VOX ATENEO

The Duterte administration has left a bloody history smeared with black propaganda and utter negligence. His regime brought various controversies, including the war on drugs campaign, the passage of the Anti-Terror Law, poor COVID-19 pandemic response, threats against press freedom, and extrajudicial killings. As Duterte’s term ended last June 2022, and the power is now passed to the son and namesake of the late dictator, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. — another evil in the same vein.

Meanwhile, after three years of online classes and blended learning, AdNU college students are finally back on campus. On their return, ThePILLARS Publication asked about their stances on various socio-political issues affecting the wider community.

On Anti-Terror Law

“I am against the said law. Although I get the sentiment of why it was proposed in the first place, I do not agree with the conditions under it, such as how the government can arrest someone accused of terrorism even without a warrant and the fact that they will also not compensate those who were wrongfully detained. Considering how red-tagging often happens in the country, this law would just be another way for them to silence activists. “

“[In fact, in] the community, they still think that student activism is either a “waste of time” or an act students do out of “boredom” or “rebellion.” They especially think this way towards students in state universities.”

“[Even if], I was not really able to partake in student activism before, so to say, it did not really affect me personally; however, it did make me worry a lot for my friends who were active and vocal about their political and social stances.“

I would be lying if I say that there isn’t [reluctance in joining activism]. Every time I hear on the news about students getting arrested or even killed for voicing out, I get scared. [It’s] not just me, but my family and friends started to worry for me too, [they’re] saying that I should be careful with my words and that, if I could, I should avoid partaking in such activities.”

-KylaRonquillo,1styearBSComputer Science

“With all honesty, the Anti-Terror Law is a very technical law — technical in a sense that, as a law, it cannot be categorized as purely evil, and it cannot be categorized as well as purely good, it depends on who will be utilizing it. It has to be placed into proper context, So, personally for me, the majority of the provisions of the law are intending towards prescribing certain groups: [w]e are referring to the CPP-NPA, we are referring to other terrorist organizations that the state is deeming as an enemy.

So, what the Anti-terror Law does is [i]t creates that situation and so the chilling affects — the fear of being labeled as terrorist or being red- tagged, the fear of being labeled as an opponent of the government, and therefore you are susceptible towards being arrested anytime.”

“Also, the reluctance [to partake in student activism] happens because of the idea that when you join protest, or call to the redress of the grievances you will be prescribed as a terrorist, or you will be a labeled as part, for example, of the CPP-NPA, and that’s the problem because not all grievances, and not all advocacy protest are intended towards a revolution, although revolution are not necessarily bad.”

-JerwinRoyVillacruz,4thyearBSBA LegalManagement

“Anti-Terror Law [runs in conflict with its supposed aim]. This law [is alarming] [b]ecause it [can label any action] as an act of terrorism kahit hindi naman talaga. “

“[Student activism] serves as [a] motivation for other students to feel free [to express] their thoughts and opinions and encourage them to step out [of] the filter bubble.”

“For me, no, [there is no reluctance in joining activism] because [today] is where it [is] needed the most, especially on promoting truth and eradicating misinformation/disinformation. I will not be unwilling since [I] have the right to stand for what is right and wrong to make this law to be lawful, not awful.”

- James Philipp B. Paris, 1st year BS Nursing

“I think [Anti-Terror Law] was problematic and reflective [of the regime], since the Duterte Administration was oppressive against activists. As a Political Science student, I am well-aware [t]hat the Philippine political landscape is problematic. However, I always had this certain amount of hope in the legislative and judicial system. But when the Anti-Terror Law was passed, it proved to me that [a] problematic president basically has the tendency to also corrupt the legislative and the judiciary.”

