SUNDAY 12TH JUNE 2022 by THISDAY Newspapers Ltd

PDP Moves to Unveil Vice Presidential Candidate on Tuesday as APC Considers New Options Okowa tops list of contenders as odds favour South-south APC considers Lawan, Lalong, Bagudu, Buni, Badaru, Amina Mohammed, three others Chuks Okocha, Adedayo Akinwale in Abuja and Seriki Adinoyi in Jos Barring any last-minute changes, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its vice presidential candidate, former Vice President

Atiku Abubakar will on Tuesday unveil the party’s vice-presidential candidate for the 2023 general election, THISDAY has learnt. This is as the All Progressives Congress (APC) is considering the Senate President, Dr. Ahmad

Lawan, from Yobe State; Governors Simon Lalong of Plateau State, Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi State, Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State, Badaru Abubakar of Jigawa State; and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Boss Mustapha, from

Adamawa State, for the position of the running mate to its presidential candidate, Senator Bola Tinubu. Also being considered by the ruling party are the Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, Ms. Amina Mohammed from Gombe

State; former governor of Borno State, Senator Kashim Shettima and the Chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND), Kashim Ibrahim-Imam, also from Borno State. A source privy to the

horse-trading told THISDAY that a committee had been set up to carefully examine the chances of each of the candidates and make recommendations to the party. Continued on page 5

Terrorists Free another Batch of 11 Abducted Train Passengers…

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ELECTORAL AWARENESS COMPAIGN… L-R: Team Leader, Democracy and Government, European Union Delegation to Nigeria, Mr. Clement Boutillier; European Union Ambassador to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Mrs. Samuela Isopi; Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu; National Commissioner, Mr. Festus Okoye; and Resident Electoral Commissioner, Akwa-Ibom, Mr. Mike Igini, during the Youth Vote Count Mega Concert at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos... yesterday

At Democracy Day, Buhari Promises Nigerians Free, Fair, Transparent Elections in 2023 Wants candidates to run issue-based campaign Knocks Babangida’s govt for annuling June 12, 1993 presidential poll Atiku, Gbajabiamila, Tinubu, Obaseki, Sanwo-Olu, others urge Nigerians to remain hopeful Akeredolu cancels Democracy Day celebration over Owo carnage

Deji Elumoye, Chuks Okocha, Udora Orizu in Abuja, Gboyega Akinsamni, Segun James in Lagos and Kemi Olaitan in Ibadan

With less than a year to the end of his eight-year tenure, President Muhammadu Buhari has promised Nigerians that his administration

will conduct a free, fair and transparent general election in the country in 2023. While charging candidates in the scheduled polls to run an issue-based campaign, the president emphasised that his Continued on page 78

MENDING FENCES… L-R: Kano State Governor, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje; Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and President of the Senate, Dr. Ahmad Lawan, when Tinubu visited the residence of the Senate president in Abuja…yesterday

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INEC: 2023 Elections Can’t Be Rigged Mulls extension of voters’ registration deadline

Chuks Okocha in Abuja Following insinuation that the 2023 general election could be rigged scientifically, the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, yesterday vowed that the commission would do everything in its power to protect the sanctity of the ballot Yakubu has also promised that the commission would get feedback concerning the calls for the extension of the Continuous Voters’ Registration (CVR). Yakubu spoke last night at a pre-event dinner organised by the European Union (EU), where Nigeria’s music stars featured in the Youth Vote Count 2.0 mega concert held at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos, interacted with officials of the commission. He promised that the electoral body would ensure that all eligible Nigerians willing to register as voters in the current CVR exercise are allowed to do so. Yakubu has also allayed the fears being expressed in certain quarters that the 2023 elections could be rigged, promising that the commission would do everything in its power to protect the sanctity of the ballot. He debunked the claim that the Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVCs) would expire, clarifying that the PVCs have no expiry date. On the fears being expressed in certain quarters that elections could be rigged, the INEC Chairman said the commission would do everything in its power to protect the sanctity of the ballot. He said: “We have been hearing many stories about ‘scientific rigging’ or ‘photochromic ballot papers’ where, according to them, when you thumbprint for a party of your choice, your vote will move to another political party on the ballot paper as it drops inside the ballot box. “The best way to protect the sanctity of the ballot is what happens at the polling unit. There are no collation centres where ballot boxes are taken to. The ballot boxes are emptied, sorted out, the votes are counted, recorded on a result sheet, and then uploaded to the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) “And I’ll like to advise all of you to register on the IReV portal. On election day, when voting ends at the polling unit, the results are immediately uploaded to the portal once the processes are completed. We are the first and so far, the only election management body in Africa that does so. We started it in August 2010 with the Nasarawa State Constituency bye-election. So, you can see the result of your polling unit on election day. And since we started, I keep asking: is there any discrepancy between the result uploaded to the IReV and the results given to polling agents at the polling units? I haven’t heard of any. So, be rest assured that we will protect the sanctity of the ballot, first at the most important level, which is the polling unit, and subsequently the results that are collated at the different levels.” The INEC chairman also debunked the rumour making the rounds that the commission was deliberately preventing registrants from a particular section of the country from registering in the current exercise. Responding to calls for an extension of the CVR due to the surge in the number of young people trooping the commission’s offices across the country to register, Yakubu said: “We are concerned like all Nigerians. We are appreciative of the fact that young people and Nigerians generally are trooping out in large numbers to register.

“For us, it’s a measure of confidence that people have in the system and that is why they are coming out to register. We’ll never let the young people of Nigeria down. Whatever it takes, we will ensure that those who are seeking to register to have the opportunity to do so. “Yesterday in Abuja, we invited all the Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) nationwide and we discussed what we can do to ensure that no Nigerian is left out in the current voter registration exercise. What we identified immediately is that we need additional equipment, and we need to create additional

registration centres. “So, in addition to what we did earlier, the commission has approved 209 additional machines to be deployed to ease the pressure nationwide. And we identified three areas of pressure based on the discussion we had: the entire Southeast region; the big apple – Lagos, and Kano. There is also pressure coming from the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). We’ll continue to respond to the pressure. “For this concert, the commission deployed 30 additional machines to Lagos, which they used for the CVR exercise since Monday (6th June). These machines are not going back to Abuja. They

will remain in Lagos to respond to the pressure.” He added: “INEC will do whatever it takes to ensure that Nigerians can register, vote and we’ll protect the votes cast by Nigerians. INEC is not a political party. The choice of who becomes whatever in Nigeria democratically lies in the hands of Nigerians. Our responsibility is to protect the voter.” Yakubu said the INEC would, within the next one week, observe the effects of the remedies being put in place to ease the pressure and take further action based on the outcome of the observation. He urged the music stars to

take advantage of their large followership to encourage young people to register, collect their Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVCs) and vote on election day. He told them: “There are some things I would like you to please the bear in mind. Messaging is very important, and you are the masters and mistresses of messaging. When you say one thing, a million people will listen to you. But I would have to say the same thing a thousand times before I get 10 people to listen to me. “There are three messages I want you to emphasise: Encourage young people to register, but that

is only the first step. The second step is that, when they register, they have to collect their PVCs, because registering is one thing, collecting the PVC is another. You can’t go to the polling unit on election day and say – here I come INEC, I’ve registered. You won’t vote until you have your PVC. Then, they should use the PVCs, come out and vote on election day. The message consistently is to vote, not fight. Register, collect your PVCs and vote. They have a friend in INEC”. Yakubu also debunked another rumour that the PVCs would expire, insisting that the PVCs have no expiration date.

CONGRATULATIONS… Emir of Kano, Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero (left), and President Muhammadu Buhari, when the monarch presented his highest Senegalese honour of GODWIN OMOIGUI ‘National Order of Lion’ to the president during his courtesy visit to the Presidential Villa in Abuja...weekend

PDP MOVES TO UNVEIL VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE ON TUESDAY AS APC CONSIDERS NEW OPTIONS The source disclosed that Tinubu has said that he has not thought of it. For the PDP, THISDAY gathered that Governor Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State tops the list of contenders for Atiku’s running mate as the odds favour the South-south geopolitical zone following concerns that the emergence of a former Governor of Anambra State, Mr. Peter Obi as the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) will swing the South-east votes in favour of LP. This is coming as the apex Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere; the pan-Igbo socio-political organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo and their counterparts in the Middle Belt and the Niger Delta – the Middle Belt Forum (MBF), and the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) are awaiting the decisions of the political parties on their choices of running mates before declaring their support. Some chieftains of the ruling APC have argued that religion should not be a factor in determining the party’s vice-presidential ticket. The leadership of the PDP had after the emergence of Atiku as the presidential candidate of the party set up a high-powered committee to drive a rancour-free emergence of his running mate. The committee convened several discrete meetings where it met with Atiku and other stakeholders. A source privy to the meetings told THISDAY that "the committee has met with all concerned and would unveil its choice Tuesday ahead of the June 17 deadline for the submission of the names of the PDP presidential candidate and his running mate to INEC." The source disclosed that the committee narrowed the search for Atiku’s running mate to the South-south geopolitical zone following the concern that the South-east will vote massively for

the Labour Party’s candidate, Obi. He explained that under this circumstance, the main opposition party now believes that its strength lies in the South-south as it is also believed that the South-west would be a no-go area for the PDP because of the emergence of the former Governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Tinubu, as the presidential candidate of the APC. The source further disclosed that two governors of the South-south, Dr Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State and one other unnamed governor are the two major contenders for the PDP vice-presidential ticket. “Though the leaders of the party believe that the conduct of the unnamed governor is not befitting of a vice presidential candidate, he is being considered because it is believed that he has enormous financial prowess to finance the PDP presidential campaigns. The governor is unfit for the job and that is why Okowa is at the top of the list,” the source added. Investigation revealed that the party has mounted pressure on the governor to accept a ministerial position. It was also gathered that the Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is ruled out because she prefers to remain in her current position. The PDP stakeholders are said to be concerned that the emergence of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) would erode APC and PDP votes in the North-west. The source said that the APC had won in all the 44 local government areas in Kano State in 2019 with 1.4 million votes, while the PDP got 391,593 votes. “With the rising profile of NNPP,

the APC may not have votes again as was the case in 2015 and 2019. So, the party is depending on its stakeholders in the North-west to rein in more votes for Atiku in the 2023 general election.” On its part, the APC is considering the Senate President, Lawan; Governors Lalong, Bagudu, Buni, Badaru; and the Secretary to the SGF, Mustapha, for the position of the running mate to Tinubu. Also being considered by the ruling party are the Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, Ms. Mohammed; former governor of Borno State, Senator Shettima and Imam. THISDAY gathered that Mohammed is being considered for gender balancing.

Afenifere, Ohanaeze, MBF, PANDEF Await Decisions of Parties on Running Mates

In a related development, the President of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF), Dr Bitrus Pogu has disclosed that his organisation would meet with Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Afenifere and PANDEF after the emergence of the parties’ running mates. He said MBF would not be hasty in deciding which political party to support in the 2023 general election, noting that they would study the situation and also watch where the candidates would select their running mates. Pogu, who spoke exclusively to THISDAY, added that there would be alignments and realignments ahead of the 2023 elections. He said that the MBF consult with Afenifere, PANDEF, and Ohanaeze Ndi Igbo to arrive at a decision on which party or candidate to support. Pohu said, “APC is not the only

party that has elected a southern candidate; there are other political parties with Southern candidates. We will sit down and review the situation after the aspirants have all picked their running mates, we shall then meet with our friends - Afenifere, PANDEF, and Ohaneze Ndi Igbo, and arrive at a decision.” He said: “What I am saying is that after the choices of running mates, there may be migrations across party lines, and some changes will begin. I say this because Nigerians cannot be taken for a ride. “I can tell you that the volume of people registering now is unprecedented; it has never happened this way before. It shows that Nigerians are up for something.”

Religion Should Not Be a Factor, Say APC Chieftains

Meanwhile, some chieftains of the ruling APC have argued that religion should not be a factor in the consideration of the party’s vice-presidential candidate. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN); former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal and other stakeholders had kicked against the Muslim-Muslim ticket, insisting that ethnoreligious factors are still very much relevant in Nigerian politics. But the Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai believed that competence should be a major consideration and not religion. A National Vice Chairman of the party, Dr Salihu Lukman, in a statement issued yesterday said kicking against the Muslim-Muslim ticket was a backward national mindset, which must be changed.

He said as important as ethnic and religious identities are, addressing challenges facing the country requires that political leaders are not allowed to ride on cheap sentiments of religion and ethnicity to opportunistically win elections. "If choices of leaders are dictated by ethnoreligious factors, Nigerian politics will continue to be disadvantageous to many sections of the country. For instance, only Christian Southerners and Muslim Northerners will continue to have advantages. The Deputy National Organising Secretary of the party, Hon. Nze Duru told THISDAY that consultations were still ongoing in the party regarding the issue of the running mate. He added that it remains the prerogative of the candidate, Senator Bola Tinubu to choose a running mate that would complement his strength. "What is important for Nigeria today is good governance, creating the level-playing field; giving hope to the people of this country," Duru explained. On his part, former National Vice Chairman of APC, Southsouth, Hilliard Etta, said he did not predicate his politics on religion or ethnic consideration. He said: "If my politics was considered on ethnic considerations. I would have worked and voted for (Rotimi) Amaechi. He's from my zone; I don't care about those kinds of things. Those are the things that have held Nigeria down,” he added. In his contribution, the former Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the party, Yekini Nabena, stated that the important factor is the personality involved and not his religion.

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59 HEARTY CHEERS… L-R: Ekiti State Deputy Governor, Mr. Bisi Egbeyemi; Ekiti State Governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi; his wife/celebrant, Bisi; All Progressives Congress governorship candidate, Mr. Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji; and his wife, Olayemi, during a thanksgiving service to commemorate Mrs.Fayemi’s 59th birthday at the Government House Chapel, Ado-Ekiti…yesterday

Terrorists Free another Batch of 11 Abducted Train Passengers John Shiklam in Kaduna Another batch of 11 out of the 62 passengers abducted in the March 28 attack on the AbujaKaduna train has been released by the terrorists. Mr Tukur Mamud, a media consultant to Kaduna-based Islam cleric, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, confirmed their freedom in a telephone chat yesterday in Kaduna. Mamud, who is the publisher of a local newspaper, “Desert Herald,” has been at the forefront of negotiations for the release of the victims. He said those released, comprised six females and five men. He said they were freed yesterday and were taken to a military hospital in Abuja. “Right now we are in Abuja in a military hospital with them”, he said. Those released, according to him, include Jessy John, Amina Ba’aba Mohammed (Gamba), Rashida Yusuf Busari, Hannah Ajewole and Amina Jibril. Others include, Najib Mohammed Daiharu, Gaius Gambo, Hassan Aliyu, Peace A. Boy and Danjuma Sa’idu. Although Mamud did not give details of how the 11 victims were released, sources said, some of them were freed based on health grounds while others were freed as part of the agreement reached with the terrorists. Mamud said Sheikh Gumi who worked behind the scenes made the release possible. He was quoted in the Desert Herald newspaper as saying, “behind the scenes, Sheikh Gumi by Allah’s will, made it possible. He was involved from the day I started. I accepted that role (negotiator), because of his directives to that effect. “Even the final arrangement of how and the safest place to get the victims was arranged and coordinated by him,” the Desert Herald quoted him as saying. According to the newspaper, it was initially expected that all the abducted women will be

released in the first batch while negotiations for the release of the remaining victims will continue. But terrorists were said to have cut down the number of women initially slated for release because the federal government demanded that

those with life-threatening injuries and illnesses should be included. When contacted, the chairman of relations of the abducted victims, Dr Abdulfatai Jimoh, said he just read the report and was expecting

official confirmation from the government. He, however, confirmed that Mamud had been involved in the negotiations for the release of the victims. “I just read the report, we have not heard any

official information from the government yet”, Jimoh said. On March 28, 2022, terrorists attacked an Abuja-Kadunabound passenger train, killing eight people and abducting 63 others. Many others were wounded.

One of the abducted victims was released a few days after a ransom of N100 million was paid. The victims had been in captivity for 75 days. With the release of the 11 people, 51 others are still in captivity.

CBN Unveils Plans to Introduce USSD Code to Improve eNaira PFAs registered 93,114 retirement savings accounts in Q1, says PenCom Festus Akanbi The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has said it is set to introduce the Unstructured Supplementary Service Data (USSD) code as part of steps to improve the Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC). This development is coming as the National Pension Commission (PenCom) disclosed that Pension Fund Administrators (PFAs) registered 93,114 Retirement Savings Accounts (RSAs), in the first quarter (Q1) of 2022. CBN’s Deputy Governor, Dr Kingsley Obiora, disclosed the apex bank’s efforts to improve eNaira at the IMF African Department Speakers Series held virtually at the weekend. The series was focused on “CBDC and Private Digital Payments in Kenya and Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities for Sub-Saharan Africa.” The CBN inaugurated the CBDC, also known as the eNaira, on October 25, 2021, aimed at making financial transactions easier and seamless for every stratum of society. Obiora said the introduction of the USSD code became necessary to improve financial inclusion in the country and to ensure people without smartphones could still transact on the eNaira platform. “We have made serious progress in the last seven to eight years because when the current governor resumed in 2014, one of the pillars of his vision was to significantly improve financial inclusion. “So at the time, we were at 48 per cent of our population within the financial system and given several policies that he conceived

and implemented, we are almost at 70 per cent. “That still leaves us with about 30 per cent of our population out of the financial system and we believe the CBDC can help reduce that number even more. “A lot of people might not have smartphones but that is essentially the next step of our improvement in the CBDC, to introduce the USSD code, so those that do not have smartphones can still transact,” Obiora said. The CBN deputy governor said that the barrier to entry on the CBDC platform was low, which, he said made it possible for everyone with a Bank Verification Number (BVN) to be onboarded into the eNaira platform in a few minutes. Obiora said the value of the country’s digital payments grew from $324 billion in 2008 to about $2.4 trillion presently, adding that Nigerians were now used to digital payments. “As you know, within the continent we have one of the largest Fintech companies, Futterwave, Paystack, etc,” the apex bank boss added. He said that the CBDC had significant benefits for Nigeria, which was why the CBN decided to introduce it. Obiora listed the benefits to include rapid financial inclusion, reducing the cost of processing cash, enabling direct welfare payments to citizens, and reducing the informal economy. Others are improving tax collection, boosting cross-border trade and remittances, reducing the cost and improving the efficiency of payments and just endearing economic growth in general.

He, however, listed some of the key risks to CBDC to include banking sector disintermediation, operational risks of knowing that there is non-stop service, cyber security risks, internet disruptions and financial literacy. Obiora said that Nigeria was doing well based on a PwC report, which showed that the country was number one in terms of adoption, adding that the CBN would keep growing and improving on the system. Speaking on adopting cryptocurrency in Nigeria, the deputy governor said for now it would not become part of the country’s financial system because of the volatility that it could create for the system. Commenting on the high cost of food and fuel in Nigeria caused by the war in Ukraine, he said that the problem was more political than economic. “We hope that world leaders will sort this out as quickly as possible because ordinary people who have no egos and did not cause this problem are the ones that are suffering the most. “Within Nigeria what we are seeing is that farm gate food prices have either stabilised or reduced, whereas in the market it has increased.” Obiora said a lot of the problems with rising food inflation were due to logistic problems and the issue of higher prices of fuel and transportation. “We are trying to deal with that by investing a bit in a commodity exchange so that they can stabilise prices. He said, “within the monetary policy committee, rates will be

raised at least to signal that we will continue to keep an eye on inflation and stand ready to do whatever it takes to turn it around.” According to the moderator, Director, African Department, IMF, Mr Abebe Selassie, the series is a platform where Africa’s pressing economic policy issues are discussed and organised by the IMF’s African Department. Selassie said the series provided an opportunity for policymakers, academics, and analysts to offer their perspectives on economic and policy issues relevant to the IMF’S African constituency.

PFAs Registered 93,114 Retirement Savings Accounts in Q1, Says PenCom

In another development, the PenCom has disclosed that PFAs registered 93,114 Retirement Savings Accounts (RSAs), in the first quarter (Q1) of 2022, according to a statement posted on its official website at the weekend. The report showed that the PFAs registered 93,114 RSAs during the quarter under review, which brought the cumulative RSA registrations from inception to 9,621,979 as of March 31. The report stated that the total RSA Transfer was 7,663, which was concluded in the first week of April 2022. “This covered RSA transfer requests, submitted by PFAs between January 1, and March 31, which were eligible for RSA transfer in the first quarter of 2022. “Out of the total RSA transfers initiated, 5,543 RSAs were transferred to their new PFAs,

along with their associated pension assets, while 2,120 transfer requests failed. “The failed submissions by PFAs could be attributed to their internal processes, as all the PFAs recorded some failed RSA transfer request submissions,” the report said. Also, the report stated that PenCOM received an application from the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), to transfer NSITF contributions, on behalf of 218 NSITF contributors during the quarter under review. “Approval was granted to transfer N11.53 million to the RSAs of 213 contributors; on a similar note, the commission approved monthly pensions in the sum of N40.47 million to 2,304 NSITF pensioners,” it said The report also stated that the compliance by state governments to the status of Implementation of the CPS and other Schemes as of Q1 2022 is impressive. “25 States of the Federation had enacted pension laws on the CPS, while eight states are at the bill stage, four states adopted the Contributory Defined Benefits Scheme (CDBS).” PenCom added that it received 11,200 applications from private sector organisations for the issuance of Pension Clearance Certificates (PCCs). “Out of this number, PCCs were issued to 10,541 organisations, while 659 applications were in the approval process as of March 31. “The records showed that the 10,541 organisations' actions had remitted a total sum of N59,39 billion into the RSAs of their employees, totalling 45,170,” it added.

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UNITED WE STAND… L-R: Kwara State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirants: Hon. Abubakar Sadiq Ahmed; Hon. Isa Bawa Adamu; Mr. Ayo Joel; Prof. Mohammed Gana Yisa; PDP’s governorship candidate, Alhaji Shuaibu Yaman Abdullahi; party chieftains: Hon Ibrahim Isa Bio; Mr. Musa S Abubakar; Hon. Ndanusa Kawu Adam; Mallam. Idris Imam Abubakar; and Hon. Aliyu Ahman Pategi, after a meeting with former Senate President, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki, in llorin…weekend

PDP Mocks APC, Tinubu over Clashes During Voters’ Registration in Lagos Tinubu’s candidacy, victory for Nigerians, says Sanwo-Olu Ndigbo not under any attack in Lagos, Ohanaeze clarifies Gboyega Akinsanmi and Segun James The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday mocked the All Progressives Congress (APC) over the clashes witnessed in some parts of Lagos State during the voters’ registration exercise, explaining that it was because the presidential flag bearer of the party, Senator Bola Tinubu, is afraid of transparent elections. But the President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo in Lagos, Chief Solomon Aguene Ogbonna, has debunked the allegation that the Igbo indigenes were under attack and prevented from obtaining their voters’ cards in Lagos. Ogbonna asserted that contrary to the claims in social media, the Igbo have no threat to their peace in Lagos. “There is nothing like that. What appeared to have caused the rumour is the problem arising from the collection of voter’s cards, the leader of all Igbo in the state,” has said. Ogbonna appealed to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to intervene in the matter so that the Igbo in Ojo, Ikotun and some other suburbs in Lagos can get their cards without stress at INEC registration centres. This is coming as the Lagos State Governor, Sanwo-Olu, has said the emergence of Senator Bola Tinubu as the APC’s presidential candidate was a victory for Nigerians. A senior lawyer, Mr EbunOlu Adegboruwa (SAN), has however accused Sanwo-Olu of abandoning his constitutional duties to be the unofficial campaign manager of Tinubu. The main opposition party also said Nigerians were disturbed by the dastardly action instigated by leaders of APC to prevent citizens, particularly people of the South-east region resident in Lagos State from collecting their Permanent Voter Cards (PVC) to enable them to vote in the 2023 general election. A statement by the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Mr Debo Ologunagba, said the

action by the APC in Lagos was part of its desperate design to use violence to sabotage free, fair and credible elections in 2023, having realised that Nigerians have rejected its presidential candidate, Tinubu, ahead of the polls. According to the PDP, "Asiwaju Tinubu has been in morbid fear of the soaring popularity of the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, hence the attempt by the APC to stop Nigerians from obtaining their PVCs to vote in the elections; an action that portends serious threat and danger to our democratic process. "Is it not an irony that the party of the government of the day that pretends to have the support of the people and professes continuity is busy chasing away prospective voters?” the party queried. Ologunagba said the APC

is already suffering from pre-election fever syndrome in trepidation that it cannot win in a free, fair, credible and transparent process where Nigerians are allowed to freely express their will. "It will also be recalled that a similar act of violence was unleashed on Nigerians in the Isolo axis of Lagos in the 2019 general election, where the APC, upon discovering that it has been rejected at the polls, openly sponsored and unleashed terror on innocent citizens and destroyed all votes cast. "The APC has again become chaotic and desperate because Nigerians have recognised it as what it is - a Special Purpose Vehicle, which was hurriedly put together to defraud the nation. It warned Tinubu and the APC to thread carefully and rein in their thugs, hoodlums and terrorists as they would be firmly resisted by Nigerians.

Meanwhile, Sanwo-Olu said Tinubu’s victory was a victory for Nigerians. He stated this yesterday at the Presidential Wing of the Murtala Muhammed Airport when he returned from Abuja after the APC primary. “We are happy that at the end of it all, it is not a win for Lagos alone, it is a win for Nigeria, it is a win for all of us. It is a win that cuts across the Niger, it is a win for the North, for the East, for the West, for the South,” he said. According to him, Tinubu’s victory at the primary signals the beginning of greater work, to ensure he wins the presidential election in 2023. “His win also signifies the beginning of more work. You can see that almost immediately after winning the primary, he has gone ahead to open his hand of collaboration and reconciliation to all other

aspirants. “He is going around to consult, to bring forward his brothers and sisters, telling them it is not something that one person can do. He will lead from the front, but he needs everyone on the journey,” he said. Sanwo-Olu said that Tinubu would use his experience, clarity of knowledge, and transformational leadership to make Nigeria work. Sanwo-Olu commended President Muhammadu Buhari for ensuring an open, transparent, free and fair contest, during the APC presidential election. The governor said the choice of Tinubu as Buhari’s successor was not out of expediency but a deliberate effort by Nigerians to bring forth a unifying and detribalised figure to succeed the president and create a new path of progress.

However, a senior lawyer, Adegboruwa accused Sanwo-Olu of abandoning his constitutional duties to be the unofficial campaign manager of Tinubu Adegboruwa, a member of the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry on Restitution for Victims of SARS-Related Abuses, lamented that the governor was not available to monitor the enforcement of the ban on commercial motorcycle operations. He faulted the governor yesterday in a statement titled “Sanwo-Olu and Governance in Recess,” pointing out that the governor was not elected “as Campaign Manager of politicians but as an administrator.” Adegboruwa, therefore, urged the governor “to return to Lagos and assume his constitutional responsibilities of functional governance.”

Don’t Abandon Nigeria to Those Messing Things up, Obasanjo Tells Youths James Sowole in Abeokuta Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has charged the Nigerian youths not to abandon the country to those messing things up, but brace up and make necessary contributions towards addressing the plethora of challenges confronting the nation. Obasanjo said this when he distributed 85 tricycles to youths, drawn from across the 36 states of the federation, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as part of the activities to mark his 85th birthday celebration. The tricycles, valued at N1million each, were donated through the Youths Development Centre of the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) and were targeted towards ensuring that unengaged youths are kept

busy and self-reliant without necessarily depending on anyone for survival. Speaking at the event tagged, ‘OBJ @85 Free Keke Programme’, Obasanjo admonished the youths to reject the famous cliché that, “youths are the leaders of tomorrow.” He said the youths needed to hold the firm belief that “today is their day” and as such, the younger generation must to take advantage of the opportunities galore, which abound in the country to better their lots. The former Nigerian leader emphasised that if the youths leave things to those who are messing it up, and who are saying they (youths) are the leaders of tomorrow, they will never have that tomorrow. “The first thing we want

to prove is that there are opportunities galore in this country. Yes, things are not what they should be but you as youths, individually and collectively, must make up your mind, make contributions in order to make things the way they should be. “If you leave things to those who are messing it up for you and who are saying you are the leaders of tomorrow, you will never have that tomorrow. Today is your day. “Then the third point is; yes, sometime you may get people who would help you and a times you may not even get who would help you; you must remember God has given you innate ability to be what He wants you to be and if you make up your mind on what you want to be, God will help

you and He will provide those people who would help you to reach the sky which should be your limit,” the former president said. Obasanjo charged those in charge of the project to monitor the progress of the beneficiaries, citing the popular Biblical parable of stewards, who were given talents by their master. He charged the youths that it is not the opportunities that were given to them that matter, but what use to put the opportunities into. In her own remarks, the chairperson of the Centre, Dr. Bisi Kolapo, implored the youth to emulate Obasanjo’s passion and commitment in an effort to build “Nigeria of our dreams”. Kolapo also warned them against corruption and greed, saying it would be difficult to

fight those menaces if they are culprit. She harped on courage, fortitude, forthrightness, respectability, knowledge, loyalty, passion and responsibility as some of the virtues expected of the youths in order to move the country forward. Responding, two of the beneficiaries, Bashir Ali Modu and Asembe Ngumimi, from Borno and Benue states, respectively, commended the centre for the donation, which they said would enhance growth and development of their trades. They also promised to make judicious use of the tricycles given them, just as they urged other wealthy Nigerians to take a cue from the gesture in order to lift young entrepreneurs across the country.

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY 15

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UT H

& RE A SO

EDITORIAL BOARD Chairman Olusegun Adeniyi Members Kayode Komolafe Chidi Amuta Peter Ishaka Waziri Adio Gimba Kakanda Aisha Shuaibu Kashim Ibrahim-Imam Monday Ekpe Sonny Aragba-Akpore Yemi Adamolekun Bolaji Adebiyi Sanyade Okoli Okey Ikechukwu Paul Nwabuikwu Ndubuisi Francis Benneth Oghifo Mahmud Jega Johnson Olawumi

THISDAY NEWSPAPERS LIMITED Editor-In-Chief/Chairman Nduka Obaigbena Group Executive Directors Eniola Bello, Kayode Komolafe, Israel Iwegbu, Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, Emmanuel Efeni Divisional Directors Shaka Momodu, Peter Iwegbu, Anthony Ogedengbe Deputy Divisional Director Ojogun Victor Danboyi Snr. Associate Director Eric Ojeh Associate Director Patrick Eimiuhi Controllers Abimbola Taiwo, Uchenna Dibiagwu, Nduka Moseri Director, Printing Production Chuks Onwudinjo To Send Email: First Name.surname@Thisdaylive.com

On 20th April 2022, THISDAY Editorial Board hosted the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, Professor Mahmud Yakubu to a conﬁdential brieﬁng in Abuja on the state of democracy in Nigeria and the preparedness of the commission for the 2023 general election. The group photograph after the session.

A Festival of Ideas

side the claim that the Boko Haram insurgency and the 'Chibok girls' abduction crisis were ‘psychologically programed’ to bring down his government and recounting how and why he made the famous telephone call to Muhammadu Buhari shortly before all the 2015 presidential election results were tallied, President Goodluck Jonathan provided little insight about his stewardship in the book, ‘My Transition Hours’. But there are two profound paragraphs about power and its holders, especially within the context of Nigeria that should resonate. “There is nothing wrong in seeking power. I have learnt from political ascendancy in the sixteen years that I served from Deputy Governor to President that power is a shield, for those who wields it and for the people it serves,” Jonathan wrote. “I understand that power will protect you and enable you protect your charges. It will provide a shade from the blistering heat of the sun. When it is raining you can use it as an umbrella to protect yourself and the people you are meant to serve. And when you come to a river, you can convert it to a vessel that will help you and those who you lead to cross.” Going by the current situation in Nigeria, one can easily conclude that power has been turned into a shield only for those who wield it and members of their family. That is the meaning of what we have seen in the past few weeks in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and in other fringe parties. With our country challenged on practically all fronts, what is on display is a desperation for power that are not necessarily in pursuit of public good. However, as a newspaper committed to the quest for a better society, we cannot surrender to pessimism. We need ideas on how to tackle our myriads of problems. With the emergence of presidential candidates for the leading and fringe political parties, we must begin to engage them on policies and programmes. To that end, THISDAY editorial Board comprising 19 men and women from diverse backgrounds has decided on a special intervention today. Ordinarily THISDAY editorial members bring their wide-ranging areas of expertise to bear in taking collective positions on critical issues of the day. But as we mark another ‘Democracy Day’, and the last lap of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, we have decided to continue the tradition we started on 1st October 2011 when we presented to readers the diversity of voices that disappear in the anonymity of editorial opinions published on the pages of THISDAY, Sunday to Friday. OKEY IKECHUKWU goes down memory lane to reflect on what happened on June 12, 1993, and the fallouts not only for the country but also for certain individuals. WAZIRI ADIO reminds Nigerians and our leaders of the subsidy question that we have refused to answer. MAHMUD JEGA reports on the intrigues that played out in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) over the nomination of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the presidential candidate while posing 12 questions. PAUL NWABUIKWU’s disquisition is on the lack of ideology in our politics, and the implications for governance in the country. GIMBA KAKANDA reflects on the challenge once thrown to Nigerians by the late Mr Tony Momoh, throwing stones in the process. BENNETH OGHIFO raises critical questions about climate change that should begin to agitate the minds of Tinubu, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the PDP, Mr Peter Obi of Labour Party (LP) and other presidential contenders. BOLAJI ADEBIYI x-rays the seven years in power of President Buhari with damning conclusions on the promised ‘Change’. SONNY ARAGBA-AKPORE makes a strong case for financial inclusion in the country, and where presidential hopefuls should direct their attention. KAYODE KOMOLAFE laments that “moral capital is a vanishing virtue” in today’s Nigeria. JOHNSON OLAWUMI, a retired Major General, brings his professional experience to bear in looking at security and the 2023 general election. CHIDI AMUTA examines the foibles of our current democratic experiment. SANYADE OKOLI argues that “for Nigeria to enjoy positive outcomes, its people must first act differently”. The intervention of MONDAY EKPE is on young Nigerians, once charaterised as ‘lazy youth’ by President Buhari, but who continue to show resilience. AISHA SHUAIBU examines sports development in Nigeria and the opportunities being missed. NDUBUISI FRANCIS is concerned about the killings in the Southeast and offers ideas on the way out. And finally, I recall a piece first published 21 years ago on the role of journalists and that of the people in a democracy. While journalists must report, the ultimate decision about who is elected to various office is with the voters. Meanwhile, in the first special edition of this festival of ideas 11 years ago, I shared an anecdote about Michael Gartner who in 1997 won the Pulitzer Prize for editorial writing and wrote the book, ‘Outrage, Passion and Uncommon Sense’. Gartner reportedly told an interviewer “You’ve got to believe in something. There are a lot of things I believe in and strongly. And you’ve got to care about what you’re writing or,” he then added in laughter, “it reads like an editorial.” Well, what we offer you today are a window into the minds whose contributions shape the positions we take on diverse issues as we continue the quest for a Nigeria that works for all. We hope you enjoy them. - OLUSEGUN ADENIYI

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * OKEY IKECHUKWU With three decades of hands-on experience in the university system, the media and government at the highest levels, Ikechukwu, mni, is the Executive Director of Development Specs Academy, an internationally certiﬁed management consultancy and training partner of several institutions and organizations. Ikechukwu was, at various times, Lecturer at the University of Lagos, Acting Editorial Page Editor, and acting chairman of the editorial board of The Guardian Newspapers. He holds a doctorate degree in philosophy from the University of Lagos.

'On June 12 We Stand' BY OKEY IKECHUKWU

he endorsement was overwhelming, unanimous almost. The presidential candidate and his running mate were Muslims, but that did not bother anyone. The electoral body put up an impressive performance, in preparing for the elections. The voters put up their best behaviour on the day of election. Electoral materials arrived on time. Queued up voters exercised their franchise and went away in excitement. The results, announced or not, were obvious. Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola was going to become the next president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by popular choice, after Gen Ibrahim Babangida. Then, a malodourous stench began to seep out of the entire national project. It was subtle at first. The source, or reasons, were unclear. But there it was: A spectre of sorts. It had no real identity and substance. Or, so it seemed at first. Then, to everyone’s horror, it began to gain solidity. Yes! Why wouldn’t the electoral body announce the obvious results? Minutes turned to hours. Hours turned to days. Then an announcement! An annulment! Horror! It put the nation in a mood that is best captured in the Lamentations of David in the Bible thus: “The beauty of Israel is slain upon the high places. How art the mighty fallen? Tell it not in Garth, publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon, lest the daughters of the philistines rejoice… exalt”. For Nigeria, it was this: “The proof that Nigerians can rally and speak with one voice, in response to someone they consider their own, irrespective of ethnic roots and religious loyalties, is murdered by an ethnocentric cabal that has inflicted a desperate stranglehold on the nation.” But, unlike the biblical David, who called on his people not to voice the great calamity, to avoid ridicule by perceived enemies who never wished them well, Nigerians were urged to go to town. “On June 12 we stand” became the most popular war cry all over the country in 1993, immediately after the annulment of that near-flawless election. Sections of the elite, traders and tradesmen/women, workers, business owners, and many retired military officers spoke up and acted up. The international community was invited to say “no” to such travesty. Then, and very sadly, this national battle cry, born of true patriotism and a sense of brotherhood among Nigerians, began to wane in a section of the country. A disengagement from one Nigeria, not from Abiola, was fanned and made to crystalize even further. The federation created by Abiola began to recede. The strikes, sit-at-homes and protests achieved nothing. A nation had just been buried. Then came a not-very-surprising wonder: Many who were initially standing on June 12 out of genuine conviction began to lose their initial enthusiasm for various reasons. Some moved from “On June 12 we stand” to “On June 12 we sit”. Many who were standing on June 12, including those who had moved from standing to sitting, joined a new, “On June twelve we feed” group. “On June 12, and from June 12 shenanigans, we get our daily bread” was born. But that was after General Sani Abacha had displaced the Interim National Government (ING) put in place by Babangida. Abacha met three categories of June Twelvers, namely: (1) Those who stuck to their guns on the need to announce the results and declare Abiola President Elect and (2) Others, including Abiola himself, who were in league with Abacha on his coup on the naïve understanding that the foxy soldier would hand them political power after displacing the ING. If only there was a law against delusions and reckless dreaming!

