The Phnom Penh Post 25th anniversary supplement by The Phnom Penh Post

2 Management Publisher Bill Clough CEO Alex Odom Supplement Team Acting Editor-in-Chief Stuart White Strategic Content Director Shobhana Kagoo Supplement Coordinator Samanthan Chua Editorial Yesenia Amaro Ananth Baliga Lauren Barrett Joe Curtin Matthieu de Gaudemar Hannamariya Halim Erin Handley Kali Kotoski Cam McGrath James Reddick Shaun Turton Design Tim Borith Photos Sahiba Chawdhary Photographers Heng Chivoan, Hong Menea, Pha Lina, Sreng Meng Srun head office Post Media Co, Ltd. 888, Building H, 8th floor, Phnom Penh Center, Cnr Sothearos & Sihanouk Blvd, Chamkarmon, Phnom Penh, Cambodia Tel: 023 214 311, 0214 311-017 Fax: 023 214 318

WEBSITE www.phnompenhpost.com

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25th Anniversary

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The Phnom Penh Post, at heart

The Post publisher Bill Clough, under whose leadership the publication went from a fortnightly to a daily one, discusses his unwavering spirit in The Post ever since taking over the reins in 2007. In an increasingly digital age, he visualises his plans for the paper’s future.

what they need to do to win. This will potentially make them exposed if they push the boundaries, and our people will not be afraid to keep those under scrutiny. But also, the opposition is still disorganised and they really need to show they are ready to lead. There are doubts about their capability to form government, so they have a lot of work to do.

With print media declining

Q across the world and moving into a more digitised age, how is The Post keeping up with the times to sustain its readers?

Bill Clough receives an award presented by the Society of Publishers in Asia (SOPA) on behalf of The Phnom Penh Post in 2017. PHOTO SUPPLIED

What was your relationship

Q with The Post prior to becoming the publisher?

In 2007, Ross Dunkley, as publisher/ CEO of The Myanmar Times, was approached by Michael Hayes as owner of The Post to see if we were interested in acquiring. We got former The Australian/The SCMP, and Bangkok Post editor-in-chief, David Armstrong, to advise us on the possible acquisition. At the time, The Myanmar Times was profitable but constrained because of our weekly license and we were looking for ways to expand in the region. The Phnom Penh Post seemed like a perfect fit.

What are your other business

Q ventures besides The Post?

I would say my investment in Post Media has become my main cause in my life, as certainly it cannot be justified from financial rationale alone. It is important to say that I have no other business interests in Cambodia to ensure that there are no possible conflicts of interest. My day job; to be able to keep backing such a worthwhile cause, has been in construction, mining and oil and gas within the Asia-Pacific region but also in Brazil which takes me far and wide. And the slim pickings over the last several years has made this Post Media adventure quite challenging, but I am optimistic about its potential still especially the huge online following in Post Khmer.

What made you decide to

Q take over the paper in 2007? So in 2007, with Ross Dunkley’s boundless enthusiasm and optimism, and the wise sage of David Armstrong, we agreed to acquire The Post and convert it into an English daily edition from its previous every fortnight. Michael Hayes was reluctant to hand over; he needed to be convinced that our plans for his “baby” were going to be worthy and that we would deliver. He once said to me: “Bill, I have no children, just The Phnom Penh Post.” It’s always great to see Michael about town and he tells me he is happy in what we have achieved. I would like to also thank the other main investors in Post Media, the owner of The Phnom Penh Post, being Kevin Murphy and his investment group and my father, Harold Clough, who has been a huge supporter along with my sisters Sue and Libby Clough.

How has The Post evolved

Q since you took over the reins?

As we started, we used the tried formula we had used in Myanmar, but we were faced with a more challenging market as the incumbent newspapers were more competitive than we had imagined compared to the state-run press in Yangon.

Did you come in with a vision

Q different from the previous publisher’s?

As I just mentioned, we quickly moved from a fortnightly English edition to a daily Monday to Friday edition and bought a couple of second hand printing presses to do our own printing. Unfortunately, unlike in Myanmar, we never made any profits; so after 12 months we decided that we would start a Khmer language edition, emulating what we did in Myanmar, where the local language was the big earner at the time. Again unfortunately, this did not go as well as planned, but a great milestone was reached in establishing the first truly national daily newspaper with both English and Khmer editions.

Was there anything in

Q particular that you wanted to change either from the journalistic or commercial side of things? On the journalistic area, we have kept investing and creating the strongest independent English edition and Khmer edition newsrooms in Cambodia; we intend to continue to focus on building an increased Cambodian nationals presence in both newsrooms and the growth is clearly coming from our Khmer online edition. Compared to our experiences in Myanmar, operating in Cambodia has been exceptionally free of any interference despite some open angst on some members of the ruling party. The few times we have been issued with so called “yellow cards” they have in my view been justly made. There are always some journalists who sometimes have their own axe to grind and there is no place for these within an independent newspaper. But only rarely have we moved journalists on that management has had a problem in this regard; but certainly there have been some truly ideologue shit-stirrers, which we just had to move on. My own personal experience with the English newsroom, is that if I ever suggested a worthy story, it has been an automatic ‘kiss of death’ with that story disqualified and would never get run; so I would say I have a less than zero impact personally on the newsroom, if that is

possible as the owner. On the commercial front; like the rest of the world; the newspaper business continues to get more challenging and we need to become more innovative in providing more impactful results and products/services for our advertisers. This remains a challenge, but on a positive note, our online penetration especially in our Khmer edition across all mediums continues to dominate with a recent milestone of almost 5 million likes on Facebook. So we have the readers and a fiercely loyal customer base in both the English and Khmer editions. We need to work hard to be able to reach out and get our advertisers closer to their customers which could include more events like our now-ceased Finishing Post networking events which will be more aligned with targeting customers for our advertisers. Our management team, led by Alex Odom, have made huge progress in the last few years in making the operation more efficient and I am confident they are up for the challenge.

Can you recall some of your

Q most memorable moments

with The Post staff?

In fact, the last major Post Media event was the 20th anniversary in 2012 which was a great success. I can still recalling Kimsong, our long-standing Post Khmer editor, cornering me that night for ongoing commitment. Kimsong, with his deputy Sam Rith, has built a great newsroom team which is a big reason for my ongoing support. The Phnom Penh Post has built great camaraderie within the staff and my favourite way of getting the team together informally is on Mekong river cruises. It is a great way to relax and get to know staff in an informal setting. For the 3-4 hours we are together, everyone can get together and it is surprising what information you can get about what is really going on which is impossible in a formal work environment. As I have now spent almost 10 years travelling to this wonderful country I have grown to love the people and the energy which is transforming Cambodia at a break-neck speed. It has been great to be part of this story and contributing to the fantastic optimism that is increasing in living standards, which has occurred from an almost ground zero base, after the demise of the Khmer Rouge. Of course, there are huge problems and things can be done better, but we also need to acknowledge the positive which has been achieved in such a short period. I like to contrast with Myanmar, which post World War II, started at the top and

relentlessly dragged the country down through sheer incompetence and inward looking; and even post-democracy today, is still gripped in total grid-lock, incapable of making anything happen.

What traits does The Post

Q possess that make it different from Cambodia’s other English-language newspapers? A key strength of the Post English over other English language media is the investment in investigative journalism. There is less reliance on using the wire and international news services. I would say from all bases, Post English is by far the leading newspaper in Cambodia with a fiercely loyal readership base. It is truly independent, but does not shy away from being pro-Cambodia and I believe we try to be truly unbiased in the very volatile political landscape. In the lead up to the 2018 general elections, the next 12 months are going to be a very interesting period politically in Cambodia with the younger generation likely to cause demographic headwinds for the long ruling party, which is determined to cling on to power. One thing that I have noticed is that as the opposition has become more competitive, the ruling party has definitely lifted their game and are becoming a lot more responsive to voter needs. At The Post we pride wwourselves on delivering the news and providing the positive government stories as well as the negative, with a focus on what is the truth. I would say, of our two English edition competitors – without naming – my view, which I concede may be biased, is that one is clearly anti-ruling government and never sees the positive, while the other is clearly pro-government. I would like to think we do not take sides, but rather get to the bottom of the real issues at hand.

You said The Post played a

Q pivotal role in the election

coverage of 2012-2013. How do you see our reporters covering the general elections next year considering the opposition is gaining more popularity now? Yes. When The Post ran the front page story of the opposition leader returning to Phnom Penh during the election; we were the main news outlet that ran this story, while the crony related media, tried to ignore. The impact on our circulation was immense, especially in the Khmer edition, which has led Cambodia in news readership ever since then. As I have said, the next year will be interesting and the ruling party will do

Like a lot of newspapers, The Phnom Penh Post still has a strong loyal base of print readers, but of course, the future and especially for the younger generation, is digital and pleasingly our newspapers lead in Cambodia with an exceptional online following. We have built a great digital team within the company, which will continue to focus on all the digital outlets and including more video, which continues to make The Phnom Penh Post the leading newspaper group in Cambodia. There is no point talking about a paywall for our Khmer Edition, so our effort will be to try to connect our readers to our loyal advertisers. With the English edition, we will continue to build our direct online base before considering any paywall. There is no question that The Phnom Penh Post masthead and brand remains one of the strongest and most recognisable in Cambodia and with Cambodia followers around the world. This creates ongoing responsibility but also huge opportunities going forward, making it such an exciting space to be.

Describe how proud you are

Q of the paper at present, and

what your future vision is for The Phnom Penh Post to carry on its name as Cambodia’s most popular dual-language newspaper? I first got involved with starting The Myanmar Times in Yangon with Ross Dunkley and Sonny Swe; as a mining and construction guy, I had no idea what I was getting in to. But almost miraculously, it took off and started a bit of adventure which culminated in acquiring The Phnom Penh Post in 2007. This has proved to be a challenge, but so is any worthwhile opportunity. As Michael Hayes recently said to me; “I hope the mining business has improved”, implying that, of course, the newspaper is a tough gig. The big thing that struck me when we started The Myanmar Times, was just how biased some media organisations could be. I can recall the ABC from Australia coming up to Myanmar and they had already written the script before they had come – The Generals were evil; Suu Kyi was an angel; and The Myanmar Times was a mere puppet of the Military Government. There was no effort to seek an alternate scenario, when the truth is generally never black and white. The truth was not their objective, but rather lining up actors to read out their pre-determined script. It was very eye-opening from someone who was an outsider. The 25-year legacy, since Michael Hayes commenced the English edition of The Phnom Penh Post in 1992, is something which all people of Cambodia should be proud of and tonight we have many of the loyal advertisers and contributors to the newspaper over this period. It is the English edition which carries the international torch to the world. And who would have thought, after 25 years, we would still have Chap Narith, still our national sales manager. In this 25th edition you will also see a number of loyal advertisers that have been advertising with us for a large part of our 15-year history. Without their support it would be impossible to continue.

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Congratulations Letter Minister for Ministry of Information To Mr. Bill Clough The Phnom Penh Post Publisher Dear Bill, On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the establishment of The Phnom Penh Post, I would like to express my warmth and congratulations to the management team and all staff of The Phnom Penh Post for the fruitful results of the past 25 years. Of course, the media sector in Cambodia 25 years ago compared to now has changed and improved remarkably. From the launch of a few media outlets, both print media and electronic media, to now, where there are multiple radio stations and many other print media organisations, with a large number of them being online. This clearly shows that the Kingdom of Cambodia is on the path of multi-party democracy and guarantees the freedom of press, as stated in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia. I hope that The Phnom Penh Post will continue to contribute to the Cambodian people by protecting and maintaining the achievements the Kingdom of Cambodia has made over the last 25 years and broadcast positively across the world the potential of Cambodia for the benefit and prosperity of its people. Once again, I would like to wish The Phnom Penh Postâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s management team and staff on this precious occasion much success for the future. The publisher of The Phnom Penh Post, please receive my best regards. Minister Khieu Kanharith

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25th Anniversary

The Post’s co-founder recalls trying, but satisfying times at the helm

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ichael Hayes has many strings to his bow, but none quite surpass the distinction of being the co-founder and former publisher of The Phnom Penh Post. As the man behind the first Englishlanguage newspaper in the Kingdom, Michael’s determination and resilience in the face of overwhelming obstacles in making The Post a reality is a testament to his passion for journalism and press freedom. Michael spoke to The Post about the challenges he encountered in the early days of the publication and provides his opinion on the current state of media in the digital world.

The Phnom Penh Post is

Q approaching its 25th birthday. I’m sure there were numerous times when you thought you wouldn’t see this milestone. For you personally, how significant is the 25th anniversary for you? I am, of course, very glad that The Post is still alive and kicking. It plays an extremely valuable role in informing readers about current events in Cambodia and that is both useful and necessary for those of us who follow what is going on here.

to go on. All too often I felt like a rat on a treadmill in some bizarre, scary laboratory, surrounded by constant threats all the while wondering if and when there would ever be a break. There wasn’t.

How do you feel The Post has

Q contributed to or influenced

the important political and societal events that have played out in Cambodia? This is a very difficult question to answer, and one I’ve been asked repeatedly. It would be a good subject for someone’s PhD dissertation. The short answer is not very much. However, at the very least, The Post has been able to keep people informed and provide a reliable record of current Cambodian history. I’ve said many times that if The Post was successful it would be cited in footnotes in books written by scholars that were read by about 100 people. That has, in fact, turned out to be the case, which is personally satisfying. Most recent books on the Kingdom make regular references to Post articles. If I’m not mistaken, Sebastian Strangio’s recent book “Hun Sen’s Cambodia” wins the prize with about 180 references to Post articles in his footnotes.

I should also add that in reply to The Post’s detractors, [who say] that it provides too much “negative news” on Cambodia or that it “criticises” the government unfairly, I’m not aware of one foreign investor that decided not to invest here because of Post reporting. The Kingdom’s average 7 percent annual growth rate over more than a decade is ample evidence of this.

How would you describe the

Q way the journalists and

editors at The Post operated when you were still at the paper? Everybody was flat out every day, almost all the time. Burnout and turnover were high and pay was minimal, but I think we all felt a deep sense of satisfaction with the final product. And I know my Cambodian reporters felt a certain sense of pride by being part of the process. That was especially rewarding because they were writing about their country, their people and their problems and achievements. (Keep in mind that before The Post went daily we only published news about Cambodia.) There were numerous occasions, on very sensitive stories, when I asked my Cambodian reporters if they were sure they wanted their names

You once said, “How the

Q paper survived is an absolute mystery to me.” It seemed like you lacked faith in the longevity of the newspaper. What kind of personal qualities do you attribute to being able to persevere with keeping the paper afloat? The years I ran The Post, from 1992 to 2008, were a long, seemingly endless struggle to keep the paper alive financially and politically. Almost every month was a battle just to make payroll. I used to tell people, “I’ve never been paid so little to worry about money all the time.” The simple answer to your question was to maintain an attitude of “never give up” and repeat that mantra every day after day after day. But there were plenty of times when I doubted I had the strength

A veteran Khmer Rouge cadre, missing several fingers and an eye, tells reporters to back off during a visit to central Kampong Thom. Michael Hayes

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Prime Minister Hun Sen took the lead in promoting a ‘Keep Phnom Penh Clean’ campaign sponsored by The Phnom Penh Post in 1993. PHOTO SUPPLIED on the by-line, noting that we could print “By Post staff”. Almost without hesitation, they all said, “Yes, this is my country and I’m proud to be able to report these kinds of issues.” My Cambodian reporters were gutsy and I was so honoured and thankful to have them on board. They are the unsung heroes of this ongoing story.

Can you recall any interesting

Q memories or stories from

your time at The Post? Is there anything that really stands out when you reflect back on your years at the paper? There are hundreds of crazy, scary, funny, historic stories to tell, too many for this Q&A. You’ll have to wait until my book on the history of The Post comes out to read them.

Michael Hayes with a chaise lounge and a box of ready-toeat meals for a 10-day expedition by elephant into the wild jungles of Mondulkiri province. Tim Page

Do you still continue to read

Q The Post?

I read The Post and The [Cambodia] Daily every day.

What are your opinions on

Q the state of press freedom in Cambodia? Has much progress been made on that front? Press freedom will always be at risk in Cambodia because the political culture doesn’t appreciate or understand the role of an independent media. This is not unique to Cambodia, but a problem all over the world. Many politicians believe that if a paper prints an article that makes them “look bad” then the paper has some kind of hidden agenda, such as that cited

Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) and Khmer Rouge soldiers celebrate after Ieng Sary agrees to defect along with his troops to government in Pailin in 1996. MICHAEL HAYes

by the Royal Government recently about The Post and The Daily, to “overthrow the government”. These accusations are totally unfounded but there is not much anyone can do about it. Cultural mindsets never change quickly. As a historical aside, many years ago we faced the same accusations from the government. I wrote to HE Sok An and offered him a free full page every issue to print whatever the government wanted but I never heard back from him.

You started The Phnom Penh Q Post when there was barely any competition in the market. Now there are two other Englishlanguage newspapers, and there is also Facebook and the general trend of digitisation threatening

the traditional model of the media business. Given these external forces at play, how does an established, long-running organisation like The Post stay relevant and compete with these rivals to remain viable in the future? We had competition straight away. The Post’s inaugural issue came out on July 10, 1992. On July 13 The Cambodia Times started, the paper run by the same people who now publish and fund the Khmer Times. But to answer your question, if there were a secret recipe for success out there on how to compete in the current media environment, I would give it to you. I don’t have it.

Media outlets all around the

Q world are facing obstacles,

with print circulation and ad revenue in general decline. What are your hopes for the future of The Post? The future will be rocky, as it is worldwide. Work harder, longer hours and be ready to take a pay cut. A lesser-paid job is better than no job at all.

Any other comments?

Dig, dig, dig and keep on digging to print the truth in a fair and responsible way. The Cambodian people deserve nothing less.

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25th Anniversary

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The Phnom Penh Post’s evolution in the digital age With the industry changing in big ways, The Post is making some changes of its own. Post Media CEO Alex Odom explains the paper’s place in a digital world and why – even with more readers turning to nontraditional outlets for news – high quality journalism is more important than ever.