“[After the Anti-Terror Law was implemented, there is a reluctance in participating in activism], yes, definitely. I feel like, if I step out of line or if I try to go against a certain politician or certain authority, there is a basis in the law [to] “keep me captive.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science

“I object to the passage of that law because what constitutes an act of terrorism has been broadened under that law, and it’s open to various interpretations. There’s also an ambiguity in the terms terrorists and acts of terrorism. The marginalized or the helpless are typically not protected by the so-called protective measures. I also remember that the Congress prioritized passing this Anti-Terror Law amidst the pandemic. They definitely prioritized sowing fear rather than compassion.”

“Sadly, [t]here are lots of negative connotations linked to [student activism], such as it being equated to communism and terrorism or usually rebellion to the government. Specifically, some of my family members would deem it a waste of time because they think students should only study and not care about present political issues, and it’s a critical element in the academe because it encourages students to fight and criticize.”

“Personally, I had a sense of fear since I’m also posting constructive criticisms about the government on various social media platforms. So, at one point, I thought that my consequences would result in something scary despite [n]ot doing anything wrong. “

-RamonaM.Ramos,BSBiology

“Hindi buo ang suporta at hindi ako pabor sa naipasang batas na AntiTerror Law sa kadahilanang: it broadly expands the definition of ‘terrorism’ na taliwas sa Human Security Act of 2007; the power of the ATC to order arrest and detention for a dissenter sa loob ng 24 days without warrant of arrest, maraming puwedeng mangyari sa loob ng nasabing mga araw, like torture and the like; and, lastly parang naglalayon lamang ito to silence any form of dissent. [I]t all boils down sa pagsupil sa ating basic rights. “

“Personally, [it affects me in a way na] nalungkot, nadismaya, and parang nawalan na naman ng hope for our country. Pero, on a personal level, it pushes me to educate more, as a future teacher myself. [ATC] sparks important conversations. [D]apat maging rigmat, maging aware tayo.”

- Dan Benedict Aven-Agorita 2nd year,BSEDEnglish

On Covid-19 Pandemic

“[The Covid-19 response is] sloppy. They closed the borders way too late and were clearly not prepared when the pandemic occurred. More than that, a lot of municipalities were not strict with their protocols; hence, the virus kept spreading. In the first place, the healthcare system in the country is [trashy] — medical workers are underpaid, there are even Philhealth fraud cases, and there is always a shortage in terms of medicine and medical equipment.”

“[During the new normal], I just went with the flow, watched videos for “tips” and made sure I can still do my hobbies so that I will not get burnt out. [K]nowing about how deadly the virus is and how a lot of people [keep] getting sick, others even dying, made me anxious about how the pandemic will end.”

“[I]t is [extremely] poor. [W]e could have gotten out of the pandemic as soon as possible [if it were not for the] inefficiencies of the government, the delays and corruption, the lack of prioritization, the lack of funding especially the ayuda for the marginalized. Those are the deficiencies of the government, [and their] lack of preparedness [t]owards responding to tritious events. “

“[The pandemic] diminished the amount of opportunities that should have helped in growth and development. [Y]ou cannot go out and [deprived] of social interaction with friends that hinders growth and development socially. “

-JerwinRoyVillacruz,4thyearBSBA LegalManagement

“Habang nag-rirecover na ang ibang bansa, tayo ang naiiwan.The government response and the rolls on vaccines were slow. I have said it, because I have observed it and heard from the news making the poor to be poorest [which forced them] to participate in crimes. There is an instance where some households do not eat three times a day giving malnutrition. [Worse, they wasted] the money on Dolomite beach! “

- James Philipp B. Paris, 1st year BS Nursing

“I was very disappointed when the pandemic started. [T]here could have been a faster response from the Duterte administration.[Personally], I think it made me shut down. I was okay, even my family, but when I saw on social media that jeepney drivers and transport groups were literally begging on the streets, it was really emotional for me and made me extremely angry.”