Abacha had come to stay.

Abacha invited many credible individuals including Mr. Alex Ibru, Publisher of the then phenomenal Flagship of print journalism in Nigeria, The Guardian, to join his government as a Minister. Typically, the publisher and gentleman, who had exceptional regard for the newspaper’s Editorial Board and its members, brought up the matter for consideration and counsel. It was a unanimous “Do not do it, sir”. But Abacha was his friend who, more than once, reportedly opposed Babangida’s alleged attempts to close The Guardian. An alleged open altercation between the two soldiers at an Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) meeting, where Babangida was said to have angrily wondered aloud why Abacha was always protecting the newspaper, was said to have ended with Abacha banging the table and declaring: “Because Alex is my friend”. The friendship and, more importantly, the need to demonstrate The Guardian’s driving aspiration for a better society, through his active involvement in shaping the fortunes of the federal Republic of Nigeria, was a compelling reason for him. Worse still, there was the blackmail of not announcing a cabinet until he accepted the offer. Thus, that Mr. Ibru was the person partly holding up his full constitution of a government. It was a personal decision the publisher had to make. So, notwithstanding the clearly stated reservations of The Guardian Editorial Board about what the involvement could do to his reputation, he said he would accept the appointment. He added that he had never failed in anything he did, and that we were all the watch dogs that would not allow him to falter. As Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr. Ibru was soon assigned the special task of liaising with civil society, especially NADECO, one of the foremost

Late Abiola

Late Bashir Tofa

Ibrahim Babangida

The message for us all, and especially for president Muhammadu Buhari who is now the chief imperator of our democracy is this: Act in the national interest. Respect the will of the people. Restore genuine democracy and help our people to regain the faith they once had in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The faith they demonstrated on June 12, 1993!

pro-June 12 organizations. Abacha was aghast at the continued public pronouncements of some NADECO chieftains. He could neither understand the advertised grief of some of them, nor make sense of their claim to superior sense of patriotism. So, the Minister of Internal Affairs was given the additional, private, task of finding out what the gripe was about. Then he went to report this back to Abacha: (1) Some of them said that you did not consult them in making your ministerial appointments; (2) A specific prominent NADECO member is fuming that he has been bearing the cost of his transportation and accommodation on all the occasions he has come to Abuja at your behest and that of your government; and (3) There is a general feeling of exclusion by some members who expected certain appointments, or at least the request to recommend people for certain position. For the reporting minister, the private question he had for himself was “So where is the NADECO fighting for the restoration of June 12?” His faith in so many things about the future of the pro-democracy struggle was badly shaken. Abacha, on his part, was outraged at the feedback. He explained much to his friend and minister, summing it all up by an indignant declaration that he was disgusted by the lies. Most shocking for the soldier, for instance, was the report about a chieftain who he, Abacha, always personally made generous provisions for, claiming that he footed his own bills. This and probably similar experiences on several fronts may have helped to shape Abacha’s supreme contempt for certain aspects of civil society activism, and perhaps civil society in general. Mr. Ibru narrated this to us in his Abuja residence and then explained why I was incorporated into a small group of five individuals created for in-depth State-of-the-Nation analysis, from the angle of power politics. This meant a weekly, overnight trip to Abuja, during which a lot that was going on in government were X-rayed and put in perspective, as objectively as possible. Then came one very important edition of this meeting, just before Abacha shut down The Guardian. The issue before the nation at the time was whether Abiola should be released and given his mandate as elected president. A title editor from The Guardian stable was also invited to this meeting, so that a little spin to the political permutations of the hour might pressure Abacha’s hand into pressing the release button for Abiola. It was probably a mistaken gamble. At this said meeting, the minister narrated how they met earlier in the day and resolved that there was no point keeping Abiola. That the man should be released forthwith and modalities put in place for healing the national wounds inflicted by the annulment. He said that the plane to take him to Lagos within hours of the meeting was arranged, to end the ugly post-June 12 drama restore faith in the armed forces. He mentioned, in particular, the arguments of General Chris Alli and Rear Admiral Madueke, who he said were simply set on ending everything by putting Abiola in office. But there was a snag. Abacha was unwell, did not preside over the meeting and so had to be briefed about the unanimous decision. Another snag was said to have surfaced when they arrived the Commander-inChief’s residence. He would not come down from his room, nor receive the Chief of General Staff, Lt General Oladipo Diya, upstairs as he often did. He communicated with the latter via the intercom. After listening to Diya's narrative, Abacha reportedly told him that he had just taken an injection and that they should all meet and talk about it by 12 noon of the next day. This did not go well with Major General Alli. The matter was straightforward, he was reported to have said. There was already a unanimous decision for Abacha to nod into execution. As he reportedly stormed out, he made his colleagues aware that he would not miss his scheduled 7am trip to Lagos because of the new and, in his view, unnecessary, delay and ceremony. It was a downcast and somewhat perplexed Ibru that was telling us all this. A media intervention on the battle between the hawks and the doves in Aso Rock might do the magic, especially as the SGF was averse to the proposal. When he noticed that I said nothing after his long narrative, and especially also because everyone else in the small group had spoken, he wondered aloud about my pensive silence. I simply said: “Sir, you may have to consider the possibility that the days of Alli, Madueke and some others with this advertised disposition, are numbered in this government”. I pointed out that a simple television announcement can easily see anyone out of the government and out of service in a military regime. The later closure of The Guardian, the rumours that later filtered out about Abiola’s aborted freedom, and the bitter rage of Abacha over alleged “betrayal” by a friend he later began to jokingly address as the NADECO in his government all had their basis in real events. The message for us all, and especially for president Muhammadu Buhari who is now the chief imperator of our democracy is this: Act in the national interest. Respect the will of the people. Restore genuine democracy and help our people to regain the faith they once had in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The faith they demonstrated on June 12, 1993!

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * GIMBA KAKANDA Founder of DMC, an Abuja-based communication and strategy consulting ﬁrm, Gimba Kakanda is a notable public aﬀairs analyst, media and foreign policy consultant and author. He is a regular contributor for Aljazeera and several Nigerian publications, including Daily Trust. Kakanda holds a master’s degree in International Relations from the London School of Economics (LSE) and is an alumnus of the University of Iowa’s International Writing Program.

If We Gather the Stones... BY GIMBA KAKANDA

s one of the frontline salesmen of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the former Minister of Information, the late Prince Tony Momoh set the tone for President Muhammadu Buhari’s government. A few months through Buhari’s first term, and amused by the mass hysteria of the time, he made a frightening appeal to Nigerians. “At the end of the day, if Buhari doesn’t perform, stone us,” he said. He was convinced that the man he marketed aggressively across the country as the answer to the people’s prayer was “going to perform.” When Buhari returned to seek votes for another four-year term, Momoh insisted the government’s performance had not reached the point of provoking the violence he once requested to keep them on their toes, and that critics of the government merely had “vested interest.” He manufactured a series of excuses to justify the shortcomings of the government, and then underlined the expanding membership size of the ruling party, which was a measure of palpable sycophancy by political opportunists, as proof of the government’s popularity. Momoh’s partisan allegiance to the APC was unfaltering till his death in 2021. But his appeal for violent intervention as a method of measuring Buhari’s performance, which he restated in various interviews, underlined the audacity of the political class in their dealings with the public. The party stalwart must have studied the psychology of Nigerians and found as unlikely the scenarios of such violence in a society where victims of poor governance submit themselves as willing foot-soldiers of their oppressors in elective and appointive offices. President Buhari and his cabinet stand out for their characteristic commitment to refusing to take expressed responsibility for national tragedies under their watch, and wherever they do, they are merely bowing to sustained public outrage. Less than a year to the end of Buhari’s terms in office, Nigeria is far from the dreamland promised when the late Momoh began to paint the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) as villains of the Nigerian story. At the time of writing this, Nigerian public universities have been shut down by the striking Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) for about four months, Nigerians are enduring fuel scarcity at filling stations, diesel scarcity and price hikes have disrupted operations and costs of businesses, the national grid has collapsed (again!), passengers abducted during the March attack on Abuja - Kaduna train are still in captivity, and the politicians tasked with fixing the problems are competing to outspend and outsmart one another in procuring delegates to emerge as presidential flag-bearer of the ruling party in the 2023 presidential elections. If Nigerians were to take up Momoh’s challenge, the rains of stones that would fall on Nigerian politicians would have been fatal. Mr. Rotimi Amaechi, until recently Buhari’s Minister of Transportation, would have been engaging in something other than running for President. He would have probably been nursing his wounds and struggling to explain to Nigerians not just why the train was bombed, but the reason some of the passengers are still in captivity. Were Nigerians to take up Momoh’s challenge, the Minister of Education, Malam Adamu Adamu, who had theorized solutions to end ASUU strikes in his days as an influential armchair critic, would have long left office and embarked on a quiet life in hiding. Nigeria has endured four long strikes since Buhari took charge, and about seventeen months of Nigerian students’ academic calendar have been wasted under his watch. The wasted months are enough for earning two master’s degrees abroad. President Buhari doubles as the nation’s Minister of Petroleum Resources and is responsible for the energy crises rippling across the country, including the politics of fuel subsidy. Nobody has come forward to take responsibility for this nationwide hardship. Not even Timipre Sylva, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources. Mr. Farouk Ahmed, the chairman of the newly created Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, an agency tasked with overseeing the local value chain of the product, is also enjoying his time in office. The fourth of them is Mele Kyari, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). None is at any risk of losing their job. Nigeria’s descent into near anarchy is also a tragedy for which those in charge of the nation’s security have escaped the wrath popularized by Momoh. Their rush to fawn over the regime while national security suffers has allowed them to get away with their excesses. Buhari’s first set of service chiefs—Chief of Defence Staff, General Abayomi Olonisakin; Chief of Army Staff, Lt-Gen. Tukur Buratai; Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok Ekwe Ibas; and Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal

The late Tony Momoh

Momoh’s partisan allegiance to the APC was unfaltering till his death in 2021. But his appeal for violent intervention as a method of measuring Buhari’s performance, which he restated in various interviews, underlined the audacity of the political class in their dealings with the public. The party stalwart must have studied the psychology of Nigerians and found as unlikely the scenarios of such violence in a society where victims of poor governance submit themselves as willing foot-soldiers of their oppressors in elective and appointive oﬃces.

Sadique Abubakar—were underwhelming and, despite the sustained outrage to have the overstayed quartet sacked over their glaring failure to protect the country, the President was indifferent. Of course, nobody could even flirt with the idea of stoning them. At least, not after what happened in Zaria in the very year Buhari was elected. On 12th December 2015, the Nigerian Army cracked down on the Gyellesu neighborhood of Zaria after an unflattering encounter between the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant-General Tukur Buratai, and members of the Shiite group, Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN). The consequent carnage shocked the world. About 350 members of the Sheikh Ibraheem El-Zakzaky-led group, which was the official estimate, were killed during the two-day siege. It was Buhari’s first opportunity to demonstrate his admission to being a “reformed democrat” during his campaign less than a year earlier. That chance to show Nigerians his sensitivity to human rights came during his inaugural media chat. Reminded of that mass murder in Zaria, he asked the interviewer why the Shiites would touch the chest of a military officer, playing down the real tragedy—extrajudicial killings of hundreds of the very citizens he was sworn into office to protect. The President was more hurt by the reported disrespect for the institution that produced him even when the panel set up to investigate the killings was yet to submit its findings. That incident could have been the first window to remind the APC government of Mr. Momoh’s case on their behalf, but the sectarian hatred of the Shiites in the Muslim North eroded such sympathy. The victims were left at the mercy of trigger-happy policemen who shot at them to disrupt their protests for justice. The horror el-Zakzaky and family endured until their acquittal last year by a Kaduna High Court was far from the promise that propelled Buhari to power. Nobody has paid for that crime. The judicial commission of inquiry into the massacre indicted the Army officers who authorized it, recommending their prosecution but Buratai ended up as the hero of the story. This blood-stained legacy earned him a high position as Nigeria’s Ambassador to the Benin Republic when he vacated the office six years after overseeing the disintegration of Nigeria’s internal security. Like Buratai, Buhari’s ministers seem sure that there are no consequences for their performance in office. This was also the story of his first tenure. Aside from the Minister of Agriculture, Sabo Nanono, and his counterpart in the Ministry of Power, Saleh Mamman, none of them has had a reason to fear cabinet reshuffle or compete to stay in office despite the documented corruption scandals that trail them. The President’s serial indifference even provoked the House of Representatives last April. Alarmed by the escalating security crises in the country, for which nobody had been held responsible, the lawmakers called for a state of emergency on the nation’s security and the sacking or resignation of the National Security Adviser, Major-General Babagana Monguno (rtd.), and the Minister of Defence, Major-General Bashir Magashi (rtd.). The lawyers were also quick to admit that they had not done enough in their oversight of the executive arm. The peak of Buhari’s sheer disregard for the people is the announcement of state pardon of 159 prisoners by the National Council of State, among whom were former Governors Jolly Nyame and Joshua Dariye, who had been jailed for stealing billions of Naira during their stewardships as Governors of Taraba and Plateau States, respectively. The symbolism of such a decision was haunting because their conviction came at a huge cost, and it took the prosecutors about thirteen years to secure the justice. Even for the half-finished trials initiated by the Buhari-led government, which are mostly interventions triggered by media coverage and public outrage, the eventual lack of definite verdicts seems like systemic coverups or soft-landing. Since the former EFCC boss, Ibrahim Magu, was relieved of his command over allegations of corruption, the findings of the investigative panel set up to assess his stewardship are yet to be made known. Instead of a verdict, he was promoted to the rank of Assistant Inspector-General of the Police. This was also the story of Hadiza Bala-Usman, who was suspended as the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority over allegations of corruption only for the same government that relieved her of that plum office to say, after a long silence, that she wasn’t guilty of the charges. This has also played out in the case of DCP Abba Kyari. This impunity is the norm. The chaos that’s consuming the country is the invention of this culture of letting transgressors get away with their crimes and the indifference of the public officials. If Nigerians had taken up Momoh’s challenge, there wouldn’t have been a country left to run halfway through Buhari’s government.

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * WAZIRI ADIO Until recently the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) Executive Secretary, Adio had stints as THISDAY editor-at-large, special adviser to the senate president, communication specialist at UNDP etc. He obtained his ﬁrst degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, a master's in journalism from Columbia University and another master's in public administration from Harvard University, where he was, at diﬀerent times, a Fellow of the Neiman Foundation for Journalism, and an Edward S. Mason Fellow in public policy and management.

The Subsidy Around Our Neck BY WAZIRI ADIO

n the collective high generated by the drama of the election season, many critical issues get shunted out of view. One of them is the continuing and lifethreatening bleeding from fuel subsidy. A few days ago, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projected that Nigeria’s fuel subsidy bill for 2022 may hit N6 trillion. That will be 50% higher than the budgeted N4 trillion, itself a dizzying record. The IMF projection did not generate the customary sighs in many circles. Few, even among those furiously campaigning for the highest office in the land, appeared shocked or agitated enough to say enough of this unremitting leakage. If they were bothered, they did not show it. At least, none of them used that disturbing projection to focus or refocus the mind of the country on a lingering problem shouting for collective leadership. None outlined a reasonable policy response for saving our increasingly ailing economy from this destructive national addiction. And you can safely bet that the real contenders in the 2023 elections will expertly dance around the issue during the campaigns and debates. The stubborn fact is that fuel subsidy removal remains a politically sensitive issue, and most of our politicians are adept at either avoiding controversies or in just pandering to the public. However, neither avoidance nor pandering will pause the problem or make it disappear. And the longer we dither, the more difficult it will be to address the increasingly suffocating subsidy challenge in an orderly manner. While we need to acknowledge that this is a hot-button issue and reassure those who have solid concerns about subsidy removal, it is better we take action before the decision is forced on us. Publicly available data indicates that Nigeria is only some inches away from a financial rock-bottom. Continuing on this carefree trajectory will make the crash inevitable. And if that happens, the room to fashion a minimally-painful response to subsidy removal will be non-existent. The best time to act was yesterday. The next is now. All the arguments for and against fuel subsidy are well known. We have been on this endless debate, if it can be termed a debate, for more than three decades. Despite the weight of evidence about how fuel subsidy is an ineffective poverty alleviation or wealth redistribution mechanism, how its benefits are mostly captured by the elites and urban dwellers at the expense of the poor, how it fuels corruption and smuggling and how it is a major and growing burden on public finances and it crowds out public investments in areas that benefit the poor and the economy at large, attempts to remove fuel subsidy are stoutly resisted or even approached by the government either half-heartedly with trepidation. This is because there are entrenched mindsets and narratives that sustain the everlasting thirst for fuel subsidy in Nigeria. It will amount to a waste of precious time to continue to recite the arguments that have not convinced most Nigerians, including some highly-placed government officials. The most compelling and the only useful argument is that the country simply can no longer afford the subsidy bill. There is no way of sugar-coating this: the nation’s finances are in anything but sound health. To put it grimly, our public finance is already on life-support. Imagine a patient in such a critical stage still bleeding uncontrollably. The haemorrhaging needs to stop first for the patient to stand any chance of survival. For Nigeria’s public finances to stand a chance, leakages such as petrol subsidy need to be blocked first and the savings channelled to more productive uses. A quick look at publicly available data. According to information from the Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning, total revenue retained by the Federal Government (FG) in 11 months in 2021 was N4.3 trillion. From this, total revenue retained by the FG can be extrapolated to N4.7 trillion. Out of this, N4.2 trillion was used to service debts. Assuming that this was the full figure for the full year; that meant that at least 89% of FG’s retained revenue went into debt servicing. Or put differently, for every N100 revenue retained by the FG, N89 was used to service debt while only N11 out of the N100 was available for non-debt recurrent expenditure, statutory allocations and capital budget. It is apparent that to pay salaries and other personnel expenses, to

Kristalina Georgieva... IMF Chief

Timipre Sylva

While we need to acknowledge that this is a hot-button issue and reassure those who have solid concerns about subsidy removal, it is better we take action before the decision is forced on us. Publicly available data indicates that Nigeria is only some inches away from a financial rockbottom. Continuing on this carefree trajectory will make the crash inevitable. And if that happens, the room to fashion a minimallypainful response to subsidy removal will be non-existent. The best time to act was yesterday. The next is now.

provide for overhead, to build rail, roads and other infrastructure, the country has to resort to borrowing, which not only increases the debt stock but also increases the amount that will be needed for future debt servicing. If the pattern continues, we may get to a point where the FG may need to borrow to even service debts. And the FG is in a much better place than most of the states. If we continue on the current road, we may also need to borrow to fund our appetite for cheap petrol, and at that point something has to give. The FG budgeted N4 trillion for petrol subsidy in the amended N17.3 trillion 2022 Appropriation Act. This means that if the appropriated amount and IMF’s N6 trillion projection are taken into consideration, fuel subsidy for 2022 will range between 23% and 35% of FG’s budget. That is the budget for just one item, an item without any discernible contribution to human or economic development. For more context, the FG budgeted N7.1 trillion for recurrent and N5.4 trillion for capital expenditures in 2022. Even when these two are unlikely to be fully funded, the amount budgeted for subsidy is 56% of recurrent and 74% of capital expenditures and the IMF projection for subsidy represents 84% and 111% of budgeted recurrent and capital expenditures respectively. Since subsidy will fall under the recurrent budget, this means that between N56 and N84 of every N100 budgeted by FG for recurrent expenditure will go to petrol subsidy alone. And while the recurrent budget will not be released in full, the subsidy component definitely will. Also, when compared to the N4.7 trillion extrapolated as FG’s retained revenue for 2021, the N4 trillion budgeted for subsidy in 2022 and the N6 trillion projected by IMF amount to 85% and 127% respectively. The point must be made that the Federation, and not just the FG, bears the petrol subsidy burden. So, comparison to FG’s budget is for illustrative purposes, and it is an important illustrative point since the FG will bear most of the burden anyway. And as a percentage of the nominal gross domestic product of N176 trillion for 2021, the subsidy budget for 2022 amounts to 2.4% of GDP and the IMF subsidy projection represents 3.6% of GDP. That’s just fuel subsidy alone. If all these data points do not give us a serious reason for pause, then nothing else will. Already, Nigeria is at a curious pass where current high oil prices resulting largely from the ongoing war in Ukraine are not translating to increase in our foreign reserves, improving the value of our national currency or increasing government revenue. This is precisely because, the higher the price of oil, the higher the subsidy element as Nigeria imports all the petrol that it consumes. The revenues and the dollars that high oil prices should give, high fuel subsidy costs dutifully take. For three consecutive months, the national oil company has made zero remittance to the Federation, and this is likely to continue for a while. Fuel subsidy is a major reason behind this conundrum. While other oil producing countries are making the bank because of high oil prices, Nigeria can only boast of shortfalls, not windfalls, while battling negative consequences of the war. Without a doubt, petrol subsidy has become an ever-tightening noose around our neck. We need to throw it off. Otherwise, it will suffocate us. However, the fact that fuel subsidy removal is a necessary thing does not mean that it will be easy to do or that it would not be stoutly resisted or that some would not make political capital out of it. It will always be a contentious piece of reform. Whether we get back to fuel subsidy removal after the general election or at the beginning of the next administration, we need a thoughtful, practical and strategic reform package. Such a package should include: strategic communication designed to secure the buy-in of key stakeholders and effectively counter the entrenched narratives supporting fuel subsidies; earmarking of a portion of the potential savings from fuel subsidy for targeted and visible investments in health, education, transportation, and other areas that will directly benefit the poor and produce tangible human and economic benefits; and a leadership ready to withstand popular and political backlash and ensure diligent execution of the different phases of the reform. Removing fuel subsidy won’t be an easy duel. But it is a frantic battle for health, for air. One that must be fought and won. Otherwise,…

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * PAUL NWABUIKWU A pioneer THISDAY Editorial Board member, Paul Nwabuikwu, who has also served on The Guardian’s Editorial Board, is a respected public intellectual with decades of experience in journalism, advertising, and public communication. A winner of the DAME Awards for Informed Commentary, Nwabuikwu served twice as Special Adviser to former Finance Minister and current DG, World Trade Organisation (WTO), Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. Nwabuikwu holds a ﬁrst degree in Mass Communication from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and MBA from the University of Jos.

What Do the Parties Stand For? BY PAUL NWABUIKWU

“Ideologies are associated with power structures. Politicians seek power. Their ideology and the social, economic and political circumstances of the time inﬂuence what they do with that power when they have achieved it. Indeed, it is impossible to separate the two. This applies even to those who deny having an ideology. The use of power always takes place in a framework of ideology” — Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd, University of Manchester

n its official website, in the ‘Who We Are’ section, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) introduces itself to the world as “a political party in Nigeria, formed on 6 February 2013 in anticipation of the 2015 elections”. It adds: “APC candidate Muhammadu Buhari won the presidential election by almost 2.6 million votes. Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan conceded defeat on 31 March. This was the first time in Nigeria’s political history that an opposition political party unseated a governing party in a general election...” The section goes further to explain that APC is “the result of a merger of Nigeria’s three biggest opposition parties – the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) – and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)…” On its own website, in the ‘About Us’ column, the main opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) declares that it “was launched at a colourful ceremony at the International Conference Centre Abuja on August 31, 1998”. It goes ahead to state that “The Party had Dr. Alex Ekwueme as Chairman of the Steering Committee while Professor Jerry Gana was the Secretary...” PDP, like APC also indulges in some boasting about its glorious origin back in 1998: “In the Local Government Polls, the PDP won 471 out of the 774 LGAs and won in 28 of the 36 states and the FCT. Thus, the ground work for the emergence of the PDP as the most popular and largest political party in the history of Nigeria was achieved. The party not only had presence in every locality, it also was ahead of its competitors in the thrust of campaigns.” It is interesting that Nigeria’s two most important political parties, based on information they have provided on their most critical public forum, define themselves in historical, almost bureaucratic terms rather than as platforms for mobilizing Nigerians along ideological lines in pursuit of specific national objectives. The omission is a Freudian slip of significant implications and reveals an important gap at the heart of Nigerian democracy. As Harrison and Boyd posited in the statement quoted in the introduction, an ideological framework is not a luxury; it is or should be at the heart of the vision and interventions of political parties. To be fair, the PDP says elsewhere on its website that it is committed to “the principle of participatory democracy that lays emphasis on the welfare of our people” and “the principles of social justice and the equality of opportunities for all citizens” as well as “the principles of accountability and transparency in order to restore confidence in the institutions of government, discipline and leadership by example as basis for public life and personal integrity as an important moral value in the conduct of public affairs” etc. But the objectives are so woolly and generalized that they are far from distinct characteristics. For instance, is there any political party that is not in favour of “discipline and leadership by example as basis for public live and personal integrity…?” Which one is against accountability and transparency?” The bottom line is that the APC and PDP websites unwittingly reveal a lack of an ideological anchor and compass in Nigerian democracy and politics. And this is not peculiar to the two main parties. Others are just as indistinguishable and banal in their efforts to define themselves in the midst of a motley of other parties which are, essentially, rickety contraptions hurriedly put together for the purpose of winning elections. Of course there is nothing wrong with the functional objective of chasing victory at the polls. Elections are, after all, all about seeking and acquiring power to take a country in a certain direction. But when the ideological underpinning of a political party is either non-existent or observed in the breach, directionless governance is inevitable. The state of the country speaks volumes. The weak ideological foundation of our democracy is also responsible for the seasonal nature of politics in Nigeria. Our political parties in Nigeria, like small mammals in temperate climates, hibernate during winter, only to emerge when they are assured of food (resources) during electoral cycles. Outside that window, they are largely inert and unproductive and the negative consequences for the country are obvious. Unlike their predecessors especially during the First Republic, today’s political parties have not invested much time and effort to define distinct paths and animating visions that can serve as beacons to guide their policy choices, interventions and prescriptions in a way that would inspire and mobilize Nigerians. Even though ethnic and regional politics were a major factor in First Republic parties, they also had strong ideological content, understandably because in the thick of the Cold War, politics, institutional and personal, was defined in robust ideological terms. Democratic socialism was the official ideology of the Action Group. NCNC was a centrist “big tent”

Abdullahi Adamu... APC Chairman

Iyorchia Ayu... PDP Chairman

It is interesting that Nigeria’s two most important political parties, based on information they have provided on their most critical public forum, define themselves in historical, almost bureaucratic terms rather than as platforms for mobilizing Nigerians along ideological lines in pursuit of specific national objectives. The omission is a Freudian slip of significant implications and reveals an important gap at the heart of Nigerian democracy.

nationalist party with a strong focus on social justice. The Northern People’s Congress did not define itself in distinct ideological terms but its regional and conservative pan-northern focus was very clear. The United Middle Belt Congress was the voice of northern minorities in the Northern Nigeria parliament. And so on. Cross regional alliances, like the AG-UMBC one, were based both on common interest. An interesting anecdote: Dynamic Party, founded by the late Professor Chike Obi, the famous mathematician and political activist, was inspired by Turkish nationalist icon, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Obi called his political philosophy Kemalism and named one of his sons, former AMCON MD Mustapha Chike-Obi after Ataturk. There is a popular misconception that ideology is not important because we have been living in a post-ideological world since the fall of the Soviet Union and, by implication, the triumph of capitalism. But this is a simplistic and quite inaccurate conclusion. During the Cold War, ideological positions, literally and metaphorically, were defined in stark terms and most of the world was lined up behind the empires representing the two competing ideologies: the Soviet Union and the United States. But like Francis Fukuyama’s “end of history” postulation, the post ideological world has turned out to be a figment in the imagination of ivory tower intellectuals. Ideology did not die, it has only mutated into new forms and, as the rise of powerful socialists like Bernie Sanders in the United States has demonstrated, the contradictions and unresolved injustices in America have breathed new life into non capitalist ideological options. In other parts of the world, the rise of right-wing extremism (often linked with racism and white supremacy) and the ongoing process of mainstreaming feminism into policy in many countries are all expressions of the relevance of ideology in a changing world. As one of the most vital units of liberal democracy, a political party needs to be defined by a clearly defined ideology which will determine the priorities captured in its manifesto and the policy preferences it chooses to tackle in response to the many challenges that have turned Nigeria into a serially underperforming country. In the light of the foregoing, the weak ideological foundation of Nigerian political parties is a hole in the heart of Nigerian democracy that requires urgent attention. The popular view that the problem is not absence of ideology but an unprincipled and bankrupt political class is only partly true. While character is definitely an issue in Nigerian politics, ideology exacerbates the challenge but without a clear philosophical blueprint as a guide, even the principled are placed in a difficult position. Consider this scenario. You are a decent Nigerian who aspires to support your community by, say, championing building more schools with highly subsidized fees for indigent youths whose parents cannot afford the current schools. So you join a political party with this one objective at the top of your priorities. Your plan is to become a local government chairman so that you will have the opportunity to redirect funds which are largely wasted by the incumbent chairman, his godfather and cronies. You take all necessary steps to achieve your objectives but your efforts are frustrated by your rivals who deploy bribe, threats of violence and ethnic solidarity to ensure that your dreams for your people come to naught. You explore remedial measures to no avail. Your dream of uplifting the youths in your community through education still burn fiercely in your heart. You are determined to give back, to transform lives and destinies. What are your options? Give up because you are a principled politician who does not believe in decamping to another platform like the many unprincipled politicians who jump from party to party like drunk hyperactive monkeys? Or do you consider the option of moving to another party because your dream to contribute is paramount? In a political system anchored on ideology-driven parties, the option of decamping will be less attractive because you became a member of your current party out of conviction rather than convenience or because your brother is a big man in the party. As a result you are more likely to be patient to exploring all legitimate avenues to fight the negative forces on the path of your dream. Since you have bought into the party’s vision for achieving a better and more just society, you may not mind being in the political wilderness for a while in the company of those who share the same vision. If on the hand, you have no ideological investment in the party, “principles” may not be enough to make you hang around at the expense of your passionate personal aspiration. This hypothetical but quite relatable scenario explains the practical implications of a political system with weak ideological foundations and the attendant profound negative consequences for our politics. Ideology, whether defined broadly or in “heavy” doctrinaire terms, is a critical component of a viable political system. In retrospect, even Babangida’s shoehorned “a little to the left and a little to the right” prescription on which the historic June 12, 1993 election was conducted is much better than the current state of affairs. It provided clarity, albeit a forced one and Moshood Abiola’s populist Social Democratic Party won the election with the campaign theme “Goodbye to Poverty”. Today, wake up a party “chieftain” at 2am and ask him to say what his “great party” stands for in clear ideological terms. Chances are that he would start sweating.

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * MAHMUD JEGA Following his stint as a lecturer in Biological Sciences at his alma mater, the Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto, Jega has practiced journalism non-stop for more than three decades. For a total 13 years, he was Managing Editor, Editor, Deputy Editor-in-Chief and Editorial Board Chairman of Daily Trust Newspapers. Prior to that, Jega was Editor, New Nigerian Newspapers, Editor of The Sentinel magazine, Kaduna and Assistant Editor, Citizen magazine.

Twelve Tricky Questions for Tinubu BY MAHMUD JEGA

welve tricky questions immediately came to my mind arising from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) special convention which ended on Wednesday afternoon with the nomination of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Jagaban Borgu, as its flagbearer in next year’s presidential election. Was current party leader, President Muhammadu Buhari, happy with the outcome of APC’s convention? Buhari never publicly endorsed Tinubu during the latter’s long campaign to succeed him, but then, nor did he endorse anyone else. The party’s national chairman, Abdullahi Adamu reportedly told members of APC’s National Working Committee (NWC) that Buhari wanted Senate President Ahmad Lawan as flagbearer. The NWC members were said to have immediately rejected the proposition which Buhari later denied. At the convention ground, social media made much of Buhari’s gloomy appearance, even though the president is never known as a jovial politician. We will see how active a role Buhari will play in the upcoming campaign to retain the presidency in APC’s hands next year. Can any of the losers cause trouble? The man who could cause the most trouble was Tinubu himself, so by nominating him, APC avoided a major split. However, some of the losers demonstrated that they have impressive support. While Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s regionally scattered votes may not cause trouble, the concentrated votes of former Transport Minister, Rotimi Amaechi and those of former Niger Delta Minister, Akpabio could do so. One solution is for Buhari to hurry up and restore Amaechi and Akpabio to their plum cabinet positions. Can Tinubu stand the rigours of the upcoming campaign? Days before the convention, his mental and political alertness seemed to fail him when he issued an angry tirade against Buhari, for which both the presidency and the party chairman had to respond. His physical state also received some question when Tinubu nearly slipped on the rails at the convention ground, and also when he had trouble turning the page in his written speech. Yet, Tinubu had endured a punishing political and social schedule over the years, attending a myriad of functions. He might well cope with this one. How will Tinubu as flagbearer relate with his party’s NWC, the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF) and most importantly, Abdullahi Adamu? Most NWC members were on the same page with APC governors, that a candidate should come from the South. Not surprising because almost all the NWC members except the chairman were chosen by state governors. Most APC governors, too, supported Tinubu and they should have no problems with him. Besides, he needs their firm support in the race ahead. It is with Adamu that Tinubu may have problems. Adamu is a die-hard Buhari supporter who publicly chastised Tinubu for criticizing the president in his Abeokuta speech and even threatened to sanction him, besides flying the Lawan consensus candidate kite. Still, the two men must cooperate if APC is to run a successful campaign. Who will Tinubu pick as running mate? This is the trickiest question that Tinubu has to answer within days of his nomination. APC cannot submit his name to INEC without a running mate. Nigeria is usually thought of, especially by foreign writers, as consisting of a “Muslim North” and a “Christian South.” Those of us who live here know that such categorization is an oversimplification. Tinubu is a Southern Muslim. Ordinarily he should pick a Northern Christian as his running mate, but that could antagonize voters in APC’s key Northwest and Northeast bases. Tinubu strategists could think twice since he is running against a Northern Muslim, Atiku Abubakar. If he nominates a Northern Muslim as running mate, it could solidify APC’s base of support but the Christian community would be up in

Tinubu...APC presidential candidate

What happens to the many men who “betrayed” Tinubu? In the last 23 years, Asiwaju promoted the political careers of many people and brought them to limelight. Many of them have since deserted his political camp. By withdrawing from the race at the last minute and throwing his weight behind Tinubu, Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi made a most dramatic reconciliation. Some other former Tinubu protégés did not stand in his corner during this contest.

revolt at such a “Muslim/Muslim” ticket. This is trickier than a crossword puzzle. What will it take to pacify Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who finished a distant third at the APC special convention? First, he must be protected from taunts by Tinubu men, that the defeat confirmed that he betrayed his political godfather. The best way to pacify Osinbajo is for Buhari to resign, say, immediately after next year’s election and allow the VP to complete the lame duck tenure. At least he will be counted among the men who ruled Nigeria, but that is farfetched. What happens to the many men who “betrayed” Tinubu? In the last 23 years, Asiwaju promoted the political careers of many people and brought them to limelight. Many of them have since deserted his political camp. By withdrawing from the race at the last minute and throwing his weight behind Tinubu, Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi made a most dramatic reconciliation. Some other former Tinubu protégés did not stand in his corner during this contest. They include Babatunde Raji Fashola, Rauf Aregbesola and Akinwunmi Ambode. They may become the Buba Galadimas of a President Tinubu tenure. Who will believe Pastor Tunde Bakare’s prophecies again? Before he quit as General Overseer of the Latter Rain Assembly in order to pursue his ambition, he prophesied that he would be the 16th President of Nigeria (the count includes military rulers). When he got zero votes at the convention, many people thought he did not see that coming; so probably no one will again go to him for a prophesy. What booby-traps lie ahead in Tinubu’s path? He has been dogged by many scandals during his political career that has lasted three decades, so opponents and critics will still dig up some things in order to trip him. Someone could produce witness testimony that Tinubu did not attend Government College Ibadan, University of Chicago or even Illinois State University. Someone could “leak” a report on his health status. Someone will allege that he is older than 70. Yet another social media post will question his parentage. Expect someone to dig up old corruption allegations against Asiwaju. How will Tinubu square up to Atiku Abubakar? For starters, the two men are old political friends but this time, they must fight to the finish since only one person can become president at a time. The two men have very similar personal credentials. Both are within the early 70s age bracket. Both men are very wealthy. Neither of them is seen as an intellectual. Both are seen more as businessmen than as public servants. Both men have held high political office since 1999. Both are liberal minded with respect to ethnicity, region and religion. Both men have been accused of corruption and business-as-usual temperament. And both men have nursed inordinate ambitions to be President. Will a Tinubu presidency end Yoruba Nation agitation? Right now, his nomination has calmed agitators, especially in the Southwest. It’s now clear that there is no “Northern plot” to retain power, as Afenifere leader Ayo Adebanjo so loudly claimed. But Tinubu still has to win the main election. If he loses to PDP’s Atiku Abubakar, charges of a Northern plot could surface again. If he wins, even a returnee Sunday Igboho will not be able to revive agitation for a “Yoruba Nation.” Will it correspondingly fire up IPOB agitation? That a Southwesterner grabbed APC’s presidential ticket after Northern APC leaders ceded it to the South is likely to heighten, instead of lessen, Southeastern grief and could accelerate IPOB violence. Some people had earlier called on Yoruba leaders to “emulate Northern gesture” and cede the ticket to the Southeast. A Tinubu presidency could postpone an Igbo presidency by up to 16 years, hence the need for delicate handling. If anyone can answer these tricky questions, Jagaban Borgu can.