Alex Odom, CEO

rom The Phnom Penh Post’s underdog beginnings as a fortnightly labour of love in 1992, to its transition to a daily paper in 2008, to the launch of its dedicated Khmer edition a year later, Cambodia’s newspaper of record has worked hard to keep up with the demands of an ever-growing, ever-changing readership. Now, in an age of digitisation that has seen news consumption shift to the web – and, increasingly, smartphones – The Post in recent years has worked just as hard to expand its digital formats and evolve into a wellrounded multimedia entity without forgetting the commitment to high journalistic stan-

dards that made us a trusted name in the first place. As a reliable source of news and information about the Kingdom – from its politics to its investment climate – The Post is now reaching more readers across more mediums than ever before. After being promoted to the chief executive officer of Post Media in early 2016, I have made it my mission to improve the standing of both our English and Khmer publications, building on the success of the print editions to bolster an online presence and active social media following that are some of the largest in the country. With more than 5.5 million Facebook followers between The Post and Post Khmer – which has

the third most-liked Facebook page in the entire Kingdom – Post Media has grown to a be a market leader in the country’s social media landscape. In an effort to adapt to this landscape, Post Media is increasingly working to bring stories to life through video content. In the first six months of 2017 alone, Post Media’s videos reached more than two million viewers, with livestreamed coverage of the recent commune elections bringing in nearly one million more. We’ve also sought to dabble in the lighter side of video with the introduction of Post Rap News in Khmer. This fresh, edgy and creative format has proved a tremendous success. Traffic shows that the new program draws in

up to 75,000 viewers every week. Statistics show that the number of people who have access to the internet in ASEAN countries increases by six percent annually, and eight percent annually in Cambodia alone. In addition, about six million of Cambodia’s estimated population of 15 million own at least one smartphone. This gives citizens access to news and information anywhere and anytime, making the importance of independent reporting shared across social media platforms all the more important. That quality of reporting has earned The Post dozens of international awards over the course of its 25 years. Just last month, Post Media took first place at the Society of Publishers in Asia Awards for “Excellence in Reporting on Women’s Issues” for its series on the Kingdom’s commercial surrogacy industry. The paper was also given an honourable mention for its breaking news reporting on the assassination of Kem Ley, the revered and outspoken analyst and critic. Even in a changing media environment that often favours clicks over depth, it’s stories like these that form the backbone of The Post’s mission. With that in mind, even as the format of our offerings continues to evolve, our stance as a paper is the same as it was in 1992: we are committed to delivering intelligent, in-depth, and independent coverage of Cambodian affairs to our readers, whether they find our stories on the printed page, their desktop computers or on the screens they carry in their pocket.

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On a mission to educate Cambodia Samanthan Chua

tepping into the office of Post Khmer editor-inchief (EIC) Kay Kimsong, one would notice a framed picture of King Norodom Sihamoni on his coronation day, as well as portraits of ASEAN leaders, hanging on the walls. “We are one family. They make me feel like I’m living with over 600 million people,” he said. Kimsong started out as the chief of staff at The Post in 2008 before taking on the coveted EIC position in 2009. Prior to working at The Post, he spent a decade at The Cambodia Daily as a journalist. When asked about the major changes that have taken place in Cambodia over the past 25 years, he singled out three specific years: 1993, 1998 and 2000. In 1993, Cambodia held its first national elections, backed by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). “It was the first election after the Khmer Rouge. At the same time, democracy, human rights and free press were born. The government allowed foreignowned media in the country. The Phnom Penh Post was established in 1992, and consequently more foreign-owned media outlets entered,” Kimsong said. “The next highlight would be peace and stability within 25 years. The war completely ended

in 1998 when Hun Sen used the win-win policy and invited the Khmer Rouge to join the government. They had power, but this power was under the government. They had to change their mindset and policies, and receive orders from the government,” he said. With a delighted glint in his eyes, Kimsong calls 2000 the year of revolution. He said: “Development came in, as did tourists, money and investment. Since then, the yearly GDP growth has been about seven percent on average.” According to Kimsong, the Kingdom has undergone remarkable change since the beginning of the 21st century. “There are more roads, schools, restaurants, and people are getting a better education. Everyone is saying that Cambodia has entered a new era since 2000.” For Kimsong, although peace and development are present in Cambodian society, more has to be done to improve social justice. “The disease of inadequate social justice here is corruption. [The government] only cares about peace and development. That’s good, but they can be destroyed without social justice. People need to have fair living,” he said. When speaking about The Post and the publication’s influence over the last 25 years, Kimsong noted that it has helped in shap-

ing the freedom Cambodia’s English-language press enjoys today. “We are a role model. Independent, neutral, and we tell the truth under any condition. We gain lots of respect from the public. The Post is a great media outlet and journalism university. When I started journalism, there weren’t any schools, only work. The Post gives a voice to the public, and within 25 years, I believe that there are many quality stories that we have produced,” he said. As an example, Kimsong pointed to the year of 1997, when

Nate Thayer, a former freelance contributor to The Post, did an exclusive interview with Pol Pot at Anlong Veng before he died. “We got a scoop. [Thayer] was the only one who managed to cover it and later on, the story spread,” he said. “We also provide indirect education to millions of Cambodian people through the newspaper and social media. Within five big sections in The Phnom Penh Post, our in-depth stories help them understand their society. There are some lessons that schools never teach, but in the media, we have everything.”

Kimsong added that Post Khmer has since become the go-to newspaper for Cambodians to verify the news around them. He recounts an anecdote from when Post Khmer first began in late 2009 and he brought a pile of newspapers to Kampot to sell. “Everybody was running and they came to the truck asking if they could have some. We expected them to want to read the newspaper, but actually they wanted to use it to wrap their durians and salted fish and crabs! I was so sad, but I told myself, I have to do better. My team and I are devoted to this newspaper. It’s

like our baby, and this baby is now growing in reputation,” he said. Fast forward to the present day, and Kimsong noted that the paper has now arrived in the digital era. “We [traditional media] are like Pacquiao but social media is like Mike Tyson and bam! He knocks traditional media unconscious. I’m afraid that in less than 10 years, newspapers in Cambodia will disappear from the desk.” For its survival, Kimsong feels that digitising the newspaper is inevitable. “That is the new business model we are looking forward to. At this stage we are 50-50: 50 percent on print and 50 percent digital. We have to do both to ensure that we get enough income to keep professional journalism alive,” he said. Still, he believes The Post will continue to grow and enjoy a long life, envisioning it as a strong man who commands respect and prospers. He said: “I want The Post to wear the shirt of a professional and trousers that tell the truth. The heart of The Post is kindness, and it will share wisdom with the Cambodian people.” Leaning back into his chair, pensive, and with a wistful smile, Kimsong added: “In my lifetime, I want to see that every Cambodian can read a newspaper in our own language. “And if that happens, I will be satisfied.”

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The Phnom Penh Post’s acting editor-in-chief Stuart White speaks to reporters and editors during a morning news meeting. HENG CHIVOAN

We lead where it matters Stuart White, acting editorin-chief

ith the exception of the tumultuous 1970s, it could be argued that the past 25 years of Cambodian history have seen more momentous changes than any other period since the nation won its independence in 1953. Since The Phnom Penh Post was founded in 1992, the country transitioned to a fledgling, albeit flawed, multi-party democracy; it finally closed the chapter on its decades-long civil war; and just last year, the World Bank upgraded Cambodia from a low-income country to a lower-middle income one. Cambodia’s media hasn’t been immune to these changes either. While much of the country’s mass media remains aligned with, or influenced by, the ruling party, its English-language press – The Post and Post Khmer included – has come to enjoy unfettered freedom to report on pressing, and often controversial, issues as we see fit. In fact, in many ways, the evolution of The Post closely tracks the evolution of Cambodia itself. Founded in 1992 as a bi-weekly publication, The Post largely served the huge influx of foreigners that poured in along with the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), which administered the country

for nearly two years through Cambodia’s first democratic elections in 1993. In 2008, just in time for another round of national elections, The Post went daily, seeking to serve an ever-larger appetite for up-to-date news. Just over a year later, in 2009, Post Khmer was launched to bring Khmer-language readers a level of editorial quality and independence missing from much of the market at the time. Now, with the web – and social media in particular – firmly entrenched as many Cambodian and foreign readers’ news source of choice, The Post is still evolving, making a concerted push to bring readers news not only every morning, but as it happens. Our recent Commune Elections 2017 blog is probably the most visible example of this, and as events like Cambodia’s latest round of elections – and the even more closely watched elections to come next year – continue to shape the Kingdom’s history, The Post will redouble its efforts to bring its readers news when they need it. This will involve challenges faced by news organisations worldwide – most notably, striking the difficult balance between being first, and being right – but it will also involve dealing with uniquely Cambodian challenges as well. For one thing, access to information in Cambodia remains severely restricted,

and obtaining documents – like drafts of laws and government statistics – that would be readily available in more mature democracies is often maddeningly difficult. The frustration associated with obtaining these essential materials is compounded in a digital news environment, in which the deadline isn’t this evening, but right now. What’s more, despite the freedoms enjoyed by The Post in terms of its editorial discretion, uncertainties surrounding Cambodia’s oft-maligned courts still represent a major risk to news or-

ganisations. While our exacting editorial standards assure that our work stands up to the highest level of scrutiny, that is no guarantee of protection from arbitrary legal entanglements. This has only become clearer in recent months, which have seen a vaguely worded media code of conduct, labelled a “code of censorship” by critics, issued by the National Election Committee and accompanied by threats to revoke violators’ licences; an arrest warrant for a Cambodian-American journalist who was accused of misrepresenting himself

to obtain a politically sensitive interview; a court complaint against Cambodian and Canadian journalists over what appeared to be routine election coverage; and espionage charges for an Australian filmmaker, whose only crime appeared to be taking drone footage of an opposition campaign rally. As we look forward to what the next 25 years have in store for Cambodia – and Cambodian journalism – it goes without saying that a free press holding those in power to account will only become more important if democratic institutions are to mature and the benefits of development are to be felt by all the country’s citizens. One can only hope that the freedoms the press has accrued over time will be maintained, and indeed strengthened. But as the events mentioned above show, that is still far from certain. One thing that is certain, however, is that The Post’s commitment to bringing its readers intelligent, in-depth and independent reporting will remain. We’re grateful for the trust our audience has put in our journalism in the last 25 years, and we’ll do everything in our power to maintain that trust in the coming 25. Whatever direction Cambodia takes as it continues its evolution into a modern democracy, The Post will be there to cover it.

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Letters to The Post from King Norodom Sihanouk

In the following letter, written in January, 1992, just months before The Post’s launch, then-King Norodom Sihanouk offers Michael Hayes his royal blessing in establishing the Kingdom’s first English-language newspaper.

Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk Head of State and President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia To Mr Michael G. Hayes 580 Suan Phiu, Soi 3 10120 Bangkok Thailand Dear Mr Hayes, I thank you for your important letters dated December 30, 1991 and January 16, 1992. I have the honour to share with you the following: Firstly, you may as of now publish an English language newspaper in Phnom Penh. Secondly, you must however, fill in certain administrative formalities: in that regard please address yourself to the government of the State of Cambodia of which the Prime Minister is his Excellency Mr. Hun Sen. Please be assured of my cordial consideration. Norodom Sihanouk Phnom Penh, January 21, 1992 In 1995, it became public that criminal charges had been filed by first Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh and Second Prime Minister Hun Sen against several newspapers, including The Phnom Penh Post. Post publisher and editor-in-chief Michael Hayes was charged with “creating political instability” and “disseminating disinformation” over an article “Security jitters while PM’s away” written by Post senior correspondent Nate Thayer. According to news reports at the time, if convicted, Hayes could have faced fines and a jail term of up to eight years. King Norodom Sihanouk, in personal correspondence with his official biographer Julio Jeldres, indicated that if the journalists in question were convicted he had the “right and responsibility” to pardon them. It is most likely that the King’s statement was responsible for the cases against the three newspapers being dropped. continue on / P.14

Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia To Mr Michael Hayes Publisher & Editor-in-Chief Phnom Penh Post Phnom Penh Mr Editor, I thank you greatly for your noble letter that I have just received this afternoon. I hope that the Royal Government of Cambodia will finally show its good will with regards to the PHNOM PENH POST. In any event, I will act at the opportune time so that an honourable solution can be found for the current “problem” between the RGC and the PPP. The Royal Government of Cambodia will no doubt know to show the nation and the international community that it remains and will remain devoted to the spirit and the letter of our liberal Democracy, as it is presented in our Constitution of 1993. Regarding the PHNOM PENH POST, it is certainly independent in the face of our regime and leadership. Indeed, it has the reputation of being intellectually honest. Please accept, Mr Editor, the conviction of my high regards. Phnom Penh, September 14, 1995

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The Post almost didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t make it Criminal charges were filed against several newspapers, including The Phnom Penh Post, in 1995 by first Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh and second Prime Minister Hun Sen. This article from The Asian Wall Street Journal explores the issue in further detail.

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The more things change...

In its first issue in 1992, The Phnom Penh Post’s front page explored three of the most pressing issues facing the Kingdom: political participation, rapid urbanisation and the spectre of the Khmer Rouge – issues that are no less pressing today. Read on as The Post revisits these topics and sees what has – and hasn’t – changed in the last 25 years.

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A ‘chaotic’ prayer – an

Ananth Baliga

he Pearl of Asia. Paris of the East. The monikers are today synonymous with Phnom Penh under the French and the Golden Era under Prince Norodom Sihanouk until the 1970s. The small but bustling city boasted grand boulevards, a thriving cultural scene and an emerging skyline dotted with Vann Molyvann’s “New Khmer” architectural creations. It was reportedly even the object of former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s envy after a visit in April 1967. Yet the civil war that followed Sihanouk’s ouster in 1970 and the emptying of Phnom Penh by the Khmer Rouge in 1975 left the city – and its water, sewage and electric systems – in utter disrepair by the time Pol Pot’s plans for a utopian agrarian society were ended by a Vietnamese invasion in 1979. After the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement restored some stability, and freedom of the press, to the country, reporter Leo Dobbs used the first issue of The Phnom Penh Post 25 years ago to write about the debate between

deputy mayor Kry Beng Hong and the UNDP’s deputy mission chief Rajeev Pillay over whether the city needed a master plan to guide its redevelopment. Beng Hong said the lack of a plan would lead to a “chaotic situation” while Pillay argued for a more dynamic approach to allow organic development rather than anything set in “concrete”. To this day, the need for a plan for the city has continued to remain a topic of debate, and it took the government until the end of 2015 to release anything resembling a master plan. Even then, it was only a 35-page synopsis of an apparently 1,000page document looking towards 2035. The full document – titled ‘Phnom Penh Land Use for 2035’ – has yet to be released, and City Hall instead now simply displays large model showcases of planned and ongoing projects. The synopsis of the 2035 plan itself takes a sharp departure from a separate French-funded white paper that looked toward 2020 by emphasising improved land titling in Phnom Penh, better demarcations of private and public land, and even zoning. Those ideas failed to show up

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capital built on a wing and a nd an occasional police baton A ‘Black Monday’ protester leads the march at the Boeung Kak area of Phnom Penh last year. PHA LINA

Boeung Kak activist Tep Vanny being escorted by officials to the Supreme Court earlier this year in Phnom Penh.Post Staff

Security guards arrest a land rights activist from the Boeung Kak lake community during a protest in front of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court in 2014. TANG CHHIN SOTHY/AFP

at all in the 35-page synopsis, which mostly detailed plans about active or already completed developments and only left more questions about what thought the government has

given to the capital’s development over the coming years and decades. It also raised a more sinister side to Phnom Penh’s development.

Among its listed projects were notorious developments that have led to thousands of lowincome families being booted to the outskirts to help “beautify” the capital, including the grants

The iconic White Building in Phnom Penh is slated to be razed soon after the structure’s 493 families leave the crumbling structure. HONG MENEA

of hectares of prime central real estate to Phanimex – owned by business tycoon Suy Sophan – in Borei Keila, and of the former Boeung Kak lake to CPP Senator Lao Meng Khin-owned Shukaku Inc. Among the many in the city, both projects have been panned by land rights activists as two of the worst examples of nowcommon forced evictions and displacements of the city’s poor. At Boeung Kak, more than 4,000 families were violently evicted from their decade-old homes to make way for an ambitious satellite city that has yet to eventuate 10 years after the lease to the land was signed in February 2007. To this day, about two dozen families remain at loggerheads with City Hall, awaiting financial compensation or plots of land at a nearby relocation site. Meanwhile, at Borei Keila, Phanimex was supposed to build 10 apartment buildings to relocate 154 families on the site. Eight buildings were completed but the other two were never started, leaving around 15 families living in squalor in one of the crumbling older structures on the site.

Yet, such blights on the city’s land-rights record have run in parallel to the rapid – if often adhoc – development of the city’s basic amenities like roads, health services, schools and utilities. Cambodia’s construction sector has over the past few years also turned into a major driver of the country’s economy, bringing in nearly $8.5 billion last year – with the capital taking the lion’s share. Million-dollar condos are now available in Phnom Penh, while the emerging middle class flock to the many new gated communities, known as borei, as a step up the social ladder. Soeung Saran, advocacy programme manager at the housing rights group Sahmakum Teang Tnaut, said the city was now changing visibly year-by-year with the development of highrises, better roads and, now, even overpasses and underpasses. Its water and electricity networks have also been extended to the outer reaches, though parts remain unconnected. Such progress has, for better or worse, come with the “dark side of development”, where the poor have either been left behind or pushed aside to make way for the investments.

“The authorities seem not to care about the livelihood of the poor, and development and misfortunes of the urban poor have gone hand-in-hand,” Saran said. The silver lining, Saran said, was the growing awareness among the city’s residents of their civic rights, which he said would over the next decade push the authorities to take a more conciliatory approach to pushing development projects to avoid years-long disputes. “The White Building is one good example of how it can be done without problems,” he said. The iconic but crumbling White Building, whose construction was a symbol of Phnom Penh’s fast development in Sihanouk’s era, had been home to around 500 families but most last month agreed to compensation packages to vacate and make way for a 21-storey apartment complex. Much like its construction, the demolition of the now dilapidated structure will mark a major point in Phnom Penh’s rapid development – this time since the peace of the early 1990s – as the capital continues in its race to become a major regional metropolis, with or without a plan.

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A blast from the UNTAC past

Back in 1992, Yasushi Akashi, the then-special representative to the UN secretary general, wrote to The Post to congratulate it on its first issue, and to remind Cambodians of the mission of the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC).

