison Industrial

A VERY MODERN PROTEST No wonder, then, that Ferguson, a predominantly AfricanAmerican town, has expressed its frustration so passionately and, like many protests of this age, has taken to social media to vent its frustrations and gather support on an international level. Just a

Illustration by Holly Bedeau

“...the de-valuing and sparing of black lives by trigger-happy white policemen... ”

Complex as explored by scholar and activist, Angela Davis (1998). The phenomenon sees the imprisonment of Black, Asian and Latino individuals - people to whom the negative racial and socioeconomic stereotypes are applied - in order to make such societal problems disappear. This works to consciously and unconsciously ‘[sink] racism more deeply into the…ideological structures of U.S society’ and increase hostility towards already marginalised groups.

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TIMELINE OF EVENTS August 9th

Mike Brown is shot dead by Darren Wilson at around 12pm.

August 11th

Brown’s family hold a press conference. Protests intensify, with police using tear gas against protesters.

August 14th

President Barack Obama calls for calm on the streets of Ferguson.

August 15th

Wilson’s identity is revealed. It had been protected until this point due to ‘fears for his safety’.

August 18th

The National Guard is deployed to Ferguson for 3 days.

August 25th

A funeral is held for Mike Brown, with thousands of attendees including 3 White House representatives.

November 25th

The St. Louis County grand jury decides against an indictment for Darren Wilson.

few weeks ago, I witnessed a small protest outside Brixton station, with demonstrators displaying a ‘LONDON IS FERGUSON’ sign. What Ferguson protests have brought to light is that the plight of black people, whether in relation to the police, the state or society, is shared beyond borders. Hence the birth of the now ubiquitous ‘#ICantBreathe’ hashtag and ‘#BlackLivesMatter’ slogan, coined by activists Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi. The consensus among protesters asserts that the de-valuing and sparing of black lives by trigger-happy white policemen can no longer continue and be met with indifference. The adoption of social media for such a cause - including the use of 6-second ‘Vine’ videos has helped galvanise action on a local and global level. Consequently, actors on all levels of policy-making and influencing have engaged in dialogue on what can be done to improve race relations especially between white people and black people, and engage critically in discussion about counterproductive and unwarranted police brutality.

THE TWEETING AYATOLLAH AND A DIE-IN US cities including New York, Los Angeles and Chicago have protested in solidarity with Ferguson, with New York City dealing with the aftermath of the death of Eric Garner almost simultaneously. Perhaps it comes as no surprise that countries including Afghanistan, China and Iran were also quick to condemn the US for its violation of human rights and its false promotion of equality and an era of postracialism. On December 10th, Westfield Shopping Centre in west London saw 76 protesters stage a ‘die-in’ in response to the death of Garner, with spillover emotion into the killing of Mike Brown. Opponents of this strategy have argued that the sentiment behind it was as staged as the actual event, however it must be noted that the prominence of social media tools, hashtags and citizen journalism, has aided the cause of what initially started as a small protest, to go viral. Additionally, the unjustified killing of the two black men on separate occasions, over comparatively petty crimes, should not be taken lightly: an angry and impassioned response seems just necessary, even - if wrongdoers are to be humiliated and brought to justice. In many ways, protesters have the ability to take justice into their own hands, by inciting debate and publicly expressing their frustration where the law has failed them. Tumblr alone is doing a great job of covering protests from all angles, long after mainstream news cameras have turned their attention away.

“an angry and impassioned response seems just - even necessary” In early December Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, took to Twitter to express his condemnation not only of events in Ferguson, but at the glaring contradictions and double-standards displayed by the US with regards to citizen protection. Among his tweets, Khamenei declared ‘Based on statistics, US govt is the biggest violator of #HumanRights. Besides int’l crimes, it commits crimes against its nation #Ferguson’. His subsequent tweet linked his followers to a state produced video entitled ‘395 Years A Slave’, referring to the beginning of Chattel slavery in the States, until now. But he also used the Ferguson case to further another political agenda and push the US further into the mud: in another tweet, Khamenei states ‘Brutal treatment of black people isn’t indeed the only anti-human rights act by US govt. Look at US’s green light to #Israel’s crimes’. One cannot help but wonder whether ‘#Ferguson’ could have been anything - the countries towards which the US has expressed condemnation of human rights violations are now chuckling to themselves as they have witnessed the big bully slip on the banana

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A tribute to Michael Brown, displayed on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri.