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * JOHNSON OLAWUMI Retired Major General of the Nigerian Army and former Director General, National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Olawumi held several strategic appointments at the service, defence and public levels. Olawumi obtained a ﬁrst degree in Mathematics from the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA), Bachelor of Engineering (Mechanical) from the University of Ilorin and a Masters in Defence Studies from the Kings College, London. He is an alumnus of the National Defence College, Abuja, and a proud winner of the presidential award for best graduating participant.

Security and the 2023 General Election BY JOHNSON OLAWUMI

ith the emergence of presidential candidates for the 2023 Elections, one issue that will certainly be in the front burner as campaigns by political parties commence is security. That has been the pattern since the 2015 general election for obvious reasons. In Nigeria today, the level of insecurity is both alarming and atrocious. It is an incontrovertible fact that the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan made appreciable progress in the management of our economy. But he lost his re-election the security challenge that has for more than a decade confronted Nigeria. Even though President Muhammadu Buhari was elected to tackle the problem, Nigerians no safer today than they were seven years ago. As the lawyers will say, ‘res ipsa loquitur’; the fact speaks for itself. Despite the promises made on security in 2015 and 2019, and the claims of enormous spending on defence in the last seven years, Nigeria remains largely unsafe for its citizens. While some significant progress has been made since 2015, facts on the ground suggest that we are still a troubled nation. There is so much violence today across Nigeria and in different shades: Kidnappings, ritual killings, abductions, herders and settlers’ conflicts, attacks on security agents, cultism, and other forms of criminalities. Indeed, never in our history has it been so unsafe and insecure to travel from one state to the other. And when one considers the quantum of promises made to staunch this barrage of insecurity, with a retired military General in the saddle, Nigerians must be worried and apprehensive of who and what the manifestos of those aspiring to lead from May 2023 will be. This time around, the voters must not be deceived with such vague and catchy promise of ‘I will lead from the front’ when it comes to selling their agenda on security. As the political parties hit the field, Nigerians must be mindful of the words of Teresa Heinz that “political campaigns are the graveyard of real ideas, and the birthplace of empty promises.” Snooping through several security debates and commentaries in recent times, not a few discerning minds will search for so long to identify where exactly lies the issues and problems in making Nigeria safe and secure. Statutorily, many of the security challenges that are prevalent in Nigeria today falls within the responsibilities of the police to deal with. Over the years, persistent neglect of the police coupled with its perennial misuse have combined to derail and debauch its capacity to meet the security demands of the people. The increasing jumble of violence across the country further calls to question the capability of the police to carry out its functions effectively. The fact is that policing has virtually collapsed in Nigeria today. How best can one justify this than the ominous fact that the military is at present deployed in 34 of the 36 states in the country, saddled with tasks that ordinarily should be performed by the Police. That many Nigerians have lost confidence in the police is no longer in doubt but that is a major challenge. For anyone aspiring to lead this country now, a complete reform of the police must be prime in his agenda, and this must be a focal issue in his campaign. Questions must be asked about how such a politician intends to restore confidence of the people in the police, and his plans for retraining, provision of equipment and general welfare of the men. The pendent issue of state police deserves intense conversation, and the people must draw commitment for its implementation. Whatever may be the constitutional impediments against the use of state police could be urgently straightened and perhaps a pilot test in one state in each of the geopolitical zones could provide an assessment of its effectiveness or otherwise. It is common knowledge that violence and criminalities have continued to fester due to the seamless access to weapons from across our borders as well as unhindered movement of criminals in and out of the country. Officially, Nigeria is said to have 84 approved land border control points but with over 1,400 illegal border points. The fact, however, is that the entire stretch along the Northern boundaries with Benin Republic, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon are all potential crossing points for illegal arms dealers and other criminals due to the dry Sahel vegetation and open Savannah terrain. Security experts have continuously warned that unless the issue of border security is addressed, the success expected in the fight against banditry would at best remain a mirage. As the presidential hopefuls keep reeling out vague and abstract promises (some unimaginable), Nigerians must take them to task on the prime issue of border security. In the words of the former American President, Donald Trump, ‘when you undermine border security, you are undermining human rights and human dignity’ and ‘a nation that cannot secure its border is not a nation’. The next administration must dig deep and examine models adopted elsewhere around the world in keeping their borders safe. It must engage Nigerians especially the security agencies on whether we need a separate border protection force and how our border security framework could be more technologically driven and dependent. Nigeria’s large landmass of about 923,768 square kilometres presents it with a great opportunity for agriculture, mining, and several other human activities. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Nigeria currently uses only half of its 71 million hectares

IGP Usman Alkali

Bashir Salihi Magashi... Minister of Defence

Never in our history has it been so unsafe and insecure to travel from one state to the other. And when one considers the quantum of promises made to staunch this barrage of insecurity, with a retired military General in the saddle, Nigerians must be worried and apprehensive of who and what the manifestos of those aspiring to lead from May 2023 will be. This time around, the voters must not be deceived with such vague and catchy promise of ‘I will lead from the front’ when it comes to selling their agenda on security.

of available farmland, and even at that not efficiently. The implication is that the country is burdened with large areas of ungoverned spaces which provide breeding grounds for armed bandits, international criminal gangs, terrorist organisations and undocumented immigrants to incubate and thrive. The recent upsurge in security challenge has brought attention to the opportunities that these ungoverned areas offer to insurgents and bandits in the Sambisa Forest in Borno State, Kuyambana and Ajja Forests in Zamfara, Birnin Kogo Forest in Katsina and Guma Forest in Nasarawa State. Having large mass of ungoverned areas in the hands of armed bandits is a precursor to becoming a failed state, hence government, at all levels must assert its authority and firm control on all forests and rural areas. The existing capability of the forest guards needs to be strengthened so it could effectively provide first layer of security under an integrated approach that would see the police and other security agencies providing swift backup response. Nigerians must demand for the plans and strategies to convert the vulnerability of these forests into opportunity for growth and development. Meanwhile, if a capability gap assessment is to be carried out today on the capacity of the military and other security agencies, one aspect that will draw concern is the combat efficiency of the military especially manpower and equipment. Using the data from the International Institute of Strategic Studies, Nigeria with a population of nearly 200 million people has a total active military personnel of about 190,000. The reality of this figure becomes clear if it is juxtaposed against figures from countries with population and security threats like that of Nigeria. For instance, Pakistan with a population of about 230 million people has a military manpower strength of 1,495,000 personnel out of which about 700,000 are in active service. In Africa, Egypt with a population of nearly 105 million people has about 450,000 active military personnel. It is indeed noteworthy that while Nigeria does not keep a reserve force, both Pakistan and Egypt maintain reserve force of about 550,000 and 479,000, respectively. The low manpower strength of the military presents no small challenge to the prosecution of its operations. This fact was stated recently by the Minister of Defence, Bashir Magashi, who admitted that ‘the Nigeria’s military is understaffed to tackle the various security challenges facing the country’. It therefore remains abstruse why President Buhari given his military background has not given serious consideration to increasing the manpower strength of the military. This is an area of concern for the presidential candidates as they outline their agenda for resolving our security logjam. They must realise that even during the Nigerian civil war, the manpower strength of the military was rapidly increased from about 85,000 at the start of hostilities to nearly 250,000 by the end of the war in 1970. If there is any aspect of the military that has seen massive investment in the past five years, and for which President Buhari could be scored high, it must be in the acquisition of weapons and equipment. From the US, Europe, China, Russia, South Africa, and the Middle East, the government-to-government policy has worked. President Buhari has used his goodwill to attract defence aids, procurements, and procurement assurance even from previously hostile supplier nations to bolster our military capability. But these efforts have at best merely improved the abysmally low combat efficiency marginally, due to long years of neglect. Whoever succeeds President Buhari must be prepared to shore up the military combat efficiency so that the current gains are not reversed. The funding of the military deserves an improvement. In 2021, Nigeria’s defence spending as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) stood at 0.63 percent. That was quite low compared to many other countries in its league such as Pakistan (4.0 percent), Algeria (6.7 percent), Colombia (3.4 percent), Egypt (1.2) percent and South Africa (1.1) percent. At this stage of our development, Nigeria needs to reposition its defence industry as it is the guarantee for sustained equipment availability. The country needs a leadership that could drive and galvanise the revolution in defence manufacturing sector. Nigeria’s high rate of unemployment provides the propellant that fuels the spate of insecurity in a country where endemic corruption continues to create a wide gap between the opulent rich and the impecunious poor. With a pervasive sense of hopelessness caused by increasing rate of unemployment, it is no surprise that the large youth population has become a veritable breeding and recruitment ground for criminalities. Since the advent of the Buhari administration, unemployment rate has taken a leap from 12.48 percent in 2016 to about 19.7 percent in 2020. In a recent report by the African Development Bank, Dr Akinwumi Adeshina lamented the high rate of unemployment in Nigeria stating that 40 percent of Nigerian youths are unemployed. As the contestants mount the campaign podium, Nigerians must demand their strategies to reverse the trend through innovative ideas to create employment. Whoever wins the 2023 presidential election already has his job cut out for him. But the electorates must take political parties to task on funding initiatives to drive their usual promises. Until they do this, they will continue to succumb to the vagaries of politicians who in the words of Nikita Khrushchev ‘promise to build bridges even when there are no rivers.’

MONDAY, ;˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * CHIDI AMUTA With more than 30 years in reportorial and management journalism, Amuta has held senior editorial positions as foundation Member, Editorial Board, The Guardian; Chairman, Editorial Board and Editorial Adviser, The Daily Times Group and, until 1999, Chief Executive, The Post Express. Amuta holds a First Class Honours degree and a Doctorate of Philosophy from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), where he taught Literature and Communications Strategies for ten years before moving to the University of Port Harcourt.

Democracy in the Wilderness BY CHIDI AMUTA

istory seems to have a way of playing Nigerians a curious trick. Twelve months to the 2015 presidential elections, the test then facing our democracy was that of a peaceful transition to another elected government. That transition needed to reflect the consensus of popular assessment of the outgoing government. The unifying anthem and collective political wish of most Nigerians then was simple: Change. It was a two-fold change. Democracy needed to validate the wishes of the majority of Nigerians who wanted anything else but the Goodluck Jonathan style. Secondly, the nation needed to transit from one elected government to another in a manner that would neither be disruptive nor threaten its strategic stability. These twin larger objectives were achieved. The Jonathan administration was roundly defeated and chased off. Nigeria survived and witnessed a peaceful transfer of power to a new administration under a different party. The prospects of democracy surviving and taking roots in Nigeria were vastly improved, if only the incoming administration listened to the inner yearnings of the people. Therefore, the political burden of the then incoming administration of Muhammadu Buhari was well cut out. The successful 2015 election and the painless transition did not automatically confer on Nigeria the status of a working democracy. It merely improved the chances of advancing the frontiers of democracy through a government that worked for the people. The nation needed to quickly progress from the routine rituals of periodic elections to building a democratic culture among the populace. The right to vote and be voted for needed to be complemented by an entitlement to the rights and freedoms that people in a democracy are entitled to. Most importantly, the social and economic conditions that enable the growth of democracy needed to be rapidly improved. In tandem, the electoral system needed to be upgraded to ensure that future elections were not only freer and fairer but also more credible. Even more overwhelming was the challenge of instituting a governance structure that would guarantee a national environment in which Nigerians would enjoy the full benefits of living in a democracy. People needed to be safe and secure. People needed to be free to pursue the dream of a better life in the hope that it is an achievable goal in a life time. Those were the hopes and aspirations embedded in the support and mandate accorded Mr. Buhari in 2015. Now again in 2022, less than a year to the end of the current administration, history seems to have put on a garb of cruel irony. Nigerians are once again face to face with an even more tragic and desperate unifying imperative. Today, seven years after the triumph of “CHANGE”, an administration that was ushered in by a wave of democratic euphoria has burdened the nation with depressing legacies that place obstacles to the growth of democracy. Politics and governance under Buhari’s APC have divided a once united nation into factions, regions, sects and creedal enclaves. Those we elected into power and office have splintered the nation along all known lines. The most basic freedom of democracy, the freedom to move around the country has been abridged by the fear of death in the hands of agents of violence. The hope of a more frugal economic management of the nation’s resources has been replaced by a more rapacious culture of corruption and waste. In seven years, a new debt burden has been ratcheted with debt service obligations threatening to gulp 100% of revenue. An unprecedented level of poverty has seen over 100 million Nigerians migrate into a new republic of the poor. A rapid decline of the core social services of education and health has seen public schools, colleges and universities shut down for months on end for want of better conditions of work. A mass exodus of Nigerian doctors and nurses to Europe, the United States and the Arab world has left most public hospitals unmanned in critical care areas. As we speak, no one remembers when last any Nigerian public university was open for teaching and learning as the umbrella union of university teachers has been on strike than at work for years. Yet, despite these threats and limitations, there is a new consensus among Nigerians. Our travails may be divergent. Our anguish may be coming from different sources. The intensity of our cries may be different. But our plea that is powering the 2023 presidential election drive is the same loud and familiar one. It is the oft repeated anthem of peoples who have witnessed holocausts, genocides and similar such collective tragedies and historic misfortunes. Today, most Nigerians are heading towards the 2023 elections with a common refrain of that familiar note: NEVER AGAIN! After seven years of Mr. Buhari’s bumbling rule, the quest for a new leader is driven by a singular wish never again to allow the Buhari model of leadership happen ever again in Nigeria. The historic irony of this moment is that Mr. Buhari, a man granted the most generous political amnesty in

Jonathan...former president

Now again in 2022, less than a year to the end of the current administration, history seems to have put on a garb of cruel irony. Nigerians are once again face to face with an even more tragic and desperate unifying imperative. Today, seven years after the triumph of ‘CHANGE’, an administration that was ushered in by a wave of democratic euphoria has burdened the nation with depressing legacies that place obstacles to the growth of democracy.

Nigerian history and trusted to deliver a better nation seven years again has ended up as the poster man of degenerate governance and abysmal statesmanship. While historians and commentators are bracing to deliver an inevitably blistering assessment of the Buhari presidential tenure, we can simplify the interim assessment by looking at the fortunes of democracy itself in the last seven years. No doubt the ritual of periodic elections has been observed routinely in the last seven years. To a great extent, the regularity of these elections and the reliance on them to furnish successive governments for various levels of government in Nigeria would qualify Nigeria as one of the world’s functioning democracies. To our credit, after over two decades of electoral democracy, the great majority of Nigerians have come to a consensus that democracy remains the only viable means of renewing political leadership and pushing for changes in the character and quality of government in the country. Accordingly, aside from seasonal general elections, stand-alone off-season state governorship elections have been held in Ondo, Edo, Anambra states and the Federal Capital Territory with commendable outcomes and commendably tolerable levels of credibility. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has continued to fine- tune the processes and procedures of our elections, revising laws and technicalities in line with changing circumstances. Limited applications of new technologies like the use of biometric identification and recognition of voters through the use of electronic voter’s cards, card readers and the B-VAC technology have reduced the old reliance on manual fault riddled procedures. Acrimonies resulting from human errors and deliberate mischief have drastically been reduced. In these isolated state elections, the delivery time for results has vastly improved even if errors resulting from the manual tabulation and transmission of results have persisted in some place. The full first term general election in 2019 was arguably an improvement on the 2015 election. Inter party competition between the major parties, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) remained as keen as ever. However, electoral felonies such as under age registration and voting, occasional ballot switching and the flagrant compromise of electoral officials and vote buying were widespread while laws and regimes of sanctions against electoral offences remained weak and ineffectual. A nation that celebrates tribunals for seeking electoral redress for untidy elections remains timid when it comes to setting up and activating electoral offences tribunals to punish electoral malpractices. A most embarrassing feature of the electoral system that became rather pronounced under Buhari is the rather frequent recourse to the judiciary to settle electoral disputes. In a number of cases such as the Supreme Court judgment on the Imo State governorship election case that toppled Governor Emeka Ihedioha of the PDP and replaced him with Hope Uzodinma of the APC, it became a matter of grave public concern that the Supreme Court may have over reached itself. Judges usurped the functions of INEC by engaging in the mundane task of vote tallying! It became common for the Nigerian public to doubt the integrity of both the meddlesome courts and their suspicious judges on the one hand and indeed the entire electoral system itself. The numbing public question was essentially this: why hold elections involving millions of voters if the final electoral verdict would be left in the hands of a handful of judges who were probably in their chambers or asleep while the elections were taking place? The existence of a viable nation is the minimum precondition for the existence and survival of democracy. The best democratic edifice will collapse and evaporate in the absence of a stable nation. When the institutions of state are threatened by the forces of anarchy and insecurity, a pretension to democratic observance becomes a hollow ritual. As the authors of How Democracies Die, have observed, threats to the state can become tools in the hands of an elected authoritarian leader who feels threatened by strict democratic conformity. Under Mr. Buhari, the Nigerian state has come under historic assault most of it simulated or even deliberate. Arguably, the systemic insecurity that has wracked Nigeria in the last seven years would seem to be partly simulated. With Mr. Buhari came certain unusual types of insecurity. The emboldening of the killer herdsmen who continue to ravage parts of the country is by no means accidental. Similarly, the spread of jihadist terrorism into a national menace that began in the Sahelian segments of the nation and has now spread to the North West, North Central and parts of the Federal Capital Territory would seem to have taken advantage of a more friendly regime in Abuja. The coincidence between the emergence of these novel sources of insecurity and the tenure of the Continued on page 65

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

BUSINESS

Editor: Festus Akanbi 08038588469 Email:festus.akanbi@thisdaylive.com

Some dollar notes

Insecurity Kills Foreign Investors’ Appetite in Nigerian Economy $V WKH IHGHUDO JRYHUQPHQW FRQWLQXHV WR FRXQW WKH ORVVHV RI WKH ÁLJKW RI IRUHLJQ GLUHFW investment as a result of the general insecurity, Festus Akanbi writes that no meaningful progress can be recorded until the nation is rid of terrorism and other organised crimes

s families of victims of last week’s massacre at the St. Francis Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State gather themselves for the burial of their loved ones, while the perpetrators of the dastardly act are still at large, certainly, the news of the murder of the innocent worshipers which is still trending on local and international media ZLOO DFFHQWXDWH WKH FXUUHQW ORVV RI FRQÀGHQFH RI foreign investors in Nigeria’s economy. Disturbing Statistics Apart from the slowdown in investment ÁRZ VWDWLVWLFV VKRZ WKDW VHYHUDO PXOWLQDWLRQDO ÀUPV DUH PDNLQJ WKHLU H[LW IURP 1LJHULD RYHU security-related issues. )RU LQVWDQFH LQ WKH ÀUVW TXDUWHU RI WKH \HDU data from the Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission showed Nigeria is losing its attraction to promoters of foreign direct investment. NIPC revealed that the value of investment anQRXQFHPHQWV LQ WKH ÀUVW WKUHH PRQWKV RI ZDV ELOOLRQ 7KLV LV D SHU FHQW RU billion lower than what was announced in the ÀUVW TXDUWHU RI 7KH ULVLQJ HͿHFWV RI LQVHFXULW\ LQ 1LJHULD KDYH DOVR DͿHFWHG WKH HDVH RI GRLQJ EXVLQHVV LQ WKH FRXQWU\ DV D :RUOG %DQN DQQXDO UDWLQJV on the ease of doing business ranked Nigeria DPRQJ FRXQWULHV 6LPLODUO\ WKH 1DWLRQDO %XUHDX RI 6WDWLVWLFV 1%6 recently released data that showed that Nigeria generated a total of $698.7 million from FDI in $Q DQDO\VLV RI WKH ÀJXUHV UHOHDVHG VKRZHG WKDW )', KDV EHHQ ÁXFWXDWLQJ IURP WR %XW WKH )', JHQHUDWHG LQ ZDV WKH ORZHVW WKH FRXQWU\ UHFRUGHG LQ \HDUV 7KH ODWHVW FDSLWDO LPSRUWDWLRQ UHSRUW IURP WKH 1%6 UHÁHFWHG WKDW )', IHOO E\ PLOOLRQ WR PLOOLRQ LQ IURP ELOOLRQ LQ 7KH UHSRUW DOVR VKRZHG WKDW VWDWHV RXW RI WKH WKDW IDLOHG WR DWWUDFW )', LQ KDYH QRW attractedforeigninvestmentsinthelastthreeyears. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, PDQ\ ÀUPV KDYH EHHQ LPSDFWHG QHJDWLYHO\ 6RPH

ÀUPV KDYH FORVHG ZKLOH RWKHUV DUH EDUHO\ H[LVWLQJ 7KH QH[W FKDOOHQJH PRVW ÀUPV IDFH LV LQVHFXULW\ 6FDUFLW\ RI IRUHLJQ H[FKDQJH DQG SROLF\ ÁLS ÁRS are some of the challenges that make investments in Nigeria very risky. Analysts’ Projections %HIRUH ODVW ZHHN·V EORRGEDWK WKH QDWLRQ·V HFRQRP\ KDG EHHQ EDWWOLQJ ZLWK WKH H[RGXV RI foreign investors over the rising spate of insecurity in Nigeria with economic analysts warning that unless the government can tame such terrorist JURXSV OLNH WKH %RNR +DUDP DQG LWV RWKHU YDULDQW called the bandits, no serious foreign investors will be ready to commit his resources in a war zone like Nigeria. 7KLV ZDV WKH FRQFHUQ RI D SDQHO RI H[SHUWV who spoke in Abuja at a recent capacity building ZRUNVKRS IRU WKH 1%6 VWDͿ WLWOHG ¶'DWD 0DQDJHment Strategies to Improve National Planning DQG 'HYHORSPHQW · 7KH\ FKDUJHG WKH 1%6 WR embark on a national survey in collaboration with the academia to bring out a solution to security challenges in Nigeria. The severity of the threat of insecurity to investPHQW LQÁRZ ZDV UDLVHG E\ WKH &KDLUPDQ 5R\DO 6WDWLVWLFDO 6RFLHW\ 566 'U 2ODQL\L 0DWWKHZ Olayiwola, who lamented that the development KDV DͿHFWHG WUDQVSRUWDWLRQ FRPPHUFH DQG WKH WUDGLQJ LQGXVWULHV +H UHJUHWWHG WKDW ERWK ORFDO and foreign investors are now afraid of investing in the country due to insecurity. +H VDLG ´1LJHULD KDV ORVW D ORW RI )',V GXH WR insecurity challenges we are having in the country, there are so many factors dragging the Nigeria economy down, depriving investors of investing in the country and so many that can invest in the country to help the GDP. ´%HFDXVH RI WKH LQVHFXULW\ WKH\ DUH ÀQGLQJ LW GL΀FXOW WR LQYHVW DQG WKH HFRQRP\ LV GHHSO\ DͿHFWHG /RRN DW WKH WUDQVSRUWDWLRQ V\VWHP commerce, trading, and some other things. The VHFXULW\ VLWXDWLRQ LV DOVR PDNLQJ LW GL΀FXOW IRU WKH FRXQWU\ WR H[FKDQJH ZKDW LV EHLQJ SURGXFHG µ 7KH 566 &KDLUPDQ SRLQWHG RXW WKDW WKHUH DUH VR many people that are very rich in the country and are capable of having so many industries but that

they believe that if they establish themselves in the country and a crisis pops up, their establishment may be set ablaze. This was also the opinion of a professor of Economics at Godfrey Okoye University, (QXJX 6WDWH )HOL[ 2QDK ZKR H[SODLQHG WKDW ´7KH LQVHFXULW\ LQ WKH FRXQWU\ LV DͿHFWLQJ WKH level of investment in the country and also the *URVV 'RPHVWLF 3URGXFW :KHQ FRPSDQLHV OHDYH the country, their production in the country is WDNHQ DZD\ DQG WKLV ZRXOG QHJDWLYHO\ DͿHFW the GDP of the country. Domestic investment LV DOVR DGYHUVHO\ DͿHFWHG E\ WKH LQVHFXULW\ RI WKH FRXQWU\ IRU H[DPSOH IDUPHUV FDQQRW JR WR WKH farm and even manufacturers cannot plan for the future. This would then lead to the reduction in agriculturalandmanufacturingoutputthatwould FDXVH DQ DGYHUVH HFRQRPLF HͿHFW RQ WKH *'3 µ &KLHI ([HFXWLYH 2΀FHU &HQWUH IRU WKH 3URPRWLRQ RI 3ULYDWH (QWHUSULVH 'U 0XGD <XVXI said the investment prospects in the country had QRVHGLYHG GXH WR LQVHFXULW\ +H DGGHG WKDW WKH VLWXDWLRQ KDG OHG WR WKH H[LW RI ERWK ODUJH VPDOO and medium scale enterprises in places worst hit. 7KH H[ 'LUHFWRU *HQHUDO RI WKH /DJRV &KDPEHU of Commerce and Industry stated that insecurity LQ WKH RLO SURGXFLQJ VWDWHV KDG OHG WR WKH H[LW RI some oil companies, adding that oil theft and LOOHJDO UHÀQHULHV KDG KLQGHUHG 1LJHULD IURP FRQWULEXWLQJ WR LWV TXRWD DW WKH 2UJDQLVDWLRQ RI WKH 3HWUROHXP ([SRUWLQJ &RXQWULHV <XVXI VDLG ´7KH 6RXWK 6RXWK LV DQRWKHU DUHD ZKHUH LQVHFXULW\ LV D PDMRU SUREOHP 0DQ\ RI the oil majors have left the country, because of SLSHOLQH YDQGDOLVP LOOHJDO UHÀQHULHV DQG RLO theft. Some have divested, and some have left the onshore and gone deep onshore because they FDQ QR ORQJHU RSHUDWH RQ ODQG µ Perceptions ([SODLQLQJ WKDW LQVHFXULW\ DOVR KDG LPSOLFDWLRQV IRU WKH SHUFHSWLRQ RI WKH FRXQWU\ <XVXI VWDWHG ´:LWK WKH WHUULEOH QHZV DERXW NLGQDSSLQJV %RNR +DUDP DQG DOO KRZ PDQ\ LQYHVWRUV ZDQW WR FRPH here? The only class of investors that would come are, one, those who would only come for a short term, maybe they are trading and would want

to dump their products and go back. For those who want to invest long-term, not many of them would want to come in because the risk is high. Second, we would only be able to attract investors who have a high appetite for risk and not all investors have the same appetite for risk. These have made us lose investors that don’t have a high appetite for risk and attract those with a KLJK DSSHWLWH IRU ULVN µ <XVXI IXUWKHU VDLG WKDW WKH FRQVHTXHQFHV RI ORZ LQYHVWPHQW KDG DͿHFWHG WKH DELOLW\ RI D FRXQWU\ WR FUHDWH MREV JHQHUDWH WD[ UHYHQXH DQG RWKHUV LQ the economy as insecurity was escalating daily. 7KH 6ORZGRZQ LQ )', ,QÁRZ Analysts said the level of insecurity in many states of the country is so high that it poses a ÀQDQFLDO GLVDGYDQWDJH WKDW GLVFRXUDJHV DQ\ investor to invest in an atmosphere of chaos and confusion. Although there are other few developing countries whose economic modules are discouraging to foreign investors, analysts said the Nigerian story is very disturbing. This story, they said, is compounded by insecurity in the last eight WR \HDUV :LWKLQ WKLV SHULRG KXPDQ VHFXULW\ has been violated, and most citizens especially in the northern states and a few of the southern states have not been protected against threats. In some parts of the country today, we have D VLWXDWLRQ LQ ZKLFK EDQGLWV QRZ UXOH E\ SUR[\ $QDO\VWV VDLG LW GHÀHV ORJLF IRU DQ\RQH WR H[pect foreign investors to commit their money in a turbulent environment like that of Nigeria. 7KH\ DUJXHG WKDW LQYHVWRUV FDQQRW EH H[FLWHG E\ insecurity, as they will rather go where they are sure of the return on investment. 1LJHULD ÁDXQWV LQWLPLGDWLQJ HFRQRPLF GDWD Its enormous and youthful population makes it an investors’ attraction anywhere in the world. Unfortunately, also, the twin evil of the prevailing insecurity in the country, and the unfavourable economic policies of the government have continued to drive away foreign investors. This is why the outgoing and the incoming administration should be serious about the war against terror.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

BANKING ment roles, will replace Emeka Okonkwo as the managing director/chief executive of the new Union Bank. Before being appointed the Chief Executive 2΀FHU IRU 8QLRQ %DQN 0U $PUD\ OHG WKH HVtablishment of Titan Trust Bank Limited and he was the pioneer CEO since October 2019. The new owners are expected to infuse more capital into the bank to acquire new technology and rejig its human capital base. Already the bank has announced the appointment of new members of the board to run the new Union Bank. They may not also contemplate a rebranding of Union Bank for now as it would be very costly for them. 7KH DͿHFWHG WRS H[HFXWLYHV LQFOXGH WKH former chief executive of the old institution, Emeka Okonkwo, and the Board Chairman, Beatrice Bassey, who was also a Non-Executive Director. They were both replaced by Amray and Gumel, respectively. The board shake-up that trailed the acquisition, also cost Paul Kokoricha, Kenroy Dowers, Mark Patterson, Ian Clyne, Taimoor Labib, and Emeka Ogbechie their Non-Executive Director positions in the company.

Union Bank building

Can Titan Re-enact STB/UBA Feat in Union Bank after Acquisition? Having completed the process of acquisition of Union Bank Nigeria Plc, all eyes will be on the owners of Titan Trust Bank to turn the fortunes of the acquired bank in a way to make the 104-year-old institution a front runner in the Nigerian banking industry, reports Festus Akanbi

istory is on the verge of repeating itself in the Nigerian banking industry with the recent takeover of the 104-year-old Union Bank of Nigeria Plc by the two-year-old Titan Trust Bank, a business deal that brings back sweet memories of the audacious acquisition of the United Bank of Africa (UBA) Plc by Standard Trust Bank Limited, which was a relatively small bank, as at 2005 when the business deal was struck. 0DQ\ KDG ZULWWHQ RͿ WKH 67% ELG IRU 8%$ which critics derisively described as an exercise that looked like a proverbial ant trying to lift an elephant immediately after the deal was made public. However, members of the Nigerian banking public are living witnesses to the remarkable turnaround of UBA which has since expanded to 20 African countries with R΀FHV LQ WKUHH JOREDO ÀQDQFLDO FHQWUHV ² /RQGRQ Paris, and New York. In the case of Titan Trust Bank’s acquisition of Union Bank of Nigeria Plc, what started as a closely-held business secret eventually blew into the open late last year when Union Bank announced the completion of a share sale and purchase arrangement between its majority shareholders, Union Global Partners Limited, Atlas Mara Limited, et al., and Titan Trust Bank Limited (TTB). With the arrangement, Titan Trust Bank, which is owned by the Tropical General Investment (TGI) Group, acquired 27,336,952,296 shares (93.41% of Union Bank’s shares) at N7 amounting to N191 billion in total. Titan Trust Bank is described as a member of the TGI Group, which is a Pan-African FRQJORPHUDWH ZLWK GLYHUVLÀHG LQYHVWPHQWV

in various industries across seven African countries and a large network of origination, distribution, and supply chain hubs. Endorsement Last week, a Pan-African multilateral ÀQDQFLDO LQVWLWXWLRQ PDQGDWHG WR ÀQDQFH and promote intra-and extra-African trade, Afreximbank rolled out its support for Titan’s bid with the approval of a $300 million Intra-African Investment Financing Facility for Titan Trust Bank to help it acquire a controlling share in Union Bank. The fund, according to Afreximbank, will improve the competitive dynamics of the Nigerian banking market while retainLQJ FRQÀGHQFH LQ WKH FRXQWU\·V ÀQDQFLDO VHUYLFHV DQG RYHUDOO ÀQDQFLDO VWDELOLW\ The bank said: “African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) has announced the disbursement of a $300 million IntraAfrican Investment Financing Facility to Titan Trust Bank (TTB) to support its acquisition of a majority stake in Union Bank Plc, Nigeria (UBN).” The disbursed facility would complement the funds required for the proposed acquisition. A statement from the bank H[SODLQHG WKDW ´$IUH[LPEDQN·V ÀQDQFLDO support enables TTB to secure the acquisition of a well-capitalized bank with an extensive network, enabling the entity to better serve vital economic activities of the public sector, companies, and small and medium-sized enterprises.”. Afreximbank believed TTB would use the UBN acquisition to boost its capacity to take advantage of the African Continental Free Trade Area’s unrivaled potential(AfCFTA), promising to continue

to support the newly merged entity in trade ÀQDQFH WR SURPRWH LQWUD DQG H[WUD $IULFDQ trade through its broad range of programmes and initiatives. New Owners Formed approximately three and a half years ago, Titan Trust got a national banking OLFHQFH WR RSHUDWH LQ 1LJHULD DQG JRW RͿ WR D quiet start although it was positioning itself as a challenger bank. After the takeover of Union Bank, the bank appointed new directors to its board and a QHZ FKLHI H[HFXWLYH R΀FHU 7KH QHZ &(2 LV Titan Trust Bank’s Managing Director, Mudassir Amray, while the directors are Farouk Gumel, Andrew Ojel, Abubakar Mohammed, and Lawrence Mackombo. Mr. Farouk Gumel is the chairman. The list of the bank’s core shareholders includes Cornelius Vink, a citizen of the Netherlands, who has been operating in Nigeria as far back as the 1980s. He established TGI in 1991, Luxis International DMCC, and Magna International DMCC, both of them parts of Vink Corporation DMCC which holds 48.09 per cent and 37.39 per cent stakes respectively in Titan Trust, summing up to 85.5 per cent. Others include Aminu Yaro, a northern business mogul, who owns 9.07 per cent of Titan Trust’s 58.4 million ordinary shares, and Mr. Babatunde Lemo, former deputy governor of operations and director of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who chairs Titan’s Trust bank’s board. He is also currently the chairman of ÀQWHFK SRZHUKRXVH )OXWWHUZDYH 0U /HPR holds a 0.9 per cent interest in Titan Trust Bank, translating to 529,970 shares. Amray, a seasoned banker with well-rounded exposure of over 25 years in senior manage-

The Irresistible Old Horse Before the coming of Titan Trust Bank, Union Bank has always been in the line of sight of many corporate titans. Access Bank at a time made a move for Union Bank but for one reason or the other, it lost its interest. Writing on the botched takeover bid, a Lagos-based analyst, Temitope Ajayi, recalled that Access Bank made a move on Union Bank around 2009 by mopping up the shares of Union Bank through proxies, to gain enough footholds to make a bid to take over the bank. However, according to him, things went so bad that Union Bank issued a cryptic press statement accusing a bank of sponsoring thugs to disrupt its Annual General Meeting. While Access Bank did not succeed in taking over Union Bank at that time, it succeeded with the acquisition of the defunct Intercontinental Bank; an act considered a forceful takeover that was supervised by the Central Bank. The directors and shareholders of Intercontinental Bank are still in court challenging the propriety of the deal. Union Bank of Nigeria was one of the Nigerian lenders bailed out by the central bank in 2009 after it ran into trouble waters and was supported by a capital injection of N239billion($1.56billion) from the Asset Management Company of Nigeria (AMCON) for the purchase of toxic assets. In 2012, the bank appointed Mr. Emeka Emuwa as its chief executive following a $500 million investment by Union Global Partners into the bank, with a mandate to transform and restore one of Nigeria’s oldest institutions to its rightful position as a respected provider RI ÀQDQFLDO VHUYLFHV $IWHU KLV H[LW IURP WKH bank in March 2021, the board appointed Emeka Okonkwo to replace him before the current deal with Titan Trust Bank. However, analysts contended that following the dwindling performance of the bank over some time, the business deal with Titan Trust Bank may be the best option for Union Bank at this period. For instance, on the backdrop of weak gross earnings and a decline in net interest income, Union Bank announced a 23 per cent drop in SURÀW DIWHU WD[ WR 1 ELOOLRQ LQ IURP N25.1billion reported in 2020. 7KH OHQGHU LQ LWV DXGLWHG ÀQDQFLDO VWDWHPHQW for the full year ended December 31, 2021, also UHSRUWHG D SHU FHQW GURS LQ SURÀW EHIRUH tax to N20.8billion from N25.9billion in 2020. )RU LWV ÀUVW TXDUWHU RI RSHUDWLRQV WKH result declared was not so inspiring also. It UHFRUGHG D GURS LQ SURÀW EHIRUH WD[ 3%7 IURP 1 ELOOLRQ WR 1 ELOOLRQ UHÁHFWLQJ D SHU FHQW GHFOLQH 3URÀW DIWHU WD[ 3$7 also declined: from N6.20 billion in Q1 2021 to N5.55 billion in the review period as seen LQ WKH EDQN·V XQDXGLWHG ÀQDQFLDO VWDWHPHQW for three months of the year. The Chairman of Titan Trust Bank, Mr. Tunde Lemo said the outcome of the combination of Union Bank and Titan Trust Bank will be the emergence of a technology-driven tier 1 bank. Lemo was quoted as saying, “Titan Trust is a tier 3 bank. Union Bank is a tier 2 Bank. “So we are going to see the emergence of a tier 1 Bank.” He further observed that despite the tender age of Titan Trust Bank, it is today Nigeria’s QXPEHU LQ WUDGH ÀQDQFH DGGLQJ WKDW WKH OHQGHU saw an opportunity in Union Bank where it can OHYHUDJH ÀQWHFK LQ GHSOR\LQJ VHUYLFHV On his part, Amray stated that the successful H[HFXWLRQ RI WKH GHDO RͿHUV WKH FRPSDQ\ DQ RSSRUWXQLW\ WR PDNH VLJQLÀFDQW SURJUHVV LQ market share acquisition.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

FINANCE

Concerns over the Debt Behemoth Taming Nigeria’s burgeoning debt stock with its increasingly asphyxiating service obligations is cardinal to averting a possible high risk of debt distress, writes Ndubuisi Francis

2023-24. Real GDP growth was revised by 1.2 percentage points for both periods compared with the previous forecast. “Nigeria’s economy is still dependent on the oil sector. Oil-related revenue contributes 40 to SHU FHQW RI ÀVFDO UHYHQXH ZKLOH RLO DQG JDV account for 80 to 90 per cent of total exports. “Weak oil production, below the OPEC quota, held back the recovery process. Although at a slower pace than the average seven per cent during the boom period, growth prospects for the Nigerian economy are somewhat bright thanks to high oil prices coupled with reforms initiated by the passing of the Petroleum Industry $FW DQG WKH FRPSOHWLRQ RI WKH 'DQJRWH UHÀQHU\ expected in 2023. “Risk remains high on increasing fuel subsidies, ZKLFK FRXOG ZHLJK KHDYLO\ RQ SXEOLF ÀQDQFH DQG pose debt sustainability concerns. Nevertheless, public debt as a percentage of GDP is currently moderate,” the bank said. According to the World Bank, the high level RI RLO SULFHV ZLOO DͿHFW FRXQWULHV WKDW DUH VKLHOGing the impact on their consumers through fuel subsidies, such as Nigeria and Ethiopia. It added that the high cost of fuel subsidies, due to the increase in oil prices, may deteriorate WKH FRXQWU\·V ÀVFDO EDODQFH The Revenue Challenge Federal government revenue has been constrained in recent times by the underperformance of oil revenue due to the continuous decline in production capacity and volatility in the price of crude oil. But for more than seven months, there is a rallying of oil prices, particularly with the RussiaUkraine war. Even with oil production recording an increase following the sustained war against oil theft, this KDV QRW UHÁHFWHG SRVLWLYHO\ LQ WHUPV RI UHYHQXH generation. Nigeria spent N4.22 trillion on debt servicing in 2021, increasing by 29.3 per cent compared to N3.27 trillion spent in the previous year. On the other hand, revenue for the period only increased marginally by 9.3 per cent to N4.39 trillion. This means that Nigeria spent about 96% of its revenue on servicing debt obligations in the year under review. Compared to the previous year, Nigeria’s debt service-to-revenue ratio increased from 81.1 per cent in 2020 to 96 per cent in the year under review.