“As a political science student, for me it was obvious. The government was doing almost everything wrong, and there were a lot of things that could have been done better. [P]ersonally, it was extremely painful for me and to my peers and even to my teachers.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science

“[The government’s pandemic response] was unorganized. It was more like a military approach than a health emergency approach. There was a lack of prevention; hence, the morbidity cases and infection rates increased massively. The effectiveness of mobilizing healthcare workers was lacking because there are issues in compensation and hazard pays. Most significantly, politics and capitalism played a part because, for instance, face shields were required all over the country, despite the fact that it’s [only] necessary in a hospital setting. Despite the ballooning cases of COVID-19, corruption issues still thrive in health agencies. There were unused vaccines that expired, and the amelioration funds lacked transparency. “

“[Personally], the total lockdown [t]ook a toll on my emotional health because [staying] at home everyday made me witness verbal and emotional abuse in my family. “

“[In terms of classes], [a]lthough there are differences in the impact of both modalities, [it] gave me a lot of back aches, eye strain, and lack of sleep just like the hybrid online, but face-to-face classes were more of the exhaustion from commuting daily and financial issues.”

-RamonaM.Ramos,BSBiology

“If sa konteksto ng nakaraang administrasyon, their shoulders aren’t strong enough to handle and make salient decisions — like early lockdown, mass testing etc. However, Leni’s OVP became a panalmingan of right actions to make — Swab Cab, E-konsulta, etc.”

“In terms of social, back in the early pandemic and early lockdown season, more on relying lang talaga on social media and using the internet most of the time to communicate with friends and family. It was a gradual process [sa school], especially in our course, education, a shift from full online, then now most of my subjects are already having in-person classes.”

- Dan Benedict Aven-Agorita 2nd year,BSEdEnglish

On Press Freedom and Mass Killings

“[Regarding mass killings], [a] lot of people got unlawfully killed just because they were drug users/ pushers. Most of them even got killed for the reason, “nanlaban kasi.” What’s worse is that the main people involved in [the killings] were not even a tad bit remorseful, [like] Duterte’s refusal of apologizing to the victims of extrajudicial killings.”

“[T]he media did their best to document the killings and to inform the public, it’s just that those who had higher positions tried to suppress the media.”

“I can’t remember the exact details [on the shut down of ABS-CBN] but one of the officials of BIR has confirmed that ABS-CBN was consistently paying their taxes, and that same official refuted the accusation that the network violated certain terms. [I]t was fairly obvious that ABS-CBN got shut down because of former President Duterte who got mad after the network documented and often broadcasted the extra-judicial killings in the country. [But I know for sure], some might have gotten discouraged [because of it], while some probably felt even more determined to pursue media studies.”

-KylaRonquillo,1styearBSComputer Science

“The mass killings, under the Duterte Administration or in the recent past, are well-documented, and I think these are indubitable events. There are multiple instances where Duterte administration are denying that they were actually state-sponsored but the Philippine National Police were under the instruction of “shoot to kill.” [U]nder criminal law, it can be an extenuating circumstance on the end of the police that on the instance were (e.g, nanlaban daw) they can actually shoot that without any liability but there are actually people trying to fight against law enforcement entities and the circumstances are varying: may times na nanlalaban talaga pero may pinamumukhang nanlaban pero hindi naman talaga. Tinataniman sila ng baril, tinataniman sila ng shabu, etc.”

“I think that left-and-right killings impacted the media in a sense that also creates a “chilling effect.” [T] hey are more cautious in terms of covering a certain politician, certain acts of government entities because they might be later on the receiving end of arrest, receiving end of tanimbaril, and be regarded as enemy of the state.”

-JerwinRoyVillacruz,4thyearBSBA LegalManagement

“It is unlawful, making the public to be endangered from possible extrajudicial killing. [E]ven innocent [people] were affected, [like] the case of Kian delos Santos. [E]ven the Filipinos who have not committed drug-pushing or any crimes were killed. But, even though they are criminals they should not be killed because they are people who have rights [whose crimes need to be solved legally], [l]ike in the court. Basta hindi ito legal marami ang namatay pero patuloy pa rin nilang tinatago ang totoo[ng] may sala tapos ang totoong dapat makulong.”