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Prime Minister Hun Sen leads a CPP campaign rally in Phnom Penh in 2017. heng chivoan

The war is over, but in the political battle that remains, laws are an effective weapon Shaun Turton

wenty-five years ago today, when reporter Sara Colm wrote the lead story of The Phnom Penh Post’s first edition, violence reigned supreme. Cambodians campaigning ahead of the 1993 elections, and those preparing to vote, were met with threats, intimidation or death. The Khmer Rouge remained armed and entrenched in their border strongholds. Factions opposing Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) held their territories on the border. The CPP-controlled state security apparatus was regularly accused of abuses against opponents. The United Nations peacekeeping force, a year into its ambitious project to restore Cambodia to a multiparty democracy, was called upon to expedite an election law. The parties, Colm reported, desperately wanted some certainty amid this turbulence, risk and conflict. Flash forward to today. Record numbers of Cambodians voted last month in an election organised by a bipartisan National Election Committee (NEC), reformed in 2015 as part of a deal between the CPP and the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), to rewrite the country’s election laws. It was law, and not guns, that underpinned the 2017 commune election, which was roundly hailed as one of the smooth-

est and best-run ballots in the country’s history. But it was also laws – and more specifically the enforcement of laws – that meant for the CPP, guns were not as necessary as they once were to coerce, threaten and attack challenges to their power. An election cannot be judged on polling day alone, and in the four years that have passed since the 2013 national election, a certain pattern has emerged. More than 20 opposition members and critics have been locked up on charges widely considered trumped-up, including a member of the NEC with a track record of credibility and criticism. The CNRP’s president, Sam Rainsy, was forced into self-imposed exile

and had to step down to avoid his many convictions being used to disband his party under hastilyapproved legal amendments by the CPP. Would-be opposition protesters have been threatened by the military, ostensibly neutral under the laws which govern it, while outspoken political commentator and frequent government critic Kem Ley was shot dead in broad daylight by an ex-soldier as he drank his morning coffee at a Phnom Penh gas station. Many immediately labelled the killing a political assassination. Even the killer’s mother suggested her son was a hired gun, and the killer’s purported motive of anger over an unpaid debt

drew swift and immediate scepticism from most quarters. An opaque investigation led to a swift trial. Prosecutors in the case ignored glaring inconsistencies in the killer’s story, which was accepted unchallenged by judges. Discussing a deal done by the CPP and CNRP to get opposition members released from prison last year, one lawyer privately commented that the use of the law rather than violence to attack the opposition was itself a sign of progress – albeit one in which morals must be swallowed, and faith placed in the later generations to enforce the legal code impartially. Yet many young Cambodians, who did not experience violence

A CNRP supporter sports stickers of the party’s logo on his face. HONG MENEA

and war like their parents, are unlikely to be as satisfied in the short term by the promise that their children may see less of the double standards and legal manipulation that characterises the judiciary under the CPP. So next year, when the millions of young voters cast their ballots for the party and people they want to lead Cambodia into its future, how will the ruling party react? History shows that the country’s laws are flexible and that violence is always lurking around the corner. Several months after Colm’s story in 1992, Cambodians, despite the risk to life and limb, also turned out to vote in huge numbers. Although the majority chose

the royalist Funcinpec party, the CPP threatened secession and still wrangled their way into power. Whatever the result of next year’s ballot, the NEC and the new election laws will face their biggest test yet and the signs so far have not been great. Campaigning before June’s commune vote, Prime Minister Hun Sen said he would relinquish power one day – to another CPP leader. Today many of the laws as they appear on the books may be better, but the institutions that enforce and implement them remain firmly in the grip of the CPP. So while the violence of the past may have receded, the uncertainty the parties complained of in 1992 remains.

Opposition leader Kem Sokha leads a CNRP campaign rally in Phnom Penh in 2017. HENG CHIVOAN

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Keeping the peace in a post Khmer Rouge era Erin Handley

he disarmament of the Khmer Rouge was an ambitious, internationally driven mission. The xenophobic communist regime, which rose to power in 1975 and implemented radical policies that led to the death of nearly a quarter of Cambodia’s population, was ousted by a Vietnamesebacked group of defectors in 1979. Back in 1992, for The Phnom Penh Post’s first issue, government soldiers told journalists how they had surrendered their arms at cantonments in accordance with the peace accord. They articulated their fears that the Khmer Rouge would not follow suit and they, the government soldiers, would be left vulnerable to attack. Their fears rang true. The Khmer Rouge reneged on the deal, refused to give up their weapons and persisted as a spectre of terror in the Cambodian countryside. From their stronghold in Cambodia’s northwest, funded by illicit smuggling and gemstone mining, the Khmer Rouge continued to exert influence and carry out sporadic attacks until the late 1990s, often against ethnic Vietnamese people. It was not until 1999 that the group officially surrendered, and the attempt to disarm the Khmer Rouge almost a decade prior was ultimately deemed a colossal failure. So too, some observers argue, is the body designed to hold its former leaders to account, the tribunal known as the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – where trials are still ongoing today, and where, some 40 years after the atrocities occurred, only three people have been convicted. A few years after the Kingdom’s UNadministered elections, the Khmer Rouge

leadership began to splinter. Ieng Sary, the Khmer Rouge’s influential foreign minister, and his wife, the regime’s Minister for Social Affairs Ieng Thirith, broke away from the guerrilla group in exchange for a government amnesty in 1996. Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot – arrested by his own forces in 1997 – died in 1998, just after the Khmer Rouge had agreed to turn him over to an international tribunal, leading to some speculation that he committed suicide in order to avoid justice. Just months later, at the end of December, the guerrilla movement’s chief ideologue and Brother Number Two, Nuon Chea, and Khieu Samphan, the regime’s head of state, defected to the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen. That left only military commander Ta Mok and his followers as the fading remnants of the Khmer Rouge. He was arrested in 1999 and died in 2006, just as

”

Funded by illicit smuggling and gemstone mining, the Khmer Rouge continued to exert influence and carry out sporadic attacks until the late 1990s.

Khmer Rouge Brother Number Two Nuon Chea is on trial for crimes against humanity, including genocide. ECCC

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A government soldier, wounded in both legs by Khmer Rouge mortar, hangs in a hammock in 1992. The Khmer Rouge reneged their committment to disarm their troops and continued to cause chaos until the late 1990s. AFP

the ECCC was in its nascent stages. Indeed, since the last Khmer Rouge defections, it was almost a decade before the war crimes tribunal – a joint project between the UN and Cambodia – was established. Countless criticisms have plagued the court, from the insinuations of government influence, to the astronomical costs, and to the efficacy of such justice some 40 years after the fact. French priest Francois Ponchaud, who exposed the evacuation of Phnom Penh in Cambodia: Year Zero, described the trials as “a monumental mistake”. “The Cambodians don’t need this trial, invented by Westerners, that causes more pain than it heals. It just rehashes all this suffering that the Khmer people have begun to forget,” he said. A scathing International Bar Association report from 2012 said government interference, coupled with a “history of corruption within the Cambodian justice system”, had led to a “failure of credibility”. But for Ambassador David Scheffer, the UN secretary-general’s special expert on United Nations Assistance to the Khmer Rouge Trials, the trials “have recast the historical record of Cambodia’s darkest period”. “We don’t get the opportunity very often in the course of human events to hold accountable under law the masterminds of atrocity crimes against millions of victims who deserved to live in peace and security. But that opportunity arose in Cambodia,” he said. “The cost of the ECCC over the last 12 years – borne in large part by the international community – is an investment

of only about $116 for each Cambodian who died unjustly during the Pol Pot regime. In my view, the long arc of justice in Cambodia has been worth building despite the years of toil and occasional controversy.” In the 10 years of the Khmer Rouge tribunal, some $300 million dollars has been poured into convicting just three people. The first was comrade Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch, who ran the notorious S-21 prison, where at least 12,000 were tortured and later trucked to their deaths at the infamous Killing Fields at Choeung Ek. The second case initially involved Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith. Sary died in 2013, before his trial had ended, while Thirith was found unfit to stand trial due to progressive dementia in 2011. She later died in 2015. Many victims grew frustrated at the process, which they argued had come too late. The court then severed the case against the aged Chea and Samphan into two segments. The two were convicted in 2014 in the first segment, largely connected to the mass evacuation of Phnom Penh in 1975. They appealed, but their conviction was upheld last year. The second segment of their case, which includes the crime of genocide, just wrapped up closing statements, with a verdict expected next year. But the fate of other cases involving lesser-known Khmer Rouge cadre, among them Meas Muth, the alleged naval commander, remains unknown, with the government publicly threat-

ening that civil war would ensure if those cases came to trial. After years of government opposition to those cases, a recently leaked document from the court’s co-investigating judges floated the idea of a “permanent stay” of proceedings, which would effectively snuff

out the cases quietly. And yet, for all the talk of failure, the court has succeeded in trying some of the most horrific crimes since Nuremberg. Thousands of civil parties have shared stories of the abuse they suffered. It may not be perfect – and

Khmer Rouge fighters carry the coffin of their leader Pol Pot, who died in 1998. AFP

the court’s mandate excludes former Khmer Rouge soldiers like Prime Minister Hun Sen and National Assembly president Heng Samrin from prosecution – but 25 years on, the Khmer Rouge’s most senior leaders are unarmed and behind bars.

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CSCC a leader in construction field within a decade

he name Cana Sino has a foreign ring to it but in fact, this large-scale construction company has its origins in Cambodia. Having completed many milestone projects in the Kingdom, Cano Sino Construction Corporation (CSCC) has now set its sights on further developing the nation. Deputy general director of CSCC Lai Long Zhao said that Cana Sino, which was established in 2008 in Phnom Penh, is a joint venture between Sino-Pacific Construction Corporation (SPCC) and the Overseas Cambodian Investment Corporation (OCIC). “Once a few groups of major investors from Cambodia, China, and Taiwan came together with an idea to build infrastructure, high-rise buildings and skybridges (flyovers) developed,” he said. Alongside the hundreds of workers onsite, CSCC has 45 expats and over 120 local staffs skilled in different areas of construction projects. Consultants, designers, and engineers are available for hire at the company, and are consulted for infrastructure projects such as underground tunnels and flyovers. CSCC’s beginning ventures were

New Monivong Bridge and Monivong Flyover Bridge, which were the first of their kind in Cambodia. “With this success, CSCC grew in reputation in Cambodia. From then on, our company always had the op-

portunity to handle big construction projects in the Kingdom,” Lai said. He added: “One of our key projects is the Stung Meanchey Interchange. It’s an amazing feat that helps to ease traffic congestion.”

Today, there are many skybridges in Phnom Penh. These include Preah Monivong, January 5 Skybridge, and the 7 January Skybridge, which were all built by Cana Sino. Apart from flyovers, high-rise

buildings such as Olympia City have also been built by CSCC. Buildings C3 and C4 of the complex have two underground floors and 25 floors up, totaling 125,000 square metres. Other condominium developments under CSCC include Casa Meridian on Diamond Island, and the ongoing Embassy Central on Street 352 and Skytree Condominium on Street 105. All projects undertaken by CSCC for both the public and private sector are of quality standards. Over the decade, CSCC has been successful with construction projects in the city and provides training for workers under industry professionals. “Today, the company has recruited Cambodians who are working as managers, field managers, and on the management team,” commented Lai. Just as CSCC chairman pointed out: “With awards and medal prizes from Prime Minister Hun Sen, the CSCC is looking forward to develop more in the construction arena. We are now looking to embark on larger infrastructure projects such as ports and airports beyond the shores of Cambodia as well. We will create our own way, and stand out from other construction companies.”

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Cambodia, the Kingdom of complexities Robert Carmichael

arrived in Phnom Penh in 2001, drawn here largely by the fact that I wanted to be near China but not in it. Cambodia seemed a good choice. I had also hoped to freelance a story about ethnic minority Montagnards fleeing Vietnam’s repressive highlands for Cambodian refugee camps as coffee plantations extended into their traditional lands. But, as I was new to freelancing, I didn’t manage to sell that story. And so I was fortunate that, with just a few dollars in my pocket and the imminent prospect of having to return to the UK, The Phnom Penh Post needed a managing editor. I was in the right place at the right time when then-publisher Michael Hayes offered me the job on a trial basis for a fortnight. He soon extended that to three months, and I ended up staying for two years, working out of the small newsroom on the first floor of Hayes’ house near Wat Botum. It was crammed with ramshackle computers, threadbare curtains, a mishmash of furniture and, in the backyard, a beefy generator that cranked into action at regular intervals as the city’s power supply collapsed. A wheezing airconditioner did its best to keep us cool in the hot season; The Post’s newsroom remains the only place where I’ve sweated through my fingertips. My time there, from 2001 to 2003, was fascinating, although I’d be lying if I said we didn’t cast an envious eye back to 1997 when the disintegration of the CPP-Funcinpec alliance resulted in chaos. The Post’s front pages of 1997 to ‘98 reflected a period of tumult, and I was not the only foreign journalist who felt we’d largely missed the boat. Of course we hadn’t. Every period is newsworthy and, with journalism described as the first rough draft of history, it was up to us and our colleagues across town – at The Cambodia Daily – to write it. And we did, although the paper, hobbled in its incarnation as a fortnightly – “Phnom Penh Post?” one wag told me early during my stay. “More like Phnom Penh Past.” – struggled in its news coverage against The Daily, which was, naturally enough, a daily. So we focused on where we could compete best: analysis and features, and on those we did a good job in challenging circumstances. The paper was always short of money; many of the foreign interns worked for nothing, and there was a lot of making do. (Hayes’ inventive deals offering advertising space to restaurants and bars in exchange for food and drink vouchers that he dished out to his staff earned him the moniker “Okhna Coupon”.) The Cambodian journalists during my tenure – Vong Sokheng, Bou Saroeun, Lon Nara, Vann Chan Simen, Sam Rith and a string of interns during the 2003 general election – made the running; without them, and the tireless Aun Pheap, who at that time was The Post’s office manager, the rest of our small crew of perhaps a half-

Then-managing editor Robert Carmichael in the first Phnom Penh Post office, which was located opposite Wat Botum, in August 2003. Photo supplied

Robert Carmichael and Bill Bainbridge on The Post’s balcony. photo supplied dozen foreign journalists would have managed very little. Our time at The Post forged lifelong friendships. I left Cambodia shortly after the 2003 general election, fascinated and not a little puzzled by this small kingdom and its complex, tortuous history. Not for nothing, though, is Cambodia referred to as a boomerang nation – the kind of place people return to – and in early 2009, with the pending trial of Comrade Duch, infamous as the head of the Khmer Rouge’s notorious S-21 torture and execution centre, I came back. By then, the paper had been

sold and was, at long last, a daily. I spent a few months editing part-time in the newsroom in 2009. Late last year I put in another couple of months. So, what’s changed since my day when perhaps a dozen people put out the news? Plenty. The staff has expanded at least tenfold. Technology has moved on too – dumb-phones have been replaced by smartphones, video has become a staple and the social media aspect is … well it’s something that hadn’t been invented back then. The Phnom Penh Post is, in other words, a markedly different beast. And yet, in some ways

Michael Hayes proofs the front page of the issue of 29 August 2003. photo supplied it hasn’t changed at all: it still attracts talented reporters, both Cambodian and expatriate; it still reports fearlessly; and it still holds true to its responsibilities – to tell its readers, to the best of its ability, what is happening. That task won’t get any easier as the country heads into the 2018 general election, which promises to be the most tightly contested vote in two decades. The ruling party has a lot to lose and, as it likes to promise Cambodians on a seemingly weekly basis, it will do whatever it takes to keep its grip on power, democracy be damned. I doubt the old guard’s threats

will work for much longer, if indeed they will work at all in this youthful nation, yet they remain a depressing hangover of the violence that has for so long afflicted the country. I won’t be in Cambodia to see the outcome. But, like so many of the paper’s alumni, I’ll watch from afar, glad in the knowledge that today’s Post journalists will carry on the vital task of reporting the news as fairly and accurately as possible, just as the journalists who came before them did. Over the past quartercentury hundreds of people worked to make this one of the region’s great newspapers. Over

the next quarter-century many more will continue to do so. And so, on the 25th anniversary of The Post’s founding – and particularly to its founders Michael Hayes and the late Kathleen O’Keefe – thank you for the opportunity. Working at The Post was a unique, wondrous and formative experience. I wouldn’t have swapped it for the world. Robert Carmichael was managing editor of The Phnom Penh Post from 2001-03. He is also the author of When Clouds Fell from the Sky: A Disappearance, A Daughter’s Search and Cambodia’s First War Criminal.

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A night at the bar, a leap of faith

For one of The Post’s early alums, a leap of faith from the risky world of freelancing to the even riskier world of a fledgling newspaper started with a casual introduction on a hotel veranda: “This is Michael. He’s going to start the first English-language newspaper in Cambodia.” Sara Colm

t was January 1992. Two men were drinking and talking in their rattan chairs on the veranda of the Renakse Hotel, and invited me over. One of them, Nate, introduced the other to me by saying: “This is Michael. He’s going to start the first English-language newspaper in Cambodia.” A few conversations later I found myself in the managing editor’s chair of The Phnom Penh Post. I had just moved to Cambodia to work as a stringer for The San Francisco Examiner after finishing the better part of a decade in San Francisco’s Tenderloin district, where I had edited the neighbourhood newspaper, The Tenderloin Times. The paper was published not only in English, but in Khmer, Lao and Vietnamese to serve the inner city’s booming refugee population. By abandoning the uncertainties of freelance journalism for the even more risky undertaking of helping start up a newspaper in Cambodia, I joined a team of three: Michael Hayes, Kathleen

O’Keefe, and Chap Narith. Despite the scarcity of staff personnel on the masthead, there was plenty of support around town for the newspaper in the early days. It seemed that just about everyone wanted to get something published in the first issue, with several of the local hacks competing for who was going to pen the gossip column, later institutionalised as “The Gecko”. Soon enough The Post was able to hire reporters, with some of Cambodia’s best journalists coming on board that first year, including Mang Channo, Moeun Chhean Nariddh, and Ker Munthit. This was Cambodia before its first national elections, before the blossoming of an independent press, before a quarter-million refugees had been repatriated from Thai refugee camps. It was a place where you couldn’t count on having electricity every day, even in Phnom Penh; where curfews were often imposed in the city at night; and where you took a chance of soldiers levelling their rifle or rocket launcher at you if didn’t slow down for a checkpoint on the

Sara Colm with one of The Post’s first reporters, Mang Channo. PHOTO SUPPLIED

Among the 20 political parties who competed in the 1993 national elections was the Republic Democracy Khmer Party, whose slogan was ‘Communism is Evil’. SARA COLM provincial highways. International relief workers had only recently moved their offices from cramped quarters in the Monorom and Samaki (Le Royal) hotels to individual villas in Boeung Keng Kang. No one had mobile phones and getting through on a landline was difficult. The option was often a “human phone call”: one visit to set up an appointment with a source and a second one to conduct the actual interview. Sending an international fax was problematic; email non-existent. Putting out the first issue of The Post was very, very difficult. After Michael found an office for The Post, monks from Wat Botum were asked to come bless the newspaper and new offices. Shortly after the robed ones flicked holy water over all the new computer equipment, one of us – I won’t say who – mistakenly plugged the laser printer into the wrong voltage, destroying it. A new printer – and stories – arrived just in time for us to publish the first edition in advance of our main competition, The Cambodia Times, making The Post Cambodia’s first English-language paper to publish since 1975. Setbacks that seemed huge at the time – brownouts and blackouts, equipment failures, bureaucratic obstacles in getting government approval to publish – were soon but dim memories as we slogged through rubber deadlines and all-night production binges.