The Way Out While the nation’s total public debt of N41.6 trillion is already raising concerns, of greater interest is that the debt is not inclusive of the Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed Director-general DMO, Patience Oniha FGN’s N18.16 trillion debt to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), extended to it as overdrafts by the apex bank under the bank’s Ways and etweenJanuaryandMarch31this countries in the region either at high risk of debt the provision of social service.” Means (W&M) window. year, Nigeria’s public debt stock, distress or already in debt distress. Fortunately, According to Section 38 of the CBN Act, 2007, comprising that of the federal, Nigeria is not one of them. The Real Issues state, and the Federal Capital Also, 30 countries in the developing world The major problem with Nigeria’s debt is the bank may grant temporary advances to the Territory (FCT) increased by have high levels of debt distress, meaning they traceable to revenue shortage. While the country federal government in respect of temporary N2.04 trillion. DUH H[SHULHQFLQJ JUHDW GL΀FXOWLHV LQ VHUYLFLQJ is imbued with enormous potential to raise ad- GHÀFLHQF\ RI EXGJHW UHYHQXH DW VXFK UDWH RI In addition to the N39.56 tril- their debt. equate revenue to meet its debt obligations, the interest as the bank may determine. The IMF had warned: “The increasing reliance lion stock as of December 31, 2022, the aggregate The 2020 Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA), FRQWUDGLFWLRQV LQ WKH V\VWHP PDNH WKLV GL΀FXOW public debt stood at N41.6 trillion ( ($100.07 billion) WKH ODWHVW E\ WKH 'HEW 0DQDJHPHQW 2΀FH '02 Nothing explains this better than the current on CBN overdrafts has come with negative conby March 31, 2022. revealed that Nigeria is at Moderate Risk of Debt paradox where the country is not only unable VHTXHQFHV 7KH ÀQDQFLQJ LV FRVWO\ IRU WKH IHGHUDO The domestic debt service obligations of the Distress. to take advantage of the present global high oil government at interest rates of MPR plus 300 Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) alone also But as public debt continues to pile up, for how prices to build reserves but is also confronted by basis points, and for the CBN, with sterilisation amounted to N668,685 billion in three months long can the country remain in the safe corridor? low earnings due to the subsidy on petroleum done through the issuance of OMO bills.” The World Bank had also warned against the Arapid increase in government debt is a major According to the IMF, Nigeria spent 86 per products. cause of concern. Generally, the higher a country’s cent of its revenue on debt servicing in 2021, A combination of fuel importation and the resort to the W&M window while the CBN itself debt-to-GDP ratio is, the higher chance that the leaving little room to do anything else tangible. accompanying subsidy payment as well as admittedthatthefederalgovernment’sborrowing country could default on its debt, thereby creating The high rate charged by investors for servicing failure to meet production quota has robbed from it through the Ways and Means Advances D ÀQDQFLDO SDQLF LQ WKH PDUNHWV debt is attributed to the country’s risky economic the country of the potentially huge revenue FRXOG KDYH DGYHUVH HͿHFWV RQ WKH EDQN·V PRQHWDU\ While Nigeria’s debt-to-GDPcurrently stands at environment. South Africa’s total debt of $261 accruing from the increasing prices of oil n the policy to the detriment of domestic prices and exchange rates. 23.27 per cent against 22.43 per cent on December billion for instance, almost thrice that of Nigeria global market. In a letter of intent to the IMF last year, the 31, 2021, many are apprehensive that the signs in the same period attracted a 20 per cent debt Following the passage of the Petroleum Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planappear to be ominous. service. Industry Act (PIA) 2021, a subsidy on fuel was The International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Only last week, the multilateral lender exdesigned to end in February 2022. But this was ning,Mrs.ZainabAhmed,andtheCBNGovernor, World Bank, economic experts, and many others plained that with Nigeria’s fuel subsidy payout extended to June by the federal government 0U *RGZLQ (PHÀHOH VDLG WKH UHFRXUVH WR FHQWUDO are raising the alarm that something should be averaging N500 billion monthly, total expenditure under the guise of putting in place palliatives EDQN ÀQDQFLQJ ZRXOG EH HOLPLQDWHG E\ $V D ZD\ RXW WKH 'HEW 0DQDJHPHQW 2΀FH done, and urgently about Nigeria’s debt stock on subsidy could hit a record N6 trillion mark to cushion the impact of ending subsidies on (DMO) had over a year ago indicated that there and humongous debt service obligations. by year the end of 2022. the vulnerable. Borrowing is a global norm. It is in itself not a 7KH ,0) DOVR UHYHDOHG WKDW D PDFUR ÀVFDO This was later extended by 18 months, with an wasanurgentmovetosecuritisethegovernment’s sin. Even rich nations borrow, but the capacity stress test conducted on the country showed additional N4 trillion approved to cover subsidy debts to the CBN by converting them to bonds. While the federal government has consistently to pay back is the underlining factor. that interest payments on debts in the country SD\PHQWV IRU HͿHFWLYHO\ DGGLQJ WR WKH could amount to Nigeria using 100 per cent of government’s borrowing and by extension, maintained that Nigeria’s debt is sustainable and that the problem is revenue, it is high time The Concerns its revenue to service debts by 2026 if not closely the debt stock Many factors go into assessing how much debt monitored. The World Bank has warned that increasing that it addressed that challenge. The fears by the IMF, the World Bank, other an economy can safely carry. While unveiling the latest Sub-Saharan Africa fuel subsidy puts the Nigerian economy at a high institutions, and experts, particularly on the Countries incur debt by borrowing, which Regional Economic Outlook, in Abuja, the IMF ULVN DV VXEVLG\ SD\PHQWV FRXOG VLJQLÀFDQWO\ HQDEOHV WKHP WR ÀQDQFH NH\ GHYHORSPHQW Resident Representative for Nigeria, Mr.AriAisen LPSDFW SXEOLF ÀQDQFH DQG SRVH GHEW VXVWDLQ- amount expended on debt service elicit worries IURP GLͿHUHQW TXDUWHUV programmes and projects. But, taken too far, expressed worry that many African countries, ability concerns. :KLOH R΀FLDOV LQVLVW WKH QDWLRQ·V GHEW LV VXVWDLQthe burden of debt repayment can overwhelm including Nigeria risk sliding into critical debt According to the bank, Nigeria is projected to D FRXQWU\·V ÀQDQFHV DW ZRUVW OHDGLQJ WR GHIDXOW servicing problems unless urgent actions were have a 3.8 per cent growth in 2022, adding that as able, the ingredients of unsustainable debt are Elevated debt in low-income countries and H[SORUHG WR VLJQLÀFDQWO\ UDLVH UHYHQXH an oil-dependent country, weak oil production increasingly becoming bullish. (YHU\WKLQJ PXVW EH GRQH WR ZDUG RͿ DQ emerging market economies in recent years Aisen lamented that committing over 80 per hampers economic recovery. has raised concerns about countries’ capacity cent of Nigeria’s revenue to debt service is nothing It added that the increasing fuel subsidy poses unsustainable debt scenario. Should debt become unsustainable, this could to sustain these levels of debt. short of an “existential problem.” a high risk to the country’s economic growth, lead to high debt distress, where a country is TheInternationalMonetaryFund(IMF)recently +LV ZRUGV ´,W LV D UHÁHFWLRQ RI ORZ UHYHQXH despite the increase in oil prices. warned that debt vulnerabilities remain elevated It is an existential issue for Nigeria. It is essential “Growth in Nigeria is forecast to increase to XQDEOH WR IXOÀOO LWV ÀQDQFLDO REOLJDWLRQV DQG in Sub-Saharan Africa, with no fewer than 20 for macroeconomic stability. It is important for 3.8 per cent in 2022 and stabilise at 4 per cent in resorts to debt restructuring as some African countries are currently facing.

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY 15

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY

JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S DAY, T H E S U N DAY N E W S PA P E R

CONVERSATION WITH MY BILLIONAIRE FRIEND ayo.arowolo@thisdaylive.com 08086447494 (SMS only) PERSONAL FINANCE SAVINGS BUDGETING COMMODITIES

AYO AROWOLO

GOLD

INVESTING

WEALTH CAPSULE 19

Wealth Can be Accumulated by Investing Right in Real Estate The wise young man or wage earner of today invests his money in real estate - Andrew Carnegie Buy land, they’re not making it anymore - Mark Twain The best investment on earth is earth - Louis Glickman He is not a full man who does not own a piece of land - Hebrew Proverb

and storage units in this new investment zone of Lagos State have solid capital gains and good rental incomes to earn”. “Real estate investment requires concentrated focus and good investment locations, as Donald Trump espoused in his famous real estate investment book”.

PERSONAL EXPERIENCE?

“From personal experience, I have discovered that investing in commercial properties is far more lucrative than investing in residential properties in Nigeria. It is with considering factors such as the poor state of the Nigerian economy, its poverty rating, and its high rate of unemployment. In addition, investments in commercial properties tend to attract letting by international companies depending on location. A well-located commercial property in Nigeria tends to attract foreign companies in Nigeria to stay for extended lease periods, which therefore gives steady incomes and significant capital gains in the long run on such commercial estate investment. Indeed, one of the safest ways to store wealth for future generations is an investment in commercial real estate properties”.

his week’s conversation paddles around the shores of real estate investment, an area where my Billionaire Friend could be described as an expert and practitioner. He has built a nest of solid portfolios in that area both within the country and outside. I paid attention as he delivered what could be described as a MASTERCLASS on real estate investment. We observed the usual courtesies and protocol, and he hit the ground running pronto. Here we go: Artist Impression of my Billionaire Friend “Real estate investment is a handy investment source for generating predictable cash flows, excellent incomes and capital gains, obtaining tax advantages OTHER MODEL? and diversifying wealth with possible leverages. A key benefit of real estate ANY “One individual who has modelled the magic of “Real estate investors generate wealth through investment is its ability to investing in real estate in Nigeria is Chief Samuel rental incomes, capital appreciation and profits through a renowned industrialist. He is said to investments in properties. Real estate investment consistently generate cash flows Adedoyin, own a significantly large number of properties trusts (REIT) can also be created for investing in if well-chosen, positioned and in various parts of Nigeria and has made a huge real estate without having to own or operate or of the venture. He started from ordinary self-fund properties. The cash flows generated from strategised. In many cases, such success trading into owning big manufacturing industries real estate are the net incomes made from real estate investments after real or opportunity costs cash flows grow above annual and, at one time, also held a bank. Therefore, estate is an asset class recommended to of mortgage payments, and operating expenses inflation over time, especially real wealth builders for growing, accumulating and have been deducted”. “A key benefit of real estate investment is its long after paying off mortgages. sustaining wealth. This covers a broad category of operating, investing, and all the financial activities ability to consistently generate cash flows if wellfor making money from the property or generating chosen, positioned and strategised. In many cases, cash flows surrounding tangible properties. It is such cash flows grow above annual inflation over necessary experts for the project, such as land a secure way of ploughing wealth if managed time, especially long after paying off mortgages.” “Generally, people commonly invest in residential surveyors, architects, electrical, plumbing, and responsibly with a clear understanding of the properties. However, other forms of investing in real building service engineers, etc. This is followed risks and rewards”. estate physical developments include investments by lining up the finance necessary for executing in commercial business properties and investments the intended real estate investment”. OPTIONS After this, the appropriate funds would then in non-physical real estate. These non-physical “In investing in real estate, there are four be raised, either by down payments or through investments include ancillary investments where categories of investments to consider, as dipping into the reserves of wealth owners or the income can be generated from vending machines discussed earlier: land, residential, commercial in office buildings or laundry facilities in low rental sourcing of other equity partners or loans. This is and industrial. Wealth builders can grow wealth apartments. Hence, investing in real estate does then followed by finding the best ways to market gradually and consistently by investing in one the real estate investment. Wealth builders must not primarily end with investing in physical forms or all or some of these. And as discussed, real then schedule their time and ensure that their of property”. estate investment can be a great way to grow real estate investments are properly optimised”. “Real estate investment also includes industrial wealth while also hedging against the market “At this stage, it is necessary to mention that the investment in warehouses, storage units, built estates volatility of other investment vehicles in providing extent of value appreciation in real estate investment for manufacturing activities and assembly plants. stability for wealth portfolios. Wealth builders is highly dependent on the macroeconomic factors Hence, real estate is a wide niche of investment can acquire and build knowledge about real of the real estate investment location. This is so available for wealth builders to grow their wealth”. estate investments by reading books, such as “Indeed, the income obtained from real estate because macroeconomic factors greatly influence that of Brandon Turner on “creating wealth and whether there would be a good and sustainable investment over the years always almost ensures passive income through real estate investment”. that investment costs are covered, while the demand for real estate investment projects. For Another book for reading by wealth builders is instance, where the residential real estate is located capital gains provided are far-reaching with such “The Due Diligence Handbook For Commercial investments. This is why real estate investments within areas with good schools, they tend to yield Real Estate” by Bryan Hennessey. Another book good investment returns. Generally, real estate are highly recommended and globally patronised recommended in this sphere is “The Millionaire by wealth builders for generational wealth, as investments grow more in environments which Real Estate Investor” by Gary Keller”. have well-managed macroeconomics. As a rule, against investing in stocks and other speculative the higher the risks and level of inflation, the and volatile investments”. HOW DO YOU PICK IDEAL “Another type of real estate investment worth higher the returns obtainable on investments”. LOCATIONS FOR INVESTING IN units “From experience, investing in storage considering is an investment in landforms, especially REAL ESTATE? through the provision of mortgages. This is done and warehousing has, in the past, been very “The answer to this is evaluating the big picture lucrative for those wealth builders who owned by setting up mortgage banks to give out real in terms of location criteria which could include real estate in Apapa, Lagos, for many years. Indeed, estate loans and creating investment trusts for real it was a choice area for real estate investors in the availability of good jobs, economic buoyancy, estate investors”. population growth rate and rent/price ratio. For “In some ways, starting real estate investments warehouses and storage units for servicing the employment and economics, it is evident that, where Apapa, and later, the Tin Can Island ports until would require that the real estate investors, among there is generally a good level of employment other things, identify their financial stage before the area became congested and poorly managed and there is buoyancy in the economy, then commencement, which involves ensuring that they by the state. However, wealth-builders have an investing in residential properties can be very properly and clearly understand their financial opportunity for future investment in the Lekki lucrative for wealth builders. But in such investment Free Trade zone area of Lagos State, the deep-sea position and capability for such investment. Other environments, where unemployment is very high requirements include choosing the specific real port built in Lekki and the massive Dangote and there is poor macroeconomics, then investing estate investment strategy and picking rightly the refinery and fertiliser project cited in the Lekki in residential properties in such areas would be real estate market for investment. This, in itself, axis. Investors who key into building warehouses involves ensuring that the real estate market chosen by wealth-builders is properly identified and selected for optimal outcomes within their From personal experience, I have discovered that investing innate skills and knowledge”. “The other way for consideration is to decide on the in commercial properties is far more lucrative than investing best investment property criteria. Investment property in residential properties in Nigeria, given the factors already criteria here simply mean looking at the factors that would determine the best possible outcome. This here mentioned, the poor state of the Nigerian economy, its is followed by building up the team to actualise poverty rating and its high rate of unemployment the real estate investment project. Building up the team here includes identifying and positioning the

very unprofitable. From my personal experience, I have discovered that investing in residential properties is dependent on three factors: the level of employment, the buoyancy of the economy, and of cause, the policy of companies about renting properties for and on behalf of their personnel”. “There was a time in Lagos when building luxury residential properties was very lucrative. If you bought a piece of land in a good location and built residential property, you would be assured that such property would give you amazing returns. However, this is no longer the case. Investing in residential property is now a very poor choice for real estate investors in Lagos, generally. Hence from my personal experience, it is better to invest in commercial properties in Lagos, which offers the best location choice for real estate investments, particularly for commercial properties”.

THE ELEMENT OF RENT/PRICE IS ALSO VERY IMPORTANT

“The rental values obtained from real estate investments must be reasonable in order to provide quick returns on their costs of acquisition. In evaluating locations for real estate investments, it is important to look out for convenience, workability, safety, crime rates, good school districts, state of public transportation, local laws, finances, taxes and barriers to supply of materials, finance and expertise required”. “In Nigeria, it is vital to consider locations with excellent and regular power supply. For instance, any residential investment in the Magodo GRA II area of Lagos state is now more likely to attract good rental income than other areas in Lagos state. The Magodo GRA II area has entered into an agreement with the Ikeja Electric Disco to provide at least 20 hours of power supply. This gives a lot of assurance to potential rental residents of such an area of constant power supply, which translates into providing good rental income for the property owners in that estate in Lagos”. “A form of lucrative investment which is yet untapped in Nigeria but very common in the advanced world is real estate investment by investors for providing manufacturing estate for manufacturing and assembly plants. But hopefully, as Nigeria’s economy grows and as the opportunities for investments rise, there would be a lucrative need for estate investments in manufacturing facilities and assembly plants in Nigeria. This involves real estate investors building sites for investors in manufacturing and assembly plants and leasing out such sites, on a long-term basis, for good returns”.

ANOTHER EVOLVING OPTION

“A now common real estate investment in Nigeria is retail real estate investment. Retail real estate investment, referred to here, includes investing in shopping centres, traditional malls, cinemas, supermarkets, etc. This is now noticeable in many urban places and lively cities of Nigeria. Property owners who invest in shopping centres make significant gains in terms of investment returns. From my years of experience in real estate in Nigeria, I have discovered that investing in commercial properties, warehousing and storage units pays more. Outside Nigeria, I have profited well from residential properties. However, the downside of investing in properties outside Nigeria is the absence of honesty, trust and reputation of real estate agents, who most times put tenants in properties, but do not remit regular returns to real estate owners. Another very important personal example that needs to be mentioned is the unfortunate investments in areas that eventually turned out to be dilapidated and run down, rather than growing. Indeed, this is one of the reasons why real estate investors need to be very careful and obtain expert advice for properly choosing the locations of their real estate investments”. “To wrap up, real estate investments, when rightly carried out as extensively advised here, are an assured way to build wealth and ensure that wealth owners build, grow good wealth and accumulate wealth which can be sustained over generations and which gives real estate investors dependable cash flows, liquidity and ensures generational transfer of their wealth and providing dependable legacies”. Thus far… Can’t wait to catch up with you next week ayo.arowolo@thisdaylive.com

OPI NION

131

T H I S D AY MONDAY Sunday MARCH1214, 2022 June, 2022 Vol 27. No 9926

opinion@thisdaylive.com

www.thisdaylive.com

Governor Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom State ticks several crucial boxes as a fitting vice presidential pick for the PDP ahead of the pivotal 2023 general election, writes LOUIS ACHI

Presidency 2023: Weighing an Atiku-Udom Emmanuel Team

oday, Nigeria stands on the brink of significant disruption - and of substantial opportunity - as ‘new’ political leadership models enter the fray to hopefully disrupt conventional governance playbooks and challenge traditional templates. As it were, only tested pathfinders with vision, knowledge and courage can provide the critical and inclusive leadership to ensure both stability and progression. Against this background and looking beyond Mr. President, the position of vice president carries considerable weight, especially in assisting the president to chart the course of bold engagements with the critical elements in a democratic mix and subsequently delivering astute governance in a damaged entity. This requires a cool-headed personality that will assist the president birth a new politicalandorganisationaltransformation, especially in a political space that has long been driven by traditional and often parochial metrics. More, it requires bold, game-changing leadership - in the sidelines. It is against this backdrop that Governor Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom State comes under exacting scrutiny. It of course cannot be denied that several competent personalities, especially in the South-south and South-east zones could give Governor Emmanuel - a feisty contestant for the PDP presidential ticket - a stern chase for the diadem. Since the presidential primary election of PDP was concluded with the emergence of former vice-president Atiku Abubakar as the party’s standard-bearer for the 2023 presidential poll, all attention are now locked on finding a fitting pick as vice presidential candidate. Cleary, the choice of running mate is as critical as that of the presidential candidate. Crucial political calculations and the imperative of balancing interests of various tendencies in a politically and an ethno-religiously diverse milieu is indeed very critical. While many, rightly or wrongly, believe that Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the presidential standard-bearer of the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) task in choosing a running mate is far more difficult than the Turaki Adamawa’s, they may need to rethink this simplistic position. It is beyond debate that the 2023 general elections will be keenly contested, especially with the emergence of Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu as APC presidential candidate - a personality who is certainly no push over on the national political stage. A sterner examination of Governor Emmanuel’s credentials and trajectory will serve to glean the strengths that stoutly

Emmanuel

recommend him to the main opposition party PDP which is seeking return to power. As a vice-presidential pick, Emmanuel will bring a humble, clear-headed, cutting edge leadership to complement his principal Atiku Abubakar on the bracing task of reinventing the nation. In a period of national uncertainty with a social contract between the rulers and the ruled in tatters, Emmanuel will clearly represent a critical asset to the PDP in the build up to the 2023 general elections and thereafter if the party clinches the presidency. In the professional turf, Emmanuel was a top bank executive before his entry into politics. A cutting-edge financial guru of uncommon reputation synced with deep knowledge of the economy, he will bloom as the nation’s vice president. This is even more so as the constitution vests on him the crucial responsibility of heading the economic team. His transformational governance in Akwa Ibom speaks to the leadership depth of the man. Akwa Ibom benefited from a focused and targeted, massive industrialisation. Given the nighmarish economic state of the country today, an Atiku presidency certainly needs this fellow with the Midas touch. In the demanding arenas of prudent resource management and creation of jobs for the teeming population of his state’s youths, Governor Emmanuel has an unbeatable scorecard to his name. One of his notable and uncommonly innovative actions to re-oxygenate Akwa

Ibom’s economy was floating the only surviving state-owned airline in Nigeria Ibom Air. Like the man who saw tomorrow, he ignored pessimists and assembled best hands in the exacting aviation industry to administer the company. Not surprisingly, today, Ibom Air is not only the pride of Akwa Ibom State but that of Nigeria. “We started with an initial three CRJ 900 Bombardier aircraft, later added additional two, bringing the fleet, then, to five, and earlier this year, added two brand new Airbus 220-300 Series bringing our total fleet to seven. We have also increased our routes from an initial Uyo-Abuja-LagosUyo to other cities such as Calabar, Port Harcourt, and Enugu,” Udom once told a rapt audience. Hear him: “In less than three years after it commenced commercial operations, Ibom Air has become a dominant force in Nigerian aviation industry, flying the colours of Akwa Ibom State within the Nigerian aviation space and proving cynics wrong who thought we were embarking on what they call in my country a ‘’ white elephant project.’’ There is more. In the challenging turf of infrastructure revamp, he scored several firsts. In roads construction, he was outstanding. Under his circumspect watch, hundreds of kilometers of asphalted roads have been constructed. His administration constructed the First Led factory at Itam, the first Shoprite hyper market at Ibom Tropicana, the Automobile Assembly Plant at Itu and DAAR Communications Broadcasting Complex, Abak, among

others. On the crucial education turf, Governor Emmanuel organised the first ever Education Summit where experts and other stakeholders reviewed the subsisting education template in the state and consequentially transformed it to 21st Centurty standards. Today, a greater premium is placed on STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) to build the future manpower for the emerging industrialized state. This is vision in action. Obviously not ignoring the youth, his administration established trhe Youth Empowerment Programmes (AKEES) which has taken many jobless youths off the streets and has also contributed to the improved peaceful co-existence of the people of the state. Akwa-Ibom State under the nimble guidance of Governor Emmanuel is not surprisingly adjudged one the most peaceful states in the country. This certainly was not a coincidence but flowed from creatively using economic empowerment to guarantee social harmony. What’s more – the reinvigorated PDP certainly needs a personality with the compelling pedigree in both private and public sectors Emmanuel boasts. He has quietly constructed powerful political networks across Nigeria. Even Vice President Prof. Yemi Osinbajo could not hold back from telling Nigerians that he is very proud of Governor Emmanuel for his great achievements in the area of infrastructure and industrialisation in seven years of his stewardship as the governor of the state. Osinbajo who spoke while commissioning the 21-Storey Dakkada Towers in Uyo, recalled that in 2015 the governor had shared the vision of his administration to construct the tallest building in the South-south and Southeast regions. He noted that the 21-storey smart building is not just the tallest region, but certainly among the tallest in Nigeria and in West Africa, congratulated the state governor for his visionary leadership. From all metrics of assessing both personality and performance, Governor Emmanuel certainly ticks all the boxes and favours him. Well educated and politically savvy, as a vice-presidential pick, he will undoubtedly harvest crucial votes for the party both in his geo-political niche of South-south and Nigeria at large. The emerging consensus is that the Turakin Adamawa, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, a savvy politician with vast experience cannot get it wrong if he chooses Governor Emmanuel as his running mate in the 2023 general elections.

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T H I S D AY SUNDAYJUNE 12, 2022

Hats Off to Jagaban! Let’s concede to him, when it comes to politics, presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress and former governor of Lagos State, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, knows his onions. OLAWALE OLALEYE writes

ne of Senator Bola Tinubu’s agelong political ideologies, is that power isn’t served a la carte. It’s a philosophy that encourages power seekers to go after it as much as they want it and like the kingdom of God, which suffers violence, take it by force and own it. But I’d never shared this idea with him. Reason for this is not far-fetched. He has refused to live up to billings internally, especially, given his Darwinian approach to politics. For as many as had wanted to seek power in his cosmopolitan Lagos, Tinubu shut down their aspirations and always ensured his choice persons won. So, I had thought it was sheer facade proclaiming that creed. Yet, on Tuesday, in Abuja, he served a dose of personal example of that creed and on a scale unprecedented in the nation’s history. Counting down to the APC presidential primary, he was not conceded a good chance. I didn’t for once and I completely wrote him off. My reasons are still valid though. Unfortunately, many of us rather played up his weaknesses as against his strengths. Although the president, Muhammadu Buhari, didn’t have a candidate (so he claimed), there were no indications he would rather a Tinubu either. Sadly, Buhari was too aloof to be a factor

in the choice of his successor, something a Tinubu would not dare. But against all odds, Tinubu trumped everyone. It was a tortuous and undulating path to success. He pulled it off majestically, with a resounding message that, “I’m the master of the game”. His network was staggering; war chest has always been intimidating. He had built alliances over the years and wasted no time deploying them all to work, when it mattered the most. Give it to Tinubu, he worked hard for the APC ticket, and this was in spite of his fragile health. His convictions moved mountains; his determination shattered ceilings and his FRQÀGHQFH GDUHG LQ WKH VWUDQJHVW RI SODFHV Frustrated and desperate at some point, he had said to delegates in Abeokuta, Ogun State, “Emi lo kan, e gbe ki ni yi wa,” and when he saw that they were pussyfooting, Daddy, ja ki ni yen gba, big time! In Nigeria’s contemporary history, only one person had wanted to be president and got it. He is the incumbent, Buhari, who became president after three failed attempts (Olule). Others emerged either by accident or through some deliberate contraptions by other vested interests. Those who desired it never got it.

But if Asiwaju won the 2023 elections, he would be the second man - most determined and engaging - who wanted it and got it. Not just that, it would be on merit and dint of hard work. And, do you know one thing that this would mark him up for? If he won the presidential election next year, which now looks very plausible, he would have succeeded, where the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, couldn’t. It doesn’t mean he is in the same bracket with Awo, if and when other factors are considered for comparisons. But, on this, he did it and with practical approach to politics, as against what many had thought. In spite of it all, this still doesn’t make him my dream president. Nah! And if given the opportunity again, I would rather a much younger person, who boasts other requisite qualities. +RZHYHU ÀHOGHG DJDLQVW $WLNX ,·G grudgingly vote for him. After all, what’s the marked difference between them? But, as a southerner, he’ll get my vote. Power has to shift to South. It’s only fair, just and equitable. This, nonetheless, I recognise and admit that Tinubu is a master of the game and at the moment, the BIGGEST issue in the annals of

Tinubu

the nation’s body polity, nay Africa. Hats off to this juggernaut of immense political clout and networth.

2023: Ikonne Set to Tackle Abia’s Challenges MAXWELL KANU argues that if elected governor next year, Professor Ikonne will join the list of erudite academics who offered quality leadership and contributed immensely to national development

n the words of the American author, John Maxwell, “the pessimist complains about the wind. The optimist expects it to change. The leader adjusts the sails.” 3URIHVVRU 8FKH ,NRQQH SHUIHFWO\ ÀWV LQWR 0D[ZHOO·V GHÀQLWLRQ RI D OHDGHU His emergence as the Peoples Democratic 3DUW\ 3'3 JXEHUQDWRULDO ÁDJEHDUHU LV indeed a trigger for a new Abia. Professor Ikonne’s expected victory in next \HDU·V JXEHUQDWRULDO SROOV ZLOO EH D ÀWWLQJ proper and deserving call to service, a call to reinvent Abia by recalibrating its economy and infrastructure. He is not coming to learn on the job. A consumate administrator and academic colossus, Professor Ikonne is eminently TXDOLÀHG SUHSDUHG DQG HTXLSSHG ZLWK innovative ideas with which he will be adjusting Abia’s sail for the better when he becomes governor next year. His exhilarating performance as the Vice Chancellor of Abia State University still resonates. /LNH D JROGÀVK 3URIHVVRU ,NRQQH KDV QR hiding place. It is not therefore, a surprise that the PDP spotted him and saddled him with the task of deepening Abia’s socio-economic and infrastructural ascendancy. It is obvious that the party recognises a competent leader, a doer and an achiever when it see one. For sure, the PDP sees one in Professor Ikonne.

Ikonne

With a plethora of youth and women organisations, civil society groups, academics and religious leaders as well as traditional rulers routing for him, Professor Ikonne is the man to beat in the 2023 Abia guber contest. Born in Agburuike, Nsulu in Isiala Ngwa North, Abia State, Professor Ikonne’s academic career spans over three decades. He attended Ngwa High School, in Aba and later proceeded to Manila Central University, Philippines to study Optometry. He also holds a specialist master’s degree programme in Hospital Administration at St. Jude College, also in the Philippines. On his return to Nigeria in 1985, Professor

Ikonne served as consulting optometrist at the Park Lane General Hospital, Enugu, and was later to obtain a Doctor of Philosophy degree in Environmental Health Science from Abia State University. In an ironic twist of fate, he would in later years, serve the University as Vice Chancellor. From 2010 to 2014, Ikonne served as the Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic), Abia State University and was seconded to Abia State Polytechnic, Aba as Rector on what was described as Rescue Mission. Upon returning to the university, he was appointed its seventh substantive ViceChancellor in December 2015. He also attained the following positions: Head, Department of Optometry – Abia State University; Director, Institute for Distance Education, Abia State University; Acting Dean, Faculty of Health Sciences, Abia State University; Deputy Provost, College of Medicine & Health Sciences, Abia State University. Professor Ikonne is a member of several professional bodies and has sat on many professional and academic Boards and Committees including: Member, Optometrists and Dispensing Opticians Registration Board of Nigeria from 1993 to date; Chairman of the Education Committee, 1993 to date; Chairman, Disciplinary Committee, 2007 to date; Vice-

Chairman, Optometrists and Dispensing Opticians Registration Board of Nigeria, 2009 to date. He was also Registrar, Nigerian Postgraduate College of Optometrists. Professor Ikonne has in his kitty, an avalanche of awards including, the African Optometric Educator Award of the year 2003 and the Distinguished Meritt Award of the Nigerian Optometric Association, 2006. If elected governor next year, Professor Ikonne will join the list of erudite academics, especially professors who were/are in partisan politics and who offered quality leadership and contributed immensely to national development. The roll call include the Second Republic governor of the defunct Bendel State, the late Prof Ambrose Alli, former Education Minister, Professor Jibril Aminu, Former Vice Chancellor of ABU, Processor Ango Abdulahi, the late Minister of Petroleum, Professor Tam David-West, former Health Minister, Professor Onyebuchi Chukwu, former Health Minister, Onikoye RansomKuti, former Education Minister, late Professor Babs Fafuwa, former Minister for Science and Technology, late Professor Godion Ezekwe, incumbent Governor of Borno state, Professor Babagana Zulum, among others. Chief Maxwell writes from Isukwuato, Abia State.

WEEKLY PULL-OUT

12.6.2022

CHINEDU EJIOGU IN PURSUIT OF PASSION FOR MUSIC

A dancehall reggae artiste who rocked the Nigerian airwaves in the early 2000s, Chinedu Ejiogu had courted thousands of followers with his songs such as ‘Experiment One,’‘Omo Naija’ and ‘Larimo’ before migrating to America where he studied Electronics Engineering, specialising in telecommunication. After years of performances in the United States of America, Ejiogu, a.k.a. Jimmy Sugar Cane returned to Nigeria recently to launch his latest album ‘Oya.’ With his full swag activated, Ejiogu’s presence in Lagos and his new music offerings at the listening party in Lekki attested to his continuing intimacy with African culture, writes Funke Olaode ASSISTANT EDITOR OLUFUNKE OLAODE/victoria.olaode@thisdaylive.com.