“[M]alawak ang sakop ng media. Kung patuloy itong pagpatay, magdudulot ito ng kawalan ng kumpiyansa sa kanilang seguridad bilang mamamahayag. Dapat na itong masugpo para maging tulay ito para hindi tayo katakutan ng mga international journalist to cover our country. “ the process to renew their franchise, so this shutdown is obviously politically-motivated since ABS-CBN is not friendly and neutral towards the Duterte Administration.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science

“I think that [EJK] was one of [Duterte’s] promises to eradicate the prevalence of drug crime within six months after being elected as the President, and it was basically six years of blood in his hands. The police authorities would have the typical justification of “nanlaban” that’s why their last resort was to kill and, at least, 19 children were among these victims. More importantly, there were also lots of journalists, media workers, lawyers, and prosecutors who were also killed during his administration, and most of them were human rights advocates and defenders.”

“These mass killings resulted in a chilling effect in the media landscape because those people who fight for human rights, especially the journalists, activists, and human rights defenders are at risk for legal repercussions and, worse, for murder. [B]ecause of these killings, the media’s role as watchdogs of the society was compromised because of a government who only wanted praises and affirmation, not criticisms nor contradictions.”

-RamonaM.Ramos,BSBiology

Paris, 1st year BS Nursing

- James Philipp B.

“I first became aware of [mass killings] during the extrajudicial killings. A family friend of ours (husband of my mother’s co-teacher) was murdered. His body was found in a ditch assuming that he was drug-dependent, and I also heard personal stories about the killings, ever since [media workers and journalists became at risk] since the Maguindanao massacre. [E] ven the Duterte administration [also targeted them], and even the present administration is not willing to protect the media and press freedom.”

“[W]hen the ABS-CBN [was forced to close], I think it showed students, who wanted to pursue media and journalism, that they are not safe in the Philippines.”

“[A]BS - CBN [has]clearly followed

“Ito ‘yong mass killing ng mga activist, mga pesante, and/or also the victims of the drug war; perhaps all. Tunay na nakakapanlumo at nakaririmarim. [I]t speaks a lot on why [Duterte’s supporters are called] DDS, kasi ‘yong etymology niyan ay Davao Death Squad — gang of vigilante killers who allegedly committed mass killing in their area. [The killings] promulgated fear, pero it also strengthens the idea of why do we have media in the first place — to inform people with accurate data, the veracity of it all. These killings spark meaningful conversations that there is something faulty sa sistema, and it must continue to be scrutinized by the public.”

“[Kaya I think, ABS-CBN shutdown] is not lawful. Napatunayan na ito ng media company. They already paid taxes and charges and defended themselves with facts. I will never forget what they did to ABS-CBN employees and their families because of an insecure president’s vindictiveness. Moreover, pagsupil ito ng press freedom or ng demokrasya at large. The shutdown of the country’s biggest media network, ABS-CBN, restricted peoples’ access to verified info.”

Tales of Watchdogs and Lapdogs

Journalists take on a lot of pressure to report public affairs amidst blatant press repression and cynicism. In the face of persecution, the state of socio-political affairs in the Philippines still calls on the media to press on.

Media crackdown through the weaponization of the law has crucified journalists in attempts of silencing the fourth estate and dissenters. Libel and cyber libel laws are misappropriated instead to gag media practitioners from reporting social issues and irregularities — their job — committed by officials which the public ought to be made aware of.

The last two years before Duterte left office, when human rights violations were chronically increasing and critics persistently called for an ouster, press freedom took one blow after another when media giant ABS-CBN was forced off the air, Rappler chief editor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Maria Ressa was convicted of cyber libel, and multiple community journalists were arrested over trumped-up charges.