Heavily armed UNTAC soldiers screen voters at a polling place in Kompong Thom. SARA COLM

Like many, I have a visceral memory of those first days and nights at The Post: the generator chanka-chanking away 23 hours a day, the noise ricocheting up the concrete stairway of the office to fill the entire building – and our crania – with sound; working during the peak of the hot season with the windows closed to keep the racket out and the smoke from several chain smokers in. Newsgathering got only slightly easier after the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) arrived. Our press passes entitled us to ride the UN’s Russian helicopters and C-130 transport planes for free, enabling day trips to Preah Vihear or Koh Nhek, but few of us travelled after dark if we could help it. Journalists gathered for press conferences by Khmer Rouge officials at the compound next to the Palace (now the site of Kantha Bopha hospital), or for UNTAC spokesperson Eric Fault’s noon-time briefings, where UPI reporter Sue Downey pecked furiously away on her laptop as others dozed off their hangovers. In the evenings, the draw for journalists and UN workers was the No Problem Café or the Gecko Bar. This was Phnom Penh before the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC) and the Lucky Market; a time when the city’s present-day restaurant district across the “Japanese Bridge” was a deserted muddy strip, accessible only by boat because the bridge was still shat-

tered from a sapper raid during the war. This was a time when The Post’s offices housed not only computers, desks, and filing cabinets but also some of the paper’s most important contributors and sources. Nate Thayer lived there, as did Michael, Kathleen, and Steve Heder. Foreign war correspondents from other eras often slung hammocks on the roof when they came to town, along with Montagnard leaders from North Carolina, who had come to meet FULRO fighters who had surrendered to the UN in Mondulkiri. Coming to work some mornings I’d see Khmer Rouge cadre squatting in the front yard of the office, waiting to talk to Nate. While Cambodia – and The Phnom Penh Post – have both changed dramatically in the last decade, the reckless but gutsy vision that gave birth to the paper still remains; the latest innovations include “Post Rap News,” where Khmerspeaking rappers deliver the news in rhythmic and rhyming Khmer, punctuated by a backbeat. Let’s toast The Post and hope that it remains among the vanguard of the country’s press scene for another 25 years! Sara Colm worked at The Post in 1992 as the paper’s first managing editor. She currently works as an independent research consultant focusing on Southeast Asian affairs.

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Political activist Kem Ley is mourned by his widow after he was shot dead in broad daylight in July 2016. PHA LINA

Water cannons were blasted at anti-eviction protesters in Phnom Penh in 201

Never a dull second: 25 yea

Cambodia’s evolution as a country has seen more than its share of historic moments – and The Phnom Penh Post has been there for the past 25 years to document every cause, crisis and celebration. Here, we revisit the nation’s most significant events during The Post’s era.

July 1992 The first edition of The Phnom Penh Post is published; all 6,000 copies of the eight-page newspaper are printed in Bangkok and lugged manually back to Phnom Penh because of the scarcity of printers in Cambodia. January 1993 UN civilian agencies and NGOs request a public meeting to discuss election progress and the misconduct of UN peacekeepers, in which the UN secretarygeneral’s special representative to Cambodia, Yasushi Akashi, sparked outrage when he said it was only “natural” for soldiers in the field to chase “young beautiful beings of the opposite sex”. May 1993 General election brings Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh as co-prime ministers into coalition government after Hun Sen and the CPP refuse to accept election results that favour the royalist Funcinpec party. Cambodia becomes a kingdom again under the new constitution. September 1993 UNTAC dissolved, and a new constitution is promulgated, establishing a multiparty liberal democracy in the framework of a constitutional monarchy. Funcinpec and the CPP share power in the new Royal Cambodian Government. April 1994 Two young Britons and an Australian are kidnapped and later killed by the Khmer Rouge after the British and Australian governments refused to pay £100,000 in ransom, offering instead to provide food and medical supplies.

Ieng Sary, Brother Number Three in the Khmer Rouge, reads The Post. photo supplied

July 1994 Khmer Rouge holds hostage an Australian, a Briton and a Frenchman – all backpackers aboard a train towards Kampot province – and kills them in September in the belief they were

“spies” for Vietnam. News of their murder trickles back into Phnom Penh only in October. March 1996 Mine clearance expert Christopher Howes, and his translator, are murdered by the Khmer Rouge on direct orders from Pol Pot, who claimed that all foreigners in the country were helping the Cambodian government. March 1997 Four grenades thrown into a crowd during a Sam Rainsy-led demonstration at the National Assembly in Phnom Penh kill 16, with 150 injured. Soldiers present allow grenade-throwing suspects to pass through to safe grounds, but block passersby from assisting the wounded. July 1997 Forces loyal to Hun Sen and Prince Ranariddh clash in factional streetfighting. Ranariddh leaves Cambodia for France, accuses Hun Sen of staging a coup, while the latter claims that Ranariddh had been negotiating with the Khmer Rouge and trying to smuggle defectors into Phnom Penh. April 1998 Pol Pot dies, still defiant in death for refusing to atone for his fouryear reign of terror that killed more than a million of his people. May 1998 Ranariddh is pardoned by King Sihanouk, returns to Cambodia. July 1998 The CPP triumphs over Funcinpec and the Sam Rainsy Party in national elections, taking a majority of the seats in parliament despite controversies over irregularities and seat allocation. April 1999 Cambodia becomes the 10th member state of ASEAN. December 2001 First Mekong bridge opens in Cambodia.

February 2002 Cambodia’s first commune elecitons held, with the CPP winning a vast majority. March 2002 Actress Angelina Jolie adopts a Cambodian child, prompting controversy in the United States when allegations were made that she had paid the child’s birth parents to give him up. January 2003 Rock star pedophile Gary Glitter is deported from Cambodia. January 2003 Military planes fly hundreds of Thais out of Phnom Penh after violent demonstrations over the control of Angkor Wat. August 2003 Prime Minister Hun Sen and his CPP again win general elections. January 2004 Labour leader Chea Vichea, affiliated with an opposition party, is shot dead in Phnom Penh. The killing is widely believed to be a political assassination, and Vichea’s true killer was never arrested.

was facing multiple criminal defamation charges. March 2005 Twenty convicts killed escaping from jail in Kampong Cham. June 2005 Two-year-old Canadian boy killed at an international school in Siem Reap after gunmen takes dozens of pupils and teachers hostage. July 2006 Khmer Rouge “butcher” Ta Mok, also known as Brother Number Five who assisted in the death of 1.7 million Cambodians, dies. June 2007 Twenty-two people killed when a plane crashes near Bokor Mountain. December 2007 Michael Hayes sells The Phnom Penh Post to Ross Dunkley, Bill Clough, and Kevin Murphy. August 2008 The Phnom Penh Post upgrades

June 2004 Cambodia’s two main political parties announce a power-sharing deal, ending an 11-month political deadlock. October 2004 National Assembly ratifies agreement with the United Nations to establish a tribunal trying senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge. October 2004 King Sihanouk abdicates. October 2004 Norodom Sihamoni becomes king. February 2005 Opposition leader Sam Rainsy goes into self-exile after his parliamentary is stripped. Rainsy

Monks pray in front of the Chaktomuk Theatre

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13. PHA LINA

Daily chaos and confusion were not in shortage when the United Nations entered Cambodia. TIM PAGE

ars of momentous events from being a fortnightly publication and begins publishing daily. February 2009 UN-backed trials of senior Khmer Rouge leaders begin, with S-21 chief Duch the first to be tried.

July 2011 Cambodia’s stock exchange opens.

89, prompting a nationwide outpouring of grief.

February 2012 Cambodia takes the chair of Asean.

July 2013 Facing a unified opposition in national elections for the first time in decades, the CPP suffers heavy losses to the newly formed CNRP, but holds on to power. Allegations of irregularities prompt an opposition boycott of parliament.

September 2009 The Phnom Penh Post starts its daily Khmer edition.

April 2012 Phnom Penh Water Supply Authority becomes the first company to list on the Cambodian Stock Exchange.

October 2009 Overloaded ferry sinks on the Mekong, killing 17.

April 2012 Environmental and anti-logging activist Chut Wutty shot dead.

July 2010 Comrade Duch found guilty of crimes against humanity.

July 2012 The Phnom Penh Post celebrates 20 years.

September 2010 War crimes tribunal indicts four former Khmer Rouge leaders.

July 2012 The country’s two largest opposition parties, the Human Rights Party and the Sam Rainsy Party, merge to form the Cambodia National Rescue Party.

November 2010 Diamond Island tragedy – more than 350 people are stampeded to death on a crowded bridge during Water Festival celebrations.

October 2012 King Father Norodom Sihanouk dies of a heart attack, aged

during a peaceful protest on September 2013. Heng Chivoan

September 2013 As post-election protests continue, police forces open fire into a crowd of people during a roadblock clash at Kbal Thnal overpass, killing one bystander. December 2013 Maps released show Cambodia’s forests in a dire state, with more than three-fifths having been deforested. January 2014 Five killed and dozens wounded in garment factory protests after soldiers use automatic weapons on crowds of demonstrators.

January 2014 A day after the garment protests were dispersed, an opposition sitin at Freedom Park was brutally routed by masked thugs. June 2014 Migrant Cambodians facing rising hostility from Thais after Thailand’s May military coup results in 225,000 workers deported in caged government trucks. July 2014 After a year of boycotting, the opposition CNRP agree to join the National Assembly after a political deal is struck to reform the NEC and release several jailed opposition lawmakers. December 2014 Mass HIV outbreak in Battambang after unlicensed “doctor” admits to reusing needles. May 2015 Russian fugitive tycoon Sergei Polonsky is arrested and set to be deported after more than a year

Pol Pot’s death in 1998. PHoto supplied

of dodging extradition requests from the Russian government for fraud and embezzlement. June 2015 Four Nauru refugees arrive on Cambodian soil as part of a controversial deal signed between the Kingdom and Australia in 2014. October 2015 Two CNRP lawmakers are brutally beaten outside the National Assembly by progovernment protesters – later revealed to be soldiers from the PM’s Bodyguard Unit, who were promoted upon their release from prison. March 2016 A series of leaked phone calls between CNRP leader Kem Sokha and an alleged mistress set off a legal firestorm, enthusiastically pursued by the ACU and antiterror officials, that also engulfs five current and former rights workers, among others.

July 2016 Global Witness report titled ‘Hostile Takeover: The Corporate Empire of Cambodia’s Ruling Party’ lays bare the vast holdings of the Hun Sen clan rife with nepotism and massive fortunes. July 2016 Prominent political activist Kem Ley is shot dead in broad daylight at a Caltex station, shocking the nation and heightening political tension. July 2016 Cambodia graduates from lowincome country to lower-middle income nation. March 2017 Deputy Prime Minister Sok An, who served in the Cabinet since 2004, dies in China, aged 66. June 2017 The CNRP, contesting its first commune elections, makes large gains, securing about 44 percent of the popular vote. The CPP, however, still wins the vast majority of communes.

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Flag bearing journalism from 1992 Brad Adams

hen I first arrived in Cambodia in September 1993, one of my favorite pastimes was watching young newspaper sellers play a game with their flip-flops on the sidewalks of Phnom Penh. Newspapers tucked under one arm, the kids’ free arm would fling a flip-flop along the pavement in front of the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC) or Lucky Market. The other kids roared with laughter – either with or at the flinger – and then small amounts of riel would change hands. My interest only deepened when I asked about the rules and seemed to receive a different answer from each child. Of course, the problem wasn’t the kids: years later I would often struggle to understand as my own kids explained things in their own roundabout, exuberant and often confusing way – in English. Why do I bring this up? Because while one arm confused (and entertained), the other enlightened. Under that arm was The Phnom Penh Post, the only consistently reliable source of news in Cambodia. Published just once every two weeks, it was the paper of record in a country with a government that spewed disinformation and lies as a matter of policy – and a rumour mill so wild that Donald Trump’s tweets seem almost believable in comparison. I remember how much I looked forward to each new edition of The Post so that I could find out what was really going on between Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen (they were enemies before they were pals, and pals before they were enemies once again) or Hun Sen and Chea Sim (a similar dynamic applied). The Post explained which officials were stuffing their pockets with money at what Cambodians jokingly called (though it was no joke) the Council for the Development of Corruption (CDC). The Post was published on heavy newsprint and used bright, vibrant colour photos, which made it feel more like a magazine and something worth keeping. One of the most heartbreaking newspaper covers I’ve ever seen was the photo of the young female vendor whose legs were blown off by the cowards who threw grenades at the Sam Rainsy rally on March 30, 1997. I arrived at the bloody scene soon after the massacre, but it is the image of this woman, staring at the camera in shock as the life seeped out of her, that continues to haunt me. The Post was so important to the public record that throughout my five years working in Cambodia, most of which I spent at the United Nations human rights office, I kept every issue – and often referred to them later to find a missing piece of information in the pre-Internet age. The Post wasn’t always right, and even it published some articles that relied too much on single

PM Hun Sen (left) and FUNCINPEC leader Prince Norodom Ranariddh (right) talk at a Congress ceremony at the FUNCINPEC headquarters in Phnom Penh on March 1999. ROB ELLIOTT/AFP sources or speculation. But it always acted in good faith and tried to print what it understood to be the facts. It is hard to overstate the challenges of being an honest newspaper in the Cambodia of the 1990s. Today journalists and papers have to deal with the regular wrath and threats of Hun Sen and the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). But during the FUNCINPEC-CPP coalition government they had two ruling parties and two prime ministers to contend with – Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen. In 1993, Ranariddh came to office claiming to be a believer in a free press, but he and his minions soon proved this was a fiction, regularly calling editors and reporters to harass and intimidate them; Hun Sen and the CPP never believed in a free and open media, and couldn’t seem to accept that the one-party state they ran in the 1980s had disappeared after

Fighting broke out in Phnom Penh in July 1997, after PM Hun Sen deposed his political partner and rival Prince Norodom Ranarriddh. TANG CHHIN SOTHY/AFP

UNTAC. In the 1990s, many journalists were killed and beaten. I’ll never forget going to Wat Langka after editor Thun Bun Ly was killed and watching in horror as a man in uniform arrived, put on rubber gloves, and reached into his body to extract the bullets, apparently to destroy evidence. He then got on the back of a motorcycle and drove off. During this period, telephone threats to journalists were very common, including at The Post. Most were received by the lesser known but very brave Cambodian staff at the paper; many Cambodian journalists became my good friends – and heroes – over the years as I watched them wake up every day and do their jobs under constant threat. Michael and Kathleen Hayes, who founded The Post, editors like Matt Grainger and

Pete Sainsbury, and reporters like Jason Barber (I’m not naming Cambodian staff as I don’t want to get them into trouble for being people I admire), backed up their Cambodian colleagues at every turn while continuously publishing critical stories and the more than occasional scoop. Among the great journalism I remember from the period was the courageous and award-worthy reporting by The Post after the grenade attack, Hun Sen’s July 1997 coup, and the bloody 1998 election (the photos we received at the UN of the mangled and fileted bodies of CPP political opponents also still haunt me). This was principled, fearless journalism at its best. The Post truly cared about Cambodians killed for political reasons. But, not least because of the character of the paper’s co-owner, Kathleen Hayes, it also

Medics lift the body of a victim of a grenade attack on a group of antigovernment demonstrators outside the National Assembly building in Phnom Penh in March 1997. DAVID VAN DER VEEN/AFP

showed that it cared just as much about the hope stolen from kids by a system more interested in extracting bribes from parents than educating children. Sadly, while so much about Cambodia has changed for the better over the past 25 years, the country today remains mired in the same swamp of autocratic leadership, massive corruption, and violence. Good journalism remains as important now as it did when Michael and Kathleen founded the paper. Brad Adams has been the executive director of the Asian division of Human Rights Watch (HRW) since 2002. Prior to his work at HRW, he was the senior lawyer for the Cambodia field office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. He has also worked as the legal advisor to the Cambodian parliament’s human rights committee.

Thousands are forced to flee from their homes as fighting between forces loyal to PM Hun Sen and Prince Norodom Ranariddh breaks out. DAVID VAN DER VEEN/AFP

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Campaigners for a now-defunct political party in the run up to the 2003 elections. Photo supplied

Who is the current King of Cambodia? CHARLOTTE MCDONALD-GIBSON

ichael Hayes never wanted to hire me. He had too many interns already, he told me when I pitched up at The Phnom Penh Post office in the summer of 2002, and one of them did not even know the name of the King. I can hardly blame him; I was 22, and had neither a university degree nor a day’s journalistic experience. However, what I did have was persistence. I tracked him down to a bar one night and demanded a Q&A on Cambodian politics. If I passed, he had to hire me, and I had done my homework. He kept his word and told me to turn up at the office the following Tuesday – which I did,

much to the annoyance of news editor Robert Carmichael, who shared Michael’s view that there were too many over-enthusiastic, unpaid interns battling to use the office’s four computers. And so began a year and a bit, with the paper teaching me everything I know about journalism. Had I been back home in England doing an internship at a local paper, my beat would have been cats stuck up trees and local hospital closures. But there I was, interviewing ministers, exposing corruption, and dodging bullets at demonstrations. There were so many memorable moments: drinking moonshine at midday with hilltribes in Ratanakiri; getting a Kru Khmer mystic to cast a spell to make Sean Connery fall in love

with me (still no result, which with hindsight is probably for the best); chasing the crowds of young men on motorcycles as they torched Thai businesses during the anti-Thai riots in January 2003. It seems cliched to say Cambodia felt like it was in a period of transition – it is a country in a perpetual state of transition – but in the run-up to the 2003 election there was an optimism about the future after such a dismal past. The international press descended on the country, and it felt like real change was possible. When I look at Cambodia today, it is hard not to wonder what happened to all that optimism. A very small segment of the population has got wealthier and the buildings reach higher into the sky, but the same man remains in power and for most Cambodians, corruption and poverty are simply part and parcel of daily life. As for myself, I remained an over-enthusiastic, unpaid intern the whole time I was at The Post, never graduating the ranks of paid staff – unless you count the meal vouchers Michael gave me once for a terrible Indian restaurant. But far more valuable was the opportunity Michael gave me to get my break in journalism, the guidance of Robert – still one of the best news editors I have ever worked with – and the shared passion of an amazing team. It was The Post at its best: bold, fearless, fiercely independent, and committed to giving young Khmer and foreign journalists the best possible start to their career. Charlotte McDonald-Gibson was a Post reporter from July 2002 to September 2003. She stayed in Asia for four years working for Agence-France Presse in Thailand, Pakistan and Afghanistan, and is now the TIME correspondent in Brussels. She recently published a book, Cast Away: Stories of Survival from Europe’s Refugee Crisis.