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 12, 2022

COVER

I Used My Degree Certiﬁcate to Fund Showbiz

EJIOGU

hinedu Ejiogu, popularly known as Jimmy Sugar Cane was one of the ravesof-the moment in the early 2000s before he migrated to the United States of America where he continued to combine music with education and later, the corporate world. Music does not run in his family. His father was a successful businessman while his mother worked in the aviation industry. Ejiogu’s self-discovery happened in 2002 when he released his first album, ‘Experiment One.’ That was 20 years ago. He has since moved beyond his past achievements to continue to do more exploits and break boundaries. It was a homecoming for the USbased Ejiogu when he launched his latest album, ‘Oya’ at a listening party held at Balcony Club tucked inside Elegushi Beach, Ikate Lagos recently. The crowd was overwhelming as established artists, many on-air personalities were in attendance. His music promoter, Olabanji Adelana was on his toes to ensure he had a successful outing. Still basking in the euphoria of the album launch, Ejiogu smiled as he expressed his delight at being back in Lagos. Tracing his roots and parentage, he is proud to be from Orlu heritage in Imo state. “My case is destiny because I wasn’t planning to be born in England. The

economy was good and the environment was comfortable. So, it wasn’t a ‘japa’ season. My late father was a contractor dealing in newsprint while my mother was working for the Nigerian Airways. While she was pregnant, the teaching hospital was on strike and she just took the next available flight to London and had me there. I am the only one among my siblings that was born abroad,” he recalled. Like many families in the 60s, the elder Ejiogus also experienced the destruction and disruption of that era and when the Nigerian Civil War ended, the family came back and settled down on number 13, Saka Street, Shogunle, Lagos, which was then under Ikeja Local Government. Recounting his childhood years in Lagos, he said, “I am a Lagos boy. I am a Shogunle boy. Lagos has always been huge. I remembered in primary school when our teacher would talk about geography and the population of Lagos being bigger than the population of the whole of Angola. Lagos has always been a populated city that was growing then. But today, it is over-populated.” Though now based in America, it is with a sense of pride that Ejiogu recalled the memories of his Shogunle roots and how they shaped his values and character. “I wouldn’t say Lagos moulded me. I will say Shogunle influenced me. It was not an economically privileged community, but we had self-respect, we were taught to

respect our elders, and value ourselves. You can’t love somebody if you don’t love yourself, so we were taught to love ourselves and we were raised by the whole community. My parents went to the United States before us, so my last five years in Nigeria before I migrated to the United States, I was actually raised by Shogunle.” Today, Ejiogu is a citizen of the world. He is a Nigerian by blood, British by birth and currently an American resident. “I went to a public school where I met pupils from different backgrounds. I went to Maryland Comprehensive Private Primary School in Mende, Maryland, Lagos. And when my parents said I was going to attend Ikeja High School I protested that I didn’t want to go there. But it was really a blessing in disguise, now I see what they saw before they made that decision.” Ikeja High School later became a training ground that exposed Ejiogu to the world of the haves and the have-nots. “It was a learning process. I met pupils from different backgrounds and religions such as Oliver Jane, Morgan, and the likes of Gladys Nwachukwu. It really made us respect different people and religions,” he recalled. He continued: “There is so much more you can be and it all starts with the school. God bless Mr. Olasoji, our teacher. We still love him, we just celebrated his birthday not too long ago. A bunch of my setmates went to visit him. He set a standard. Mr. Olasoji would sit in his office and watch the gate and won’t let pupils out. You could hear his loud voice from there saying ‘where are you going, are you not supposed to be in your science class now?’ So that kept a lot of our teachers on their toes, there was no room to mess up.” It was in Ikeja High School that he began his musical trajectory. By the time he left Nigeria, he noticed that parents were actually paying for ‘expo’, that is, leaked exam questions for their children, rather than making the kids earn their grades on merit. “And that is where I argue with people: You can’t pluck an apple from a mango tree and expect orange juice. So, if we have bad governance, it comes from the people, the people produced the bad government. And that culture from being proud as a kid, clearing the papers in one sitting, paying for your kids so that you can brag about it has been on from time immemorial.” Ejiogu had always been science inclined and didn’t hesitate to toe that path, and when he migrated to the United States in 1995, he embraced it fully. “After JSS 3, we went to trial for either Commercial, Art or Science. I knew I could not remember all these theories because I wasn’t good at art. Science for me was natural, my physics used to tell me, you drop the ball, that is deceleration, if you keep it, that is acceleration. So, science is practical and I continued in college.” Ejiogu would later pursue a degree in electrical engineering at DeVry University Chicago, United States. While pursuing his degree, he did an internship with Legend Technologies, a big company with global recognition in his final year, which later opened tons of opportunities for him in the world of telecoms. He later worked with AT&T, one of the biggest telecommunication companies in the world, for about seven years. There, he learnt installation, commissioning, project management and how to build a network from start to finish. It was a big plus for him while pursuing his music career simply because he used his degree certificate to fund showbiz. Ejiogu has since metamorphosed from being an ordinary musician to a crowd puller. He is a showstopper: tall and strong. His vibrating deep voice betrays his lean figure. At what stage did he embrace music? “It was purely a self-discovery. It began in JSS2 when I was asked to raise the public address system in my school during some of our performances. I think

I am pretty good at soccer but when there is a crowd, I freeze. I am not so good, my passes are not so accurate and my decisions are not so great. I got on stage in school, in front of the whole school, it was like I was on cloud nine.” Speaking further, “Music has always been in my DNA. I have always embraced music and whenever I have the opportunity to actually do music I plunge myself into it. I graduated from college at the age of 21, and that gave me the opportunity to satisfy my parents and also pursue my dreams. I was very, very ripe for my choice then and that was what made me happy.” Ejiogu released his first album ‘Experiment One’ in 2002, ‘Omo Naija’ in 2005, and ‘Larimo’ in 2006. He continued with his act in America. He did a couple of mixedtapes/singles such as proud Naija. “I have never been excited about that song. We also had ‘metunaka’ when we went to the east.” The musician had a long break from the industry. He explained the reason for his long absence. “The industry changed totally. It wasn’t what it used to be. You have to be fully prepared if you want to come in because it is not a child’s play and it is not bread and butter. Things are changing, music is changing, and there are new producers, so it is a new trend. To break even, one has to learn to blend and flow with the movement.” How would he categorise his genre of music? “I am a Nigerian but I am a dancehall reggae artiste. As you can tell I have been doing this before the whole Afrobeats sensation came in. I get to blend my natural dancehall skills with Afrobeats, Afro hip-hop and Afro reggae. “When you are talking of reggae, you are talking of Peter Tosh, Bob Marley, or Crowders and everything centres on these people by keeping it simple and easy. But no matter how the song is ultimately you need to be able to hold the microphone and control more of the crowd. That is how it works.” His stage name, Jimmy Sugar Cane alludes to his stature. “As you can see, I am slim, strong and tall. My very first album was released under the name Wisdom. I have had these aliases and I will shout them out ‘I am Jimmy Sugar Cane’ and the fans took to Jimmy. Nobody called me Wisdom, they called me Jimmy and that is how Jimmy came to be.” The world seems to have moved on from Ejiogu’s genre of music. It is fast embracing Afrobeats music. He is confident that he still has a place. “I have my place and I believe my place is intact. Asians are doing Afrobeats. When you compare Nigeria to Jamaica and what dancehall has done, you will believe him. Reggae has evolved but it is still a dance hall. Reggae has evolved but it is still reggae, it is their culture. We have a culture of survival and I believe I will survive.” No doubt some of his hit songs would be great for remixing by some of the new generation of artistes. Is he contemplating collaborating? “I hope so, but if I had my choice I am a fan of certain artists. Yes, there is a consideration for collaboration with some artists and we have started talking to them. I like Oritsefemi, Omawumi, Simi, and 2Baba.” For Ejiogu, there is no place like home and he is excited to be back. “I have always come back to Nigeria. I think my longest stay outside of Nigeria was when I first left in 1995. In 2000 I came. Actually I love Nigeria so much so I came to Nigeria in 2000 with just $500. I said I have been away too long, I just wanted to come home. That was all I had, so I just came home for like a week then I went back. In 2001, 2003, 2005, 2007, 2009, 2011, and 2012 I stayed for a year. In 2016 I came, 2018 I came with the whole family. Unfortunately, in 2021 I came to bury my dad and I am back again. So I have not really left Nigeria that is why I am able to survive.” Ejiogu is married to an African-American lady, Kameelah and blessed with two boys. Talking about his wife, he said, “My wife is African-American but she is too Nigerian for me. She is actually very Igbo (laughing). A lot of times she is able to come home and blend. If she talks you just think she is another Igbo girl. She is actually more Nigerian than me. She came in 2019 with my cousin for a wedding. She also bears Sade.” You may wonder how his wife came about the name, Sade? It is because of the British-Nigerian singer, Sade Adu.

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D59 AY

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 12, 2022

Adebayo Adeoye bayoolunla@gmail.com; 08054680651

SOCIETY WATCH

Excitement as Aviation Top Shot, Victoria Bamidele Shin-Aba, Bows Out

Shin-Aba

For 35 years, Victoria Bamidele Shin-Aba lived and breathed aviation. Her entry and subsequent growth through the ranks in the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) were almost one of divine arrangement and uncommon courage. In September 2014, Shin-Aba scored a first when the FAAN management appointed her as the first female Regional General Manager (Southwest)/Airport Manager, Murtala Muhammed International Airport and subsequently elevated to the rank of a General Manager, Airfield Operations, a position she held till her retirement. It was a slew of meritorious service to the development of the industry and mankind. It is, therefore, exciting to all when drums were rolled out on June 2, to celebrate with the rare woman, as she took a dignifying bow out of the service of FAAN after three and a half decades. Shin-Aba was treated to a three-inone fête: her retirement from service, the launch of her memoirs titled: “My Resilience by Grace: The Memoir of My Bakery”, and her forthcoming 60th birthday celebration on August 30. The ceremony, which was held at Welcome Hotels, International Airport Road, Ajao Estate, Lagos, had dignitaries, including presidential aides, aviation industry giants, diplomats, ground handlers and media personalities in attendance. The volume of encomiums poured on this celebrated first female Regional General Manager in FAAN by notable personalities attested to her industry. Captain Rabiu Yadudu, Managing Director, FAAN, described Shin-Aba as a competent professional, a family woman and a lady of God while enjoying everyone at the ceremony to emulate her dedication to duties. The high point of the celebration was when Air Peace Chairman, Allen Onyema, as the Chief Launcher, donated N10 million for 10 copies of the book. Numerous dignitaries from public and private organisations also purchased the book. At the retirement party, Shin-Aba was honoured with an award as one of the Top 100 Aviation Business Leaders in Nigeria 2020. According to Travel and Tourism Ambassador, Ikechi Uko, the lady manned the most challenging airport in Africa and stood out among the top five women in aviators in Africa.

One Year After, Renewed Hope at Synagogue When she spoke last Sunday during the first commemorative service in celebration of the life and times of her late husband and founder of the Synagogue Church of All Nations (SCOAN), Prophet TB Joshua, Evelyn’s words were quite reassuring. To her tumultuous audience, it was understandable why she spoke in the manner she did. During the beautiful event held at the church headquarters, she reiterated her determination to sustain the legacy of her late husband. Her appeal had raised the hope of the faithfuls who desire to see the church regain its seemingly lost glory. Without a doubt, the story of Christendom in Nigeria will not be complete without a mention of Prophet TB Joshua, whose religious practices were mired in controversies. From the outset, TB Joshua had been rejected even by the majority of his brethren in the House of the Lord. In the eyes of many, he was a wolf in sheep’s skin. Even his miracles, which drew many to his church, were considered fake. Despite Joshua‘s exploits, the Christian bodies in Nigeria, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN), never accepted him into their folds on the grounds that he was an exorcist or a charmer. Almost daily, newspaper pages were filled with stories of one attack or another from fellow pastors who never saw anything good in him. He faced a lot of

Late TB Joshua

persecution. But he rose above all the condemnations and tribulations to become widely known across Africa and Latin America. His large social media presence with 3,500,000 fans on Facebook and YouTube channel, Emmanuel TV, with over 1,000,000 YouTube subscribers were the result of concerted efforts in the face of serious challenges. He earned several accolades, notably the Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic

(OFR) by the Nigerian government in 2008. He was voted the Yoruba Man of the decade by Pan-Yoruba media outlet, Irohin-Odua, and was named one of Africa’s 50 most influential people by Pan-African magazines, The Africa Report and New African Magazine. As of 2011, TB Joshua, according to Forbes, was Nigeria’s third-richest pastor, although the claim was immediately denied in a statement by the church. His church, the SCOAN, is described as “Nigeria’s biggest tourist attraction” and “the most visited destination by religious tourists in West Africa”, with thousands of foreigners flocking to attend the church’s weekly services. However, shortly after he passed on, and even before he was buried, another war broke out when the elders of the church were up against his wife, Evelyn. Some elders of the church battled one another simply for the soul of the church. And the leadership crisis nearly consumed the popular church simply because the late founder died without choosing a successor. It all started when the wife was announced as the successor to her husband by some elders. The development did not go down well with some elders and others who felt aggrieved. They reportedly faulted her claim that the congregation of 2,000 church members appointed her, particularly as they claimed she is not a pastor.

Quintessential Construction Magnate, Hakeem Alobo-Bakare, Rejoices at 64 It was Prof. Femi Osofisan, an acclaimed literary giant, who aptly titled one of his awardwinning plays, “Birthdays Are Not For Dying’’. Indeed, birthdays are supposed to be occasions for the celebration of life by the living. Birthdays are also a period when the celebrator takes stock of his or her life and feels like climbing the mountaintop to shout Hallelujah. Undoubtedly, if there is any human being who has experienced the proverbial Seventh Heaven, typical of a woman who has just safely been delivered of a baby, it is no other than Hakeem Alobo-Bakare, the quintessential construction magnate, businessman and philanthropist. For the Lagos-born, yesterday, Saturday, June 11, 2022, would go down as the most memorable. Again, the tall and lanky man left the doors of his Lagos residence open, as he played host to his families, close friends and business associates on

the occasion of his 64th birthday celebration. Although it was not so much of an elaborate celebration, many took time out of their busy schedules to celebrate with him. For those who are conversant with Nigeria’s construction sector, Alobo-Bakare’s trajectory makes a compelling read. In fact, it is believed that anyone who undertakes to compile the list of top construction players in Nigeria will be making a grave error if he or she lives out the name of this Lagos-born guru. His inspiring story, it was gathered, started a long time ago. Alobo-Bakare, over the years, has risen quietly to become a big player in his chosen career with an inspiring and intimidating resume. But success, greatness and fame were never thrust on his laps on a platter of gold. His is an intriguing story of a man who is determined to survive in life.

Alobo -Bakare

Yet Another Dashed Hope for Ex-customs Top Shot

Mera

As a former Deputy Comptroller-General, Nigeria Customs Service, Prince Ibrahim Mera, was very powerful and influential. In fact, he was rumoured to be the likely successor to the former Comptroller-General,

Alhaji Abdullahi Inde, when his tenure was winding up. However, before his very eyes, his balloon of hope in the service was punctured, following the appointment of Col. Hameed Ali (rtd.) by President Muhammadu Buhari. In the wake of that development, Mera, among other top officials, turned in their letters of voluntary retirement from the service. Since he left the public service, his major ambition is to be the number one citizen of his state, Kebbi. In pursuit of his ambition, he ventured into politics. But the more he tried, the more his aspiration eluded him. In the build-up to the 2019 governorship election in the state, he flooded the state with his posters but failed to secure the All Progressives Congress’ ticket for the governorship election in the state.

It was gathered that the billionaire excustoms top shot did not pass the screening organised by the party, thereby foreclosing his ambition of wresting power from the incumbent governor, Abubakar Bagudu. After making consultations, far and wide, with many of the elders and his supporters, the dark-skinned prince of Argungu reportedly buried his dream. But when many thought he had bidden bye to politics, he sprung a surprise! This time, he reportedly eyed the Kebbi North Senatorial District at the Red Chamber. To the chagrin of his fans, the darkskinned man withdrew from the race a few days to the APC Senatorial primaries. According to a source, Mera withdrew on the grounds of irregularities in the whole exercise.

Kogi First Lady, Rashida Yahaya-Bello Remained Unperturbed Kogi First Lady, Rashida Yahaya-Bello, is not your type of governors’ wives. She is not given to making noise and is still her “usual self”, in spite of her privileged position. Unlike some of her counterparts who love a flashy lifestyle, Rashida lives a fairly quiet life. The beautiful woman also stays away from scandals as much as she can. Oftentimes, she is in the news only for worthy deeds such as when she recently doled out N1 million cash to each of her domestic aides for their loyalty so far. Anytime she steps out with her hubby, she is the cynosure of all eyes. Her simple but classy fashion statement, ravishing beauty and sartorial elegance distinguish her from the crowd. Surprisingly, despite sterling attributes, her detractors have allegedly kept at their game, doing all to

rubbish the reputation she has built over the years Last year, her naysayers went to town with the rumour that she had packed out of her matrimonial home. After a series of investigations, it was revealed that it was just an attempt to tarnish her image. The rumour had been ignited by those who were allegedly envious of her and her family. Instead of her detractors desisting from their usual game, they took it above board weeks back alleging that she was having an affair with a former Big Brother Naija housemate and USbased actor, Pere Egbi. This was again discovered to be nothing but another attempt to assassinate her character. But in the face of all this, she is said to be unperturbed.

Yahaya-Bello

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D59 AY

SUNDAY JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S D AY

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R JUNE 12, 2022

INTERNATIONAL Unending Insecurity, Presidential Primaries and Injustice: Restructuring or Separation as a Desideratum

oday is June 12, a date set aside in 2000 as‘Abiola Day’, then as ‘Nigeria’s Democracy Day’ under President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) since 6 June 2018. Before then, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, made every May 29 the‘Democracy Day.’By Democracy Day, two points are intrinsicinit.FirstistoremembertheverydayChiefM.K.O. AbiolawontheJune12,1993presidentialelectionwhich wasthefairest,freest,andmostcredibleelectiondevoidofethno-religious bigotry and political chicanery ever organised in Nigeria’selection history. However,theelectionvictoryofChiefAbiolawasunpatrioticallyjettisoned by the Military President, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, under the pretext that some politico-military stakeholders were not ready to accommodate the election results. Interestingly, how can an election that took place be annulled? It is not possible to annul a fait accompli. In the same vein, it makes very little sense to talk about annulling election results that had been made known to the general public. The election results, as published, clearly showed that Chief Abiola won without any jot of doubt. An election that took place cannot be annulled. It cannot be disagreed with because it is already a fait accompli. However, the election results, which cannot be annulled, can be agreed or disagreed with. Agreeing with or disagreeing withdoesnotneutralisethefactoftheirexistence.Thisiswhatthemarking or celebration of every June 12 was meant to keep alive. Secondly,whenNigeriaaccededtonationalsovereigntyonOctober1st, 1960parliamentarydemocracywasadoptedasthesystemofgovernment. Inademocracy,particularly,underapuredemocracy,lawsaremadedirectly by the voting majority and the interests of the majority are generally well protected. The interests of the minority are not so protected. Under a republican system, laws are made by representatives of the people and the laws must comply with the Constitution, considered the grundnorm and which requires the protection of the rights of the minorities from any political tyranny of the majority. n other words, in a pure democracy, be it under direct, representative, or constitutional democracy, authority always belongs to the people; all laws are made by the majority, who, as representatives, have the right to override existing rights; democracy generally protects the political will of the people; and no constraints are placed on the government. On the contrary, under a republican system, power only belongs to individuals under a Constitutional Republic, Parliamentary Republic, Presidential Republic, Federal Republic and Theocratic Republic. In this case, laws are made by elected representatives of the people. Emphasis is on the Constitution,whichprotectstherightsofeveryone.Unlikeinademocracy underwhichtherearenoconstraintsonGovernment,therearefromtime to time constraints on Government. In Nigeria, it is the federal system of government and Presidential Republic that are operated but recklessly. These constraints led to the disruption of the First Republic, 1960-1966 and of the Second Republic, 1979-1983. The Third Republic never took off (1992-1993). Consequently, marking June 12 is also to remember the return of power to civilians. Injustice and Violent Brutalities Political governance in Nigeria is interesting principally because of the intrigues always involved. It is largely predicated on chicanery and injustice,ontheonehand,andontheuseofbruteforcetoadvocatepolitical objectives, on the other. Government admits that there is terrorism and that the terrorists are foreigners, thus giving the impression that there is no problem between and among the peoples of Nigeria. Whereas the major dynamics of insecurity in Nigeria are dishonesty and selfishness on the one hand, and both religious and political bigotry, on the other. In all cases, however, there is very little regard for implications for national unity and sustainable development. Politics is always played as if there is never insecurity in the land. Though the government is insolvent, the PMB administration donates to Afghanistan to show the untrue solvency of Nigeria. One good illustration of dishonesty in politics is the particular issue of zoning. Considering that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic society, a country of many countries, the need to reflect equity, fairness, and justice in the governance of Nigeria, it was rightly agreed by the political parties that the presidency of the country should be rotated between the North and the South. In this regard, it is expected that when a president of Nigeria is elected from the North and he or she serves two terms of four years each, it must be the turn of the South to produce the next president. Itisalsobelievedthat,ifoneregionoftheNorthproducesthepresident, another region of the North should be considered for the position when it is again the turn of the North, in other words, there will be micro-zoning withintheNorth.ThisisdittofortheSouthernturns.Inthe2022presidential primaries, this principle of zoning and micro-zoning was stricto sensu,

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VIE INTERNATIONALE with

Bola A. Akinterinwa Telephone : 0807-688-2846

e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com

Malami not complied with. Forinstance,theAllProgressivesCongress(APC),forvariousreasons of force majeure, decided at the last minute to zone the choice of its standard bearer to the South.The party leaders initially toyed with theideaofconsensus,which,initself,hasadictatorialcharacter.PMB, who is also adjudged the leader of the party wanted to be allowed to present his anointed candidate for the primaries.The challenges createdbythecontestants,manyofwhomrefusedabinitiotoaccept the politics of consensus and the rejection of PMB’s suggestion of an anointed candidate eventually compelled PMB to jettison both the idea of consensus and anointed candidate. And true enough, initially PMB told Nigerians that he had a preferential candidate to succeed him but that he would not reveal his name so that he would not be neutralised before the election time. However, he said he had no anointed candidate at the last minute before the election. The critical point of observation here is the Northern APC governors who recommended that the APC standard bearer should be allowed to come from the South but without mentioning the issue of micro-zoning. Inthisregard,YorubaSouthwesthashadopportunityofproviding thePresidentofNigeria,thoughunderthePeople’sDemocraticParty, and the Vice President under the APC. The South-South has also produced President Goodluck Jonathan. It is basically the Southeast that is yet to be given the opportunity of producing a President of Nigerian and should have been, in the spirit of fairness and justice, be assisted to produce a candidate-designate. EventhoughtheSoutheastpoliticiansdonotappeartobepolitically dependable, for their apparent political selfishness or non-belief in the need for justice and in Igbo presidency, there is still the need for such equity and justice in nation-building. It is unbelievable, but true thatIgbodelegatesdidnotvotefortheIgbopresidentialcandidates. They voted for the non-Igbo candidates. In fact, apart from Rotimi Amaechi,thoughfromRiversState,whocamesecondwithadistant

Explained diﬀerently, at the epicentre of the calls for restructuring of the polity is the consideration that the operation of Nigeria’s federal system as at today sustains the subservience of the federating units to the central government. Nigeria’s current federal system does not allow for the spirit of development competitiveness as it used to be under the regionalisation system under the First Republic. Federalism of today breeds nepotism, ethnic hegemony, corruptionridden money politics, economic poverty, deepening insecurity, and unnecessary inter-ethnic suspicions which should not be. In fact, it is the lop-sidedness in the conduct and management of national aﬀairs that has prompted the agitation for restructuring and self-determination struggle. Politics has become the easiest and fastest means of wealth acquisition and public embezzlement. Religious fanaticism has been with impunity. In Nigeria of today, it is very dangerous to be honest and patriotic. And because of this, people adopt the common slogan of ‘joining them if you cannot beat them.’ Nigeria cannot survive based on this sloganeering. Unless there is urgent restructuring, selfdetermination and separation cannot but be a desideratum. It is the only solution to insecurity and injustice in Nigeria. A stitch in time saves nine

score of 316 votes, when compared to that of the winner, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who scored 1,271 votes, other Igbo candidates scored woefully: Ogbonnaya Onu, former Governor of Abia State, had only one vote, while Dave Umahi, Governor of Ebonyi State, had thirty-eight votes. This was not the ideal situation expected. If the Igbo people strongly believed that it is their turn to present the president, the commitment must be there. But possibly for reasons of monetisation of voting, Igbo delegates did not have the commitment required for self-promotion. And even if they did not have that culture, other Nigerians, especially theYoruba politicians in the PDP and APC should have collaborated to ensure the micro-zoning of the presidential to the Southeast. As regards violent brutalities, there are three main dynamics: Islamic fundamentalism,opengrazingcontroversy,andallegedFulanisation-cum Islamisation agenda. All these dynamics put together, coupled with the don’tcareattitudeofPMBonallegationsofhisopenlypromotingnepotistic p policies in the governance of Nigeria. His disregard for the principles of f fairness and Federal Character has sent different signals of suspicion that, i indeed, he has a Fulanisation and Islamisation agenda. On Islamic fundamentalism, apart from the publicly declared intention t Islamise Nigeria, beginning from the North, the Boko Haram put their to I Islamic flag in every town or community they conquered and occupied. P President Muammar Gaddafi explained this intention differently and m clearly when he said that Nigeria would never have peace until more t country is partitioned into Muslim North and Christian South. Since the G Gaddafi made known his point, has Nigeria known peace? Even if the N Nigerian militarysaystheBokoHaramhasbeendesecratedorneutralised, o technically defeated, boko haramism has only changed in style, while or t insurrection is still gradually being strengthened. the Infact,Nigeriaiscurrentlyplayinghosttobrutalitiesthroughallegations o Islamic blasphemy, which are many. One of the recent cases is that of o Deborah Samuel, the Christian student of Shehu Shagari college of of E Education, Sokoto. She was gruesomely murdered in May 2022 allegedly f blasphemy. After being killed, she was set ablaze and the assailants for t to the street rejoicing and violently protesting against the arrest of took t assailants. The problem here is the jungle justice and not like it was the t case ofYahaya Sharif, 22 years old, who was sentenced on 10 August the 2 by a Kano State Shariah court for the offence of blasphemy against 2020 t prophet in his song in March 2020. the Besides, what about the indiscriminate massacre of congregants at the S Francis Catholic Church in Owo State? Government says it was the Saint m making ofISWAP?Governmentcannotascriberesponsibilityforthesenseless k killings to ISWAP when it is on record that the same PMB administration g allillegallyresidingAfricansinNigeria,manyofwhomnottosaymost, gave were West African Fulani people, to regularise their illegal stay within six months. Instead of sanctioning illegality, it is encouraged.The Governor of Bauchi State, Mr Bala Mohammed, similarly told Nigerians in 2019 that foreign Fulani herders would benefit from the RUGA initiative (Channels TV, 16 September 16, 2019). In May 2022, he also said that efforts were also being made to settle nomadic Fulani in West Africa in Nigeria. Why is Government complaining about the ISWAP when it has consciously provided a legal basis for the ISWAP to take advantage of it? Specifically on the question of herdsmen-farmers dispute, the IPOB leader, Nnamdi Kanu, has clearly drawn attention to the belief amongst Southern Nigerians in general. Nnamdi Kanu said on 6th February, 2014 that‘the Fulani herdsmen will be armed and encouraged to slaughter us with impunity and their masters will protect them. They are coming to ensure that my people (Igbo) are enslaved forever … They are coming to elevate Hausa-Fulani supremacy, to reposition the security agencies by sacking all competent hands and replace them with their kinsmen to drive their ethnic domination of the Biafrans and other tribes in Nigeria.’ This is a common feeling in southern Nigeria. Put differently, the Government, truly or not, is arming the herdsmen; the herdsmen kill with impunity, and that In May 2022, he also said there isaHausa-Fulanisupremacyorethnicdominationagenda.Theforegoing are some of the main dynamics of insecurity in Nigeria and which, for the umpteenth time, we repeat have the potential to destroy Nigeria permanently.The foreign policy scenarios are therefore self-explanatory. Desideratum: Restructuring or Separation? As oneYoruba proverb has it, if you do not know where you are going to, you must know where you are coming from. Most unfortunately, however, in the context of Nigerian politics, Nigerians, especially the political elite, do not know where they are coming from, but are very sure of where they are going to. The destination is only known to themselves. This is the contradiction of the Nigerian project. The national question is quo vadis? No one has a sure answer on the destination of Nigeria’s political pilots. This is precisely why insecurity is waxing stronger, why presidential primaries consciously disregard the need for justice and equity, and also why there is the need to either restructure Nigeria, in which case the various political suspicions are tabled for reconciliation to avoid going to the extent of seeking the application of the principles of self-determination, or in the absence of political will to restructure, make it‘to thy tent o Israel’or separation should be allowed to serve as new basis for determining the making of a new Nigeria. This is how an end can be put to the agitation for a Muslim North and a Christian South. Nigeria has been partitioned already on paper, but not in the mania of the 1884-1885 partitioning of Africa, in which case a sociological nation was split consciously along international borders. For instance, along the Nigeria-Benin Republic border, some Nigerian and Beninois families have their lounge and bedrooms on Nigerian territory and the other parts of the house on Beninois territory. Read full article online - www.thisdaylive.com

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * BENNETT OGHIFO Trained in news writing by Reuters Foundation at Rhodes University, Grahams Town, South Africa, Bennett Eyituoyo Oghifo holds a bachelor's degree in English and master's in public administration from the University of Benin and a Post Graduate Diploma in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. Oghifo is a fellow of Leadership for Environment and Development, (LEAD International), a global network supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, and a member of Africa Association of Science Journalists.

Atiku, Tinubu and Climate Change BY BENNETT OGHIFO

ow that the candidates of all the political parties contesting in next year’s election have emerged, it is imperative to gauge their knowledge of how climate change will influence the national economy in the years ahead and what policies they have to navigate a non-fossil fuel world of the future, as energy transition takes centre stage. Without prejudice to the candidates of the other parties, we believe that the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential flagbearer, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) should have their agenda ready on how to tackle this problem. The world has agreed to gradually phase out fossil, the fulcrum of Nigeria’s economy. Our gas is still fossil fuel, though cleaner, but how much time can the government buy for it to be used to power the nation’s economy? Today, there are fears of widening poverty ratio, forced migration and all forms of social ills and conflicts, particularly in border communities and watersheds, among others. This will definitely happen unless whoever emerges president understands the dynamics of global policies on the environment and climate change to enable him institute deliberate local policies that will be in lockstep. Of course, with assistance from wealthy nations. As determined by scientists, the earth’s temperature is rising, causing global warming with resultant dire and extreme weather events that are a direct threat to human existence. Humanity, has since the first Climate Change Convention in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, been searching for ways to keep the earth’s temperature down to make it harmless. The first breakthrough was in Paris in 2015 when it was agreed that nation’s should state their nationally determined contributions to keep global temperatures at 1.5 degrees Celsius. The 1.5 °C target is the goal of the Paris Agreement, which calls for countries to take concerted climate action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in order to limit global warming. Nigeria, like other African countries, submitted its nationally determined contributions and this is what our emerging president and legislators must follow closely. President Muhammadu Buhari alluded to the fact that there are imminent consequences if the nation’s leadership fails on good environmental governance when he addressed the 16th African Union Extra-ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government on Humanitarian Crises in African and Pledging Conference that was held in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, recently. The envisaged humanitarian crises President Buhari and other African leaders are alluding to are already a reality on the continent. For instance, global warming, according to scientists, is responsible for rising levels in sea level/waters, in some countries, shrinking of rivers and lakes.

Atiku...PDP presidential candidate

Today, there are fears of widening poverty ratio, forced migration and all forms of social ills and conflicts, particularly in border communities and watersheds, among others. This will definitely happen unless whoever emerges president understands the dynamics of global policies on the environment and climate change to enable him institute deliberate local policies that will be in lockstep. Of course, with assistance from wealthy nations.

Last year at COP26 (conference of the parties to the UN framework convention on climate change) in Glasgow, Scotland, emphasis was placed on countries, particularly those in the developed global North, to walk the talk of their commitment to assisting developing/least developed countries adapt to and mitigate the harmful effects of climate change. The developing countries, including Nigeria, are demanding the implementation of the commitment by the developed world to release the USD$100 billion promised. Specifically, in 2009 at the United Nations climate summit in Copenhagen, rich nations made a significant pledge to channel US$100 billion a year to less wealthy nations by 2020, to help them adapt to climate change and mitigate further rises in temperature. That promise was not kept and thrown into this is the predicament of developing countries in navigating the technicalities to enable access to the fund. Our emerging leaders must understand that the money will not come on a platter of any kind and that this was a major source of frustrations and tensions for developing countries last year at the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, UK. Perhaps, only Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who was defeated at the APC primaries has addressed the grave position of Nigeria’s economy in terms of global demand for energy transition. Osinbajo believes the conditions the global rich are imposing on developing nations to enable them access the fund are too stringent, stating that it was hypocritical since they would not set such a high target for themselves. In his recent article published in The Economist, the vice president said, “We must close the global energy inequality gap. Africans need more than just lights at home. We want abundant energy at scale so as to create industrial and commercial jobs. To participate fully in the global economy, we will need reliable low-cost power for facilities such as data centres and, eventually, for millions of electric vehicles.” The energy statistics for African countries is disturbing. “Total electricity use for more than a billion people, covering all 48 sub-Saharan African countries except South Africa, is less than that used by Spain (home to just 47 million). The dearth of power hurts livelihoods and destroys the dreams of hundreds of millions of young people.” The thrust of Osinbajo’s presentation is that by 2050 Nigeria will need to generate 15 times more electricity than is done today. That ambitious goal will require vast resources. The reason is that all Nigerians deserve to enjoy the benefits of modern energy that are taken for granted in the rich world. “We should aim to generate a national average power output of at least 1,000 kilowatt-hours per person.” Now that we have Tinubu, Atiku, Peter Obi and others on the tickets of the parties for the 2023 general election, Nigerians must engage them on how they intend to tackle the challenge of environment and sustainable development of our country.

Democracy in the Wilderness (Cont'd) Buhari presidency is a bit uncomfortable. For whatever reason, an insecure Nigeria cannot be democracy friendly. People who live in a democracy are first and foremost supposed to be free people. Once the freedom of movement is abridged, then it imposes limitations to the idea of nation space. The mobility of persons also connotes the mobility of labour and capital and the other factors of production. A nation space constrained against the free movement of persons and productive forces can neither be a democratic nor a prosperous space To that extent, the inability of the Buhari administration to contain the nationwide insecurity has been the greatest disservice to the growth and development of Nigeria’s democracy. The cost of securing the various elections held in this period has been a major concern. Each of the standalone governorship elections held in the last seven years has assumed the appearance of a martial parade of security forces and warlike hardware. The Anambra Governorship election of 2021 was garrisoned by 34,587 police personnel. Add Department of State security personnel, Soldiers, Civil Defense and other agencies personnel. All these for no more than 2.5 million registered voters. Similarly, the last governorship election in Ondo State was garrisoned by 33,780 policemen. The Edo governorship election of 2020 had a police shield of 31,000 personnel. This is roughly the extent to which the spread of insecurity across the nation has converted democratic elections to controlled garrison exercises. Ultimately, these elections may indeed have been fair and fairly credible but they were not free exercise undertaken by free citizens in an atmosphere free from fear and intimidation.

The scramble to become party delegates has been no more than a struggle to get a gate pass into a national casino of open bribes and pay off for delegate votes by various aspirants. Various media have documented the charade that went in the name of the PDP presidential primaries last week in Abuja. Vast troves of dollar cash were showered on delegates by the various aspirants.

Beyond physical insecurity, the deepening poverty in Buhari’s Nigeria has created the greatest distortion of our democratic landscape. The complete invasion of the electoral and political space by monetized corruption is the biggest tragedy of our time. The ongoing party primaries to choose candidates for various electoral offices for the 2023 elections in the system has raised one single headache: monetization of our politics. At no other time in our history has the political system been so subject to financial compromise as in the current season. The scramble to become party delegates has been no more than a struggle to get a gate pass into a national casino of open bribes and pay off for delegate votes by various aspirants. Various media have documented the charade that went in the name of the PDP presidential primaries last week in Abuja. Vast troves of dollar cash were showered on delegates by the various aspirants. It has been speculated that the two aspirants with the highest vote scores also happen to have been the biggest spenders in terms of delegates pay offs. As the nation awaits the presidential primaries convention of the ruling APC, we may yet witness the greatest reversal of the gains of Nigeria’s democracy yet. The President who is the leader of the ruling party has ‘requested’ state governors under the party to allow him the courtesy of ‘choosing his own successor’ irrespective of the democratic dictates of the internal democracy of the party. The outcome of this unusual request may indeed be the crowning glory of the contradictory democracy dividend of the Buhari presidency. This lame duck presidency may yet fatally injure our frail democratic gains.

MONDAY, ;˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SANYADE OKOLI The CEO of Alpha African Advisory, Mrs Sanyade Okoli has over 27 years of ﬁnancial advisory; private equity; corporate, commercial and management ﬁnance; and auditing experience. She holds an MA in Mechanical Engineering from Cambridge University, UK and trained as a Chartered Accountant with Arthur Andersen (UK). Sanyade is also a trained inner healing minister and life coach. She is the founder of inspirational blog, www.justasiam.ng and creator of life-transforming e-course, Pursuing Wholeness.