In December 2022, Senator Risa Hontiveros filed Senate Bill No. 1593, known as the Decriminalization of Libel Act, which would repeal some articles under the libel laws and the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012. Coincidentally, on the same day of filing, Frank Cimatu, a Baguio City-based journalist, was convicted of cyber libel over a Facebook post he published in 2017. The case was filed by former Department of Agriculture Secretary Manny Piñol.

Under Article 353 of the Revised Penal Code (RPC), a person convicted of libel may be charged up to six years in prison and a fine of up to P6,000. Cyber libel, however, gives more teeth to the law as the jail term may reach up to 12 years and the fine up to the maximum amount given by the court.

Aside from Hontiveros’ filing, and the clamor of media institutions, Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) Rep. France Castro refiled House Bill No. 1769 in the 19th Congress that seeks to decriminalize libel following the affirmation of the Court of Appeals on Ressa’s conviction. Former senator Ralph Recto also filed Senate have resided in the Philippines ten years before the election is held. However, what makes Marcos Jr. unqualified is his tendency to lie in every situation possible for the sake of making himself appear grandiose, just like the “Imeldific” image built by his mother and former first lady, Imelda Marcos, during their dictatorship. to The Digital Public Pulse project, indicators of “networked political manipulation” can be related to the said elections. A political science professor from De La Salle University, Cleve Arguelles, pointed out that the organized campaign of disinformation powered voters’ perception of Marcos Jr., his opponents, and the controversies directed against him.

Bill No. 2146 in 2014 attempting to repeal the libel law.

Ressa had been charged with three cyber libel cases and served 10 arrest warrants; Cimatu was ordered a jail time from six months to five years, five months, and 11 days, and a P300,000 payment for moral damages; community journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio has been detained for three years now over an “illegal firearms possession” charge; and radio broadcaster Percival Mabasa, a known critic of Marcos, was murdered several months ago.

Since July 2022, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines recorded 56 libel cases, 10 of which are cyber libel (including 941 counts against Darcie de Galicia of Radio City 97.5 and Noel Alamar of ABS-CBN Teleradyo), and two media killings. Among other press freedom violations reported were cases of surveillance, harassment, red-tagging, denial of coverage, assault, death threats, and online harassment.

Sans the certainty of conviction, suing journalists not only clogs court dockets and overburdens the judiciary, it also psychologically and financially drains the accused and their families.

By using laws to punish rather than protect the press, the government sends a message that they can exploit the people’s democratic rights in all ways that serve their interests. Not to mention, it instills red flags that criticisms against the government may only exhaust legal and financial resources, and mark yet another tally on the country’s press freedom violations.

A Flagpole of Red flags: How did we get here?

The reminder was clear: spot the red flags, not build a flagpole out of them. Run away from red flags, not run toward them. However, we, Filipinos, seem to be getting the wrong notice every time. I used to think that we always tend to choose the hard mode in every situation and see everything through rose-colored glasses despite it all. Nonetheless, the grim reality is that we are forced to be resilient due to generations of wrongful treatment. The distorted idea of Filipino resiliency is the fruit of decades-long systemic oppression – and just like a blinded lover, we just missed the chance of being in a healthier situation because we chose a boy who cannot even do the barest among all the bare minimums.

Blinded by love, it is totally common to miss the warning signs at the beginning of any relationship but they will eventually come out. However, being blinded due to well-orchestrated disinformation propaganda promulgated by a network of troll armies is a proven dangerous ignorance. The internet campaign that injected the Filipinos with an unlimited dosage of lies resulted in the win of Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. for the presidency, a looming Marcos restoration after thirty-seven years since the people ousted his dictator father. The red flags we missed will significantly determine our future for the next six years and probably redefine our history in their favor. Marcos Jr., bearing with him a flagpole of red flags, should not have been allowed to run for any position in the first place. Here are some of the reasons why:

Red flag #1 Lies everywhere

Jillian Robredo — 1 (degree), Bongbong Marcos — 0

The qualifications for a person to be able to run for the presidency in the Philippines are quite simple:

(1) a natural-born Filipino; (2) a registered voter; (3) able to read and write; (4) 40 years of age, and; (5)

Controversies about his education began to spark when Marcos Jr. filed his certificate of candidacy for the presidency last October 2021. According to his camp, Marcos Jr. graduated with a bachelor’s degree in Political Science, Philosophy, and Economics in Oxford in the 70s. However, through a series of investigations and direct coordination with Oxford to confirm Marcos’ claims, it was established that the incoming president did not graduate with a bachelor’s degree but only received a special diploma in social studies. Despite the uncovering truth from the hard evidence and statements which officially came from the prestige university, Marcos Jr. stood firm with his lies. He continued with his narrative that a special diploma issued by the university is the same as a bachelor’s degree. Filipino students in Oxford then debunk this claim by releasing a statement, saying “A special diploma is not a degree, and neither is it comparable, superior nor equivalent to one.”

Marcos Jr. has yet to admit his lies and the misrepresentation of his Oxford education and so the deception continues.

In his presidential bid, after failing to secure the vice-presidency last 2016 national elections, Marcos Jr. has learned his lesson that legitimate news media outlets do him no good and debates organized by these news outfits only get him “roasted” on live television. Now, Marcos Jr., in all his might, tried to avoid the tough questions of journalists and critics by being a no-show in debates and presidential forums and by blocking and boxing out journalists he deemed to be “biased” during his rallies.

Lian Buan, a Rappler journalist assigned to cover Marcos Jr.’s presidential campaign, expressed dismay over the treatment of the presidential aspirant’s camp to her media team throughout the campaign season. In Rappler’s segment, Reporter’s Review, Buan narrated the preferential treatment of Marcos Jr. to “nice” media people – these are those who only write good stories about them, Apollo Quiboloy’s SMNI news channel, for example. “It’s really difficult because they dangled access over our heads. The message was if you don’t play nice - if you don’t write good stories - then you will have a very difficult time covering us,” she stated. Buan’s review manifested as the campaign season unfolded. Marcos Jr. did not bother with media outlets but instead focused on social media and internet campaigns.

People felt his huge machinery as disinformation and revisionism filled various social media platforms, such as Facebook, Youtube, and Tiktok. On The Campaign Trail, hosted by a veteran journalist, John Nery, discussed organized disinformation campaigns and how they changed the game in the media landscape concerning the 2022 elections. According

Marcos Jr. has repeatedly denied he hired a network of troll farms; however, investigations by Vera Files concluded that Bongbong Marcos is the most to benefit from the disinformation campaign and his chief rival, former Vice President Leni Robredo, was the most to suffer from such lies and manipulation. Additionally, in an investigative series produced by Rappler, it was discovered that more than three decades after Marcos Sr. was ousted, the powerful dynasty utilized social media to revitalize its image. The Marcos disinformation machinery is so powerful that it continues to cultivate lies, popularize narratives in favor of the Marcoses, and turn people against each other.

Red flag #2 Alleged substance abuse

Solid North? More like, a solid snort

Upon the former president Rodrigo Duterte’s statement insinuating that a “weak” and “spoiled” presidential candidate who came from a rich family and famous patriarch is associated with drug use, people turned to Marcos Jr. alleging he was the one being hinted about. Days after, Marcos Jr. voluntarily tested for cocaine use at St. Luke’s Medical Center and later released a negative result. PDEA spokesperson Derrick Carreon confirmed that the agency received Marcos Jr.’s result; however, he clarified that PDEA was not a repository of the drug test results conducted by other testing facilities. This sparked another controversy where critics quickly spotted suspicious parts in the disclosed drug results by the Marcos camp. Despite this, Marcos chose to stick with his “anti-drugs” narrative, and his former spokesperson, Atty. Vic Rodriguez, emphasized that the candidate’s negative drug test will “stand on its own,” pleading to spare the involved institutions from politics.