Children at a hilltribe village in Ratanikiri. Photo supplied

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Breaking bread with the US feds Bill Bainbridge (left) with former managing editor Michael J. Coren (right) at the old office of The Post. PHOTO SUPPLIED

Bill Bainbridge

remember the day in September 2001, perched on a big old desk in the office on Street 264 and lamenting to Rob Carmichael that I couldn’t find a good story for that week’s edition. But when things turn in Phnom Penh, they turn quickly. Minutes later my phone rang. Within an hour I was trailing a convoy of Tuol Kork cops under

full siren through the streets of what, in those days, was one of the town’s seedier neighbourhoods. The Post had done a lot of great reporting over the previous few years tracking the boom in “orphans” for sale to foreigners who suffered deep longing and fat wallets. I’d fished around with a local rights NGO to see if the business was still in full swing. It sure was, and when the police convoy stopped, we found a house with a

dozen infants being prepped for adoption. Arrests were made, the cops dumped a couple of infants in my arms and told me to get them somewhere they could be looked after (which, with the help of the NGO worker, we did), and a whole web of human trafficking unfolded before us. Over the next months we tracked every angle of the story; vulnerable women tricked into giving up their babies, wellmeaning but naïve adoptive

parents who hoped to save a child from a life of poverty; slick but sleazy middle men who knew how to exploit all that vulnerability. The web extended from the village to the very top of Cambodia’s political system. Adoptions from the United States were halted and the biggest adoption facilitator of all, Hawaiian-based Lauryn Galindo (most famous for facilitating Angelina Jolie’s adoption) was sentenced to 18 months in a US jail.

It wasn’t without risk. I always felt safe but the human rights worker had to go into hiding for a short while then shift jobs. Lon Nara managed to prise some extraordinary information from his contacts inside the Ministry of Social Affairs, the kind of information that could make some powerful people very, very angry. The US federal agents who quietly investigated the network invited me to dinner the night before they left Phnom Penh.

They had with them a folder full of clippings from The Post. One held it in front of him and flipped through the pages. “We just wanted you to know, this is where it began,” he said. Bill Bainbridge was a reporter at The Post for about two – and –a-half years (Jan 2001 to Sep 2003). These days he works as a producer at ABC TV in Melbourne and teaches journalism at La Trobe university.

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Some of The Phnom Penh Post’s staff in August 2003, including Bill Bainbridge, Patrick Falby, Michael J. Coren (centre), Vong Sokheng, Sam Rith, and John Trezise. PHOTO SUPPLIED

First-rate training and a second chance Michael J. Coren

The all-star bulletin board at The Phnom Penh Post circa 2004. PHOTO SUPPLIED

n my first day on the job at The Phnom Penh Post, our publisher, Michael Hayes, sent me to cover a press conference about the approaching 2003 election. New to the country, I walked over to the Foreign Correspondents Club, where bartenders were pouring cold mugs of Tiger beer and the Mekong River slid past the balcony in silence. Opposition politicians were denouncing the election preparations. “We speak with one voice to push for elections that will reflect the will of the Cambodian people and convince the donor countries to put pressure on the [Cambodian People’s Party] to hold fair

elections,” shouted Sam Rainsy, standing next to officials from the royalist Funcinpec party. Patiently, The Post’s political reporter Vong Sokheng guided me through a torrent of acronyms and palace intrigue. I transcribed furiously. Sweating through my first story back at the office, I felt the excitement that never ebbed during my time in Cambodia. A year later, as The Post’s new managing editor, I was as familiar with Cambodia’s politics as my own country’s (perhaps better), and Cambodia has never stopped teaching me. Few places give journalists a better training ground. The Post was the chance to do everything a reporter hopes to do. I wrote about corruption, economics, politics, the environment,

human rights and the struggles of a country recovering after one of history’s great tragedies. The best, and the most challenging, aspects of humanity were on display every day. It remains one of the most difficult, beautiful and fascinating countries I’ve had the privilege to cover. I hope I made a difference. I know The Post has. The Post’s legacy lives on in the West as well. I often meet the newspaper’s alumni, and our counterparts from The Cambodia Daily, at publications around the world, from The Boston Globe to The Guardian, as well as at my current job writing for Quartz, the sister publication to The Atlantic. As a young journalist, The Post gave me something I never

expected: the chance to report overseas and, later, a shot at running a newsroom in my early 20s. I turned down the offer to become managing editor the first time it was offered to me. After boarding my flight home, and travelling halfway across the world, I realised what I was leaving behind. I called Hayes to reconsider. He graciously accepted. It was one the best decisions I’ve ever made. Michael J. Coren was the managing editor of The Phnom Penh Post in 2004. He is currently a technology and business reporter for Quartz in San Francisco. Previous publications he has written for include CNN.com, Foreign Policy, and The Economist.

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Guardians of the truth, disruptors of staus quo Lindsay Murdoch

Lindsay Murdoch, The Post’s roving correspondent, on the roof of the Rex Hotel in Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam, in 1985. Michael Hayes

For four decades I have written stories only for The Age in Melbourne and other Fairfax Media publications, with one notable exception. When Michael Hayes founded The Phnom Penh Post in 1992, I offered to become an unpaid bureau chief, filing variously from Canberra, Melbourne, Jakarta and Darwin, over many years. It was a great honour to have my name under The Post’s masthead. The newspaper has been providing invaluable coverage of Cambodia’s political, economic, social and cultural issues, and development for a quarter of a century. Its reporters, photographers and editors have consistently and bravely shone lights in dark places where few others dared tread. Its fierce independence became legendary in the world’s free media. It has never sided with any political party or movement or pursued any hidden agendas. The paper’s mission has been to

print the truth, regardless of the consequences. However, I have become increasingly alarmed about attacks on The Post at a time vested interests across the world are spruiking the notion of “fake news”. Claims the newspaper is involved in some sort of alleged conspiracy to overthrow the government in Phnom Penh are simply not true. If the Cambodian government wants to call itself a “democracy” it should recognise the importance of an independent publication like The Post that has prided itself on providing balanced, fair and accurate coverage of Cambodia and the region. Other organisations in the country should also acknowledge that freedoms and decency can only flourish if there is a vibrant and inquisitive free media. Take a bow, Post. Lindsay Murdoch is a three time winner of the Walkley, Australia’s top award for journalistic excellence. He is currently based in Bangkok.

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Michael Hayes, an unlikely publisher with an enduring legacy One of The Post’s former contributors reflects on the improbable origins of the country’s first English-language paper – and the equally improbable phenomenon of a newspaper owner who was actually liked by his staff Luke Hunt

ore than two decades ago, American Michael Hayes arrived in Cambodia with his then-wife Kathleen and their life savings of about US$50,000 just as the United Nations began pouring troops into the country to ensure security at elections designed to end three decades of war. Armed with a royal seal from King Norodom Sihanouk, he founded The Phnom Penh Post from scratch, and for the next 16 years was responsible for a newspaper that enjoyed a reputation for telling the truth while maintaining a sympathetic ear to this country’s plight and its tragic history. But this reputation came at a price. Several Khmer contemporaries were assassinated and there were many sleepless nights from the top floor of his home and office in Street 264. Hayes literally slept one floor above the newsroom that produced every issue, once every two weeks. “Michael Hayes was the most unlikely newspaper publisher and editor when he founded The Post in 1992, after multiple career changes,” said Lindsay Murdoch, a long-time friend and correspondent with The Age in Melbourne. “But amid the chaos of the early 1990s United Nations mission in Cambodia, The Post’s office under Michael’s became the go-to place for visiting foreign correspondents and photographers from across the globe – Michael knew the value of networking.” He said journalists and photographers gravitated to The Post where they would find out the latest gossip, what stories were developing and what scandal was afoot in the various UN battalions. “And they were numerous. Who could forget the exchange of mortar fire over control of a brothel? We in return would feed Michael and his journalists stories and tell them what we knew,” Murdoch said. By mid-2001, his marriage had col-

”

There is an old saying that the only essential for real sucess in journalism is a tough independent mind, a plausible manner and a little literary ability.

lapsed and financial insecurity was a constant. The wars were over and efforts to put the surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge on trial were dominating headlines. As AFP bureau chief from 2001 to 2004, The Post and its competitor The Cambodia Daily were highly prized sources of information. The Internet was only just making its presence felt as a news source and Cambodia as a hunting ground for journalists was all about primary reporting. In those days, all the major wires staffed their bureaus here with western trained, full salaried, foreign correspondents who spent most of their time writing about efforts to establish a Khmer Rouge tribunal. Like today, tribunal critics were loud and too often the critics carping about the tribunal’s inadequacies would command the kind of attention that many of us thought belonged to Pol Pot’s many victims, who did become an all important part of the newspaper’s editorial focus. “There is an old saying that the only essential for real success in journalism is a tough independent mind, a plausible manner and a little literary ability. It also helps if you have an ability to steal words and phrases from your friends and colleagues,” Murdoch said. “Michael had all those essential qualities and more, and grew The Post into one of Asia’s most respected publications.” Money was always tight but Hayes had a knack for attracting young journalists who’d work their hearts out on the smell of an oily rag, or on occasions for the infamous coupons, which were used in barter deals with advertisers. The likes of Ker Munthit, Sara Colm, Leo Dobbs, Liam Cochrane, Rob Carmichael, Nate Thayer, Matthew Grainger, Jason Barber, Hurley Scroggins and Peter Sainsbury, along with scores of other seasoned journalists, have spent time at The Post and dined out at Comme à la Maison as a result. Hayes once told me he “daydreamed about finding boxes of cash”, and once told me that “if I had a buck for every time I worried about money I’d be a millionaire”. Hayes got a way with it because, as Murdoch said: “Michael has a big golden heart and has remained a mate to many of us.” It’s a terrific compliment; after all, how many newspaper owners can say their staff actually like them! Luke Hunt is an Australian journalist and author who has covered politics, economics and war in Asia and the Middle East for more than 30 years for many of the world’s leading mastheads, including The Phnom Penh Post. He also lectures at Pannasastra University in Phnom Penh and hopes to soon publish his latest book on Vietnam.

Luke Hunt reads The Phnom Penh Post while sitting on the head of a statue of Saddam Hussein after being the first journalist to cross the Diyala River into Baghdad with the US Marines in 2003. Odd Andersen

Luke Hunt (left), together with photographer Gary Knight (middle), and Post founder Michael Hayes (right). PHOTO SUPPLIED

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Patrick Falby (right) with former Post managing editor Robert Carmichael. Michael Hayes’ personal archives

On the quest for righteous outrage patrick FALBY

began working as an intern at The Post in early 2002, right after the first commune elections. Half a year or so before that, a British backpacker inspired me to apply. Sitting at a bus stop on the outskirts of Luang Prabang, he’d regaled me with stories of his own internship. He’d just finished six months at The Post, he said, spending three months in Phnom Penh and then three months reporting from the countryside, picking up scathing views about international development practices along the way. He recounted a story of confronting a corrupt cop near the border, and made being an intern at The Post sound completely badass. He had so much righteous outrage! I wanted a taste of righteous outrage, or at least some direction in life after fleeing an English teaching job in Bangkok. I’d just spent a week in Cambodia and wished I’d stayed longer. How do you become an intern there, I asked. Well, he’d been an intern at The Guardian in London and an editor there had worked at The Post and put in a good word for him. Good luck, the backpacker shrugged. After buses took us separate ways, the incredible appeal of

working at The Post grew. I’d never had so much clarity about what I wanted to do, and never have since. I emailed then-managing editor Phelim Kyne to ask whether I could apply. He responded right away: Sure send your CV and a few writing samples to our editor-in-chief, Michael Hayes. My CV contained no journalism experience. Aside from the short teaching stint in Bangkok, I’d had some summer jobs and a radio show in university, where I majored in English literature, but most of my time had been taken up playing football (hence the lack of direction). I made up three writing samples and sent my application off, volunteering to work for free for six to eight months. A while later Michael emailed to offer an internship. I felt like I’d won the lottery. To raise enough cash for the endeavour, I taught English for four months in South Korea. Then, on the first Monday morning after the commune elections, I showed up at the old office across from Wat Botum. I felt so unprepared and nervous that when Michael said, “Pop quiz, new intern: Who’s the king?” I stammered and couldn’t remember, even though I had just been reading an article about Norodom Sihanouk on the table right in front of me.

Patrick Falby. Michael Hayes’ personal archives

Eventually I got over that embarrassment and learned how to be a journalist. I certainly benefited from the fact that things in those days were more informal, especially for foreigners. Ministers would regularly answer their cell phones and give interviews, and you could show up at nearly anyone’s office or home to ask them about their job or their life. The fortnightly publishing schedule allowed me

to figure out how to put articles together just in time for each issue. Since then, of course, The Post has expanded to become a daily newspaper, with Khmer and English editions as well as an active presence online. Plus, a lot more organisations now talk to reporters through spokespersons who can obfuscate facts rather than provide answers. I ended up staying at The Post for a year and a half, as Michael began paying me with a few

hundred dollars here and some meal vouchers from restaurant advertisers there. It’s impossible to quantify how much I learned by reporting with everyone at the paper. It’s the place where I met some of my greatest friends, and the experience provided a springboard to work at international wires in Cambodia as well as newsrooms around the world. Being at The Post was even better than the British backpacker had described. Somehow

I never developed his sense of righteous outrage, but I feel privileged to have done some of the first deeper reporting on issues that are still relevant in Cambodia today, such as the outstanding Lon Nol era debt to the US, the selling of royal titles like oknha, and the Cambodian People’s Party’s power relationship with Cambodian Buddhism. On publication days, while I waited for my stories to be proofed, I would sit in the newsroom and read bound volumes of The Post’s first 10 years. I could see that we were taking the paper through Cambodia’s transition, no longer focusing on the war of the past. We were examining what would come next – an aim that remains with the paper on its 25th anniversary. Looking through those back issues of the paper, though, something else quickly became apparent: the British backpacker had no bylines. No one in the office remembered him. He’d never been an intern at The Post. Patrick Falby was at The Post from 2002 to 2003, and subsequently worked as Phnom Penh bureau chief for Deutsche PresseAgentur (2003-2004) and AgenceFrance Presse (2008-2010). He now lives in Copenhagen, working as Director/Europe for Prides Crossing Strategic Writers Group.

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We are not makers of history,

Prime Minister Hun Sen has an emotional moment in 2017 as he retells the story of his defection from the Khmer Rouge. PHA LINA

Khmer Rouge defectors read the latest issue of The Phnom Penh Post with head

Khmer Krom monks were injured during a fight with Cambodian monks outside Wat Ounalom in 2007. HENG CHIVOAN

People from Kampong Speu provinceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Taing Samrong commune protest the jailing of their community representatives over a long-running land dispute at the National Assembly in 2016. HONG MENEA

The wreckage of a Z-9 military helicopter is loaded onto a truck after it crashed during a training exercise on the outskirt Phnom Penh in 2014. Heng Chivoan

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, we are made by history

dline “Khmer Rouge gambit: peace or peril?” MICHAEL HAYES

ts of

Ministry of Environment ranger Kim Chan looks upon a previously forested section of Prek Toal that has now been taken over by fast-growing vines. hong MENEA

Actors dressed in Khmer Rouge uniforms re-enact moments from the regime to mark the annual ‘Day of Anger’ at the Killing Fields. HONG MENEA

Workers from the SL Garment Processing Ltd. Factory protest for better working conditions and pay in 2013. PHA LINA

Pol Pot speaks to former Post contributor Nate Thayer in an exclusive interview at Anlong Veng in 1997. photo supplied

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Saluting Michael Hayes and The Phnom Penh Post

One of the Kingdom’s preeminent historians recalls a time when The Post was one of the few windows onto Cambodian affairs, and when an annual sitdown with founder Michael Hayes was a ‘mandatory’ refresher Milton Osbourne

y first encounter with Michael Hayes, and so with The Phnom Penh Post, occurred in 1994, a time when I returned to Phnom Penh after a long, enforced absence. Fittingly I met Michael in The Post’s original headquarters near Wat Botum. I was far from a newcomer to the city having first lived in Phnom Penh in 1959-60. But in 1994 I was returning to the country for the first time since 1981. Well before arriving in 1994 I had heard of a new, English-language newspaper appearing in Phnom Penh and so soon after arriving I made a beeline to The Post’s offices to meet a rather frazzled Michael and a much more outwardly relaxed Kathleen O’Keefe. I have vivid memories of their enthusiasm as they battled to keep the newspaper financially afloat, buoyed by the enthusiastic support of a small number of Cambodian associates and the willing, and sometimes unpaid, help of expatriates temporarily in Phnom Penh. From that time on, as I visited Phnom Penh each year, a call at The Post was mandatory. As best as I can remember, I never encountered Michael at the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC), even in 1994 when the FCC actually was a location for foreign journalists such as Nate Thayer and James Pringle. But I have happy memories of often later sharing drinks with Michael at the Deauville with his fascinating circle of friends and acquaintances. For someone who could only visit

Milton Osborne (right), then 24, with his friend Prince Sisowath Phandaravong at the Queen’s Birthday reception in July 1961. Photo supplied

”

The Phnom Penh Post is now a revered institution ... It says a great deal about The Post’s character that this description is not shared by many newspapers in Southeast Asia.

Cambodia once a year, a conversation with Michael was a wonderful way to be brought up to date, to hear of the inner workings of the government, and of the occasional efforts made by angry ministers to prevent stories appearing in the newspaper. Michael, Kathleen and those who worked with them were courageous upholders of the right of newspapers to tell the truth, carefully documented. Away from Phnom Penh I became an eager subscriber to The Post, receiving its fortnightly editions printed in Bangkok with remarkably little delay in Sydney. Each issue was a treasure trove of information at a time when the Internet did not serve its contemporary role of providing instant insight and the latest news. Over the years, I have been very ready

to respond to queries from Post journalists, but nothing has given me more pleasure than to accept Michael’s request that I should write an advance obituary for the late King Norodom Sihanouk— pleasure not at the fact of his death, of course, but that I should have been chosen to write such an important piece in Cambodia’s premier journal of record. It is to The Post’s credit that the obituary was printed virtually unchanged from the draft I sent even if some of the judgments in the piece were contrary to the views of other commentators. The Phnom Penh Post is now a revered institution. Much has changed from its early beginnings in terms of frequency of publication and its size, but the newspaper continues to be a fine example of fear-

less journalism. It says a great deal about The Post’s character that this description is not shared by many newspapers throughout the rest of Southeast Asia. Milton Osborne first came to Cambodia in 1959 as a young Australian diplomat and returned regularly to carry out research between 1966 and 1971. In 1980 and 1981 he was a consultant to UNHCR in relation to the Cambodia Refugee Crisis, working along the CambodianThai border. He is the author of 10 books on the history and politics of Southeast Asia, including Sihanouk: Prince of Light, Prince of Darkness, and Phnom Penh: A Cultural and Literary History. His Southeast Asia: An Introductory History, has been translated into Khmer.