Fighting for the Soul of Nigeria BY SANYADE OKOLI

hen assessing a nation, it is easy to focus on the failings of its leaders. However, to loosely quote the words of a current presidential aspirant from a previous WIMBIZ lecture, “Political leaders do not just fall from the sky. They are of us; raised in our families, in our society.” In short, society creates

its leaders. The question, therefore, is how is our society shaping its people and to what extent does it prepare them to be productive and effective citizens? Put differently, what adults are formed by our cultural parenting practices? What kinds of leaders and followers do our traditions and culture develop and sustain? For a long time, I wondered how it was that societies such as ours that stress the importance of discipline in raising our children could end up being so ill-disciplined. Over the years I have come to have a better understanding of the underlying causes. You see, a person lives from the place of his heart - his thoughts, emotions and will. What shapes these thoughts and emotions are their life experiences, especially those from their early years. Each person is born with certain God-given desires. For example, the desire to be loved, to feel secure, accepted, and of value, to name a few. Based on the extent to which these desires are met (or not) in our early years, we form beliefs about ourselves, others, our country, life, etc. These beliefs in turn shape our values, sense of identity, and general mindset which form the framework upon which our thoughts, feelings, decisions, actions - essentially, our whole lives - are based. When these natural desires are not met, or worse still, violated, people’s soul’s get wounded. Whether we believe it or not, these soul wounds can and will negatively affect our lives either until we address them or we go on to meet our Maker. If we were to be truly courageous, we would be willing to ask ourselves what soul wounds have been formed in our individual and collective psyches and how they negatively affect us today. I deliberately used the word “courageous” because it would mean objectively questioning many long and closely held societal norms. It would require us to challenge the status quo; to step back and seek to connect the dot between words and actions, and eventual outcomes. To start with, we would be forced to ask ourselves questions regarding the impact some of our own early life experiences may be having on our lives today. For example, in the name of “discipline”, more people than would care to admit were battered and bruised as children (be it physically or verbally), leaving them feeling wounded and insecure. The adults in our lives (parents, grandparents, teachers, etc.) were so focused on eliciting the “right behaviour” from us that they never stopped to fully consider the impact their brand of discipline could have on our hearts. Also, in the name of “respect” many were raised to feel like they didn’t matter; their voices didn’t count. Made to feel like until they were “somebody” they were nobody. This is one big driving force behind so many seeking to be “somebodies” by any means necessary. They are searching for validation here, there, and everywhere instead of looking within. In reality, we usually see the manifestations of soul wounds, both in ourselves and in others, but we often do not connect the dots in our minds in order to identify cause and effect. It’s not just our parents and their parents’ generations. Even today, in the name of “providing”, many parents are absent physically. With all the other modern-day distractions, a lot of us even when physically present are mentally and/or emotionally absent. The same way we needed the active and affirming love and support of our parents, our children desperately need us. For example, psychologists have determined that children get their sense of identity, self-worth, security, and provision from their fathers. Therefore, without a strong father-figure in the life of a child, he or she is likely to grow into an adult with a weak sense of self. This is made worse in a digital (and often superficial) age where it is easier to have devices babysit our children whilst we busy ourselves with more “pressing matters” such as keeping up social media appearances. Is this too a manifestation of our own inner woundedness? Probably. Then we come to our collective woundedness. Over decades, Nigerians have experienced many traumas. To name a few over the last fifty or so years, we have undergone a vicious civil war, bloody coups, small- and large-scale kidnappings, terrorism, and,

Samson Ayokunle...CAN President

Muhammadu Sa'ad Abubakar... Sultan of Sokoto

Based on the extent to which these desires are met (or not) in our early years, we form beliefs about ourselves, others, our country, life, etc. These beliefs in turn shape our values, sense of identity, and general mindset which form the framework upon which our thoughts, feelings, decisions, actions - essentially, our whole lives - are based.

more recently, the bloodletting at the End SARS protest. Our hearts have been trampled upon over and over again and we are numb with unresolved pain. What is worse is that we do not talk about it. Until fairly recently, emotional pain and mental health issues were not even acknowledged, much less discussed. The challenge with inner pain is that until it is addressed, it remains present, festering away; negatively impacting the lives of individuals, families, institutions and, ultimately, the nation. The key therefore is to recognise its manifestation, identify its roots, and tackle them accordingly. To do so, we must individually and collectively ask ourselves tough questions, even when we fear having to face the answers. Let’s take the topic of the day, for example. Politics! If we took a much closer look at the political arena, I suspect that what we would see many wounded souls, each seeking to minimise their pain the best way they know how. Let’s examine some of the key players. There hasn’t been a dull moment in the political space over the last few weeks with events ranging from surprising expressions of interests to high stakes deception and betrayals. What is even more troubling to many onlookers is that there appears to be very few aspirants who are pursuing political positions for love of state or country. So why then do most of our politicians go for political power? What underpins the “do or die” approach we see every four years? What inner desires are they seeking to fill with money, status and power? How are their inner wounds affecting you and I today? Equally, for many party members, especially the delegates, the election cycle is a quadrennial opportunity for money and relevance. Having said that, with so little said by the politicians about their leadership plans, upon what objective basis do the delegates make their decisions? Do they realise that the poor selection of party candidates will most likely cost them, and their descendants, far more than they could ever gain today? Where does such shortsightedness come from? But then again, in their shoes, would we act differently? Additionally, it has become apparent to many that some of our political aspirants do not have enough people around them who tell them the truth. What is not always clear is whether it is a case of their nearest and dearest not telling them as it is because they are unable to (out of ignorance or fear) or unwilling to (due to their own duplicity). Either way, it is essential to uncover the underlying forces which fuel the behaviour of each party. To what extent do those in positions of power and influence recognise the pockets of insincerity in their midst and how does it make them feel? Over and above money, status and power, we all need healthy relationships to truly thrive. After years of stolen votes, violent ballots, and disappointing leaders, we also have a tired and disheartened voting population. There is a hopelessness that pervades conversations about Nigeria with many feeling powerless to affect the course of their country. Consequently, many respond in one of two ways. Some, like the “stomach-infrastructure” party members, short-sightedly sell their vote for a pittance. Others conclude that their votes will not count and therefore see no need to try. No attempt is made to secure their voters’ card, much less go out on the day to vote. Therefore, in a bid for self-preservation, many voters actively or passively create the perfect enabling environment for the vicious cycle to continue. Many people ask, “What role should the media be playing at this time?” There are feelings in some quarters that in the midst of all that is going on, by not taking stronger stances, many media players are doing the nation a disservice. The first question to ask however is, “What media?” Traditional media? Social media? What are their respective responsibilities and what are our expectations of them? We must also consider what personal filters have been applied to the information we consume and to what extent they are accurate. Collectively, we all play a role in shaping the Nigeria we see and experience today. We are society. We are Nigeria. What we see playing out in our politics is a fight for the body of Nigeria. However, to have a Nigeria that is truly worth fighting for, we must fight for the soul of the nation by first fighting for the inner wellbeing of its people. For Nigeria to enjoy positive outcomes, its people must first act differently. To do so, we must individually and collectively think differently – about ourselves, about each other, and about our country.

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * MONDAY EKPE Currently an adjunct lecturer at the University of Abuja, Ekpe was at various times editorial page editor, features editor and general editor at THISDAY. A brilliant writer with special interest in human stories, Ekpe obtained his ﬁrst degree in English and Literature from the University of Benin and a master's in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan where he completed his Ph. D in 2015.

Challenge to the ‘Lazy Youth’ BY MONDAY EKPE

t is difficult to think about young Nigerians and not be deeply worried - truly concerned about them, honestly troubled for the society, and genuinely anxious about tomorrow. Surely, no country can squander the potentialities of youth the way it obtains here without harvesting unwholesome penalties. The “lazy Nigerian youths” statement reportedly made by President Muhammadu Buhari a couple of years back is instructive. Of course, like in other places on earth, Nigeria has its own share of slothful people across various demographic groupings. A more representative picture of Nigerian youths is characterised by active aspirations, resilience, industriousness, vision and sufficient self-esteem. These attributes account for their exceptional successes all over the world. Sadly, however, with their numerous accomplishments abroad, one area that has continued to elude the youth population is the local political turf. Older politicians, including those whose ideas and contributions have not helped for decades, are everywhere calling the shots. It was with great expectation, therefore, that Nigerians received the efforts of the civil society, spearheaded by YIAGA Africa, in that regard. The Not Too Young to Run Bill was well designed and executed. It sought to amend sections of the Constitution that relate to the age limits for elective positions. Eventually, President Buhari signed it into law in May 2018 to the satisfaction of the promoters and the generality of the people. The minimum age for president is now 30 years, down from 40, while that of Representatives and state houses of assembly is 25 years, from 30. The Senate and governorship peg remains 35 years instead of the 30 canvassed by the activists. Those who expected many young practicing or prospective politicians to jump into the fray in the run up to the 2019 general election were somehow disappointed even with the improvements recorded. According to YIAGA Africa statistics, the direct involvement of young people in that election rose from 21 percent in 2015 to 34.2 percent. About 13.5 percent of that figure vied for Senate as against 27.4 percent for the House of Representatives. For the record, 6.8 percent of them were actually elected into the House. The state legislatures also received a handful of them. Obviously concerned about this under-performance, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) organised a retreat some time ago for the Young Parliamentarians Forum (YPF) of the National Assembly, in conjunction with the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS). The Resident Representative of KAS, Dr Vladimir Kreck, hit at a main matter negatively hindering robust youth engagement in the country’s politics. As he put it, “Money politics is definitely a major factor in Nigeria when it comes to elections and appointments.” Unfortunately, money - either properly utilised or abused - has for decades been a principal determinant of a number of directions, fortunes and woes in the affairs of Nigeria’s political life. Recall the recent sale of nomination forms. Check out the profiles of the ruling and main opposition parties: The APC: President, 100 million naira; Governorship, 50 million naira; Senate, 20 million naira; House of Representatives, 10 million naira and House of Assembly, two million naira. The PDP: President, 40 million naira; Governorship, 21 million naira; Senate, 3.5 million naira; House of Representatives, 2.5 million naira and House of Assembly, 1.5 million naira. Whatever financial concessions that were made for their young members aspiring into these offices were largely seen as shallow gestures. Fast forward to the primaries, especially of the dominant parties. The level of delegate inducement is unprecedented, raised obscenely to the level of bazaars. If that is a poor commentary on the gladiators, it is also a worrying testimonial of the relevant monitoring agencies and indeed the entire system of accountability and enforcement. This continual monetisation of the political environment is, without doubt, a further weight on the psyche of an already traumatised youth segment of the populace. The capacity of our youths to mobilise themselves towards fighting for common causes should be easy for watchers of the Nigerian socio-political landscape to comprehend. Perhaps the most recent vivid illustration of this ability is the 2020 EndSars protests that swept through many states in the country. Because of the nation’s diversity and the ethnic and religious conflicts that erupt at disturbing

Samson Itodo...ES, YIAGA Africa

The level of delegate inducement is unprecedented, raised obscenely to the level of bazaars. If that is a poor commentary on the gladiators, it is also a worrying testimonial of the relevant monitoring agencies and indeed the entire system of accountability and enforcement. This continual monetisation of the political environment is, without doubt, a further weight on the psyche of an already traumatised youth segment of the populace.

intervals, cohesion may look impossible but those demonstrations succeeded in breaking down the barriers in several places. While the public agitations lasted, strongly aided by the internet, young citizens exhibited their skills in targeted national and global communication, appropriate messaging, transparent fundraising and large-scale coordination. The steady successes shocked the government and woke it from slumber, at least temporarily. If the youths can deploy those energies and strategies for political empowerment, the story of the country and their own conditions can be transformed significantly. Luckily, there exist enough enabling statutes to support such self-discovery and yearning. Way back in 1996, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) endorsed the World Programme for Youth to 2000 and beyond. The Assembly’s 2003 and 2011 resolutions further prioritised it and pushed for productive participation of youths especially in decision-making processes. The 122nd Assembly of the Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU) also passed a resolution in 2010, spelling out affirmative actions that could boost the numerical strength of young legislators everywhere. One irony playing out in Nigeria today is that most of the political players in their 70s, 80s or 90s who insist that they are still relevant actually started in their 20s and 30s. I have chosen to consult some sages for illumination about the stage of life that covers the 20s, 30s and early 40s. Benjamin Disraeli, two-time 19th Century Prime Minister of United Kingdom: “Almost everything that is great has been done by youth.” Curiosity, physical power, mental agility and emotional vigour - all in abundant supply here - when applied correctly, do justify Disraeli’s position that “The youth of a nation are the trustees of posterity.” Nigerians live with that truism but have problems truthfully working it out. Mark Twain, author, humourist, ‘Father of American literature’: “There is no sadder sight than a young pessimist.” On streets, in classrooms and elsewhere, most young people in Nigeria are soaked in despair, many dreaming of some wonderland somewhere. Very sorry indeed. Hebert Hoover, former American President at the beginning of the Great Depression: “Blessed are the young for they shall inherit the national debt.” Taken literally, it would be a miracle for even the children of the present crop of youths to settle Nigeria’s addictive indebtedness. Our social or moral bankruptcy is something else. Euripides, classical Greek tragedian: “Whoso neglects learning in his youth, loses the past and is dead for the future.” Are today’s parents really positioned to hand down to their wards lessons acquired from their own parents? How adequate are institutions of learning? James Madison, 4th President of the United States, ‘father of the Constitution’: “Each generation should be made to bear the burden of its own wars, instead of carrying them on, at the expense of other generations.” How many responsibilities can the ill-coached, miserly-motivated and mostly despondent young Nigerian adults actually bear? Thomas Carlyle, British essayist, philosopher and leading light of the 19th Century English literature: “Youth is to all the glad season of life; but often only by what it hopes, not by what it attains, or what it escapes.” Carlyle seems to suggest that hopes are readily accessible but most Nigerian youths constantly review their expectations to align with their vanishing aspirations. As for attainments and exclusion from terrible tidings, some have since surrendered their own will to fate. It may not yet be apparent but I believe that non-violent revolt is possible here. Challenges like a mishandled education sector, massive unemployment and the onslaught of Tramadol and other hard substances do not have to overwhelm the younger generation. It has its work cut out. In the words of Martin Luther King, Jr., “One of the great liabilities of history is that all too many people fail to remain awake through great periods of social change. Every society has its protectors of status quo and its fraternities of the indifferent who are notorious for sleeping through revolutions. Today, our very survival depends on our ability to stay awake, to adjust to new ideas, to remain vigilant and to face the challenge of change.” Superbly spoken. More than ever, the centrality and indispensability of politics beckon. Our young men and women must now rise to the occasion.

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * KAYODE KOMOLAFE A journalist with over 30 years’ experience, Komolafe has participated in numerous international conferences in Journalism, labour, democracy and development including the Leadership and Simulation program at J.Mac Robinson College of Business, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia, USA. In 2013 he was inaugurated into the National Human Rights Commission Governing Council. Currently THISDAY Deputy Managing Director, Komolafe holds a ﬁrst degree from the University of Calabar, Calabar, and a postgraduate certiﬁcate from the International Institute of Journalism Berlin, Germany.

Power without Moral Capital BY KAYODE KOMOLAFE

one of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Sir Ahmadu Bello ever held the position of the chief executive officer of the Nigerian state. Yet, the national reputation of each of these past leaders has endured for ages. The perception that these historical figures were foundational leaders (of different ideological and cultural hues) has persisted in the country. For different reasons and depending on the perspective of the observer, their names have become reference points. As a leader, Azikiwe was widely acknowledged even by his contemporaries as an inspirer right from the anti-colonial days to the period that he was the premier of the old eastern region. Even though after independence he assumed the post of president without executive power, his place in history as a nationalist is firmly assured. Awolowo was distinguished by his record of governance in the old western region and the brilliance of the ideas he effectively put into practice. Bello gave efficient leadership as the premier of the old northern region, a geo-political entity with 19 governors now in charge doing the job one man did from 1954 to 1966. Bello’s performance has remained a benchmark for governance and leadership 56 years after his death. In markedly different contexts, the perception of these Nigerian leaders by the people is akin to that of Nelson Mandela in South Africa, Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, and Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. For instance, with his huge moral stature, Mandela went to Washington to tell an American president that the West could not stop South Africa from being a friend to Cuba, Libya, and Iran because of the support of these countries for the anti-apartheid struggle. This was even before Mandela was elected president. One thing these leaders had in common in their time is what social scientists describe as moral capital. As different from other forms of capital (economic, social, human etc.) moral capital could be sourced from the realm of values, perception, institutions, habits, norms, virtues etc. which result from the delivery of public goods when a leader is in power. In diverse locations and situations, legitimacy was derived by these leaders by imperceptibly drawing on their accumulated moral capital. The memories of Azikiwe, Awolowo and Bello that people keep today is not about their private estates or the awesomeness of the power they held while in power. What lingers is that perception by the people that these leaders did some public good, which even their harshest critics could not deny. Here we are talking of the moral perceptions of their respective roles in history as individuals. As it is with the individual leader, so it is with public and private institutions for which reputation and integrity constitute a huge moral capital. Now, of the various dimensions of the Nigerian crisis, the moral one is often underplayed. Yet the repair of the moral damage that this bourgeois politics is inflicting on the society will take a longer time than rebuilding the broken physical structures and reviewing policy issues. In other words, long after you must have fixed collapsed roads and bridges and revamped derelict schools and hospitals the blurred line between right and wrong in the conduct of public affairs may persist. Meanwhile, politicians and pundits alike continue to say glibly that “there is no morality in politics.” Politicians make a virtue of playing their game without a moral compass. After all, a presidential candidate may have in his campaign team economic advisers, political strategy consultants and social policy experts. But have you ever heard of a candidate appointing a moral adviser as a member of his campaign team? On this occasion of ‘Democracy Day’, therefore, it may be worthwhile to employ the idea of moral capital in pondering Nigeria’s experiment with liberal democracy in the last 23 years. As a sociological category, moral capital is also a very liberal concept. To say that moral capital is a vanishing virtue in today’s politics is far from making a radical critique of the malaise afflicting the socio- political system. The symptoms of this affliction are manifest in the political landscape. The other day a political strategist wrote that it would be considered frivolous if a presidential candidate budgets less than 20 billion naira for his campaign while a governorship candidate who wants to win should be ready with at least five billion naira. A senatorial candidate is even expected to raise hundreds of millions of naira because he wants to represent his district in the National Assembly. Promptly, another election expert replied that such figures were a gross under-estimation. The obscene monetisation of politics in a poverty-ridden society is now on display with the outrageous fees for nomination forms and reports of “buying” of delegates with huge sums of money in local and foreign currencies. Some of the dollars allegedly given to delegates have been reported to be fake.

Azikiwe

Awolowo

Bello

As diﬀerent from other forms of capital (economic, social, human etc.) moral capital could be sourced from the realm of values, perception, institutions, habits, norms, virtues etc. which result from the delivery of public goods when a leader is in power.

Giving and taking of bribes as well as spending fake currencies are still crimes in the books. Yet this political culture of monetisation of all values blossoms as a political strategy. A politician keeps an army of thugs and boasts that he has “political structures on ground” in readiness for an election. A political party makes its members to pay for nomination forms to contest intra-party elections and turns round to ask the aspirants to step down in the interest of a zoning arrangement without refunding the fees. In official statements, public office holders tell barefaced lies. Without blinking an eye, politicians renege on promises made while on the hustings. Arrogance of power is flagrantly on display at all levels of government. The culture of accountability is abysmally lacking on issues of public interest. Few former governors can walk freely on the streets of their state capitals after governing the states for eight years. Some governors cannot point to enduring institutions perceived by the people as serving their interest. A governor is given the mandate by the electorate to govern on the platform of a political party as required by law. A few months after the election he joins another party without relinquishing the mandate given to the party having its name on the ballot paper during election. He goes to court to get away with the absurdity on technical grounds. The public is told that while such political behaviours could be immoral, it is considered legal. The parliaments at state levels and the centre are hardly perceived by the people as ventilating their views and interests. A lawmaker should be the tribune of his constituency. Few of the state and federal legislators can be so called in the Nigerian context. Oversight functions of the legislature have been turned into perennial extortion of ministries, departments, and agencies of the executive. The foregoing is the very brief introduction to Nigerian politics for an 18-year-old citizen who would be voting for the first-time next year. Such is the enormity of damage that politicians and their agents are doing to the system. Questioned about the morality of his position, one eminent Nigerian politician said cynically that “politics is no Sunday school affair.” Besides, unlike economic, political, and social capital that politicians also seek, moral capital is profoundly subjective. You can buy votes with dollars. But moral capital is that intangible asset residing in the minds of the people that you cannot buy with all the money in the world. To borrow the famous title of one of the books of an American philosopher, Michael Sandel, moral capital is “What Money Can’t Buy.” If moral capital is to be sold how would Azikiwe, Awolowo and Bello now buy some to keep their names beyond their graves? Their memories live on with great moral prestige. So moral capital cannot be commodified like votes, awards, or hagiographies. One factor that drains moral capital from the polity and society is the pervading belief that everybody has a price, and all values can be bought. The beauty of moral capital, however, is that the judgment of what is good or bad governance ultimately lies with the people. This is despite the efforts of politicians and their publicists and strategists to manipulate the people’s perception. A government may stage an elaborate commissioning of an uncompleted road. But the people can do their assessment of things when they travel on the non-motorable portion of the road. The proposition that moral capital should be prioritised as a resource for politics and leadership is no sterile moralising about politics. In Nigeria today, it is a potent factor to prevent a descent into a moral jungle in the name of smart politics. Leadership cannot be credible without moral authority which is a slice of moral capital. In seeking power, politicians often discount the factor of moral capital because of the absolute contempt they have for the people as demonstrated by the samples of political behaviours mentioned above as well as the hostility to the politics of ideas. The result is obvious in the low level of the development of liberal democracy in the last two decades. Hence the word “nascent” has lost its meaning in Nigeria because it is still unconsciously used to describe a dispensation that began in 1999. Beyond brandishing the legality of political power, politicians should also acquire huge resources of moral capital for the purpose of legitimacy. It is important to keep moral capital like other capital for it can be eroded with time. Yes, moral capital is also vulnerable to loss or damage just like economic capital. Moral capital can be squandered by a leader or an institution just like other forms of capital. Currently, political leaders need a lot of moral capital to prevent a crisis of legitimacy. It is, however, not clear to what extent they are conscious of the need for this resource as they are busy seeking other resources to be equipped for the 2023 electoral battle. The future of politics without moral capital is bleak for the nation.

͹ͺ˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * BOLAJI ADEBIYI A two-term presidential aide and immediate past editor of THISDAY Newspapers, Bolaji Adebiyi is the managing editor of the newspaper. Elected the vice president (West) of the Nigerian Guild of Editors last year, he attended University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) Ile-Ife, obtaining both bachelor and master's degrees in History. A British Chevening Scholar, Adebiyi also holds post-graduate and advanced diploma certiﬁcates in Journalism from the Nigerian Institute of Journalism, Lagos and The Thompson Foundation, Cardiﬀ, Wales.

Seven Years of ‘Change’ BY BOLAJI ADEBIYI

he Yoruba say if a deity cannot improve their material condition it should at least leave them the way it met them instead of leaving them worse off. For Nigerians, Muhammadu Buhari, who has been at the helm of affairs of their country for more than seven years, adequately characterises this unhelpful deity. Carried into office on the back of the widespread disappointment with the erstwhile Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) government of President Goodluck Jonathan, Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) was thought to be the change agent that would pull Nigeria out of the cesspit of perceived economic downturn, rising insecurity and massive corruption. Seven years after, many of those who conned their fellow citizens into accepting ash as salt, are gnashing their teeth rather regrettably. So spectacular is the failure of the Buhari administration that looking back. Many Nigerians justifiably think 2015 was a critical error of judgment that has produced the worst mistake ever made by them. The evidence is all over the place in the comatose national economy, the widening and worsening insecurity and the insidious corruption of high officials of his government. Not only are Nigerians now being nostalgic about the Jonathan years, members of Buhari’s own kitchen cabinet even attempted to move the former president across the carpet in an awkward attempt to return Jonathan to power. Although it has been suggested that the clumsy detour on Jonathan by Buhari’s political tacticians was intended to return the North to power sooner than the power-sharing project, facts on the ground also point to the desire of the presidential minders to face up to the reality of the poor records of their principal and its impending negative effect on the fortunes of the APC in the forthcoming general election. Signs of the incompetence of the president emerged early when he hit the ground and sat there rather than run. He had narrowed his areas of priority during his electioneering to the economy, security and corruption. He said he would revive the economy and lead from the front in stamping out insecurity and corruption. But for six months, he could not form a government. Meanwhile, within 11 months of taking power, the economy became acutely distressed and went into a recession, the first in 32 years of the nation’s economic history. Rather than take responsibility, Buhari heaped the blame on the Jonathan administration complaining that the previous government left it an economy that was in a dire strait. It conveniently forgot that it left the country without any direction for six months by its failure to appoint ministers and key functionaries. As the failings of the government began to manifest in those early days, Lai Mohammed, its garrulous minister of Information and Culture, never spent a day without castigating the unseated Jonathan administration for all the ills of the nation. But the figures would show that the buck-passing was unjustified and that Buhari inherited an illustrious economy compared to what he has bequeathed to Nigeria. In 2015 when Buhari took over, the economy had appreciable indices. The size of the economy was $500 billion, the largest and fasted growing in Africa at seven per cent, yielding 8.09 per cent unemployment. That was largely possible because capacity utilisation was 60.5 per cent with a foreign direct investment of $3.06 billion. Inflation was a single-digit 9.01 per cent while the exchange rate was N197/$. Although the debt portfolio was N12.3 trillion, the external reserve stood at $29.13 billion. The Jonathan administration also left a $6 billion Nigerian Liquified Natural Gas Limited dividend in addition to a Sovereign Wealth Fund that yielded N26.3 billion in that year. Rather than build on these records, Buhari demobilised the economy within a year, taking it into depression twice in four years. Under his watch the economic indices became epileptic, rising and falling like the president’s personal health. Seven years into his leadership, the figures dipped South safe in two areas. In fact, a 2022 World Bank report, ‘Global Economic Report’, which examined Nigeria’s economy among other countries in the last 10 years was emphatic that it was the worst ever. What are the records of the man who was brought in to revive the economy? The size of the economy stagnated and eventually shrunk to $480 billion by 2021 with a debilitating 33.5 per cent unemployment rate. With the exchange rate rising to N435/$ it became so scarce that it played at the parallel market for as much as N600/$. No wonder, therefore, capacity utilisation came down to 55.1 per cent even as the GDP hovered sluggishly around 3.4 per cent. The glaring corollary was the rise in the poverty rate from the 2015 figure of 33.5 to 47.3 per cent. His heavy borrowing which moved the nation’s debt portfolio to N39.56 trillion has not reflected substantially and positively either on the quality of life of Nigerians or the economy as inflation rose steadily and fluctuated around 15.60 per cent. But he improved in two areas. He jerked the foreign reserves and foreign direct investments to $40.52 billion and $6.7 billion respectively. In moments of extreme cynicism, some Nigerians often derisively inquire how these figures by both local and foreign rating agencies impact the lives of their fellow compatriots. The negative impact of Buhari’s abysmal performance is an open sore that is manifested by the astronomical rise in the prices of essential commodities. From the basics such as energy, including electricity, petrol, diesel, Jet A1 and cooking gas plus kerosine as well as

President Muhammadu Buhari

The evidence is all over the place in the comatose national economy, the widening and worsening insecurity and the insidious corruption of high oﬃcials of his government. Not only are Nigerians now being nostalgic about the Jonathan years, members of Buhari’s own kitchen cabinet even attempted to move the former president across the carpet in an awkward attempt to return Jonathan to power.

food, to luxury items like cars the evidence exists that not only the poor are crying but the rich are also weeping. Any wonder why Nigeria became the poverty capital of the entire world under his watch? There would naturally be an organic linkage between poor economic management and rising social strife. In the case of the Buhari administration, bad political management compounded the latent ethnoreligious cleavages as well as the social crises that have undermined the nation’s security. When he arrived on the scene in 2015 the country was in the grip of the violence sponsored by the terror group in the North-east, Boko Haram. Within six months of its coming into office, the administration announced the technical degradation of the group that continued to terrorise the region, particularly Borno and Yobe States. It turned out, however, that each time the administration boasted about its routing of the terrorists, the outlaws responded with either an attack on a military fortress or villages close to the Borno State capital, Maiduguri. Meanwhile, as Mohammed boasted in Abuja, federal legislators from the troubled areas complained that several local councils in their constituencies were under the firm control of the insurgents. While the Buhari administration remained in denial of the severity of the insecurity situation in the North-east, the armed violence by non-state actors spread like a bush fire to the North-central under the command of armed herdsmen most of whom were believed to be Fulani from outside the country. The armed violence soon spread to the North-west with terrorists called bandits ravaging several communities in Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto and Niger States. Kidnapping for ransom was an isolated political tool in the hands of Boko Haram in 2015 with Nigerians expressing their disgust over the failure of Jonathan to find and rescue over 200 girls abducted from their school at Chibok in Borno State. Under Buhari, the crime had by 2021 become a thriving multi-million industry dominated by bandits who routinely pick up children from their schools in the North-west. The terrorists had spread their wings to the South-west before the region’s governors and leaders rose to stop them in their tracks. Although the South-south appeared pacified with the militants going into hibernation, issuing threats of renewed violence intermittently, the Southeast also erupted in a different kind of armed struggle as members of the Indigenous People of Biafra developed an armed wing whose activities have enveloped the entire region in an orgy of strange killings perpetrated by a splinter group referred to as unknown gunmen. By the staggering figures of the deaths procured by these marauding non-state actors and the multitudes displaced and pushed into the several Internally Displaced Persons’ Camps, Buhari’s unimpressive record in tackling insecurity after a boastful seven years is clear even to the blind. More embarrassingly audible also to the deaf is the abject failure of his fight against corruption. If this social malaise was rife under Jonathan, it became subliminally ingrained in the DNA of his top officials with some of them charged with the task of preventing crimes, falling short of glory. Ibrahim Magu, the loquacious chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, was forced out of office by a petition by Abubakar Malam, the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, alleging massive corruption. About two years after a high-level enquiry by Ayo Salami, himself retired from his headship of the Court of Appeal in controversial circumstances a couple of years ago, the Buhari administration went mute about its outcome. Last week, pictures of Magu’s decoration having been promoted from the rank of commissioner of police to assistant inspector-general of police surfaced in the media. The most recent financial heist under the watch of Buhari was revealed some weeks ago. Ahmed Idris, the Accountant-General of the Federation, was alleged by the EFCC to have cornered a princely N84 billion for himself. Further investigations suggest that the theft might be up to N200 billion. While the nation was still in shock, the suspect got administrative bail last week. In the meantime, the oil industry that the president directly superintends as minister continues to retain the title of the opaquest. Oil theft that was a developing crime in 2015 became mammoth by 2021, forcing international oil companies to divest from the onshore sector with the emergent Nigerian investors like Tony Elumelu, a prominent banker and businessman, complaining that over 90 per cent of the nation’s production goes into the covers of the thieves. Those who may argue that these instances of corruption under Buhari are isolated would have their argument easily deflated by the consistent downward performance of Nigeria on the Corruption Perception Index which stood at 138 in 2015 and rose to 153 by 2021. So, judged by the task he set for himself in 2015 and his performance in the last seven years, Buhari has not done well and Nigerians have since stopped complaining about him, taking solace in the imminence of his departure on May 29 next year. “If he could not do much in seven years, there is no chance in hell that he would improve in the next one year,” Abubakar Faruk, a political activist, said in a conversation with a group of reviewers last week, adding, “We take solace in the fact that his tenure would end next year.” Now that the presidential candidates of the political parties have emerged, I hope that Nigerians will actively engaging and interrogating their credentials and antecedents to avoid a repeat of the mistake of 2015 in 2023.

MONDAY, ;˜ ͺ͸ͺͺ ˾ T H I S D AY

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * AISHA SHUAIBU A business consultant with a decade of experience in brand and strategic management, Ms Aisha Shuaibu is Managing Director of Waﬄe Way in Abuja, and President of SWA Sports, an initiative that is promoting local talents in kickboxing, wrestling, and Taekwondo. Ms Shuaibu obtained her B Sc in Business Studies from the University of Bedfordshire, Luton in the United Kingdom and her Masters in Entrepreneurship and Innovation from Bahcesehir University, Istanbul, Turkey.

The Neglected Sports Sector BY AISHA SHUAIBU “Sports has the power to change the world. It has the power inspire. It has the power to unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to youth in a language they understand. Sports can create hope where once there was only despair. It is more powerful than governments in breaking down racial barriers. It laughs in the face of all kinds of discrimination.” – (Nelson Mandela, 2000)

ne of the many natural gems Nigeria possesses is the gift of athleticism among its people. The average Nigerian has at least one God-giving ability of strength, speed, agility or physical build. This has resulted in Nigerian athletes dominating world sports for decades. From basketball legend Hakeem Olajuwon and football legend Jay-Jay Okocha to Olympic track star Blessing Okagbare and UFC champion Kamaru Usman, Nigerians are renowned for breaking records in the world of sports. However, a major drawback is that most of these Nigerian stars were not developed on home soil. It is of rarity to find a Nigerian success story today who emerged straight from the country, fully moulded into a competitively strong athlete, ready to take the international stage. This is as a result of many existing factors affecting the ecosystem of the Nigerian sports industry. Yet, sports remain one of the most lucrative industries as well as a strong driver of economic growth, unity, development and positive impact. With the conclusion of the primaries by the political parties, the candidates must begin to put in place ideas and policies for the rehabilitation of the sports industry as a tool for developing our country and creating a sustainable future for young people. We must open our eyes to the realisation that the western world will continue to tap into our running waters, fishing out money makers till we are ready to develop and preserve our own talent. This blatant neglect is not encouraging particularly to people who aspire for careers in sports. Meanwhile, the industry also requires administrators, officials, lawyers, doctors, journalists, merchandisers, marketers, architects, engineers, investors, sponsors and enthusiasts. These categories of stakeholders come together to form a systematic industry where all parties are important to its functionality. Sports is big business and our country must tap into that. For instance, the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Champions League generated 2.8 billion euros in its 2020/21 season, the National basketball Association (NBA) earn $8 billion in revenue annually while the National Football League (NFL) is worth about $16 billion. These are mostly generated through television broadcasting,

Sunday Dare...Minister of Youth and Sports Development

With the conclusion of the primaries by the political parties, the candidates must begin to put in place ideas and policies for the rehabilitation of the sports industry as a tool for developing our country and creating a sustainable future for young people.

online app subscriptions, ticketing, brand endorsements and sponsorships, among several other means. The business of sports is heavily infused with entertainment, tourism and innovation, all of which keep to global trends, technological advancements and cultural movements. The construction of state of the art sports facilities alone could create a ripple effect of more participation in sporting activities. For Nigeria specifically, sports is a universal mother-tongue impacting all levels from the elite down to the grassroots communities. Football being the most populous sport in the country is in the hearts of street kids who convert any open sand field to a pitch and play till sundown. But how do we tap into that interest? As a predominantly youth country, we cannot ignore the potential of sports as a means to poverty alleviation and education. Children who grow up illiterate, without access to basic needs and safety are at the mercy of what their environment turns them into. With the rise of insecurity across the country, it is time to examine the generation we are breeding most of who live in extreme poverty. Yet, as a former United Nations Secretary General, the late Kofi Annan, once quipped, “extreme poverty anywhere is a threat to human security everywhere.” In the past few weeks as I travel within the continent, I have observed how in countries like Senegal and Rwanda sports development is embedded in the daily lives of their people by creating an enabling environment. We should emulate those countries. That of course requires that those in charge of sports management in Nigeria be more forward looking. The NBA in collaboration with the International Basketball Federation (FIBA) launched the Basketball Africa League in 2019, aimed at promoting the game of basketball on the continent, while also prioritising sports infrastructure, partnerships and the interconnectivity of African countries. The BAL conducted their 2022 season in Dakar, Cairo and Kigali, welcoming stakeholders in sports from all over the world. As the season concluded in Kigali, I observed our dinner table on my last night there and noticed that we were a combination of about 12 countries in one seating. That was profound. Sports brought strangers of different creeds and beliefs to one place and made us feel like one family as we shared the commonality of our passion for the games and exchanged ideas that could drive impact in our various countries. Overall, I hope and pray that our next administration prioritizes development through sports. The Nigerian youth deserve a way out of the mess we have found ourselves in and sports has the power to enable the change we so desperately need. Through public private partnerships and collaborative effort, we can empower Nigerian youth through sports, assuring their future and ensuring the prosperity of our country.

SONNY ARAGBA-AKPORE With cognate practice in the media spanning more than three decades, Aragba-Akpore was an Assistant General Manager/Head, Corporate Communications at the Nigerian Communications Satellite (NIGCOMSAT) Ltd. In November 2014, he became the the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) Assistant Director/Head, Media & Public Relations, a position he held until retirement in July 2020. He attended the University of Lagos and holds B.A and M.A. in English. He is also a member of Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR).

The Case for Financial Inclusion BY SONNY ARAGBA-AKPORE

he 2023 general election comes against the backdrop of a national economy in near comatose. If recent projections in respected international publications are any guide, it is safe to conclude that Nigeria is currently in dire strait. But we do not even need all these reports to understand the state of our nation. The reality of existence for most Nigerians is atrocious. Yet, when you expect our politicians to tell us what they would do to dig us out of the pit in which we now find ourselves, they are busy throwing around ill-gotten money to buy votes. The primaries of both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and that of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) were mere bazaars. But now that they have chosen their candidates, we must begin to engage them on issues. One of the areas where we must put focus is the telecoms sector and the urgent need for financial inclusion. As things stand, Nigeria’s traditional banking system is exclusionary, leaving millions out of the financial mainstream. A September 2020 report by the global consulting firm, McKinsey & Co, noted that while banking in Nigeria remained an attractive sector, with over $9 billion in value pools, most consumers are underserved. “Lack of access to services,” the report said, “especially in rural areas, issues of affordability, and poor user experience all contribute to the frustration consumers experience right across the customer spectrum.” It is troubling that financial inclusion in Nigeria is among the lowest in subSaharan Africa, lagging countries with lower income. Within the country, financial exclusion is highest in the northeast and northwest regions at 34 percent and 27 percent, respectively. But ignorance may also be a factor. A significant proportion of the Nigerian population (about 90%), noted a 2019 USAID funded Power Africa report, has little or no knowledge of alternative means of accessing financial services, including the use of mobile money despite having good mobile network coverage in some parts of the country and high mobile penetration. And low mobile money awareness has led to low mobile money uptake in Nigeria, as compared with other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The 2020 EFInA Access to financial services in the country survey revealed that 51 percent of adult Nigerians were using formal financial services, such as banks, microfinance banks, mobile money, insurance, or pension accounts, up from 49

When you expect our politicians to tell us what they would do to dig us out of the pit in which we now ﬁnd ourselves, they are busy throwing around ill-gotten money to buy votes. The primaries of both the ruling APC and that of the main opposition PDP were mere bazaars. But now that they have chosen their candidates, we must begin to engage them on issues. One of the areas where we must put focus is the telecoms sector and the urgent need for ﬁnancial inclusion.

percent in 2018. But this was largely driven by growth in banking, with 45 percent of Nigerians banked in 2020, up from 40 percent in 2018, and the country still fell short of the National Financial Inclusion Strategy targets for 2020. The goal had been to reach 70 percent of Nigerians with formal financial services by 2020. There has been a long-standing and broad-based consensus by the government and Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) about the importance of boosting the provision and uptake of digital financial services (DFS). This forms part of a broader strategy to scale-up financial inclusion. Nigeria has a relatively well-developed banking sector by regional standards, with a regionally high level of banking penetration in West Africa and robust use of advanced financial instruments in the local economy. The country is also well connected to international financial markets. S&P Global in its 2021 Global Banking Outlook report notes that Nigerian banks face struggles on many fronts and projected the country’s banks will grow slower in 2021 on the back of a subdued economy, despite the Central Bank of Nigeria’s introduction of a minimum ratio of loans to deposits in 2019. “We forecast subdued credit growth to the private sector of about 4-6 percent in 2020 and 2021, after a strong 13.9 percent rebound in 2019, as the foreign exchange market and consumer demand stabilises. Banks will likely focus on blue chips operating across the manufacturing, trade, and telecoms sectors,” the ratings firm projected. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) in its latest Financial Access Survey disclosed that the number of borrowers from commercial banks decreased to 29.61 per 1,000 adults in 2020 from 25.42 per 1,000 adults in 2019, despite the outstanding deposits with commercial banks per percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) rising to 20.50 in 2020 against 16.31 in 2019. Nigerian banks during this period closed 234 branches and 649 Automated Teller Machines (ATMs) between 2019 and 2020. The report also showed a sharp decline in the number of registered mobile money agent outlets in Nigeria to 129,154 in 2020 from 145,800 in 2019, representing an 11 percent decline. Several market forces are set to contest the market space with established commercial banks and could swing the balance of power in favour of these challenger banks for selective banking services. MTN and Airtel, Continued on page 71

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * NDUBUISI FRANCIS From 1992 when he started his journalism career, Francis has covered health, labour, capital market, energy, and aviation correspondent before becoming Deputy Group Business Editor, Group News Editor and currently, Associate Editor (Business) in the Nation's Capital. Winner of several awards in journalism, Ndubuisi holds a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in Theatre Arts from the University of Lagos, a Diploma in Journalism from the Nigerian Institute of Journalism (NIJ), and a master's degree in Public Administration from the University of Abuja.