peel. However, whether reactions on the part of international leaders constitute heartfelt concerns or otherwise is almost irrelevant, because what their attention to Brown’s shooting and Garner’s death generates, is humiliation of the US criminal justice system and more directly, Obama’s administration, despite the president being relatively powerless in such situations. Ultimately, the role of protest in the case of Mike Brown has drawn global attention to the plight of African Americans living in the land of the free and the brave, in which it seems only the latter of those words applies to them.

this not merely in the sense that these unfortunate events were to be expected, but in the sense that this kind of attitude engenders complacency towards issues of racial tension. Just because it is ‘2015’, does not mean the task of civil rights and racial equality and most importantly, the valuing of black and ethnic minority lives, has been fulfilled. For those who proclaim the futility of protest, these events have confirmed that there is still a long way to go to improve race relations in the US and beyond, and so I encourage protesters to keep holding those responsible to account where the law has failed. In the words of the American comedian, Jon Stewart, ‘We are definitely not living in a post-racial society. And I can imagine there are a lot of people wondering how much of a society we are living in at all’.

“I encourage protesters to keep holding those responsible to account where the law has failed.” IS POST-RACIALISM A MYTH? One question which I will continue to ask is this: Why do we think that witnessing the US living in a ‘modern’ and post-civil rights era, necessarily means that progress has been made? I ask

Isabel Togoh is a 3rd year Social Anthropology student and the editor of website, www.thelondonglobalist.org

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Sufficient unto the Day ...is the Evil Thereof: Critiquing the Ferguson protests Kevin Steyer provides a criticism of protest, particularly violent ones, through the lens of the Ferguson demonstrations. He highlights in his discussion the futility of protests that create yet further harm than the harm they combat.

ay 3, 1968: Sorbonne University. May 4, 1970: Kent State University. June 16, 1976: Soweto Uprising. June 4, 1989: Tiananmen Square Protests. May 12, 1998: The Trisakti Shootings (Indonesia). July 7-13, 1999: Iran Student Protests. November 19, 2014: London Free Education March. November 22, 2014: Anti-EU Protest, Frankfurt… Protests have been a common feature of the modern era. They occur, either on a large or small scale, quite regularly. Most people today can say that they either took part in a protest, were affected directly or indirectly by one, or have at least heard of one. In most cases, people should be able to cite at least three or four that fit one of the above three categories. Why are protests so common? Is it that conditions have really become so dire that the people feel they can do nothing else? Or is it that a few passionate activists manage to encourage others to join, without actually telling them what they are protesting for? Is it a combination of both? Although these questions are fascinating, I will not try to answer them here. I will instead focus specifically on the Ferguson, Missouri, protests, by providing a critical analysis of them, in the hope that the lessons learned from there can be applied to most other protests around the world. I will then conclude that in almost all cases protests do more harm than good, especially if violent, while providing one main and important exception to this rule. I single out the recent protests in Ferguson for further evaluation as it is a good example of a protest doing more harm than good. For those who do not know about Ferguson, the basic story is this: On August 9, 2014, not long ago at all, a black teenager named Michael Brown who had just stolen from a convenience store, was shot by a white policeman. The predictable happened and the black community of Ferguson, bolstered by wider liberal support (among other, smaller groups), took to the streets demanding justice and punishment for the policeman. These protests continued for a significant period of time without cessation following the day of the fatal shooting. They quickly became violent with rioting and destruction of property. Schools were forced to close, people stayed home, and the situation quickly went from bad to worse. The spark

that really ignited the ashes was when the Grand Jury decided not to indict the white policeman on November 24th. On this day, the rioting grew worse. Looting, vandalism, arson, fighting… all these things were the manifestation of the anger built up in the black community of Ferguson.

“What did these protesters gain by behaving this way? Nothing. In fact, they only lost.” Here is why such protesting is senseless: in an effort to bring justice to the policeman and remember the life of the dead teenager, Ferguson was badly damaged on many levels. It was not burned to the ground, but it will never be the same again, condemned to be forever worse-off: people will live in fear of their own neighbors for years to come. To illustrate this fact, in one particularly absurd example, the store that the black teenager had stolen from, the event that triggered the altercation with the policeman in the first place, was a victim of the vandalism, with the owner losing much value in his partially-destroyed convenience shop. The initial harm done was magnified. What did these protesters gain by behaving this way? Nothing. In fact, they only lost. Anyone who looks at the Ferguson case objectively will see the blatant racism of the protesters. Without actually seeing the altercation break out, without objectively studying the facts, and without interviewing witnesses, the vast majority of the black population in Ferguson jumped to the conclusion that the black teenager was innocent and the white policeman guilty of murder. This conclusion was based on the color of the policeman’s skin. If it was a black policeman who had killed the black teenager, then the black community would have responded in one of two ways: either accepting that the teenager had done something wrong, or calling it a sad misunderstanding (this is not hypothetical, as over 80% of such cases are indeed black on black, and they almost never cause rioting). But because the policeman was white, it was immediately and without any factual basis assumed that he was a racist, ironically an exceedingly racist assumption in and of itself.