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I owe my career to the Mormons

Former managing editor Liam Cochrane reminisces about his time at The Post and in Cambodia Liam Cochrane

t was the Mormons who got me my start at The Post. I’d been in Phnom Penh for six months and had done a couple of little yarns for free to try to get a toe in the door. My feature on Mormon preachers – complete with Asian Jesus, American teenagers speaking fluent Khmer and the dubious laying on of hands to “cure” a sick kid – seemed to impress Michael Hayes. I still remember him singing to the tune of “Amore”, “When a white guy goes by in a white shirt and tie, thaaaat’s a Mormon”. I’d just run out of money and was thinking of returning to Australia, when Hayes offered me a job. Back then I was the sole foreign reporter, working alongside Vong Sokheng, Sam Rith, Cheang Sokha and whichever visiting journalism students could be rustled up. The newsroom was classic – mismatched furniture and computers, piles of yellowing NGO reports, chugging fans. Smoking in the office had only recently been outlawed. Reference books had “do not steal” handwritten

in marker pen on the sides, Hayes’ typically mirthful attempt to maintain some order amongst his rag-tag troops. It was also the glorious days of the fortnightly deadline, a timeframe that probably encouraged insightful journalism and misbehaviour in equal measures.

The stories were cracking Within days I was standing beside a pool of Chea Vichea’s blood, my heart pounding from the sprint over to Wat Langka and the magnitude of a political assassination. For a cub journalist, The Post was an ideal training ground. No story was off limits, provided you could back it up with two sources. Michael’s green pen on the proof of your story became something you aspired to avoid. Deadlines were always a huge effort and everyone pitched in, staying as long as it took to put the paper to bed. At the start of 2005, the managing editor decided to leave, after a mixed run at the helm. Michael evidently looked at the limited options in his newsroom and decided I was the least-worst bet. I was – like The Post this week – 25 years old. Of course, I had absolutely no idea how to run a newsroom. But the team was great, with a particularly fun and talented bunch of interns and students contributing, and we gave it our best shot. The first deadline was rough. I don’t think we put the paper to bed until around 3am. I snapped a photo of the newsroom, showing two Kiwi journalism students asleep under desks and others cradling their heads in their

Liam Cochrane (right) with fellow journalist and current managing editor of Post Khmer Sam Rith. Michael Hayes’ Personal Archives

arms on the big table in the middle of the room. The second edition was a bit better, but still a 2am finish. Hayes pulled me aside and said something like, “You gotta find a way to finish earlier. This is too late, man.” He didn’t tell me how to fix the problem but gave me the goal and the deadline, which was a bit of a life lesson. Issue by issue we got better at the mechanics of putting out a newspaper. The long lead-time allowed dirt bike trips to

the provinces to collect stories and tales of adventure. A good story could run two or three thousand words long.

It was heaven Much has changed at The Post, most notably the deadline and the staff numbers. But the aspiration to be Cambodia’s journal of record has remained. Now, sitting in the newsroom that is now Michael’s loungeroom, there are many reminders of the old days. Photos of UNTAC missions, manila folders of

clippings, faded batik curtains billowing and the same sense of time slowing just a fraction. Like so many young journalists over the last quarter century, I got my start at The Phnom Penh Post and had mad fun. I owe a huge debt to the paper and its publisher, and look forward to many more years of quality reporting. Liam Cochrane is currently the Southeast Asia correspondent for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.

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The ghosts of the Post’s past Samanthan Chua

day. The morale was very low and the staff were doubting if we were able to make the shift.” he said. The next day, the team successfully produced an 8-page newspaper just in time, and the number of pages progressively increased every day. “Eventually we printed our first daily newspaper just eight days late on the original plan. I remember spending the night in the printing factory with my wife, helping to fold the newspapers till 6 o’clock for this first edition,” he said.

here was a time when guns were brought to work at The Phnom Penh Post printing house. Mysterious bullet holes were also found in the walls. Well, they were a mystery, at least, to The Post’s first chief executive officer Michel Dauguet. He recalls a time when he visited the printing house and saw the director of the facility with a gun in the pre-press office, and bullet holes in the wall. “I asked him what happened and he said, I saw ghosts, freaked out, and fired at them,” Dauguet said. This was the time when reports about ghost sightings were rampant among the staff. Dauguet recalled: “It became a serious issue. It culminated in a night when all the staff ran out of the factory abandoning the presses running at full speed.” The printing house had to be exorcised and monks confirmed that the premises were indeed haunted. The problem came when Dauguet was told that one ghost remained and was stuck under one of the printing machines. “Those are very heavy machines and took a month to calibrate. I had to apologise and say we could not move the equipment to help the poor ghost. He would have to find his way out by himself, and I believe he did because there were no longer sightings [after that],” he said. With the hauntings gone, staff morale was boosted.

A daily battle

Former CEO Michel Dauguet checks the printing registration of an issue of The Phnom Penh Post in the printing house. HENG CHIVOAN

Going daily When The Post went from a fortnightly paper to a daily publication after a 16-year run, a dedicated printing house was set up near the Phnom Penh International Airport. Dauguet’s involvement with The Post began in 2007 when he represented its potential investors in negotiations with founder and then-owner of the newspaper, Michael Hayes. The deal was inked in December that year, and on 1 January 2008, Dauguet became the CEO of The Phnom Penh Post, tasked with taking the newspaper daily.

“I had to convince a newsroom that it was possible. There was a lot of doubt at the beginning, including self-doubt to be honest, but I did my best to look confident about it,” he said sheepishly. To cope with the expansion of the newsroom, the office moved from Michael Hayes’ villa to its present-day location on the 8th floor of Phnom Penh Center.

The first failure Although The Post did not go through an intermediary stage of going weekly, Dauguet started a drill phase during

which the fortnightly newspaper was still being printed but the newsroom worked on a daily cycle, creating their own virtual daily paper using the new system. “The first evening, we had a very modest objective of doing an 8-page newspaper. The learning curve was so steep with the new software that the newsroom was in a state of complete panic at 10.30pm, with only 4 pages laid out. I called Seth Meixner, who was then the managing editor, and told him that this was just a drill and that we shouldn’t exhaust ourselves before the real thing happens. We decided to call it off and try harder the following

Michel likened publication to a daily battle. “For a journalist, nothing is more important than having [an in-depth] story, but missing a filing deadline has repercussions for the factory workers who are waiting and will work longer hours. Missing a distribution deadline might then result in this great story not being read in Siem Reap, because the paper will arrive long after the hotel guests have checked-out. It’s a whole chain reaction that is not necessarily on the mind of the newsroom,” he explained. Like many others, Dauguet hopes for The Post to be an enduring publication. Dishing out advice to journalists, he said: “Keep pushing the boundaries, but never surrender to self-censorship: that is the real enemy. Long live to The Post!” Michel Dauguet was the CEO of The Phnom Penh Post from 2008 to 2011. He is currently the programme director of a large-scale sanitation programme at iDE Cambodia.

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The Phnom Penh Post custodian of Cambodian history Sam Rainsy, president of the Sam Rainsy Party, is carried away in a state of shock after the grenade attack in 1997. David VAN DER/AFP

Lao Mong Hay

shouldn’t be surprised if, after a perusal of its old issues, a researcher says that The Phnom Penh Post is a chronicle of events that have been unfolding in Cambodia since the 1992 arrival of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) to administer a shattered country no longer able to govern itself. On the 25th anniversary of its founding, I wish to recall several important events and developments that The Post has chronicled. Upon its creation, this

newspaper covered, besides the workings of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia (SNC) headed by our beloved King Father Norodom Sihanouk, UNTAC’s operations, the deployment of its peacekeeping forces across the country to maintain the cease-fire and verify the withdrawal of foreign troops; its radio station, the first independent radio station for Cambodians; its organisation of the election of the Constituent Assembly; its encounters with the Khmer Rouge which had defected from the peace process and continued their warfare; the repatriation from neighbouring countries of more

than 300,000 Cambodian refugees and displaced persons; the rejection of the election results by one party and the ensuing creation of an armed separatist group in the Eastern part of the country; the adoption of the new Constitution and the re-enthronement of the King Father (with no crown, nor pomp and pageantry) on September 24, 1993; and the formation of a new government with collegial prime ministership and ministerships of interior and defence. The Post reported the rising tension over power sharing between the two partners in that government, the royalist

Funcinpec Party and the Cambodian People’s Party (CCP); the expulsion of then Minister of Finance Sam Rainsy from Funcinpec and his ensuing endeavours to form a political party of his own, which had eventually become the Sam Rainsy Party, or SRP, and is now the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP); Sam Rainsy’s activism to help workers to demand better pay and better working conditions, with him marching in the streets with them for the purpose. Vividly living in my memory is the gruesome, bloody and barbaric grenade attack in March 1997 against the Sam Rainsy-led

demonstration demanding the independence of the judiciary. The widely called “coup” later on in July in which the armies of the rival partners in the government violently clashed led to the killing of many military and civilian Funcinpec officials, sending Funcinpec leaders to flee the country and frightened Phnom Penh residents to flee in throngs to the countryside. This was followed by the destruction and looting of public and private properties by the military and the ensuing downfall of Funcinpec. One can find in The Post reports on the government’s “win-win policy” to get the

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A German soldier and Cambodian women during the UNTAC mission. GERMANY UN

Vote counting during the 2013 national elections. VIREAK MAI

Khmer Rouge to defect and surrender and end the war in the country in 1998. From The Post, one can learn how Cambodians, who were exercising their rights, have been facing risks such as killing, arrest, threat, intimidation and discrimination. Nevertheless, they could express their opinions on various issues through The Post’s columns. It can be added that, as Kem Ley’s murder has proved, a tragedy of national proportion can and has united the Cambodian nation. The Post has reported developments that have shown the success of the civilis-

Political analyst Kem Ley’s body being carried in a car for his funeral after he was killed at a Caltex station in Phnom Penh on July 10, 2016. PHA LINA

ing mission of UNTAC and the international community through a variety of assistance and support, including the assistance in the creation and functioning of the Khmer Rouge tribunal for Cambodia to address its past. UNTAC put the shattered Cambodia on its feet to learn to live anew under a liberal democratic system of government. It has since been rehabilitated and reconstructed, and has made rapid development when Cambodians, who were subjects when UNTAC arrived, have now become citizens and enjoy better living. They are healthier, more educated,

better informed, more knowledgeable about their rights, more aware of social ills affecting their lives such as corruption, nepotism, abuse, injustices, land grabbing and deforestation. And they have demanded change. Many have now been elected commune councillors to work for that change from within the system of government. The Post has reported developments towards this change: the merger of two small parties into the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) which soon became an incarnation of change and at this year’s commune election for this party

from those demanding change. To conclude, I wish to send my appreciation and congratulations to The Phnom Penh Post on its 25th anniversary. It has always been a reliable source of information since its birth, and has objectively informed and served its readers well. There is no reason it will fail to be and to continue doing so in the next 25 years. However, I hope to see, especially in its Khmer edition, more Cambodian regional and local news besides national news, and more detailed coverage of developments in specific areas or sectors

of Cambodian society, its economy and regions. Perhaps The Post could be more generous and have, in both editions, a whole page for letters to the editor. Lao Mong Hay was a regular contributor of opinion pieces to The Phnom Penh Post from 1992 to 2014. Previous posts he has held include the acting director of the Cambodian Mine Action Centre from 1993 to 1994, and the executive director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy from 1995 to 2002. In 1997, he received an award from Human Rights Watch (US) for his work on human rights in Cambodia.

Varsity debate forum UADC to be held for the first time in Cambodia

he dream of the management board of SpringBoard4Cambodia and outstanding Englishlanguage varsity debate teams in Cambodia has now come to reality as the 2017 United Asian Debating Championship (UADC) is slated to be held in the Kingdom this year. The UADC is a yearly debating tournament that attracts hundreds of student teams across Asia. It will take place in Siem Reap from end-July to early August this year. Sen Pidet, the managing director of SpringBoard4Cambodia, explained that the UADC is a very challenging debating competition between groups of students from universities in numerous countries in Asia. The debate will be held entirely in the English-language, and the judges will score candidates based on their speaking skill, talent in debating and their key arguments in accordance to each topic. Every topic will encompass general knowledge that is always up-to-date in the ever-changing world. No one, not even the judges, knows what the major topic of this UADC debate tournament will be. “Sometimes the topic can be related to social issues, global politics, global environmental issues, scientific discoveries, or parts of their global lessons,” Sen said. He continued: “Therefore, the candidates must, of course, have a very wide range of knowledge on top of their English ability. Generally, their shortlisting is a stringent process by their universities

as they represent the institutions and also their countries.” This debate is based on the debate policies of the Asia chamber. However, the UADC is only for students in universities. The UADC applies a policy on the debate whereby three students per group compete against one another while the judges, comprising of an odd number of people (3, 5, 7 or 9) will sit in between the two groups. Each debate will last for 56 minutes. Each group has an equal share of

28 minutes on the same topic selected from the three given options. Voting will be done to decide the stand that each team will take on, be it for or against the motion. Each member of the group has the opportunity to air their opinions for seven minutes. Between the second to

the sixth minute, members of the other group can interject and raise questions if granted permission by the judges. Throughout the debate, all the judges in the middle must listen with full attention, analyse and score the teams fairly and transparently in accordance to prevailing education policies. “They must also explain, present, and give references and transparency when they announce the victory of the winning group. If not, the audience in the

debate hall will devalue the judges and raise questions,” Sen said. The UADC has been held for 20 years and has never encountered any problem as it has its own constitutions for each continent (including Asia) and respects the global constitutions as well. In Asia, they have six council advisers from different countries working from term to term with certainty and reliability. Sen said: “UADC opens a very important opportunity for the students’ future as they will become leaders or representatives of some places. It will teach them to broaden their mindset through debates with proper consideration and peaceful thoughts for the future of their own countries.” For the first time Cambodia is hosting the UADC this year, there will be approximately 300 participants from different countries who will gather in Siem Reap province. “Almost all of these participants are those with strong potential in their country as they are talented and might become leaders in the future as well,” Sen said. The programme will span over 9 days and 8 nights, and will be held at USA International School in Siem Reap Province. The programme will also host debates with approximately 100 topics or competitions as almost 80 groups of students, including 4 groups of Cambodian students, have already registered.

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1992

“There are indications that the Khmer Rouge will initiate a large attack during elections. They have transported much ammunition into Stoung, Santuk, Baray and Kampong Thom districts. We learn this through the local population and through our spies.” - An official of the SOC People’s Party during ceasefire violations by the Khmer Rouge and Cambodia People’s Armed Forces in Kampong Thom. “I plan to vote on Friday. I will tell my neighbours that you can vote by yourself. No party will control you.” - Roum Hachim, one of the first registered voters for the country’s landmark multi-party democratic elections in 1993.

That’s what they said: 25 years in quotes 2001

2014

“Who saw me kill people? It might be difficult to prove.”

“Every country in the world fights corruption in certain sectors, but not every country is one of the 20 most corrupt in the world.”

- Nuon Chea, the Khmer Rouge’s ‘Brother Number Two’, who is now being tried at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for crimes against humanity.

- UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Cambodia (UNOHCHR) head Wan-Hea Lee on Cambodia’s “very weak” pillars of society.

2004

“The main problem with politics in Cambodia is

having a Lexus Constitution when what is really needed is a secondhand Toyota.”

2009

“The rich countries should be more responsible, as they have more resources to settle this matter. Cambodia is not the country responsible for climate change but is the victim ... The huge countries should not blame less-developed countries.” - PM Hun Sen laments how Cambodia is a victim of climate change and lacks funds and resources to tackle the problem on its own.

- Margaret Slocombe, author of The People’s Republic of Kampuchea, 197989: The Revolution after Pol Pot. “We confirm that you cannot carry around the sky and the earth, please take caution, do not use big words against the leader. Be careful of dying.”

2002 “Whether I should vote is not important, because no political party is going to improve our living conditions. But if the King had his own political party then I would vote. We are beer girls and we will remain beer girls.”

- A text message death threat sent to Heang Rithy, president of the Cambodian National Research Organization and an outspoken critic of the government on radio. “I still believe in the Khmer Rouge philosophy, and believe the Khmer Rouge will one day be successful.” - Pol Pot’s former bodyguard, Sok Leun, who was assisting the Cambodian Border Community Development Organisation’s efforts to help the rural poor of Pailin.

- Lin Pesey, a Phnom Penh beer girl, on the relevance of the commune elections.

“You know what? If this useless appendage of celebrity can be utilised, I don’t really give a toss what people think.” - English actress Minnie Driver, answering skeptics asking whether her humanitarian visit to Cambodia was merely a public relations stunt to boost her career.

2003

“The future will show even more clearly that Pol Pot’s Cambodia is alive and well. It is immortal ... And the ‘Khmer Satan’ was solely and is solely Sihanouk. Go to Hell, Sihanouk!” - King Norodom Sihanouk issues a statement on July 25, the last day of election campaigns, asserting that the Khmer Rouge is still in power within the government. “The story said I was already dead, so I came back to show that I’m still alive.” - Bou Meng, one of only a handful of survivors from the Tuol Sleng prison (S-21), surfaces after reading of his demise in a Documentation Center of Cambodia magazine article.

2005

“In a messy country like Cambodia, they call an ‘illegal army’ anything that looks a little bit organised and works with some efficiency. They would crack down on the Salvation Army if there were such an organisation.” - Sam Rainsy, commenting by email on August 11 on the Cheam Channy trial, from selfimposed exile in France. “The justice system is a joke. There is no sense of justice or democracy. We have to start over.” - Stacie Loucks, International Republican Institute, on the Americanfunded NGO’s decision to halt programs.

2000

“History remains history and cannot be changed.”

- PM Hun Sen, when asked for a statement on the 25th anniversary of the fall of Phnom Penh.

“They took off their robes to go dancing and invited girls back to the pagoda.” - An elderly monk at Pailin’s “party pagoda”, Wat Kong Kang, describes the conduct of colleagues which led to the wat’s closure and the expulsion of more than 20 monks.