Marcos Jr. may have dodged a word war against Duterte and his drug use may have ended as mere speculations for now, but red flags remain red flags – and reading about the symptoms of substance abuse and looking back at Marcos Jr., the warning signs may direct people to the facts that have long been staring back at us. One just has to look and remain their eyes wide open - even though the truth appears to be ugly.

Red flag #3 Gaslighting

31M apologists, 0 apologies

The sins of the father cannot be inherited by the son – true, however, if the son directly inherited and benefited from the ill-gotten wealth of his family by exploiting the whole country without showing any sign of remorse, perhaps Marcos Jr. is equally as guilty as his dictator father.

In the midst of massive spread of disinformation, this crackdown and the distrust in credible media has been stirred as a deception tool to threaten the public that scrutinizing and keeping the government in check — as we should — is punishable, rather than a democratic right. Fanatics, who are merely victims of disinformation, eventually become cynics against the press. And officials, as supposedly public servants who are subject to criticisms lest any irregularity is committed, seem to wield their not-so-secret libel or cyber libel weapons to escape accountability. Legislative bills or money bills, they just pick which card to draw.

If the accountability of journalists is in question though, media institutions earnestly stand by the ideological grounds of the profession by policing their ranks through self-regulation. After all, journalists advance not when many supporters within the same echo chamber agree, but when cynics react and start questioning what they believe and where they stand.

Social justice for society and the embattled field that fights for it remains elusive since time immemorial. Only those who have someone to protect or that of their own economic and political agendas — rather than public interest — consciously deny the passage of laws to decriminalize libel and cyber libel laws, and to protect journalists. And they are usually the crooked public officials hiding smears of impunity, corruption, and crimes.

If the watchdogs are leashed, who polices whom now? And if the watchdogs are muzzled, what could the executive lapdogs do?

On 10 January 2020, Marcos Jr. stressed that “it is about time for educational institutions to revise the content of history textbooks which depicted their family in a bad light.” In his perspective, it is nothing but “political propaganda” initiated by his political rivals. “You are teaching the children lies,” he added. For Marcos Jr., his parents, the conjugal dictators who killed the country’s democracy and demoralized its people, were “generous philanthropists” – an utter insult to the thousands of Martial Law victims and those Desaparecidos whose remains are yet to be found.

Marcos Jr. has been consistent in denying all his family’s human rights violation cases, abuse of power, and plunder despite the literal existence of history books, documentaries, court rulings, and pieces of evidence and testimonies. Through his systemic disinformation network, apologists continue to live in a bubble where established and proven facts are twisted and a distorted nostalgia for the law and order during the dictator’s reign is maintained.

A campaign tainted by lies and manipulation will be a presidency tainted by corruption and abuses; a reminiscent story the Filipinos have seen during their father’s time. Even if we separate Bongbong from his patriarch, the guy alone still does not qualify. A convicted tax evader with moral turpitude, and an unremorseful son from a tyrannic dynasty at that, should not have been allowed to run. Now that the Marcoses seem to be getting closer to their agenda, what awaits the Philippines?

Be it about romantic relationships or not, take it as a bit of advice that a red flag never lies – some may be negotiable, but a walking red light like Marcos Jr. should not even be up for debate.

Before this article ends and before it gets too late, a reminder to not get too comfortable and complacent to think that the Filipinos can afford to give Marcos Jr. the benefit of the doubt. If anything, the Filipinos have gotten so little while the Marcoses robbed too much already.

I say no chances left for the Marcoses.

Reject Marcos-Duterte. Resist tyranny.

“No tears for them, absolutely no tears. I think they should have been killed, and as far as killing them I would volunteer to be in the firing squad.” Signed, Lino Brocka

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Colcol, E., (2021). Bongbong Marcos Drug Test Doubters Can Check With Who Did It: Spokesman

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Gavilan, J., (2022). Marcos Jr.’s