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Image courtesy of the LSESU ACS Facebook page A few days ago, in walking to the LSE library, I saw a group of black students with signs saying “Black Lives Matter.” Two thoughts came to my mind: Firstly, who said that they did not matter? Answer: nobody. Secondly, don’t all lives matter? Answer: Yes. Yet, by protesting the way that the Ferguson protestors did, white and black members of the Ferguson community had their livelihoods destroyed. The black and white citizens who did not participate in the rioting and had no part in the original altercation must now live in a physically wrecked and racially divided city. They did not deserve this: their lives matter, too.

“Firstly, who said that they did not matter? Answer: nobody. Secondly, don’t all lives matter? Answer: Yes.” The shooting of Michael Brown was indeed tragic, whether warranted or not. It is a shame that these events still occur in our world today. So, protestors of Ferguson, honor the life of Michael Brown by acknowledging the good things he accomplished in his life. Protestors of Ferguson, save your fellow citizens from further pain and heartache. Protestors of Ferguson, go back home and ask yourselves, will my actions bring back a lost member of our community? The answer is no, so do not bring anyone else further heartache by encouraging further vandalism and destruction.

Many protests begin as a valid response to a real or perceived problem, yet violent protests are rarely acceptable. Perhaps the only valid type of protest in which physical damage may be condoned is in the case of citizens of a country wanting to bring down a dictatorship and step up a democratic government. An illustrative example of this is the Diretas Já (Direct Elections Now) movement in Brazil in 1984. There, a military dictatorship ruled in a totally undemocratic way while economic conditions in the country were greatly deteriorating. If the people had simply accepted the situation, Brazil could have become just like other countries of the world with persistent dictatorship and a disregard for human life. The right thing to do was to protest. In that case, the situation would have gotten worse without the protesting, so the protesting in fact did alleviate evils of the day. That is an exception. Peaceful protests that bring to light a societal problem may really help enact positive change. But be careful, lest the protest deteriorate into rioting and cause further problems. When possible (and in Ferguson it was possible), solve problems peacefully, intellectually, and with all deliberate consideration. Do not worsen the existing situation by creating new problems: sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.

Kevin Steyer is a first year undergraduate student of Economic History who has never taken part in a protest and does not plan to.

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It’s Not About You Non-Black People of Colour need realise that the Ferguson protests are about anti-blackness, not racism Malvika Jaganmohan makes the case for why anti-Blackness is a type of racism in a class of its own, proposing that the ‘solidarity’ which came from non-Black people of colour in the aftermath of Ferguson was misguided, and even detrimental to the Black struggle.

ommunities of colour should not instrumentalise the backlash following the decision not to indict Darren Wilson for the killing of Michael Brown to further their own agendas. Ignoring the specificity of anti-blackness and conflating all forms of racial oppression is one of the most insidious forms of black erasure because it poses as solidarity.

“...one of the most insidious forms of black erasure because it poses as solidarity.” In reaction to the Ferguson decision, the president of American Citizens for Justice/Asian American Center for Justice, Emma Chen, commented to NBC news that “More than three decades after Vincent Chin’s death, the decision not to indict Darren Wilson reminds us that our justice system is broken”. Chen was referring to the 1982 killing of a Chinese-American, whose killers were fined and allowed to walk free, her intention to draw parallels between the AsianAmerican and Black-American experiences of institutional injustice. However, it is important to remember that police killings are an overwhelmingly Black experience and that the death of Mike Brown should not be appropriated by other communities of colour when their experiences of police brutality cannot possibly be compared to those of the Black community. The riots following the Grand Jury’s failure to indict are not protests about racism, but protests about antiblackness, a concept avoided by people of colour for fear of their own oppressions being diminished. There’s no need to play oppression Olympics. Of course, every community of colour has experienced discrimination. But what’s common to non-black people of colour (POCs) and white people is their attitude towards black people. Anti-blackness is rife. My own community of South Asians is amongst the worst offenders. I’ve heard comment after comment by friends and family debasing the very humanity of black people: better not marry a black man or