2008 “About one million people who wanted to vote lost their rights because of “organised confusion” before election day.” - Sam Rainsy of the then-Sam Rainsy Party lashes out at unfair polling conditions during the 2008 general elections.

1999

“In today’s Cambodia,

the God of Impunity reigns side by side with the King of Corruption.” - King Norodom Sihanouk

Journalism will kill you, but it will keep you alive while you’re at it. — Horace Greeley

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2013

1995

2016

“I think by 2015, Cambodia will become the daughter of a rich family. We will no longer be the daughter of a poor family that no man wants to marry with.”

“If Trump wins, the world might change and it might be better, because Trump is a businessman and a businessman does not want war.”

- Sok Siphana, chairman of the Cambodia Development Research Institute and former secretary of state for the Ministry of Commerce, on Cambodia being inducted into the ASEAN Economic Community.

- PM Hun Sen, endorsing Donald Trump during the US presidential elections, believing the latter would promote world peace.

1994

“Please, before they kill me, come now. Call the American Embassy and tell them my life is in danger.”

“I am ready, at any moment and with any conditions, to abdicate to leave the Cambodian throne to a Prince more capable than me to resolve in a suitable manner the problem of the current Cambodian regime.” - King Norodom Sihanouk, angered by suggestions he had not done enough to protect Prince Norodom Sirivudh from being exiled.

- Prince Norodom Chakrapong to The Phnom Penh Post on the morning of a thwarted ‘coup’ attempt by himself and senior CPP members.

1996

2017

“Sometimes I feel why the hell should I come and be involved in that kind of mess.” - Then-foreign minister and former refugee Ung Huot on returning to Cambodia to enter politics.

“If I work for an NGO, I have rights, but when I am wrong, I will be in jail. If I am a journalist, I have rights, but when those rights impact on other people, I will be in jail, because the law [will put] them in jail and [make them] pay money.” - PM Hun Sen in an incensed speech warning NGO workers, journalists and analysts not to comment on politics. “They will be beaten until their teeth come out.”

“Only if robbers fire a B40 rocket launcher will they fall off a motorcycle.” - A cop’s response to an edict requiring moto passengers to sit side-saddle.

2007

- Defence Minister Tea Banh threatening to use military force on the opposition party and its supporters if they protested the results of last month’s commune elections.

2006

2015

2010

1997

“Even now, and you can look at me, am I a savage person? My conscience is clear.” - Pol Pot, in his first interview after 18 years, with former Post freelance reporter Nate Thayer.

1998

“I believe we will be killed, one by one.” - A colleague of Funcinpec General Kim Sang after Sang was executed on Mar 4.

“China is a great country and has an exciting future. There are certainly many reasons for Cambodia to have a good relationship with China. I think there are also important issues that Cambodia must raise with China.” - Hillary Clinton during her visit to the Kingdom, on the rising Chinese influence in the country and how Cambodia should not be too dependent on Beijing

“It’s like they already beat us on the head, and now they’re rubbing our backs and peeling a banana for us to eat.” - CNRP lawmaker Kong Sakphea who was beaten up outside the National Assembly, criticising visits he received in hospital from CPP members. “Actually, we work a lot, but we’re not very good at writing reports.” - Deputy director of the Ministry of Economy and Finance’s budget department, Lay Sok Kheang, on Cambodia’s poor budget transparency.

“Adultery committed against a wife is pervasive and socially accepted in Cambodia. This results mainly from the power imbalance between a man and a woman.” - Then-Sam Rainsy Party’s Mu Sochua, commenting on the new law to ban adultery. “During the Pol Pot regime, the judiciary was essentially obliterated. It takes time to build institutions and achieve rule of law. Right now the judiciary is like 16th-century England. We believe in the government’s intentions – we just hope it doesn’t take three centuries.” - Then-US Ambassador Joseph Mussomeli on Cambodia’s struggle to attain a fair judiciary.

“Typically, they ask [in debates] ‘What did you have after Pol Pot? Just a few spoons and broken plates. Now there are more roads, more infrastructure, the economy is picking up.’” - Jerome Cheung, country director of the National Democratic Institute, on the rhetoric on the long-ruling CPP. “Wanting to be Prime Minister until you are 90 is too much of a responsibility. Look at Fidel Castro in Cuba as an example. Their country has a lot of difficulties. Castro is old and often sick, so he does not think much about the country, he thinks only of his position because he is afraid of someone taking his position. I hope that [Hun Sen] will change his mind and not take the example of Fidel Castro.” - Parliamentarian Son Chhay of then-Sam Rainsy Party after PM Hun Sen’s promise to not step down as prime minister until he was 90 years old.

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A chance meeting with Kathleen O’Keefe led me to my wife Lon Nara

n early 1992, a slim barang woman ordered office furniture and stationery from a shop where I was a salesman. She said that together with her husband, she was going to launch an English newspaper in Cambodia – The Phnom Penh Post. She asked if I was interested in joining her team. When the first edition of The Post was launched, I quit my job as a salesman. On July 9, 1992, I found myself moving to the northwest province of Battambang with multi-national UN military observers and peacekeepers. I then worked as an interpreter for the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) until mid1993. Later, I returned to Phnom Penh and found a new job with a Cambodian international airline, but it was short-lived and shut down soon after. I lost my job and I remembered the lady who had ordered the office supplies from me – Kathleen O’Keefe. In 1994 Kathleen and her husband, Michael Hayes, offered me the post of office manager. I signed the contract and I started work at the office. The Post was made up of less than six local

Lon Nara at the old office of The Post in 2001. Photo supplied journalists, and most of them never attained media training, except one – Ker Munthit, who was trained in journalism in the former Soviet Union. In addition to the local reporters, several foreign journalists and pundits contributed in-depth articles to The Post. I was amazed by their skills. They seemed to know the Khmers better than the Khmers knew themselves. My daily duty was to help the reporters and editor: answering

phone calls, replenishing office supplies, monitoring the media, translating the headlines into English, turning off the office lights and shutting down the Macintosh computers we used – these were the easiest jobs, to be honest. Meanwhile, Kathleen had to fix Macintosh machines whenever they broke down. At times, the power supply was even cut off. After one year of work, my desire to become a news reporter

was dwindling. I realised that a news reporter had difficult tasks and I was not qualified. In 1990, I was rejected by the national radio when I attempted to become a radio reporter. By working with a newspaper, I hoped that there was still an opportunity to learn to become a professional journalist. Apart from office work, I had some assignments. The editor needed me to be an interpreter in interviews. I went out and followed up on some news. I saw some Khmer Rouge cadres who were hanging around the city. I was thrilled. It reminded me of the behaviour of a group of Khmer Rouge soldiers who kidnapped and held at gunpoint our United Nations Military Observer (UNMO) team in early 1993 in the Srey Santhor district. I realised that the work of a journalist would place one in constant peril. Some were locked up while others were gunned down. The capital of Phnom Penh was thrown into frequent chaos. Many felt that the fortnightly Phnom Penh Post played a pivotal role in providing balance, and independent news and views about political developments in Cambodia. Many subscribers said they were kept informed by

reading the English newspaper. Cambodia was still in unrest. The Khmer Rouge was outlawed. The civil war was not put to an end despite the formation of new government with two prime ministers. I resigned from my job and became an interpreter-cum-translator at the Singapore Embassy through a friend’s recommendation. My job was to provide briefs of daily news on Cambodian political developments. I reported to the ambassador and other ASEAN ambassadors. I shuttled back and forth. In 1999, I left the embassy. It was hard to make ends meet with work as a freelancer for almost a year. In the new millennium, 2000, I met Kathleen again and returned to The Phnom Penh Post as a full-time reporter and translator. I was so excited as I had an opportunity to prove my abilities and be committed to creating achievements for The Post. I earned my first byline, thanks to Michael Hayes for providing intensive journalism training. The Post also had a new team. Many foreign interns and new editors had replaced the old ones. A young intern, Simen, also joined The Post under Kathleen’s

supervision. Simen had six months of media training. Her father, also Kathleen’s friend, was a famous painter who survived Khmer Rouge’s S-21 prison. As my relationship with Simen grew deeper, we couldn’t hide our romance from Kathleen, my editor and colleagues. Simen invited me to her house, and I met her parents from time to time. Soon I joined in on family trips to their hometown. Her father brought us to the Khmer Rouge labour camps, and the graves of his children. Simen and I were tasked with the same assignments and travelled to the provinces to cover stories. We enjoyed our work and shared by-lines. We got married in January 2003, and I left The Post for the final time. While I may not be with The Post anymore I still get nostalgic about it. What started off as a professional stint turned into such a fruitful personal relationship for me and I really have to thank The Post for it. Lon Nara was a former reporter at The Post. He currently works as a freelancer for a multitude of international news agencies including The New York Times, Washington Post, CCTV China, and Channel NewsAsia.

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As mobile phone penetration increases, the proliferation of phone shops follows suit. HONG MENEA

Quantum leap for telcos Kali Kotoski

s in the rest of the world, everyday Cambodian life is dominated by the use of smartphones, with consumers glued to social media, streaming videos and staying upto-date with the latest breaking news and spreading viral content. This, in large part, has been fuelled by the rapid development of a highly competitive telecommunications industry that continues to fight for market share while aiming to provide affordable data coverage that reaches nearly every inch of the Kingdom. According to the latest findings from the Asia Foundation, internet and voice

services are beginning to reach a saturation point, with 96 percent of Cambodians claiming to have access to a mobile phone last year – and some 48 percent of these owning at least one smartphone. But after starting from scratch some 25 years ago – when landlines were few, mobile phone access was nearly non-existent, and dial-up connections to the internet required almost no infrastructure – it has been a hard-fought battle to lay the network needed for the rapid leapfrog the industry has taken. While connectivity slowly developed over the decades, the growing pains for the telecommunications industry are widely seen to have begun in 2012, when massive price wars led to a string of losses and insolvencies

in an overcrowded market. Now, Cambodia has just three large mobile network operators – Smart, Metfone and Cellcard – and three smaller operators – QB, Seatel and Cootel – all six of which are currently engaged in a renewed price war that has led to questions to the industry’s future sustainability. Despite the telecommunications industry being a multi-million dollar sector, the investment needed to continue growth and expand the speed of coverage comes with a hefty price tag. And it appears, with monthly data service costing, as one industry expert put it, “less than a price of a Starbucks coffee”, operators are undaunted in rolling out large investments that vary from $75 million

to $200 million annually to keep up with infrastructure demand. But with Cambodia having a relatively small market of 16 million consumers, there is little doubt that in the near future the industry will once again undergo a period of consolidation. How this consolidation shakes out, however, is up for debate. Some predict that telecommunications operators will start to snap up Internet service providers or partner with television broadcasting companies to bundle products. Others foresee smaller telecommunications companies eventually going bankrupt, freeing up highly coveted spectrum licences. But the government’s enforcement of its laws, or lack thereof, remains at the

crux of future development. If the price war continues without intervention, company revenues will start to slip, cutting off much-needed funds for investment. If the government does not begin to follow through with its promises to open up broadband frequencies for telecommunications operators, services will begin to lag or licence rights will eventually be so costly that companies will not invest. And when it comes to taxes on operators, if the government does not clear up accusations that it allows for an unfair playing field, end consumers will eventually bear the brunt of an industry that could begin to decline, even as technological advancements continue to develop at lightning speed.

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An economy on the move The Cambodian economy has posted some of the most enviable growth statistics in the world, with GDP increasing eightfold over the past 25 years. But with a surging economy comes rising expectations, and Cambodia will have its work cut out for it if it hopes to continue to make gains in the 25 years ahead. Cam McGrath

here are few countries in the world that can boast the level of economic growth that Cambodia has achieved during the past 25 years, which saw GDP soar from a mere $2.5 billion in 1992 to about $20 billion today. Of course, the economy was starting from a low base, built from scratch on the chaff of the Khmer Rouge’s agrarian dystopia and stunted by decades of war. But 1993 is generally seen as a turning point, with UN-backed elections and the shift to a market economy laying the foundations for economic growth. However, it would take another two decades before the economy reached the critical mass necessary to attract heavyweight foreign investors.

Phnom Penh’s rapidly changing and dynamic skyline. post staff

Today, the Kingdom is increasingly visible on investors’ radars and its fast-expanding economy has proven remarkably resilient to global headwinds. While the changes of the past 25 years are impressive, so are the possibilities for the next 25. Last year, the World Bank upgraded Cambodia’s economic status from low income to lower-middle income. If projections hold, the country can expect to graduate to upper-middle income status by 2032. Each rung on this economic ladder holds an entirely new set of opportunities for businesses. While Cambodia may be a relatively small market of 16 million, its demographics are tantalising to investors. Over two-thirds of the country is under the age of 30, with rising incomes and a falling dependency ratio. Though poverty

continues to grind in the countryside, consumer culture is swelling in the major cities, fuelled by the Kingdom’s first generation of modern malls, cinemas, brand retail outlets and food chains. With this comes higher expectations, which are driving economic growth but also putting pressure on wages and the Kingdom’s reputation as a ready source of cheap labour. A primary challenge for industry looking ahead will be to increase the skill and productivity of workers to move output beyond low-margin stitched garments towards higher value-added products. Finding workers with nimble hands to operate textile machinery is one thing, but recruiting for more complex industrial processes is far more challenging. Meanwhile, the porous borders envisioned by ASEAN will put higher-skilled

Thai and Vietnamese workers within easy reach, especially in the special economic zones (SEZs) along the country’s borders. Cambodia’s first SEZ opened in 2005. Today there are nearly two dozen of these industrial parks, whose tenants seek to benefit from cheaper electricity, smoother customs clearance and tax breaks. In the coming years, expect to see more clustering, with SEZs differentiating according to specialty and their tenants working as part of a single supply chain. The coming decade could even see a technology cluster. Models in India and Egypt have demonstrated their potential. Garments will continue to dominate the Kingdom’s manufacturing sector in the coming years. But an increasing share of production will be occupied by food processing, electronics and automotive

parts. Perhaps even bigger growth will come in the services sector, which stands to gain from the knock-on effect of expansion in the tourism, financial and property sectors. Logistics will take on a heightened priority as ASEAN regional integration erodes borders and allows companies to develop more complex cross-border supply chains. Massive investments in infrastructure are cutting down travel times, with costs to fall further once rail connections to Thailand, and eventually Vietnam, are in place and spurs to industrial zones are built. Rail transport will allow traders to maximise loads at low costs, especially on heavy, low-value construction materials and feedstock. Cambodia’s financial sector, already expanding at a dizzying pace, is on course for further robust growth. With just 17 percent of the population banked, and so much of investment tied up in real estate, there is enormous potential for credit expansion and new financial products. Regulatory measures such as revised capital requirements and a ceiling on interest rates may cool supply, but they will do little to curb the underlying demand, making this one of the most dynamic sectors going forward. It won’t always be smooth sailing. Deteriorating credit quality and a looming real estate bubble, as well as various external factors, will test the economy’s resilience in the coming years. But ultimately, the biggest factor shaping Cambodia’s economic fortune will be its political stability. Without it, everything built over the past 25 years comes unglued.

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Cambodia’s landscape transforms amid construction, real estate boom From sprawling satellite cities to high-end, luxury condo developments crowding Phnom Penh’s skyline, Cambodia’s building boom is showing little sign of abating despite some recent hiccups. Lauren Barrett

ith a relatively stable government and a welcoming foreign investment climate, the slew of Korean, Chinese and other regional capital pouring into an accelerated real estate building frenzy means the Kingdom is fast shaking off its war-torn reputation. Everyone wants a slice of the lucrative real estate pie in an emerging country boasting robust GDP growth of around 7 percent. So much so, Cambodia is now vying to build the tallest building in Southeast Asia. Spearheaded by the Thai Boon Roong Group, in conjunction with China’s Sino Great Wall International Engineering, the vision is for a 133-storey, 550-metre-high commercial project in Phnom Penh that would purportedly cost $4 billion. The grandiose Twin Trade Center in one of Asian’s poorest nations, which was scoffed at by industry professionals when the plan was first floated in 2016, is rather ambitious for a city whose current tallest building – the Vattanac Capital building – stands at 184 metres. With backing from Prime Minister Hun Sen, Miguel Chanco, lead ASEAN analyst for the Economist Intelligence Unit, told The Post he thinks the project would be built at some point but questioned the motives behind the development. “The increasing Chinese backing behind the Twin Trade Centre tells me that there are strong political reasons why this project will see the light of day, even if it does not make sense economically,” he said. Even for a city on the move, it hasn’t stopped experts questioning whether the large-scale nature of the project is something Phnom Penh is ready for. “I suspect that the basic laws of economics will ensure that the Twin Trade

New property developments being built in Phnom Penh dwarf the older and traditional-style buildings. Heng Chivoan Center building will never be built, at least in the current configuration,” Stephen Higgins, managing partner of investment firm Mekong Strategic Partners, said. Market naysayers have reason to be sceptical. Among the countless real estate projects propping up across the country, not all have proven successful. Whether they are causalities of faulty deals, market conditions or financing headwinds, Cambodia is not yet a sure bet when it comes to the highly speculative real estate game. In August 2016, Singapore-listed TEHO International Co Ltd hit the pause button on its $500 million mixeduse real estate project dubbed ‘The Bay’ on the capital’s Chroy Changvar peninsula, citing unfavourable market conditions. The market condition TEHO referred to was predominately the heightened risk of imminent oversupply of condominiums, confirming the residential market had officially moved into a supply glut. With 8,000 condo units expected to enter the market by the end of 2017, and an additional 13,000 units coming online next year, the fallout of a construction boom that has been in overdrive for a good five years is starting to show. CBRE Cambodia associate director James Hodge said residential devel-

opers now had to work harder in the face of greater competition, meaning greater discounts were on offer to attract buyers. While condo oversupply may define the market in the short-term, Hodge noted investors were taking a long-term view when it came to Cambodia’s real estate prospects. “Investors are encouraged by the long term prospects of Cambodia’s frontier economy, particularly the sustained rates of growth and young demographic,” Padden said. “Risk is presently focused towards the secondary market, in particular how occupancy and subsequently rental levels will change due to increasing supply. At present these risks remain distant with newly constructed buildings seen to be letting well in the secondary market.” While the demise of The Bay refuelled speculation of a looming real estate bubble, the jury is still out on whether things will soon go belly up. “The property bubble is in the condo space, and it is still very much there. However in areas like commercial property, it is much less of an issue,” Higgins said. As for Hodge, he believes there is always an element of risk, even more so for a country like Cambodia where

the market is faced with an accelerating pace of transformation. “In recent quarters, newly announced projects have fallen considerably from the high levels seen through much of 2015 and 2016, in addition some projects have started to reposition their offerings to widen the target market of their project or move towards the more affordable end of the spectrum.” According to Chanco, the widening supply and demand imbalance emerging in the residential market should make developers wary about embarking on any new project in the near-term. “Property developers should start thinking about ‘what’s next’ in the market, as opposed to simply jumping on the current bandwagon,” he said. With Cambodia now boasting more than 1,000 new construction projects worth about $4 billion, the question remains as to what and who is financially propping up the seemingly never ending development. According to Chanco, a lot of the activity is being propped up by the banks who are highly leveraged against property developments. “This is arguably what I am most concerned about with regards to the developments in Phnom Penh’s property market – should it crash, banks would be significantly hit thereby affecting the

economy more broadly,” he said. “The share of bank loans to construction, real estate and mortgages combined to total outstanding loans has hit ever-increasing multi-year highs, and they now account for close to one-fourth of all outstanding loans (up from a low of 15% just a few years ago). To the NBC’s credit, the central bank has taken key steps in recent years to better safeguard the stability of the financial sector.” With much of Phnom Penh’s French colonial architecture beginning to become eclipsed by the often underregulated but steadfast pace of highrise projects, the Kingdom’s transition into a modern, urban driven landscape is taking shape. Underpinned by the steady stream of foreign investment, Dr Sok Siphana, principal attorney of Sok Siphana & Associates and an adviser to the Cambodian government, doesn’t see the flurry of real estate construction and development ending anytime soon. “I’m upbeat about the flow of investment here. At the law firm we can feel the pulse. We have not seen a decline or a lack of interest [in property] compared to previous years and a lawyer firm is a good gauge to determine the pulse of the wider market, particularly from the quality investor.”