The Killings in the South-east BY NDUBUISI FRANCIS

am a fervent admirer of Abhijit Naskar, one of the world's famous neuroscientists and an untiring advocate of global harmony and peace. Of particular appeal in this analysis to x-ray the security situation in the South-East is his treatise: "We have arrived at a point of time in history, where there is no place for exclusive national or cultural identity upon the fabric of society. With one hand foster your cultural identity, with another assimilate others - this is the golden principle of progress, both national and global." Naskar's words speak particularly to the Southeast governors. They seem to have relegated their cultural identity while assimilating that of others. It rankles that the once bubbling Southeast, the centre of enterprise and commerce appears to be a shadow of itself, sliding precipitously into the Hobbesian state of nature where life is gradually becoming brutish, nasty and short. Prior to the current heart-wrenching, bloody activities of criminal gangs, this same region was one of the most peaceful in the country. While no alibi justifies the current carnage, Southeast governors and the federal government provided a fertile ground for the wanton destruction of precious lives and property. For the governors, their failure to make the environment enabling for the teeming population of youths to be gainfully engaged, their laissez-faire disposition to burning issues, and failure to provide responsive and responsible leadership partly account for the troubling state of affairs in that part of the country. On the other hand, the high-handedness of the government at the centre on issues concerning the region triggered more problems than solutions. A research report published years ago by the International Society for Civil Society and Rule of Law, following an extensive interrogation of the issues bordering on police extortion in the Southeast region, came out with disturbing revelations. According to the report, as at April 2010, there were 1,350 roadblocks in the Southeast. Between 2009 and 2011, personnel of the Nigeria Police Force realised a whopping sum of N32.26 billion from roadblock extortions in the South-east out of the pool of N53.48 billion across the six geopolitical zones. Stories abound of uniformed officers paying huge sums of money, and lobbying to be posted to the South-east. This is not out of love for the region. These are things that fuel resentment by the people and throw up agitations against marginalisation and injustice. While the Buhari administration's policy of exclusion of the Southeast and the brute force of the security agencies against the youths at the slightest opportunity have radicalised them, truth must be told that majority of the present crop of Igbo leaders, especially governors (who emerged in 2015) are self-serving, cowardly and insensitive to the yearnings and aspirations of their people. The current security quagmire in the zone is because the governors lack the courage to speak up in the face of glaring injustice against their people. Part of what has come to haunt the region now has its roots in 2016, in what is now described as the 'Nimbo Massacre.' Over 40 inhabitants of that community were reportedly slaughtered in cold blood, with many others maimed, while a Catholic church and dozens of houses were razed down by the rampaging attackers. In the weeks, months and years following the Nimbo invasion, such attacks almost became routine in several communities across the Southeast with daily clashes over farmlands that were turned into grazing areas by pastoralists.

Nnamdi Kanu

While the Buhari administration's policy of exclusion of the Southeast and the brute force of the security agencies against the youths at the slightest opportunity have radicalised them, truth must be told that majority of the present crop of Igbo leaders, especially governors (who emerged in 2015) are self-serving, cowardly and insensitive to the yearnings and aspirations of their people.

Although those clashes were not exclusive to the Southeast, the difference is that governors in some parts of the country, including the Southwest and Northcentral, particularly Ekiti and Benue states, did something to curtail the activities of herders in order to save lives and property. Meanwhile, governors from the Southeast were pussyfooting, either because they were bereft of the courage and the political will or they did not have the interest of their people at heart. When the Southwest governors showed the way with a regional security arrangement codenamed 'Amotekun' to checkmate the excesses of criminal herders in their domain, there was a deafening clamour for their counterparts in the Southeast to ape that arrangement. However, when they finally decided to act, the then Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar who had earlier met and agreed with the governors and leaders of the region on the structure of the security arrangement returned to Abuja and unilaterally changed the template. From the Amotekun-styled structure earlier agreed, the former police chief altered the configuration, and opted for a community policing arrangement. This was rejected by the Southeast leaders, who considered Abubakar’s offer as a Greek gift incapable of addressing their security challenges. While the ensuing deadlock endured, the orgy of killings, kidnappings, rape and destruction of farmlands did not abate in the region. By failing to act, the governors created the void which Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) filled with his Eastern Security Network (ESN) militia. It was after the creation of the ESN that the governors made a feeble attempt to birth Ebubeagu, which is practically impotent. Under the guise of trying to rein in members of ESN/IPOB, hundreds of innocent youths have been either killed or clamped into different detention camps across the country. But what changed the narrative radically and sent clear signals on the worsening security situation in the region was the brazen 5th April 2021 attack on the Imo State Police Command and the Correctional Centre located in a presumably fortified part of the state capital. The federal government and the police authorities were quick to point fingers at IPOB/ ESN as the masterminds. But the Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, a pro-establishment apologist was to disclose that 70 per cent of the over 400 masterminds who were arrested in the aftermath of attack were not of Igbo extraction. It was that singular attack that marked the arrival of 'unknown gunmen' (UGM) into the national lexicon, and opened the floodgate of attacks on police formations and critical national institutions, including the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) across the South-East and some parts of the South-south. The perennial sit-at-home orders have already taken a heavy toll on the economic and social life of the Southeast, with IPOB saying it is no longer the one giving the directive. With the current scenario, it seems that IPOB's self-determination clamour is turning into a Frankenstein monster, or may have been hijacked by malevolent forces. Whoever may therefore be behind the insecurity and whatever may be the motive, it is time for the governors and other leaders of the Southeast to collaborate with the federal government to unravel the perpetrators and end the current devastation. It is also time to end injustice and other causes of youth restiveness in the Southeast.

The Case for Financial Inclusion (Cont'd) in separate statements, revealed that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had granted them approval in principle to operate payment service banks (PSBs). This was in furtherance of the apex bank’s efforts to leverage technology to promote financial inclusion and enhance access to financial services for the unbanked and underserved segments of the population. According to a financial analyst, Nosa Igbinadolor while several barriers exist to leveraging digital payments for scale, Telcos’ participation in mobile money payments will likely raise mobile money uptake, increase financial inclusion, and simplify payment collection. According to him, payments are fundamental to how banks interact with customers. They support most propositions and touch customers more than any other part of a bank. It is, says KPMG Nigeria, “the key battleground for the customer’s primary relationship”. The new PSBs are likely to challenge the incumbents primarily on higher customer engagement, coupled with smooth transaction capabilities and volumedriven metrics. The basic premise for the introduction of payments banks is to escalate penetration in the unbanked and underbanked population. “As such, their offerings are niche and they are not allowed to provide the entire gamut of banking services, such as asset products and fixed deposits. Thus, the situation still provides traditional banks with significant headroom for growth and also an opportunity to partner with payments banks to offer their products to an unexplored customer segment.” Yet, the new PSBs have the potential to be swifter and dexterous, and hence more responsive to changing market trends. With a large captive customer base, few or no legacy constraints and greater responsiveness to customer needs, and with no pressure to offer full-service banking solutions, they are likely to attract a large pool of well-served, underserved as well as unserved customers” the report explained. The business of PSBs such as those promoted by MTN and Airtel, centres on providing last mile connectivity and payment facility through either physical points or through other digital interfaces, including mobile or internet-enabled platforms. Besides offering basic deposits and remittance services, the PSBs are likely to introduce smooth, real time, secure, on-the-go approaches for facilitating retail payments. In addition, they will be entering the market with clear advantages, and are expected to operate on an asset-light premise compared to the traditional branch-based and asset-heavy model, prevalent with traditional banks in Nigeria. A KPMG–UBS study indicated that the cost of effecting a transaction from a branch is 43 times, call-centre and ATM is 13 times, and internet banking is twice greater when compared to mobile transactions. Therefore, the PSBs would

Zainab Ahmed...Minister of Finance

Since both former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who will fly the flag of the main opposition PDP and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the nominated candidate of the ruling APC are experienced business men, I hope that they would come with ideas on how to change the narrative in this important sector.

no doubt promote the adoption and usage of mobile and digital channels to all customer segments. Evidence from the yearly KPMG report in Nigeria’s banking industry customer satisfaction survey (BICSS) suggests that this will be a viable strategy for PSBs. The findings from the research show that adoption rates for retail banking customers for app-based mobile banking and USSD channels rose significantly from 48 percent and 41 percent in 2017 to 55 percent and 59 percent in 2018, respectively. While the new PSBs would leverage existing assets and capabilities within their parent network, they would also leverage capabilities such as distribution footprint: physical footprints, established route-to-market (RTM) capabilities, mobile app platform for e-Wallets.In addition, they would be igniting their business operations with a large captive customer base, existing ecosystem for sales and service: agents and distributors, and regulation and compliance skills/know-how. Unlike the syncretic approach of digital/branch-based banking operations of traditional banks, the new PSBs with their digital background and experience are likely to engender positive customer experience and loyalty by facilitating digital interactions throughout the entirety of the banking value chain. Activities such as customer acquisition and onboarding, back-office operations, transaction processing, customer service, management reporting, employee engagement, would also be digitally enabled. Therefore, the PSBs can offer a distinct digital experience to customers those traditional banks have been unable to. In addition, the PSBs understand the value of the data they get access to and the insights these generate on the preferences of both individual customers and specific segments. These insights can be used to refine sales and marketing of existing products and to spur the creation of entirely new ones. These types of VASES can be powerful accelerators of digital payments by attracting customers to the platform and generating revenue outside of transaction fees. With a combined subscriber base of some 126 million active users, both MTN and Airtel PSBs have a strong customer base to create easy onboarding for customers. To encourage wide uptake and drive volume, both PSBs would likely take a relatively light approach to transaction fees, to not create the type of pricing or behavioural barriers that can otherwise be a significant challenge. This is a challenge to traditional banks that have made a culture out of the widely unpopular transaction fees and have been unresponsive to customers’ complaints. Since both former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who will fly the flag of the main opposition PDP and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the nominated candidate of the ruling APC are experienced business men, I hope that they would come with ideas on how to change the narrative in this important sector.

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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * OLUSEGUN ADENIYI Journalist, writer and former presidential spokesman, Adeniyi is a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters (FNAL) and chairs THISDAY editorial board. Author of several books, including ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ and ‘Power, Politics and Death: A front-row account of Nigeria under the late President Yar’Adua’, Adeniyi holds a ﬁrst degree in International Relations from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and a master's in international law and diplomacy (MILD) from the University of Lagos.

The Reporter and the Candidate THIS PIECE WAS FIRST PUBLISHED IN APRIL 2001 BY OLUSEGUN ADENIYI

ast week, I received a novel titled, ‘The Incumbent’, from my brother and Lagos lawyer, Edo Ukpong, which he bought for me during his recent trip to the United States. Knowing Ukpong, there must be a message in the book written by an American journalist, Brian McGrory, a former White House Correspondent, he wants to pass to me. That is his style. Having read the novel, I can guess what is on Ukpong's mind. The story revolves around a reporter who was invited to play golf with the American President and while the game was on, he was offered the job of Press Secretary in the new administration only for the conversation to be cut shot by a hail of bullets. The lone gunman, who attempted to assassinate the president, was instantly killed by secret service men. Having been part of the drama, the reporter felt it was his obligation to get to the bottom of the story. But the moment he started his investigation, an anonymous caller told him: "Nothing is as it seems." He would get other calls with the warning: “Do not believe anything they tell you.” Nudged to do a background check on the president, the reporter started by looking at Hutchin Clayton, a brilliant politician who had risen from poverty and obscurity to establish a technology company that produced personal finance software called Cookie Jar. The product became a staple in American households, earning its inventor hundreds of millions of dollars. That was how Hutchins became a folk hero, seen as "a uniquely American story-born and raised on a farm miles and miles from his closest neighbor, schooled at home, college educated later in life, entirely self-made in both the worlds of commerce and government." However, a few months before the Iowa governor's race, a group of business leaders and citizen activists, who were dissatisfied with the candidates for the two major parties, launched a massive campaign to draft Hutchins. He accepted the request and won the governorship election. Two years later, the Republican front-runner for the presidency, Senator Wordsworth Cole, lost out in Iowa public opinion polls about a week before the caucus. Hutchins came to his rescue and Cole won the primaries by a huge margin. Cole then went on to win the election and when his running mate was consumed by a scandal, Hutchins became the vice president. To cut a long story short, President Cole eventually died in office and that was how Hutchins became the president. Who was after the president’s life? That was what the reporter who witnessed the drama wanted to find out. The background check on a particular name that appeared significant to the story. The name was Tony Clawson. First, the reporter checked available records for all Tony Clawsons in the United States in the previous twenty years. On one, he could find no death record, no phone number, no credit or mortgage activity, no marriage record, no birth record, nothing. Going deeper into the Social Security history of this particular Tony Clawsons, the reporter realized he (Clawson) hadn't been assigned a Social Security number until he the age of 40 when he began paying into the system, and continued for nine years. Then, Clawson disappeared abruptly from all records. Yet Social Security never paid out a death benefit to any Clawson survivors. However, the jigsaw soon fell in to shape. A Curtis Black who had a rough and dirty past was later to change his name to Tony Clawson in a deal involving the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). A few years later, he changed his name again but to who? That was the puzzle the reporter unravelled. Curtis Black or Tony Clawson was now the President! The cover-up attempts were to ensure nobody ever got to hear the story of the president's past. Curtis (now Hutchins) had changed his identity, done a facial surgery, made good and had become the president but there were still a few ghosts from the past that haunted him. That was the story which the reporter, with much tenacity, was able to eventually ferret out. But the scene I find rather moving was the final confrontation between the reporter and the president when the number one citizen tried to prevent the story from getting to the public. Let me take the dialogue from the novel: Said the president to the reporter: "It's one thing I always liked about you, Jack, one thing that always drew me to you. You know what it is to lose everything you ever wanted, all of your hopes and all your dreams and all of your expectations for the future, all in one incomprehensible act of God...I paid a steep price. I struck a deal. I traded in my entire life, or what was left of it. You know what that's like, to give up your life? And now that I've turned myself around, now that I've made it on my own, you're going to hang all that around my neck and choke me to death, all over again?" The reporter who probably should have felt pity did not, all he really felt was relief. Relief that he had at last had his story. He even had his quotes, which he repeated in his mind several times to help commit

Yusuf Bishi Magaji...DG, DSS

In the season we are in, there is only a thin line between the accuser and the accused. That is the tragedy of public oﬃce in Nigeria today. But even these do not excuse constitutional infractions from which no serious people can look the other way. That is why moments like this task all of us. The lesson here really is that we all have a past and must come to terms with that past.

them to memory. "Sir, you may be right. But you had a deal with the American people, and that deal was to tell the truth, to let them know who you are, to be judged on the whole rather than just the past few years." To this the president replied: "I did tell them who I am. I am Clayton Hutchins. I made my money on my own, with no help from anyone. For Christ sake, I gave up a lucrative life to be Clayton Hutchins, I succeeded. And now you're about to burn me with my own success. Where's the fairness in that...You think I've been a bad president? You think any of those people who are planning to vote for me tomorrow believe I will make a bad president for the next four years? You think my policies aren't carefully thought out? You think I have been corrupt? No." The reporter was equally unrelenting: "The voters have a right to know who they voted for. They have a right to know your background, your experiences, the truths in your life, and the lies. All of that shapes who you are, and dictates how you'll act in the future as the country's leader, in times of good fortune and in times of crisis. The voters have the right to the truth." In a moment of reflection, the reporter told himself that truth is an amazing thing which keeps a democracy vibrant based on the conviction that informed people are usually wise people, or at least practical. "This wasn't about his sex life or some ancient two-bit misdemeanour. This struck at the very foundation of who our president is, and in this case, was." And rather than agree to a deal, he told the president "The public is entitled to the truth." In the final dialogue with himself, a moment of introspection that confronts every reporter on the verge of breaking a big story, he reflected: "So is the truth even important anymore? Do we really need it, in life, in the body politic, or is it just better, easier to go with what feels good, to tell lies, to accept them, with understanding that even if lies hurt, the truth too often hurts even more? Truth is an immovable foundation. Lies shift and collapse. With truth, even at its most painful, you can address it, build on it, and move on. I believe the people can take the truth, decide if it’s important, and make sound judgements on the people put before them. Which is why journalism, for all its drawbacks, is still a decent calling..." The next day, the story was all over the United States. The choice was now left with the American people. As they went to the polls, the voters now knew who their president was, or is. But it did not matter much because Hutchins still won by 50.4 per cent of popular votes and took the Electoral College by a margin of nine votes. The bottom line, according to the reporter: "the people, the voters, knew what they were doing, and enough of them believed in the concept of redemption." Of course we know we are dealing here with a fictional situation in which as far as they were concerned their man was doing well and they could not be bothered about his past. It is, however, not always that simple in real life where there are political sharks waiting for blood while there are some pasts that do effectively cut off the future. In such situation, if you gambled, then pray that you don't break the eleventh commandment: Thou shall not get caught! One significant lesson which we cannot, and indeed should not, ignore while damaging documents fly around is that not all facts represent truth. Because facts in themselves are most often subjective depending on the motive of the person supplying them. We are in a situation where there is too much politics; where there is a penchant to settle petty scores; where those who seek to undo others may themselves have worse skeletons in their closets; where even those institutions charged with enthroning or enforcing these noble virtues act more for political expediency than for altruistic purposes. In the season we are in, there is only a thin line between the accuser and the accused. That is the tragedy of public office in Nigeria. But even these do not excuse constitutional infractions from which no serious people can look the other way. That is why moments like this task all of us. The lesson here really is that we all have a past and must come to terms with that past. As the Nomadic Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Saminu Turaki, told me last week, "if you want to know the history of your family, even up till the fifth generation, history you have never heard before, just join politics". It is like that everywhere but as it happened to Hutchins, there is always the room for redemption. I am sending that message back to Ukpong but all the same, I thank him for the book. ENDNOTE: As I stated earlier, this piece was first published 21 years ago. But it is as relevant today as it was back then. As we gradually move towards the 2023 general election, reporters will do their job of scrutinizing the candidates for various offices. But the ultimate decider are the voters.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12 2022

with ChidiAmuta e-mail:chidi.amuta@gmail.com

ENGAGEMENTS

Not Quite the Coronation

he aftermath of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential nomination convention is a landscape of political ruin. In the rubble lies the treasures and broken remnants of nearly everything both right and wrong with today’s politics in Nigeria. In the long hours of accreditation, patient waiting and painstaking balloting, we witnessed a growing culture of democratic forbearance among our people. The insistence on genuine balloting based on verifiable delegates list spoke volumes about the future of democracy among the common run of a vigilant public. There are the genuine disappointments of those who hoped and failed. There are of course the wreckages of many unsustainable ambitions and plain foolish gambles. But by far the more enduring outcomes of the convention are the lessons it has left on the ambiguities of democracy in our kind of time and place. Though limited to the ruling party, the ripples of the just concluded APC nomination convention touch us all in one way or the other. First, the prime challenge remains that of democratic succession in our typically African ‘Big Man’ democracy, a system in which the idiosyncrasies of one man can alter the destinies of millions. The immediate subject remains President Muhammadu Buhari himself. He was faced with a stark choice between the enlightened self interest of handpicking his successor and the more ennobling option of allowing the internal party democracy of the ruling APC produce a candidate to challenge that main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) opponent. Buhari left that choice dangling in uncertain territory up to the dying minute. It remains unclear whether the uncertainty was the result of incompetence or deliberate strategy. The former conclusion is more tempting given his trademark record of serial tardiness on important matters. Moreover, deft political footwork has never been his bright spot. He is more of a power office occupant than Machiavelli’s practical disciple. In the dying prelude to the convention, an apparently unfazed President Buhari found more excitement paying a state visit to Spain or jetting off to nearby Equatorial Guinea for an inconsequential summit and even a one day hop to an ECOWAS meeting in the neighborhood. However, the president found time in between these distracting excursions to indicate his succession preference. He addressed governors and leaders of his party and literally begged them to allow him the courtesy of choosing his successor from among the APC’s terming motley of aspirants. That was a dangerous signal for democracy and a destabilizing stratagem for the ambitious aspirants to his privileged stool. Aspirants were torn between privately groveling for a presidential endorsement and the democratic imperative of facing the challenge of a competitive elective convention. No one is exactly sure of what Mr. Buhari really wanted. But the odds were evenly divided between hopefuls for his endorsement and the few who felt confident enough to purchase a big enough delegate constituency. There is increasing anecdotal evidence that Buhari may have dangled the carrot of endorsement before at least half a dozen aspirants. For a president with such a miserable current job approval rating and now a lame duck with a hostile national constituency, the more expedient option was perhaps a conscious undemocratic selection of a faithful ally as successor. Moreover, Buhari has in the past seven years presided over a lopsided administration which would ordinarily tilt his succession towards either a fellow northern hegemonist or a quisling southern worshipper. So, the logic tilted more towards selective endorsement. But control of the succession train drifted from his hands. The safety zone was to appear to have chosen a purely elective convention out of conscious preference for democratic correctness. Yet, it is also true that this president, unlike Olusegun Obasanjo before him, would find it difficult to expend whatever political capital he has to elevate or advance anyone else’s cause other than his own. It was therefore only safe for him to don an appearance of democratic objectivity and commitment while privately wishing for a conservative regionalist successor. The current

Buhari of national feeling dictated a southward direction in the APC’s succession politics after Buhari’s seven ruinous years. The most ambiguous twist in the APC convention drama however remains the emergence of the bloc of northern governors as a political factor. On the face of it, their insistence on a southern presidential candidate looks like an open revolt against the president’s non committal stance on zoning or in fact his rumored preference for a northern Muslim candidate. No one but the president can explain why APC chairman, Abdullahi Adamu, could have unilaterally announced Ahmad Lawan as the anticipated consensus candidate in the heat of the pre convention jockeying. To the rest of Nigerians, especially the significant southern Christian population, the position of the northern governors appears patriotic and nationalistic. But it may eventually end up as the contrary if Tinubu slips. Otherwise it remains for now a negotiating strategy which is perfectly legitimate in political gamesmanship. Nonetheless, the favorable twist of the northern APC governors has obvious strategic advantages. First, it re-establishes the geopolitical equilibrium of bipolarity that has remained the basis of Nigeria’s precarious cultural and political unity. Secondly, it creates an atmosphere of apparent normalcy and amity in which the 2023 elections can painlessly take place. It also quickly blunts the sharp edges of a contest that would have been poisoned by religious and geo political bitterness and hate. Thirdly, it prepares the ground for a future closing of ranks and reciprocity between northern and southern governors on matters as mundane as cattle grazing and the free movement of persons and economic factors. For Buhari, the recourse to the democratic imperative of open election has yielded a friendly nightmare. Bola Ahmed Tinubu is no stranger to power games. He is neither a friend nor an outright foe. He is first and foremost a political customer whose time has come to reclaim his warehoused good. In the immediate prelude to the convention, Tinubu was briefly rattled. His political intelligence machinery misread Buhari’s quest for a favourite successor and didn’t quite see Tinubu in the horizon. In fact, the offending intel was that the Oyegun screening committee had disqualified the former Lagos State Governor. Tinubu chose to bark

and threaten to bite! In that brief moment of unguarded eruption in Abeokuta, he lashed out in every direction, showing his fangs to Buhari and his devotees. The message got home. The convention came and went the way it did. Tinubu’s original cash inundated playbook prevailed. He won fit and square. With the outcome of the convention, a few things are obvious. Tinubu may be the incidental political heir to an APC dynasty. He may be the prime beneficiary of Buhari’s belated choice of free elective primary. He may have finally harvested his support for Buhari in 2015. That in itself frees him from any sense of indebtedness to the Daura general if he wins the general election. He may be Buhari’s fellow Muslim and prime political facilitator since the formation of the APC. But to the Aso Rock mafia and hegemonist cabal, Tinubu is perhaps the ultimate nemesis. He knows where they are coming from and how far down they can go. He goes to the same Mecca and Medina as they do. Above all, among the key indices of power identified by the old English philosopher, Bertrand Russel, Bola Tinubu controls the greatest number of all the levers of Nigerian power compared to his co-contestants. Check: Media and opinion. Traditional authority. Religion and belief on both sides. Means in the form of instant armada of raw cash! On his own merit for the job of president, Tinubu still comes decked in positive precedents. Successful governance, urban renewal, diversity management, revenue digitization and transformation of Lagos is all the resume anyone needs to presage a successful presidency of Nigeria. The man may not be an epitome of all the knowledge that ruling Nigeria demands. But he has one thing going for him: he knows what he doesn’t know but knows how to find others who know how. Above all, if Tinubu succeeds in becoming Buhari’s successor, the electorate will have succeeded in fulfilling a cardinal aim of democratic renewal: changing a bad leadership with a better one through the ballot box. Buhari is bad. Tinubu may not be excellent but he will end up a better overall leader of a nation in desperate trouble. The emergence of Tinubu as APC flag bearer does not in anyway guarantee a direct entry into Aso Rock. His party is a baggage. The APC under Buhari has run Nigeria aground in the last seven years. He is running to succeed a president with the worst approval rating in recent Nigerian history. Reassuring Nigerians that the APC under Tinubu will do a better job is a tall order.

What Tinubu just eon is only a privileged fighting chance because the opposition has also chosen a candidate from the same bag as Tinubu. Atiku is as much a money man as Tinubu. He has a wide network of nearly everything Tinubu has. He is as Muslim as Tinubu and has a marginal home region demographic access advantage. In a sense, the 2023 presidential contest promises to be a more animated circus than previous ones. Two contestants powered by humongous wealth; two contestants drawing inspiration from the same holy book; two contestants with nearly equal national reach. Two men considered tolerable by the national elite. Above all, two men who literally purchased the tickets to centre stage with immense private resources traceable to our commonwealth. The 2023 presidential election promises to be a fair fight between two tainted equals, none of whom will qualify as a candidate for messianism. But the APC convention is not only about Tinubu’s ascendancy. It showcased other stars in the hierarchy of the ruling party. Mr. Rotimi Amaechi waged a spirited fight and in the process further defined himself as an upcoming political star. In this race, he came ahead of a sitting Vice President and incumbent Senate President to emerge in second position. This performance backed by his sterling performance as a minister places him in the forefront of the leadership hierarchy of his party and hopefully the nation. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo was consistent in running easily the most civilized and enlightened presidential campaign in the nation’s history. He remained calm, brilliant and issue oriented. Beneath the tolerable procedural outcome of the APC convention hides the contradictions of our democracy. Much has been said about the brazen corruption implicit in the monetization of our democratic processes. A system in which the social contract is reduced to a transaction with a monetary value among wealthy contestants and in which the citizens are but broken spectators deserves a second look. More curiously, the world cannot but shudder at the contradiction of a nation of mostly poor people in which a few fat cats each paid $200,000, roughly the equivalent of the real annual salary of the US president, just to buy a form to qualify to run in a presidential contest. Now that most parties have their presidential candidates, let the travel king circus hit the road. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) timetable provides a long enough timeframe for a sustainable issue -oriented campaign season. Now, let the games begin.

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 12, 2022

HighLife Tokunbo Ogundeyin’s Giant Strides Indeed, great people are not daunted by where they come from. In the eyes of excellent individuals, backgrounds only serve as the beginning of one’s journey; they say nothing about where one would end up. This has been proven to be true in the life of Tokunbo Ogundeyin, the man that has risen from nothing to become one of the most prominent Nigerians straddling with equal mastery both the business and the defence industries. There was a time when nobody knew the name, history, and ambitions of the man behind Proforce. When he did come into the limelight, it was as the person in charge of the O’la Kleen Holdings Conglomerate, a company that only offered cleaning services to many major Nigerian firms. Once seen as an exalted janitor, Ogundeyin has gradually metamorphosed into a household name in and out of Nigeria. Not so long ago, it came to light that Ogundeyin was the brains behind Proforce, a company that specialises in manufacturing armoured vehicles for the Nigerian Army and provides other equipment and services to bolster the security offerings of the defence industry. Ever since, Ogundeyin has gained national renown, going from ‘one of us’ to a paragon of industry. Recently, Ogundeyin’s brilliance exploded beyond the shores of Nigeria. According to reports, his Proforce had managed to secure a deal with Belarus, a country in Eastern Europe. As expected, Proforce has been tasked with making available defence equipment, possibly armoured vehicles, for the Belarusian government, a task that will doubtless further cast Ogundeyin’s name and work abroad. Indeed, Ogundeyin’s strides are nothing short of gigantic. After all, he has managed to do something that even the Nigerian government has been labouring to do for a long time: show Nigeria as a country that is capable enough to be useful and domineering in times of war. What greater evidence of Ogundeyin’s worth is there than this?

with KAYODE ALFRED 08116759807, E-mail: kayﬂex2@yahoo.com

...Amazing lifestyles of Nigeria’s rich and famous

For Nsima Ekere, Not Pleasant Times

Ekere

It’s not a good time to be a prominent public personality in Nigeria, especially if you once held an office in an industry that thrives on an opaque system of cash flow. In the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), it is a fact that a lot of money moves under the sheets. But to whom? Well, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) seems to think that the former NDDC MD, Nsima Ekere, has a monopoly on some of these opaque sheets. According to the EFCC, Ekere’s hands are nowhere near as white as his people would have the rest of us believe. According to the anti-graft agency, Ekere is likely the main brain behind the diversion of N47 billion. This humongous sum is supposed to have been stolen using registered NDDC contractors.

Based on the evidence the antigraft agency has gathered on the matter thus far, Ekere has been arrested. Unless someone makes a move to get him out, the 56-yearold will remain in EFCC custody while his peers move about in society in preparation for the 2023 presidential election. This is not the best of times for Ekere, to say the least. By this time last year, he was probably punching numbers into a calculator regarding how he was going to contribute to the presidential elections. After all, it has been intimated on more than one occasion that politics is his fulcrum. Thus, having him in police custody before this season of political intrigues is over is the same as cutting his air supply, some sources claim.

New Identity as Lanre Ore Spearheads Fiber One Rebranding Great things are happening in our country, Nigeria. In the past four weeks, the corporate industry appears to have been given a boost. Innovations are on the horizon, it seems, and some of these innovations, like Lanre Ore’s FiberOne, will serve as frameworks and foundations for the others. Considering Ore’s recent rebranding of the fibre broadband company, one can only expect the best from the rebranded firm. Even though its services are far above average, it has been a while since FiberOne was in the news.

Nevertheless, the company has burst upon the media scene with its latest actions. The company had announced that starting June 1, 2022, FiberOne Broadband would take on ‘a new way of life’ with a new logo and a renewed intention to make life and living easier for Nigerians. Ore’s rebranding initiative doubtlessly comes from a recognition of the role that internet connection plays in the lives of Nigerians. Established in 2017, its focus is on providing the best and most affordable internet connection to Nigerians since its launch in 2017.

Now, as Ore explained, the goal of the company is no longer to provide internet connections but to enable them. Expectations from Nigerians are at an all-time high, to say the least. After all, Ore and his company have never failed Nigerians before. This is why they have been able to establish a strong business presence all over Nigeria, including in Lagos, Abuja, Rivers, and Kwara. With this rebranding, it is expected that FiberOne will be able to reach areas in Nigeria heretofore untouched and untouchable by the internet.

Adaeze Udensi: The Lady Who Ticks All the Boxes at Titan Trust Bank

Udensi

It used to be said that women were only half of what men will ever be. But most of the people who said and thought such things are long gone and mostly forgotten. The fire of feminine

brilliance in business and society, however, continues to burn. So, even as Titan Trust Bank is gaining renown as a budding giant in Nigeria’s banking sector, it is important to point out some of the brains behind the bank’s growth. One of such individuals is Adaeze Udensi, the bank’s Executive Director. It has to be said that women are gradually taking over the high seats in Nigeria’s banking sector and other branches of the gigantic corporate tree. Nevertheless, Udensi stands out as one who is in a pioneer position, striving alongside the founding members of Titan Trust Bank to establish a legacy of an institution. She may not be superlatively wealthy, but what she brings to the administrative table of Titan Trust is even more precious. Accompanying Udensi is more than two decades of active experience in the financial industry. This portfolio covers more than the banking

industry and reaches into retail, commerce and e-business, private wealth management, business development, credit, marketing, and even the public sector. Udensi’s genius beats that of most of her peers and sets her as the crème de la crème of Titan Trust Bank’s brainiacs, a reputation that she tries to keep under wraps as she focuses on her job as Executive Director. One only needs to look at Heritage Bank (where she was the Executive Compliance Officer and was in charge of the South-South/SouthEast Directorate) and Zenith Bank (where she oversaw the bank’s expansion into oil and gas, the public sector, commerce, retail operations, etc.) to know Udensi’s worth. In a way, it is not all that surprising that Titan Trust Bank is already on its way to the top. With people like Udensi around, Titan Trust can only become a first-tier Nigerian bank.

Stepping Stone: Jack-Rich Relaunch Self at APC Presidential Primary

Ogundeyin

There is something about grand ambitions. The person who has them tends to overextend themselves, yes, but they never remain the same as what they were. Instead, like the flexible bands of a string, they retain at that new level, waiting to fortify their stance and go even further. So it is for prominent oil magnate, Tein Jack-Rich. After contesting the presidential ticket in one of Nigeria’s biggest political parties, Jack-Rich’s shadow is now larger than life. The march towards the presidential election of 2023 is nearing its last legs. Very illustrious individuals have come forward to show their determination in leading Nigeria towards its next phase of development. The oil magnate from Rivers State and President/ Founder of Belemaoil Producing Limited, Jack-Rich, is one of these individuals. His presidential ambition was not expected but has paved the way forward for younger ones

to follow. Of all the political parties that Jack-Rich could have thrown his hat into, he chose the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). This is the party with most of the political commandos, but Jack-Rich stood toe-to-toe with these giants. And even though he could not get the party ticket to represent the party, Jack-Rich made his stance clear and demonstrated to the leaders of tomorrow what it means to love one’s country. As Jack-Rich himself has explained, running for president was not only about winning. If he had obtained the party ticket and gone on to be president, he would have shown the world the heights that a nation can go on the so-called ladder of social and economic development. Nevertheless, Jack-Rich has reinvented himself. It is only a matter of time before he goes from being a business figure to a national leader with the interest of the people at heart.

Jack-Rich

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 12, 2022

HIGHLIFE

How Bola Tinubu Tamed Osinbajo, Amaechi, and Others at Presidential Primary How many times do we need to warn ambitious Nigerians that politics in this country is not for the faint of heart? One has to go in with the mind to lose everything, even with influential godfathers at one’s behest. Since nobody listens to such good advice, Bola Tinubu has gone and done a number on his opponents at the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary. Since Atiku Abubakar won the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket, there has been a lot of tension among the other parties to present candidates that can match the former vice president’s momentum. As the ruling party, the tension is all the more apparent to APC leaders who have always assumed that the 2023 presidential election will be a walkover for them. However, to the surprise of Nigerians everywhere, APC could not agree regarding who should represent them against Atiku and the others. Tinubu, a chieftain of the party and one who has

laboured to bring it to what it is today, declared his ambition. But so did 22 others, even after the nomination and declaration of interest forms were pinned at N100 million. Not long after, the primary finally held and Tinubu emerged as the APC presidential flag bearer, to the chagrin of his co-aspirants. From incumbent Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to Transport Minister Rotimi Amaechi, Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello, and the others, only tears and anguish are noticeable. In a sense, the results are not entirely surprising. Those in the know have always warned these contestants that Tinubu has given too much of his time, efforts, and resources to this ambition. Alas, a man is blinded by an exaggerated sense of his grandeur. And that is what happened. Anyway, that is done and dusted. And even though Tinubu has left their faces in the sand, it is time to move forward. On to the main election where the ultimate candidate will get the presidential mantle from Muhammadu Buhari.