you’ll end up darkening the blood line! Don’t stay out in the Sun all day, you’ll come back completely black! Interactions between Indians themselves are highly racialised, with standards of beauty shaped around Eurocentric and North Indian fairness, with South Indian Tamils like myself pretty much perceived as being bottom of the pile. The darkness of the skin is historically associated with poverty, with labouring classes exposed to the sun all day naturally much darker than the affluent higher castes. That dynamic has contributed to South Asians distancing themselves from ‘blackness’. South Asians, obviously, are not the only culprits. Arabs often use the dehumanising term ‘abed’ or slave for Black people; Hispanic communities frequently emphasise ‘lightening’ future generations to aspire to white standards of beauty. The controversial acquittal of George Zimmerman, often appropriated by white people to demonstrate that ‘hey, the justice system works for people of colour too’, is clearly demonstrative of Zimmerman’s light-skinned privilege, his investment in anti-blackness and how he was rewarded for this.

“There’s no need to play oppression Olympics.” This distancing from ‘blackness’ is also particularly evident amongst immigrant communities for two reasons: because they are overwhelmed by messages of racial intolerance within the local white community, and because they want to redirect this intolerance from themselves. Is it any surprise that immigrants inundated by the carefully concealed racial hatred of conservative politicians, the unrestrained bias of the media and the one-dimensionality of black figures in popular culture begin to consume these messages? Communities of colour also realise that they need to situate themselves away from blackness in order to assimilate within their communities. Black people are positioned as the common enemy to bring together POCs and white people, a scapegoat for their frustrations, a physically visible ‘other’, a target for our disdain and

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In Robert Reece’s excellent essay ‘Black/Non-Black Divide and the Anti-Blackness of Non-Black Minorities’ , he cites sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva , referring to survey results which show that Asian-American political attitudes on some items demonstrate stronger anti-blackness than whites. Just this November, an Asian plaintiff filed a suit against Harvard for its affirmative action policies, claiming that Asians were being rejected despite higher test scores in favour of Black and Hispanic students. If the suit succeeds, it could result in the number of black students at elite institutions plummeting – a number which is already disappointingly low. The anti-blackness of this is astounding. It’s not surprising that Reece warns against the “ever-present hunger to… seek to climb the social ladder using rungs of black hate”, a hunger fuelled by self-interest with no thought for the impact on black lives. We need to realise that anti-blackness is a lot more entrenched, pervasive and dehumanising than racism towards POCs because we, those very people of colour, perpetuate it. This is why we need to understand that these protests are not about us, so we need to stop appropriating them.

“Why are communities of colour so uncomfortable talking about anti-blackness, when they’re extremely comfortable discussing pro-whiteness?” Why are communities of colour so uncomfortable talking about anti-blackness, when they’re extremely comfortable discussing pro-whiteness? Is it because they fear their own oppressions being cast into the shadows? Is it because they’re blind to their complicity in the perpetuation of anti-blackness? Are they reluctant to accept the ways in which they benefit from white supremacy? Or are they unwilling to believe the extent of anti-blackness? The failure to appreciate the specificity of anti-blackness and the ways in which we benefit from anti-blackness have contributed to the spate of POCs adopting the Ferguson rhetoric to draw parallels with their own struggles. For instance, following the Ferguson decision, the National Korean American Service & Education Consortium (NAKASEC), the Korean Resource Center, and the Korean American Resource & Cultural Center declared in a joint statement that: “We are thus more resolute that achieving true justice means that our community’s

Illustration by Holly Bedeau

a way for communities of colour to assert their racial superiority after suffering racial oppression themselves. The reality is that POCs benefit from situating themselves closer to whiteness.

struggle for immigrant rights must be linked to justice for the family of Mike Brown, and to a larger movement for social change.” True solidarity means recognising that the killing of Michael Brown was not part of a general campaign of racial injustice towards people of colour, but a targeted campaign of anti-blackness. True solidarity means accepting the ways in which we benefit from antiblackness, recognising the prejudice that we contribute to as people of colour, rather than likening our experiences to that of Black people. Conflating the POC experience with that of Black people is extremely dangerous because it erases the particular nuances of anti-blackness. What has been even more disheartening is watching people of colour around me adopt the anti-black rhetoric of ‘violence is not going to solve anything’. Rather than focussing on the real issue at the heart of the Ferguson crisis – a persistent police campaign against black lives – derailing tactics are used to make black violence the centre of the conversation: the violence of black nature, the violence of black communities, designing the police force as an infallible upholder of peace. Riots and protests have been targeted as illustrative of this violence, rather than recognising that this violence is justified and understandable.