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Students wash their hands at a primary school in Phnom Penh in December 2014. mai vireak

Knowledge T is power – educating Cambodia

Yesenia Amaro

Students in class at Sisowath High School in Phnom Penh. hong menea

wenty-five years ago, Cambodia’s schools were scarce, and teachers even scarcer. According to Chin Chanveasna, head of the NGO Education Partnership, enrolment was low and a lack of infrastructure prevented many children from attending classes. While Cambodia’s education system has made significant strides since the early 1990s, experts like Chanveasna warn that significant reforms are still needed if Cambodia’s education sector is to catch up with many of its peers in the region, and many of the problems that plagued the sector decades ago – while diminished – still remain. Experts point to the crucial need for the government to continue to increase its investment in education to at least 20 percent of national spending – a benchmark the Ministry of Education hoped, and failed, to hit in 2016 under its strategic plan. The ministry’s budget currently only stands at 18.3 percent of the national budget – a figure just slightly below the ministry’s 2015 projection, despite seeing continuous budget increases in recent years. Just like other sectors in the country, the education system had to be rebuilt in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge era, when schools and hospitals were shuttered. The education system in Cambodia, however, has seen the slowest progress of any government sector in the country since the 1990s. According to the 2017 UN Human Development Index, the number of expected schooling years in the Kingdom in 2015 was 10.9, but the average number of years of school attended was only 4.7. Still, UNICEF spokeswoman Iman Morooka said in an email, “There are notable areas of progress in the education sector.” “One of them is at the structural level:

the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport has made structural changes under the reform agenda aiming to better achieve equity in providing education services and to improve the quality of education.” That includes establishing the Directorate General of Policy and Planning, Special Education Department and Examination Department, among others. In addition, the development of the National Early Childhood Care and Development Policy, which is now being implemented with involvement of 11 ministries, demonstrates commitment, Morooka said. “We’ve seen an increase in the number of children enrolled in pre-schools, 3-5 years old from 20 percent in year 2009-10 to 41 percent in year 2016-17,” she said. “In primary education, we’ve seen improvement in the enrollment rate from 94.8 percent in 2009-10 to 98 percent in 2016-17, respectively.” Last year, the government also adopted the Multilingual Education National Action Plan designed to improve access and quality of education for children from nonKhmer speaking ethnic minority communities. Morooka said they are already starting to see an increase in the number of multilingual schools, which allow students to learn in their native language and slowly transition into Khmer. Most notably, in 2014, Education Minster Hang Chuon Naron, who did not respond to requests for comment for this story, implemented sweeping reforms to curb widespread corruption and cheating in the national Grade-12 exit exam. Last year, 62 percent of students passed the exam, a significant improvement on the pass rate from the first year of reforms, which had plummeted to 25.7 percent thanks to hard-line anti-cheating measures. However, as Education Partnership’s Chanveasna pointed out, the education system still needs to develop as a whole.

“We need to look at the foundation,” he said. “We need to make sure that children at the age of 5 are learning.” But ongoing curriculum and teacher reforms seek to accomplish just that. “This is an ongoing system improvement,” he added. In fact, the ministry approved a Teacher Policy and its Action Plan, which includes upgrading the capacity of teacher training institutions, UNICEF’s Morooka said. “For example, [the ministry] is upgrading the training formula of basic education,” she said. “It is also planning to upgrade the regional and provincial teacher training centres to teacher education colleges.” Chanveasna said there are several efforts to move toward an environment where teachers can be supported, coached and mentored. There are also some initiatives to provide professional development for teachers with years of experience in the classroom as teaching methodologies have changed. But professional development will take a significant investment. “I think that there’s a lot of commitment from the government, but in terms of investment, we haven’t seen it yet,” Chanveasna said. However, Chanveasna did acknowledge the recent budget increases in education. For example, the education budget has jumped from $335 million in 2014 to $600 million this year. Rethy Chhem, executive director at the Cambodia Development Resource Institute, said modern innovations are needed in Cambodian classrooms in order to teach children to solve the complex problems they will face in the future, both in their private and professional lives. The burden of the failure to invest in this area, he said, will be felt by society as a whole. “One may think that the cost of education is high, but not investing sufficiently in education will cost even higher [for] our society,” he said.

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After decades on its knees, Cambodian sport is reaching for the sky H S Manjunath and Joseph Curtin

welve kilometres across Phnom Penh’s Japanese Bridge, two large columns tower over the fencing of a 94-hectare site. Atop each column, stylised flames leap from a cauldron. The Olympic rings decorate the gates to the site. A 75,000-capacity stadium is due to complete the Morodok Techo National Sports Complex, which is slated to cost $150 million and is to be the centrepiece of the 2023 Southeast Asian (SEA) Games when Cambodia hosts the regional sporting extravaganza for the first time. The ultra-modern, multipurpose Olympic-standard main stadium will house a football pitch, running track and four eight-storey athletes’ quarters including 400 rooms and two huge dining halls. Cambodian sport is focused on assembling a team of athletes to match the ambitious stadium for the Games. Home taekwondo sensation Sorn Seavmey will be 27

and likely at the peak of her prowess when the Games arrive in the Kingdom in six years’ time. Seavmey’s incredible performance in the South Korean city of Incheon in 2014 bagged Cambodia’s first ever Asian Games gold medal in the 60 years of the Asiad. Two years later, she shattered another glass ceiling by qualifying for the Rio Games in Brazil. After the 1972 Games in Munich, Cambodia did not attend the Olympics until Atlanta in 1996. The construction of a worldclass stadium, Cambodia’s largest sporting infrastructure project since the completion of the Olympic Stadium in 1963, during the nation’s ‘Golden Era’, comes as the Kingdom gears up to host the SEA Games after so many years in the wilderness is all the more remarkable considering just 25 years ago Cambodian sport was on its knees. At the turn of the millennium, Cambodia was just beginning to turn the page on the dark legacy of the Khmer Rouge’s reign of terror, during which sportspeople were also targeted in the regime’s senseless campaign of mass murder.

Cambodia’s Sorn Seavmey (left) competes against Iran’s Fatemeh Rouhani at the 2014 Asian Games in South Korea. Seavmey went on to take gold. A FP

History has recorded the gruesome killing of nearly 40 registered tennis players at the time, with only three managing to survive the horror. Hundreds of other sportsmen and women suffered similar fates. Yet the country has shown a staggering resilience to rise from such incomprehensible horror. Prime Minister Hun Sen, a staunch backer of Cambodian sports, spoke for the entire nation when he hailed the courageous gold-winning performance of Seavmey as an inspiration for generations to come and a change of course for the country’s sporting fortunes. Of the five founding members of the SEA Games, Cambodia is the only country to have missed out on its rotation to host the biennial event in its 58-year history. The Kingdom was awarded the 1963 edition but political turmoil and financial constraints contrived with other factors to abort the hosting of the Games. The situation was even worse when the offer was repeated in 1966. But that painful blot has now been removed, and the long wait is nearly over. Cambodia will be hosting the 2023 SEA Games, reviving a dream that was shattered 54 years ago. The first phase of the Morodok Techo National Sports Complex, which includes a state of-the-art indoor arena and internationalstandard aquatics facility comprising an Olympic swimming pool, a warm-up pool and a platform diving pool, has already been completed. Work on the second and the third phases are expected to be finished within the next three to four years so that the facility will be ready for use well before the

Prime Minister Hun Sen inspects the pool at the Morodok Techo National Sports Complex. Sreng Meng Srun 2023 Games. Renovation of the Olympic Stadium is also high on the list of priorities. A facility created for the 1963 Games, the iconic stadium designed by Vann Molyvann, is now set to finally fulfil its original purpose after a 60-year wait. As part of its strategic plan for better medal counts in regional and international events, the National Olympic Committee of Cambodia (NOCC) has doubled its budget over the past five years. The Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, armed with the oversight authority on anything sport in the country, has been spending up to an estimated $10 million per year, part of which has been set aside to pay nearly 300 national athletes and coaches a monthly average salary of $400. The NOCC is also looking to

football as its prime team sport in its drive for top honours at the 2023 SEA Games. The popularity of the Kingdom’s football scene has exploded over the past two years following the national team’s involvement in the second round of World Cup qualifiers featuring such big-name sides as Japan. Though Cambodia remains in the shadow of the region’s top teams like Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam and Singapore, both the NOCC and the Football Federation of Cambodia are optimistic the national team will soon close the gap. Of the non-Olympic disciplines, petanque – French bowls – has given Cambodia a wealth of great results on the international stage, including a clutch of gold medals at the SEA Games as the country prepares to host the 2019 World

Championships. With Ouk Sreymom striking it rich as the world champion this year in Belgium, she joined a former two-time winner, the legendary Ke Leng, and men’s champion last year Mean Sok Chan in elevating the country’s status in the sport. Going into Tokyo in four years’ time, Cambodia will still be among the 71 countries seeking an Olympic medal of any colour. Small nations Kosovo and Fiji won their first medals in Rio last year. Whether or not Cambodia can join them on the podium at Tokyo 2020, one thing is certain: like the columns outside the $150 million stadium taking shape on the outskirts of the capital, the future of Cambodian sport is, unlike 25 years ago, finally reaching for the sky.

25th Anniversary friday, july 7, 2017 // WWW.PHNOMPENHPOST.COM

Festival-goers at the Bonn Phum Art Festival in 2015. HONG MENEA

Cambodian arts: a scene in development or decline? James Reddick

overing arts and culture in Cambodia – as the paper has done throughout its history, and over the last three years through Post Weekend – is a bittersweet affair. On the one hand, reporters get to delve into the country’s profound cultural traditions and to explore art forms that have existed for centuries. In doing so, they meet people who are devoting their lives to perfecting, preserving and adapting these crafts. On the other hand, there is a certain demoralising narrative that often pulses through these stories – of a culture in decline because of a lack of financial support and interest from the general public. While there is no doubt that many artists and art forms are in crisis because of neglect, there are glimmers of hope emerging. This is especially true via young artists who are incorporating elements of traditional Khmer art with a contemporary style attracting youth audiences. Take, for example, the powerhouse artists involved in the Bonn Phum Art Festival – a recreation of a traditional Khmer New Year village celebration that has been massively popular since it began three years – and the musical endeavour IAmOriginal. The latter is a non-profit promoting Cambodian musicians making “original” music (i.e. not covers). One of the groups it supports, SmallworldSmallband, now has more than 70,000 followers on Facebook and, as shown by their recent album release show, a fan base captivated by their every move. The group plays contemporary rock and pop, including some ballads in line with typical contemporary Khmer pop music, but it also injects uniquely Cambodian elements. The concert included a traditional flute (kloy in Khmer), hammer dulcimer (khim) and even an interlude involving performers of Lakhon Sbek Thom – or the art of large shadow puppetry – snaking their way through the packed house. This use of traditional art seems to be resonating elsewhere – even in a restaurant recently featured by Post Weekend in which owner Prom Putvisal shows off his love

for Lakhon Khol, the traditional masked dance dating back to Angkorian times. At his restaurant, the country’s traditions serve as the backdrop to a laid-back neighbourhood seafood joint. Such Khmer artistic flourishes are seen elsewhere, in an increasingly local street art scene and in hip new cafes throughout the city. There is also plenty of room and support for art with fewer nods to the past, especially in the local film industry. This year’s action comedy, Jailbreak, may be a sign of things to come for Cambodian movies – like bigger budgets, non-horror plots and better production values. It featured local artists of all types – such as martial arts fighters, comedians, models and musicians. It is still making the rounds internationally, making it the country’s farthest reaching local film. While the situation looks bleaker for contemporary arts, there are also positive signs for this corner of the art world. A recent exhibition covered by Post Weekend at the National Museum was a huge step forward in that it brought together new and more established contemporary artists with the hope of moving towards the establishment of a permanent national collection. Contemporary art is a tougher sell to a young audience but there is no shortage of talent. One of the most remarkable aspects of covering arts in the country is the exposure to “hobbyists” who use their spare time and incomes to pursue their artistic passions. This is true, for example, of Long Borarith, a bank employee who has begun making electric chapeys – a modernised version of the two-stringed guitar – in his free time; Kompheak Phoeung, a Khmer Rouge tribunal interpreter who is also helping commission the making of a full set of Sbek Thom puppets on the roof of his home to perform the Reamker, Cambodia’s interpretation of the Hindu epic Ramayana; and Channlin Til, who since 2009 has been virtually single-handedly trying to revive traditional archery. While the narrative of cultural destruction at the hands of the Khmer Rouge is accurate, the roots of Khmer culture remain and are branching off into new territory in the hands of a young generation.

25th Anniversary friday, july 7, 2017 // WWW.PHNOMPENHPOST.COM

The Post covers Cambodia Revisiting some of our favourite covers over the last 25 years.

25th Anniversary friday, july 7, 2017 // WWW.PHNOMPENHPOST.COM

25th Anniversary

friday, july 7, 2017 // WWW.PHNOMPENHPOST.COM

Post Media Company Limited Staff honour roll 2017 MANAGEMENT Bill Clough Alexander David Odom

Muong Vandy Yin Leangkong Tim Borith

NEWSROOM Post English News Desk Stuart Michael White Ananth Baliga Erin Handley Maria Yesenia Amaro Shaun Turton Leonie Ariane Kijewski Martin James Bourmont Andrew Nachemson Imogen Kohnert Alex Willemyns Tyler Benjamin Lebens H.S Manjunath

PK NEWS DESK Kay Kimsong Sam Rith So Visal Chhay Channyda Phak Seangly Khouth Sophakchakrya Prum Pheak Pek Ros Vong Sokheng Meas Sokchea Kim Sarom Phon Dyna Um Sarith Tong Soprach Mech Dara Niem Chheng Kong Meta Phouk Sampheaktra Touch Sokha Sot Kimsoeurn Yon Sineat Leang Oudomnita Suon Lanty Voun Dara

BUSINESS DESK Cameron McGrath Kali Kotoski Sorn Sarath Kun Kourchettana Matthieu de Gaudemar Hor Kimsay Cheng Sokhorng Sok Bopha Bun Phalla WORLD AND SPORT DESK Michael Philips Joseph Curtin Sam Wheeler Prak Say Sim Sanith Yeun Punlork Chhorn Norn In Sopheng Mey Somony Sreng Meng Srun LIFESTYLE NEWS Pan Simala Chhim Sreyneang Hong Raksmey Pann Rethea Sou Vuthy Vay Vibol POST WEEKEND James Allen Reddick Alessandro Marazzi Sassoon Taing Rinith STRATEGIC CONTENT Shobhana Kagoo Moeun Nhean Lauren Barrett

PHOTO DESK Sahiba Chawdhary Heng Chivoan Pha Lina Sreng Meng Srun Hong Menea DTP, DESIGN AND IT Seng Nak Vong Oun Nhim Sokphyrak Suon Savatdy Chum Sokunthy Danh Borath Than Veasna POST DIGITAL Julia Monika Stoklasa Jennifer Tara Reid Uong Ratana Horng Pengly Leang Phannara Sous Chanthy Pang Vichea

VIDEO Koam Chanrasmey Keo Ratana Leap Tepitou Siem Reap Bureau Thik Skaline Plouk Sophearit Pong Sothea Seng Sech Bao Bien Sieng Sak Sieng So Theav Thom HR AND ADMINISTRATION Pich Socheat Neang Sopheap Lay Sopanha Khun Chhun Eang MARKETING & saleS Chap Narith Tin Rosaly Toun Chan Reaksmey Tep Thoeunthyda Ban Socheata Keo Puthy Hun Channet Ney Chan Borin Pov Linna Saing Chanchakriya Phan Sok Chea Met Channy Ung Seila ACCOUNTING Heang Tangmeng Sren Vicheka Yon Sovannara Suy Sovandy Sok Sophorn Cheam Sopheak Huy Hamsovannary Yousos Apdoul Rashim Sren Dara CIRCULATION Prach Monny Reak Nou Chanty Kem Vanthoeun Ung Channak Mey Kunthy Nuon Voleak Pheng Sopheak Sok Solinith

DISTRIBUTION Meas Thy Chhim Theary Thenh Rithy Thon Vannarith Chan Monimol Chea Sorphearun En Veasna Ung Chenda Nou Nan Chiv Ra Chhun Bunlin Phi Vorntha Phou Chanchhaiya Mao Uonnara Soy Borath Chea Pisith Nao Sokheang Veung Vin Mean Meth Say Suy Sann Phearun Tang Lonh Pho Ratana Pov Bunmao Meas Gneam Yoem Veasna Eng Keang Huy PRINTING HOUSE Pot Rithypol Sann Sarith Morm Dara Sok Mab Oul Vannak Um Rath Path Sopha Khuth Phoung Sovann Chea Sopheap Yorn Sareth Ann Chenda Yang Channa Toh Sokchea Pech Pisey Nau Veasna Kea Sok Hoin Ann Sarath Thinh Chhim Yon Sarith Vorn Samphors Chom Bunthoeurn Ngov Hourn

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