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The language of ‘violence never solves anything’ not only dismisses the black experience, but attempts to police black anger and is also incredibly hypocritical. If anything, violence has characterised the white voice for as long as living memory because racial discrimination is white-on-black violence. The United States is founded on the most obvious example of this violence: the slave trade! As people of colour, we need to understand that we cannot tell black people how they should react to the campaign of antiblackness that they’re subjected to every day, because not only would that be deeply hypocritical, but also, we don’t know what it feels like. This tactic of ‘let’s all keep calm’ is just another technique to suppress the black voice and keep them in their place.

“We cannot tell black people how they should react to the campaign of anti-blackness.” Once again, the reality is that communities of colour benefit from throwing black people under the bus by condemning violent protest because, this is an opportunity to situate ourselves closer to

to white-approved, ‘appropriate’ manifestations of anger. By doing so, we construct black people as violent ‘demons’ – to use the language of Darren Wilson – whilst distancing ourselves from this violence. Black people are entitled to their anger. That’s the first thing we need to understand if, as people of colour, we are going to play a role in this protest. That doesn’t just mean hashtagging #blacklivesmatter, but recognising all expressions of this anger as equally valid. We also need to recognise that Michael Brown’s death is not the universal experience of all people of colour. This is not the time or the space for our anger. This is the time for us to listen to, accept and respond to the anger of the Black community. Otherwise the Black people have no need whatsoever for our ‘solidarity’.

Malvika Jaganmohan is an undergraduate Law student, currently undertaking an exchange year at Sciences Po Paris’s Middle EastMediterranean campus in Menton. Her interests lie particularly in the intersection of gender and race analysis and she is also a gender blogger for LSE’s ‘The Beaver’.

Protestors carrying signs in Ferguson, Missouri.

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From Protest to Riot What is it that makes a protest turn violent? Antone Christianson-Galina engages with the argument that the nature and outcome of a given protest depends perhaps most significantly on the maneuvers and will of ruling elites.

t’s easy to romanticise the power of protest as power to change the world and make it better. However, protest can also spin out of control, leaving houses and businesses burnt, and dozens dead. Why? Looking at India in the 20th Century, Steven L. Wilkinson, in “Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic riots in India” provides a compelling argument: rioting is the product of elite competition rather than a spontaneous reaction by an unruly mob. When politicians have more to gain than lose by either orchestrating riots or turning a blind eye, Wilkinson found a heightened risk of rioting.

“...parties have benefited from violent rioting.” Looking at cases of rioting in India from 2003-2013, I found that his model of elite-driven rioting may provide at least a partial answer to how protests can turn into riots. As individuals have many subtle and distinct identities, politicians compel their public to focus on a shared identity, enabling them to more easily gain electoral support. In the Muzaffarnagar riots, the BJP stood to gain more by rallying the Hindus and emphasising religious identities than by wooing minorities. Though the BJP bears the brunt of the criticism, other parties have benefited from violent rioting. The Canning riots favoured the Trianmool Congress and took them to victory in the Panchayat elections. The Canning riots, the Muzaffarnagar riots, and the Assam violence, all preceded an election which resulted in large shifts in political affiliation. In the Deganga riots, police forcibly put down protests by Muslims. Seeing that police were on their side, other Hindus took advantage of the situation and began to loot Muslim shops (Ghaffar 2010). Certain politicians may have used religious mobilisation as an ethnic wedge- an opportunity to modify perception by the group and therefore electoral preferences. Though Wilkinson’s hypothesis focused on India, none of the factors that resulted in the riots were

Flags of the BJP on display.

“...politicians may have used religious mobilisation as an ethnic wedge” unique to India. In the right environment, protests can be easily turned into riots by opportunistic elites. Race riots in the pre-civil rights American South followed the same pattern: elites who stood to gain more from the riots than to lose stood back or instigated the riots. The violent 1958 riots in Cyprus also follow the elite-led model. When asked to stop the killings, the future founding president of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus, Rauf Denktaş, replied, “These killings are useful, with these our voices will be heard” (Tahsin 2001). When politicians have more to benefit by exacerbating ethnic divisions than maintaining peace, we must be vigilant- the power of protest is not an exclusive tool of the benevolent.

Antone Christianson-Galina is a General Course student who has worked in India, China, Mexico, and the United States.

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The Power of Peace Why violence won’t work: a quick look at Eastern Europe Alexandra Lulache presents the virtues of peaceful protest and the vices of violent protest, encouraging us not to ‘delegitimise ourselves’ with impulsive, riotous demonstrations.

he protest is probably the most representative social movement of recent years, pervading political landscapes from Brazil to Hong Kong. However, there is something profoundly different to protests today from their predecessors in the 60s and 90s: they are peaceful, informed and all-inclusive. I would like to compare two types of protest- one violent, one peaceful- both of which deeply affected the cultural memory of Romania, though bear in mind that I will to an extent be discussing ideal types here. This year, there were many protests based on anger, ignorance and non-inclusiveness, but I still believe that Ferguson, Hong Kong and Charlie have created a new type of movement: one that is more inclusive of our humanity, and that represents our generation. All this is to show that we are reaching (or are learning to reach) an intellectual balance between respecting state organisation and acting on our beliefs. I believe protests today show us a glimpse of how, in the future, we can have agency, but in a coherent, harmonious, and also effective way. Consider: in December 1989 there were violent protests that overthrew communism. In September 2013, there peaceful protests that stopped a project of environmental exploitation. However, their feel, structure and core values are representative of protests worldwide. When things are radical, violent and driven by emotion, people don’t think properly. It’s appealing to say that Romania needed one good violent revolution to fully replace communism with a democracy. But actually, in the inevitably chaotic aftermath, we recreated what we wanted to destroy. New communists got into power, votes were rigged, no efficient institutional changes were made, corruption flourished, and, fundamentally, the mentality was the same. Why? Because we had no time and no tolerance for efficient organisation. Violence and radicalism do that to you. If people don’t instinctively think differently, then you can’t implement real change. And usually we need time to internalise new concepts, it doesn’t just happen overnight. We may have had a different vocabulary, but we recreated the same structures. So unless people naturalize new concepts, they will inevitably be drawn to their old, comfortable ones once again. Change is achieved through education and a profound shift in mind-set, not the rallying of emotions. Why do peaceful protests work? Broadly speaking, they are less threatening to a government’s existence, more inclusive of a wider demographic of people, and more open to rational thought. At the peaceful Rosia Montana protests, entire families were present, the issue was discussed extensively and there was efficient communication with authorities; it was an inclusive and informative

process. This offers legitimacy and representativeness to a movement, whilst a violent protest is easily dismissed as a minority-driven threat to social order. Thus, it is more likely that change will be truly implemented in practice. Moreover, it can create just as much solidarity as a violent movement. At the Rosia Montana protests, we all sat down, civilized, and in that moment we were superior to our “oppressors”. If the police assaulted us, they were the animals, not us. We were a united group of young and old, people of different incomes and educational backgrounds, coherently representing ourselves. It showed that we think, that we are not barbaric, that we are smart enough to shape our world through more than destruction, and that is something that is hard to dismiss politically. A violent protest on the other hand, is the most dismissible, delegitimizing thing you could do. By being peaceful, you allow more people to participate, be it locally or globally, and you engage more people to listen to what you’re talking about.

“We were a united group of young and old, people of different incomes and backgrounds.” If you act violently, you get violence in return. And that leads to the loss of life, which is wrong, not matter how you take it. Encouraging the loss of life for ideology is hypocritical. Are the changes you made not perfect? Let’s work on it. Gradually you can get closer to what you want, while a radical, one-shot revolution will recreate the old. Historically speaking, we evolved by constantly improving our existing systems. The revolutions that did work were based on already existing profound social change within society, and were responses to peoples’ naturally changing beliefs that a government had to update itself to. However, there is still a real drawback to this: none of these protests were effective enough in creating meaningful policy change. However, this is a very good point to start growing from. We realised that we have this social weapon, which deeply stirs and unifies social opinion. Now let’s learn how to use it better. Protests have created a global solidarity that goes beyond borders, age, race and gender, and it is exciting. Let’s not go back to the mistakes of the past-delegitimize ourselves, become chaotic and irrational, be satisfied with quick but superficial change. We have grown from that point, and we can grow further still. Alexandra Lulache is a second year Anthropology student and has participated in the Rosia Montana protests in 2013

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