Tinubu

BitterRealityasCloseAssociatesAbandon BayoAdelabuforTeslimFolarin

Adelabu

When faced with the ups and downs of politics in Nigeria, one can only sigh and tell the younger generation to eat the heart of lions before coming forward to be a politician. As somebody who has been in the thick of things for a long time, the former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of

Nigeria (CBN), Adebayo Adelabu, doubtlessly had others warn him. Alas, truth only becomes apparent looking back. There was a time when Adelabu was the bride of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State. That was when he held administrative power in his hands and could throw out inspirational speeches (and the occasional snide remark at his adversaries) whenever he felt like it. However, now, even if he screamed at the top of his voice and used the voice of thunder, only a handful would give him any kind of ovation, let alone a standing one. All of this is because Providence appears to have left the tent of Adelabu. Instead, this embodiment of fortune and grace has lighted upon the tent of Adelabu’s political opponent, Teslim Folarin. Unsurprisingly, many of Adelabu’s close associates promptly abandoned him, no longer amused by

his grand speeches and grander gesticulations. It is nobody’s fault that Adelabu lost the Oyo APC gubernatorial ticket to Folarin. Some would say - actually, they have said - that Folarin is the better politician by a large margin. In other words, no amount of weeping can bring back Adelabu’s hope of becoming Oyo Governor come 2023. Similarly, no kind of cross-carpeting to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) can achieve the same effect, at least, this is what some political analysts have claimed. Nevertheless, a loss is easier to bear when there are friends to bear it with. Alas, Adelabu’s friends have allegedly left him for greener pastures. Then again, this mirrors what happened in 2019 when he lost to Seyi Makinde. So, maybe Adelabu is used to it?

Babatunde Fowler Goes Under as Osinbajo Loses Prayers The All Progressives Congress (APC) primary for the determination of who will bear the presidential flag was just completed. The result was not entirely surprising, but considering the efforts that people poured into it, it was still something to mull over. After all, someone purchased the APC nomination and declaration of interest forms for N100 million and still did not get a single delegate’s vote. Thus, aspirants like Vice President Yemi Osinbajo still had it better. Bola Tinubu emerged as the presidential candidate for the APC. While he is preparing to enter the tug of political war with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the others, there are some on his side whose political futures have become even more obscure. One such person is Osinbajo. However, with even more obscure futures are those that supported these aspirants. Former Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Babatunde Fowler,

comes to mind. According to those in the know, Fowler was one of the brains working behind the curtains to see Osinbajo emerge as APC chief candidate and go on to become Nigeria’s president come 2023. Of course, Osinbajo lost the presidential ticket to Tinubu, leaving Fowler’s alleged dreams in the dust. As things stand now, the former FIRS boss cannot do anything apart from retiring from behind the curtains and becoming a hermit. Then again, this is nothing new to him. Fowler may have spent the majority of his life as a taxman, but he became a man of the front pages when he could not secure a second term in FIRS and had to leave. Unofficially, however, it is alleged that he failed to meet up with the expectations of the powers that be and had to be punished. Ever since, even though Fowler’s name came up in high places, it never stayed on the front pages of newspapers. Until his longtime friend, Osinbajo declared his presidential

The presidential primary for the All Progressives Congress (APC) has come and gone. Since the result of the exercise was both surprising and not, many people have turned their attention to the process that brought about this result. While there are disagreements regarding other things, one thing that everybody agrees on is that the exercise was peaceful and cordial. We have the comperes of the exercise to thank for that, including the Chairman of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), Abike DabiriErewa, who was co secretary of the media sub-committee of the convention planning committee. It is true that Dabiri has joined the venerable group of people whose every action is unfathomable, tending to turn common bricks into bars of gold with a casual touch. With her Amazonian style, Dabiri’s gestures have bordered on this line for many years. However, only now is it confirmed that she is indeed a figure of legend with unmatched panache and peerless bearing. These characteristics of Dabiri could not have been more obvious than during the APC

Imprints of an Amazon as How Abike Dabiri Dazzles All at APC Presidential Primary

Dabiri-Erewa

Has Akinwunmi Ambode Quit Politics?

Fowler

ambition. Fowler’s name began to be uttered with heartfelt regard once again. Alas, now that Osinbajo lost, Fowler’s name may fall into obscurity and disuse once again. presidential primary. As the chief compere of the event, Dabiri made a show of her management genius, organizing factions and personalities with the goal of maximizing party efficiency and unity. In fact, one of the reasons the exercise was a resounding success and did not follow the mold of party disharmony and discord was because of Dabiri’s arrangement of party variables. Then again, this is not the first time that Dabiri masterfully coordinates party meetings and exercises. During the primary election that saw Muhammadu Buhari emerge as the party presidential candidate, as well as the rallies around the 36 states she was also the voice that ushered him on stage. Others have even declared that hosting such delicate but critical events is in her DNA. Such comments are evidently true. So, yes, Dabiri was one of the people that dazzled the public with their performance during the exercise. As many have commented, this woman of dexterity, constant as the northern star, is obviously an asset to the APC as a party, to her state, Lagos, and to our country, Nigeria.

Ambode

Ah, politics! What other profession in the world throws one into the limelight in one minute and under a bus in the next? Every time the ups and downs of the game come to mind, former Lagos Governor Akinwunmi Ambode also comes to mind. The man will be recorded in the history books as trying but failing to bear the weight of politics. Perhaps not, since there is still time for a reversal. But it does not at all look like Ambode is interested in reversing anything. There is no question about Ambode’s loyalty to Lagos. The state is known for tying its people to a cruciﬁx of devotion, leading them to want to die for its cause if that would help matters. So it used to be for Ambode also, the man that almost gave up everything to serve Lagos. But he appears to have learned his lesson: endless possibilities await the living. Thus, from recent developments, Ambode is either waiting out his turn or leaving the stage for others to work their magic. During the last National Convention of the All Progressives Congress (APC), many people were looking out to see Ambode. His appearance would prove that he still held some form of candlelight hope to join the gubernatorial or senatorial contest shortly and perhaps recover the years that the cankerworms stole from him. Alas, Ambode was absent from the convention. If it was anybody else, there would be discussions about whether party defection was the main reason. But not when it is Ambode. Nobody is talking about the possibility that the man has decided to join a different political party, only that he might have lost interest in politics. And this is a valid conclusion given Ambode’s history. So, has Ambode quit politics? That is unlikely, but nobody can rule out the possibility. After all, as recent reports have shown, there might be something in the works that would turn him into a solid and successful hotelier in a few months. So, to remain a politician or not is a choice that Ambode can now make.

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 5, 2022

LOUD WHISPERS

with JOSEPH EDGAR (09095325791)

Atiku vs Tinubu: Dawn of Developmental Corruption

Atiku and Tinubu

This is the latest I heard at the famous Terra Kulture last Sunday. I had gone for my fashion show tagged ‘Private Parts’ and as it is usually the case, when investment bankers met, the economy under either Atiku or Tinubu came into

focus. At this point, Atiku had been confirmed as the candidate of the PDP and Tinubu was looking good for APC. A very brilliant investment banker who had just consummated one of the biggest

YEMI OSINBAJO: ICE CREAM GOT YOU For me, what damaged Prof Yemi Osinbajo was the ice cream comment. It was lethal, well-timed and delivered with precision. It threw up the Vice President as a weakling, someone who will not be able to grapple with the insecurity that currently besets the country. Dropping this in the wake of the Owo massacre was a massive blow that no politician no matter how adept can come out. Professor Osinbajo in my mind’s eye is the perfect candidate for a normalised Nigeria. Not a candidate for Nigeria that is under the throes of damage, fear and desolation. If Osinbajo was a church, he would be House on the Rock or Chris Okotie’s church- you go to those ones when you do not have spiritual problems. You go and do praise worship, dance, hug and kiss people. But when witchcraft is disturbing you and you cannot sleep at night, you will go to MFM to cast and bind. That is where you will be doing violent prayers. Nigeria of today cannot be ruled by a gentleman. It cannot be ruled by a person who has sense. It can only be normalised by a mad man. A man who cares nothing about decorum, he will

trample on some fundamental human rights and he will run wild flogging people and processes in line. This no be Prof. I am sure at that Convention; he will just be weeping in his heart. How can Nigeria fall so low? He will be wondering. The charade, the horse trading, the mindless gerrymandering that has thrown up a candidate that perfectly suits the madness of the times. He will just be weeping in his heart. A man with such erudite qualifications, a well-spoken gentleman, a well-regarded person who has tremendous respect and was only voted for by about 200 people, when the other person with... got over one thousand votes? Osinbajo, my brother, weep not my brother. Nigeria still needs you; we will soon call for you when all of this madness is over. Pele egbon mi.

Osinbajo

Okorocha

ROCHAS OKOROCHA: WHAT WAS THAT? Me, I really was not interested in the APC Convention and had gone to bed early. My brother Idowu who is a permanent secretary in Abuja suddenly called me to ask if I was watching. I said no. He screamed, “Oga go and watch, things are happening.” My TV in the room is permanently on a porn site. So, I went downstairs to the living room and changed the

trade transactions on the floor of the Stock Exchange was the one that coined the term ‘developmental corruption.’ His position was very clear. “We will see a lot of corruption but it will be infinitesimal compared to the expansion the economy will witness.” He went on: “Edgar, for the first time, we will have someone in the villa who can read a balance sheet. See, the last time we achieved anything with privatisation was when Atiku was the Vice President. Yes, he sold to cronies but they were able to create billionaires, expand the economy and rebuild the middle class.” As the food was coming, he was gingered. “Edgar, Tinubu is the same. See the massive spike in the IGR of Lagos. See what he has done with Lagos with successive governors, ensuring a continuum. See, Lagos cannot be compared to other megacities of the world, but it is far,

far above any other city state in the country.” By this time, I wanted to hear more. So, I said, please bring the fresh fish and the Ewa Agoyin. If you don’t have Afang, go and buy it and bring. How can I be eating Egusi, that is treason? So, the food flowed and he flowed. Even Akwa Ibom that is a PDP state is using the controversial Alpha beta – if that is true, me I don’t know o. So, he concluded by saying that for the past eight years, we have had a restrictive and incestuous economic engagement with telling negative impact on standards of living, a worsening unemployment rate and over 600% devaluation of the Naira. So, for him, what we will be seeing in Atiku or Tinubu will be development laced by guided and strategic corruption. I gave up, I just chopped my Afang and drank water. Nothing more to add. Kai.

channel to Arise TV. That na where I sure say, I will get perfect coverage. It was Okorocha’s turn to speak. Be like say the man don look too many Martin Luther King Jr. speeches. He started to emulate that one o. Complete with the shaky growling voice, the lifting of a finger to the mountaintop and the proclamation of “my people, my people, my people.” When a man cannot compete with Jagaban – in bullion van things, what will he resort to, but theatrics. I quickly called my Director who is getting ready to stage Nnamdi Azikiwe for me next Easter. I said come and watch o. Do you think we should cast Okorocha as Azikiwe? Watch this performance. The man watched, called me back and said maybe we can use him as one of Azikiwe boys but certainly not Azikiwe. I asked why. “I like his posturing and his gait. He has strong voice quality and his head is big enough, people will see him in the theatre.” My director just shouted no! He doesn’t have the charisma, his looks are all wrong, he is not natural and he is performing instead of delivering a performance. He is coming off as very fake and will not be convincing. But he has energy and gra gra, so we can use him as Azikiwe’s driver or something. I said to him: “You are mad. Rochas

as driver? A former governor of the great Imo State, the champion of ‘iberiberism’ and the only single man in the whole of Igboland who understands the economic value of statues as a major tourist attraction.” At that point, Rochas bellowed, “I have made money before the government, everybody contesting today made money from the government.” There was a way his mouth twisted from that statement and I began to reason with my director, maybe he has a point o. As the results came out and I saw that not even his PA voted for him, I began to work the phones to give him a chance at a second career in theatre. Please, anybody who is close to him or knows his EFCC IPO please let them know that we are looking for him to star in our production of Nnamdi Azikiwe. He will need it.

Bakare

PASTOR BAKARE: SPIT ON ME This one just came to spit and shout and go back home to his Amala and Efo Riro. These people do not even know the next thing about public speaking. They do not know how to measure

Garuba

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 5, 2022

LOUD WHISPERS

ASIWAJU TINUBU: CELIBACY BECKONS Please, there is one boy or should I call him man. I don’t even know what to call him at this point. His name is Osa and he used to live in Magodo. He now lives somewhere in Obalende but he will be telling people that he is leaving in Ikoyi. He was the one that came to me with one yeye analysis that Tinubu cannot win this nomination. He spoke so confidently, told me all the permutations and ended by saying that, “You know I have insiders who cook for Buhari and they have told me it is Amaechi.” That is how, I me sef went to believe this man o. I now came out and proclaimed very confidently that if Tinubu win, then I will go celibate for four years. My people, Tinubu has won o. See my problem o. People are calling me and asking how I will do. You see the wahala Osa and him beer parlour analysis come put me now. Not only Osa o. Most people on the Duke summit said there was no way Tinubu would win. That he is walking like a drunken sailor and he is speaking like someone who is overdosed with kunu. Very unlike me, I threw caution overboard and went to make the kind of statement Wole Soyinka made during Donald Trump when he threatened to tear his American Passport if Trump won. Now if he did that, I am not sure o. So now Tinubu has won and Osa will be enjoying himself in the other room with his madam and me, I am here with thousands waiting to see how I will keep my oath. Well, I have asked my lawyers to look at the word celibacy and see if we can establish any unseen clauses that can give us a way out. You trust Nigerian lawyers. Anyone that cannot do this work, no go law school. Once they go to law school, they will deliver. Be watching the election tribunal and you will be seeing the brilliance of Nigerian lawyers. That was how my lawyer came back with a solution. Mr. Edgar, you can masturbate. There is no penetration, there is no partner, you can’t impregnate anybody and you are on your own. I say God bless you. Daniel has come to judgement. CHARLY BOY: HOW SOON? My big brother who has refused to see me since he came to eat Afang in my house with Mudi and Olisa Adibua, has said that he will go on exile in Ghana if either Tinubu and Atiku wins the election. My advice is that he should start the process because there is no way one of these two merchants will not be our President next year.

Area Fada in his submission even stated that he will beg for citizenship in Ghana. I say make him start next week and start early because the way it is going, there will soon be a deluge. Nigerians don tire. If you follow both conferences – PDP and APC, you will cry blood. Apart from throwing up the same kinds of people, the process was fraught with everything but good and straightforward. When corrupt processes throw up leadership, how do you then expect that leadership to be anything but… My brother, please start and let us

know how it is going so that some of us will consider joining. Na wa. KINGSLEY MOGHALU: LET’S RETIRE HONOURABLY My brother who had sworn to retire both Atiku and Tinubu has been shown the door by little known Kachikwu. Kachikwu who is said to be the brother of former Minister of State for Petroleum, Dr Ibe Kachikwu came tops at the recent party primaries of their little known party, ADC. Mr. Kachikwu also beat my friend Chuka Monye. Chuka had come to our Duke Summit to talk about his plans for

OBI CUBANA: THE DAY I MET ODOGWU They say his Odogwu Bitters is the most sought after in the market. I hear there is a black market running around it because of the great demand for it by the markets. Such is the industriousness of this young man. So, when the opportunity to meet him came, I grabbed it. He had always interested me even before his monumental mother’s burial which caused tremors. I was interested in discussing the manifest destiny behind that epochal event. Let me explain. So, most people saw a loud and financially obscene burial. But as a political student, I saw a rebellion against the restrictive nature of class in society. These were young men with no pedigree and as such no respect from mainstream who were making a loud statement and poking society in the face with their brash show of wealth. It was like saying, we have arrived and demand to be heard. I needed to decipher it and determine if even he himself understood what he had just done. The Igbo section of the Nigerian class structure, despite their immense liquidity, have not really been taken seriously because of their lack of understanding of power dynamics. Is this a new crop of young men who will fare better than their predecessors? Those ones were only interested in giving themselves high and empty titles like – Eze Ego and flaunting temporary wealth all over the place. So, my brother, the great real estate magnate – kai, Satan is wicked, I don forget him name now now o- but na Managing Director of Hormel Group and he dey wear bowtie and get big belle, na him carry me go there o.

Cubana

their words, tailor it, cajole, cuddle and bring colour to the point that even if they will still lose - because our delegates, no come Abuja for that one – we the general public will go home with a warm feeling like, that was a man. See Prof Osinbajo, measured and aristocratic. Powerful intellect and sweet delivery. See Bill Clinton, See Tony Blair, see Wole Soyinka. Orators. See me sef. When I talk for Command Secondary School Alumni, all the girls will now beg me to impregnate them. I tell you. Baba just came and was shouting down at people. Sweating and straining himself. Me, I was afraid, make he no go faint o, with the way he was sweating and spitting. It was as if I was watching a badly prepared wrestler in a bout. Why he even tries beats me. But then again, if we don’t have these kinds of side attractions, we will not be Nigerians na. That is why we are the happiest people in the world.

I met Obi in his office relaxed. Handsome and gracious. He was simple, easy to engage and very affable. Highly intelligent and very eloquent. A little bit distracted by the phone but a super host. He threw a bottle of Odogwu at me and my friend – yes Sani – that is his name - tried an introduction. “Odogwu, you have not heard of Duke of Shomolu, na him dey do all those plays- Awo and Aremu and he dey write for THISDAY.” Obi looked at me and said “no oooo. I no know am.” I say, don’t worry about me, I know people wey know you. I called Tobe Okigbo and James Etonirun. He relaxed and laughed and I hit him. Bro, I don’t know if you realised the underside of your mothers burial and the force it released on class structure of the Nigerian faulted elitist system? As a graduate of Political Science himself, he understood and took it from there. He told me how the structure came against him, taking his business and personal self through a comb in a bid to understand where he was coming from. A man with no pedigree but with the heart to force a realignment in the class structure. He talked about philanthropy, his business and family life and stated clearly that there was no politics in his near future. But something in me didn’t believe that last part, especially as I saw his name on a list of donors to a major presidential aspirant from the South-east. If you ask me, there is more to this young man than the bitters which has captured the Nigerian market. Make we dey look.

Nigeria. Today, they have been dusted by a less known individual. I think Mr Moghalu should sha give up already before the thing give am psychological problem. You know it is not everybody that has Buhari and Atiku mind who had turned consistent failure into a career. Even Buhari, the last time he lost, he was talking about blood of baboon flowing on the street. That one really pained him. So Moghalu before we start looking towards Yaba left, is it not better to just leave this thing. If election contesting is your hubby, why not let us go try Alumni or Estate elections. The experience you have garnered so far will come in handy. Mbok, no be by force. Thank you. MOHAMMED GARUBA: HISTORICALLY MASSIVE PERSON Those of us who have always known this passionate Nigerian can attest to his brilliance. After me, he is considered one of the most brilliant investment bankers in the market. Working with his other three partners, they have built their firm, Cardinal Stone, into a huge financial behemoth with many earth shaking transactions spanning the different spheres of the market. Recently, they closed the biggest ever transaction on the Lagos Stock Exchange with a trade valued at an estimated N900 billion. They ‘crossed’ trades and earned fees from both sides making them the biggest and most valued so far. The second firm traded about N80 billion. See this Mohammed o. Na him he come waka enter Kulture on Sunday, order food and come dey wait for me to pay for am. I thank God I ignore am o. As if I knew, my instincts just told me to run away as the waiter was coming with the bill. I just dodged in a Shomolu style. I came back, when I was very sure that he had paid for himself and all of us to continue discussions about Nigeria. The following day, I heard about the trades and shouted. I hear that Temi Popoola at the Exchange and my brother Jallo at the CSCS have been smiling all week and have not been taking my calls – I will soon release their nudes. Mbok, imagine how I would have felt, if I had paid for Mohammed’s food at Kulture that Sunday only to come and hear this thing. Na AMCON I for use pursue am. Kai. Congratulations bro. This is only the beginning, by the time you finish, you guys will employ Elon Musk. Be laughing there. UCHE ORJI: STRONG VALIDATION You know nothing makes you ‘prouder’ than when people like Mr. Orji commends your little efforts. Mr. Orji is an erudite scholar and intellectual. He is the Managing Director at the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) where I hear he is doing phenomenally well. When someone of such global standing sends you a text and says, “I love reading your column and thank you for what you do,” and the next text is one from Wole from Duke Summit saying, “Edgar, wetin you dey even write sef. I no dey understand you abeg,” what do you do than to block Wole immediately and wallow in the soft glow of better endorsement? My big Uncle Gabriel Ukpe had once called me thinking I was in Uyo to come and have breakfast with him and Mr. Orji. Unfortunately, I had just left town and as such missed the opportunity. Anyways, my Lord, thank you for the words of encouragement. I showed the Duchess who has locked the doors to the other room for some time now to see if she would be impressed and open the door. She just looked at me and said, “Who be Uche, na there you dey buy gas now?” No vex my brother, na so Duchess be.

JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S DAY, T H E S U N DAY N E W S PA P E R

NEWS

LEISURE TIME… L-R: Golfer, Junior Egbakumeh; Chairman of NOVA Merchant Bank, Mr. Phillips Oduoza; Chairman, NOVA Asset Management Company, Osemwengie Ede; and Regional Manager, Microsoft Nigeria and West Africa, Mr. Akin Banuso, at a Special Golf Competition held at the Ikoyi Golf Club in Lagos…yesterday

University Students Lament as ASUU Strike Continues Funmi Ogundare Some students of Nigerian public universities have expressed frustration over the lingering strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). ASUU has been on strike since February and all efforts to make lecturers return to the classrooms have not yielded results. Some of the students in an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Port Harcourt, appealed to the federal government to meet at least 50 per cent of ASUU demands to end the strike. A third-year student of the University of Port Harcourt, Greatness Nnamdi, who is studying gas engineering, said that the

ongoing strike was impacting negatively on the plans of Nigerian students. He said although he enrolled for a five-year programme in 2017, he was still in the first semester of the third year because of the ASUU constant strike and the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in the country. “My mates who left Nigeria to study abroad have graduated, some are in their final year and it seems those of us in Nigeria are forgotten. “You don’t expect students who spent most of their time on strike and who also studied without properly equipped laboratories to come out with good grades or become experts in their fields. “I am appealing to the federal

government to put in some efforts to meet the demands of ASUU, at least 50 per cent and this will also make the lecturers not depend on students for their upkeep. “I plead with the government to bring back hope for Nigerian youths, our plans and programmes are slowing down. “I also plead with the government to employ young graduates to teach new technologies and innovations in our universities,” Nnamdi-Ikpo said. Similarly, a student of the University of Calabar, Ms Gift Nwafor, who studying education psychology, said that the ongoing strike had frustrated and setback her studies. Nwafor expressed displeasure at the ongoing strike, saying that the

action was leading some students into crime. “Honestly, I am very sad and frustrated. My two siblings and I have been at home since Feb. 14 and our rent for this year would soon expire without being in school. “My greatest fear is that some of us have gone into crimes… They are into theft, raping and consumption of hard drugs. “I am appealing to the federal government and ASUU to consider our future and call off the strike so that we can go back to school,” Nwafor said. ASUU Chairman at the Abia State University, Mr. victor Nkemdirim, attributed the strike to the nonrevitalisation of public universities in the country.

Nkemdirim told NAN that ASUU was fighting for the revitalisation of the institutions. He said since 2009 the government has been unable to implement its agreements with ASUU. He said that the government had always reneged on the Memorandum of Understanding and the Memorandum of Action it signed with the lecturers. He stated that since the founding of some public universities, the government`s presence there had been minimal, except for projects embarked by the Petroleum Trust Fund(PTF) which came about as a result of ASUU agitations. Nkemdirim said if not for ASUU's continued struggles, most of the states and federal universities would

have gone under by now. He also recalled that ASUU had continued to oppose the Integrated Pay Roll and Personnel Information System(IPPIS), a foreign-based platform, which he said the Federal Government was servicing yearly with N7 billion. “This (IPPIS) platform contravenes the university autonomy which means that the council of the universities do not have the right to employ or dismiss staff. “ASUU was asked to develop a platform that is congenial to the university system and it came up with University Transability and Accountability Solution (UTAS) which in all tests, including the integrity test, scored 99.7 per cent pass mark.

Nigerians have a lot to celebrate as the country's democracy has developed in the past twenty-three years. He expressed delight at how the citizens have embraced democratic governance in the past two decades, saying there is a lot to come in the coming years in terms of dividends of democracy. In his message, Obaseki tasked Nigerians to uphold the ideals of the nation's founding fathers, who fought assiduously for the realisation of an independent country rooted in the values of justice and equity. The governor urged citizens to recommit to the process of “renewing ourselves and work in unison to make our country live up to its promise as the greatest black nation on earth.” On his part, Sanwo-Olu urged Lagosians to let Democracy Day be a reminder of the importance of joining hands to build the future they want. He said since the ultimate goal of democracy is to improve the lives of the people, his government has resolved not take this responsibility lightly at all. Similarly, human rights activist and President of Women Arise, Dr Okei-Odumakin, in a statement, warned that as the scramble for 2023 gathers speed, the import of June 12, 1993, must remain in the mind of Nigerians as nothing has changed.

in Owo. Akeredolu announced the cancellation on his official Twitter handle, @RotimiAkeredolu yesterday. In his tweet, Akeredolu said: “In honour of the victims of the terror attack at St. Francis Catholic Church in Owo, the Ondo State Government has cancelled this year’s June 12 celebration.” “The cancellation is to enable the people of Ondo State to mourn their loved ones who lost their lives in the horrific attack.” On their part, the South-west Speakers have condemned the gruesome attack on Owo Catholic church. In a statement by the Chairman, South-west Speaker’s Conference, Hon. Bamidele Oleyelogun also commiserated with Akeredolu. Oleyelogun, who is the Speaker Ondo State House of Assembly, said the ancient town of Owo, which was known for peace before the strike by terrorists caused havoc to many households affected by the ugly trend.

AT DEMOCRACY DAY, BUHARI PROMISES NIGERIANS FREE, FAIR, TRANSPARENT ELECTIONS IN 2023 government would do everything possible to address the issue of terrorist attacks in some parts of the country. President Buhari also gave hard knocks to the retired General Ibrahim Babangida-led military government for annulling the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by the late business mogul, Chief M K O Abiola. Also on the occasion of the Democracy Day, the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2023 general election, Atiku Abubakar; his All Progressives Congress (APC) counterpart, Senator Bola Tinubu; the Speaker of House of Representatives, Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila; Edo State Governor, Mr Godwin Obaseki; Lagos State Governor, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, and human rights activist and President of Women Arise, Dr Joe Okei-Odumakin, have urged Nigerians not give up on hope. This is coming as the Ondo State Governor, Mr Rotimi Akeredolu has cancelled the celebration of Democracy Day in the state due to last Sunday’s attack on the St Francis Xavier Catholic Church in Owo. In a national broadcast this morning to commemorate the celebration of this year's Democracy Day, President Buhari assured Nigerians of a free, fair and transparent electoral process come 2023, while also pleading with all citizens to come together and work with the government to build a peaceful and prosperous nation. He charged the citizens to also support the electoral process that would deliver the desired results, especially in honour and memory of the June 12 icon, the late Chief MKO Abiola. He stated that he would remain committed and determined to

ensure that the new president is elected in 2023 through a peaceful and transparent process. He charged Nigerians, especially those who would be involved in electoral campaigns, to ensure that the process is sustained in maturity, devoid of the 'do-or-die' spirit. President Buhari also charged politicians and their followers to run their campaigns with a high sense of maturity and dignity, which had been sustained throughout the various parties' primaries. He said: "As we move into the general election campaign season, we must sustain this mature attitude to campaigning and ultimately, voting. We must never see it as a 'do or die affair. We must all remember democracy is about the will of the majority. There must be winners and losers. "I will therefore take this opportunity on this very special day to ask all candidates to continue running issue-focused campaigns and to treat opponents with dignity. As leaders, you must all showcase the high character and never forget that the world is watching us and Africa looks up to Nigeria to provide an example in governance. The tone you set at the top will surely be replicated in your followers. "For the voters, I am pleased to inform you that in the last seven years, our government across all tiers, has made significant investments to reform and enhance our electoral laws, systems, and processes to safeguard your votes," Buhari explained. Commenting on security challenges facing the nation and how they could affect the coming elections, President Buhari said the government was working to contain the issues so that the 2023 elections could be preserved and secure.

His words: "I know many of us are concerned with the rise in insecurity due to terrorist activities in parts of the country. As a government, we are working hard to contain and address these challenges. And ensure that the 2023 general elections are safe and secure for all Nigerians. "To achieve this, however, we must all contribute. It is not the job of the government alone. I ask all citizens to support and cooperate with our security agencies by reporting any suspicious characters and activities to law enforcement agencies. We can only have a safe country if we can prevent a crime, not after the crime has been committed." "On this special day, I want us all to put all victims of terrorist activities in our thoughts and prayers. I am living daily with grief and worry for all those victims and prisoners of terrorism and kidnapping. I and the security agencies are doing all we can to free those unfortunate countrymen and countrywomen safely. "For those who have lost their lives, we will continue to seek justice for their families against the perpetrators. For those currently in captivity, we will not stop until they are freed, and their kidnappers are brought to justice. If we all unite, we will be victorious against these agents of terror and destruction,” Buhari added. Buhari also flayed the administration of former military president, General Babangida, which annulled the June 12, 1993, presidential poll adjudged as the freest election ever conducted in the electoral history of Nigeria. "On June 12, 1993, Nigerians saw the best in our citizens as we all went out to vote peacefully. By June 24, 1993, we also saw the worst of our leadership as

the elections were annulled. "We must never forget the sacrifices of the heroes of Nigeria’s democracy during 1993. Their patriotism and peaceful struggle should guide our actions especially when it comes to electing our leaders and holding them accountable, now and in future," Buhari explained.

Atiku, Gbajabiamila, Tinubu, Obaseki, Others Urge Nigerians to Remain Hopeful

Meanwhile, in a statement Atiku signed as part of the 2022 Democracy Day message, the former vice president said the celebration should provide Nigerians with no room to stomach rhyme and rhetoric, but salient facts, sobriety and the promise of a better tomorrow. He described it as an auspicious period to rally around all compatriots, to think and work in concert for the unity, security, equity, inclusivity, socio-economic prosperity and equitable development of our country. "Let's gather the numbers and commitment to kick out APC - the borrowing and sorrowing party. Let's remember that Nigeria's current debt burden stands at over N41 trillion with less than $40billion reserve”. On his part, Tinubu in his June 12 message, said although Nigerians are diverse in terms of ethnicity and religion, everyone seeks good governance, better life and the positive things that result from sustained good governance. According to him, “on this day, June 12, we celebrate democracy and commemorate those who have sacrificed so much to establish this most benign and noble form of governance in our land.” On his part, Gbajabiamila said

Akeredolu Cancels Democracy Day Celebration over Owo Carnage

In another development, Ondo State Governor, Akeredolu has cancelled the celebration of Democracy Day in the state due to last Sunday’s attack on the St Francis Xavier Catholic Church

Nigeria is Being Handed over to Looters, ASUU Cries Out

Meanwhile, ASUU has warned that the exclusion of best brains in Nigerian politics through high nomination forms would place the future of the country in the hands of looters. The Chairman, University of Ibadan chapter of the union, Prof. Ayoola Akinwole, gave the warning in a June 12 message issued yesterday in Ibadan. "It is a strategy of handing over the country to those individuals who have looted the country in the past. If this practice goes unchallenged, Nigerians are in for not just another regime of poor governance but that of extreme corruption and looting."

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER ˾ JUNE 24 2012

ARTS & REVIEW A

PUBLICATION

12.6.2022

MARIA VARNANA:

Repositioning African Art on Global Stage MariaVarnana, the founder and director ofTiwani Contemporary, opens up to Yinka Olatunbosun in a recent encounter on her journey of promoting contemporary African art to the world beginning 10 years ago in London and now with a new gallery in Lagos

he expansive view of Tiwani Contemporary in Lagos is like a spreadsheet- baring the statement pieces from its assortment of African artists, sourced locally and from the diaspora. At the reception sat Maria Varnana with an inviting smile and attentive eyes on every visitor to the gallery. With someone like her, you don’t need to introduce yourself twice. Born with a photographic memory, Lagos will always be her home even though she left the city at 11 years. The Greek-Cypriot recounted her story in an exclusive chat during the preview of the group show titled “The Company She Keeps.’’ “I grew up in Lagos,’’ she began. “I moved to Lagos from Cyprus when I was 40days old. I lived here until the age of 11. I grew up around works by Suzanne Wenger, Twin Seven Seven, Bruce Onabrakpeya, Ben Osagie and the like.’’ Upon the completion of her Masters in African Studies with a focus on African art at London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), she set up her gallery in Fitzrovia, central London. For her, the location of the gallery was important to the message she needed to convey. Having previously worked with an international auction house, she discovered a weakness in the international visual art scene. “I thought there wasn’t enough engagement with contemporary material from Nigeria and Africa then. I started researching and talking to people that were interested in publication or exhibition just to introduce to London an additional kind of ‘vibe’ to the art scene,’’ she said. Perhaps, her encounter with the Nigerian curator, founder and director of Centre for Contemporary Arts (CCA) Bisi Silva in 2008, would remain the most profound in the decision to create the gallery Tiwani Contemporary. “She was instrumental to the development of Tiwani as a whole. She was a great friend and mentor and helped me set up Tiwani in London. And throughout the process of the last 10 years, it was always an open conversation with Bisi when she was still with us and also with my colleagues,’’ she recalled with misty eyes. Silva died in 2019 but had managed to VRZ WKH VHHG RI ÀHUFH SDVVLRQ IRU FRQWHPporary African art in Varnana. ´2QFH 7LZDQL ZDV ÀUPO\ HVWDEOLVKHG LQ London, we started to think constructively. We made a promise to ourselves that we would launch Tiwani in Lagos,’’ she said. 7LZDQL &RQWHPSRUDU\ ÀQDOO\ DUULYHG LQ Nigeria around February 2022. The 2,000 square ft. purpose-built gallery in Victoria

Maria Varnana, Founder/Director Tiwani Contemporary

Island, Lagos is a homecoming of sorts for Varnana who has a deep interest in untapped areas in the visual arts sector. Since its opening, Tiwani Contemporary Arts has thrown its doors wide for female voices from Africa and in the diaspora to be seen and heard-although the gallery is not driven by agenda. “For me, I thought commercially, it would have made sense to establish this in New York or Paris. But then, I feel very close to my Nigerian upbringing. I feel very passionate about the artists I work with and the themes that I want to explore. I feel that if we want to be part of the movement of Africa globally, then we need to be here, talking to local artists and also engaging with local

patrons. Basically, I would love to see more works of Nigerian artists,’’ she said. The name of the gallery ‘Tiwani’ is derived from the Yoruba language after searching for how to connect the gallery with the people that it represents. “It’s a beautiful name and I spoke with Bisi about having a name that speaks of the spirit of the gallery and she explained to me that Tiwani loosely translates to ‘it belongs to us’ or ‘it’s ours.’ And I just loved it. It had resonance to what I was hoping to explore and achieve with the gallery.” Thus, Tiwani Contemporary has become an institution in Nigeria to help build relationships, convey messages and bridge the gap between artists and collectors both local and international. “I feel very strongly that if you are very passionate about something and it

really aligns with our true values, the rest will follow. Of course, we don’t see it as something that would bring immediate ÀQDQFLDO UHWXUQV $V LW VWDQGV ZH KDYH a track record and a good mindset,’’ she added. :KLOH UHÁHFWLQJ RQ KHU HDUO\ GD\V DW Tiwani Contemporary in London, she recalled the hurdles crossed to position contemporary African arts where it is. “I was an outsider in every single way. I was an outsider in the sense that my production was full of artists from Africa and in the diaspora. Some fantastic galleries were already working with some of them. The October Gallery has El Anatsui but I wasn’t part of the gallery system. I was an outsider because of the geography that I represented. The only way to overcome that was through the quality of the artists that we choose to engage. We have to create the track record through the shows. We had to ÀQG WKH ELDV DQG LW ZDV D ORQJ MRXUQH\ QRW an easy one. We also had shortcomings in the early days that we learnt from. “It was a constant learning process every single day but I think in the past four years or so, things started to feel a lot, I don’t want to use the word easier but smoother. Suddenly we are out chasing clients and now clients are chasing us- so there is a shift. And we have a bigger kind of movement at the moment.” Citing the example of Tate Gallery in London, she admitted that the push for the acquisition of arts from Africa has become less tedious than it was when she was still at an art auction house. “If you want to build a truly international collection, we must include Africa in the conversation. Tiwani began to shape things and that led to the creation of an DUW IDLU VSHFLÀFDOO\ IRU $IULFDQ JDOOHULHV It corrected how art from Africa should be valued. “People had this idea that just because I worked with artists from Africa, the price of the art should be cheaper or less. But we have helped to break those commercial barriers. Galleries and auction houses are not the best of friends but suddenly, there is a shift in the market and we can see a synergy between the two,’’ she said. Now in Nigeria, Tiwani Contemporary will also contribute to the understanding of contemporary African art through publications and other curated events. “We have published publications and have held art talks. We will be collaborating with Guest Artists Space Foundation (G.A.S) to host three residencies in Lagos. These are humble beginnings. But we would like to do more as we grow. These are ways to support our artists and give them opportunities to engage,’’ she said.

EDITOR OKECHUKWU UWAEZUOKE/ okechukwu.uwaezuoke@thisdaylive.com

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

FOR THE RECORD

Buhari: We Must Never Forget the Sacrifices of Heroes of Nigeria’s Democracy Muhammadu Buhari

ellow Nigerians, Today, June the 12th, marks another Democracy Day anniversary and an occasion to celebrate freedom and unity of our nation. From 1999, we consistently celebrated Democracy Day to mark the end of military rule and the return of power and control into the hands of those freely elected by the people. On this day, Nigerians recommit themselves to ensuring we protect and preserve the ideals of democracy. In 2018, we moved Democracy Day from 29th of May to the 12th of June. This change was to remind all Nigerians of one free election after which the presumed winner along with Nigerians were denied their rights and their choice. On June 12th 1993, Nigerians saw the best in our citizens as we all went out to vote peacefully. By June 24th 1993, we also saw the worst of our leadership as the elections were annulled. We must never forget the sacriﬁces of the heroes of Nigeria’s democracy during 1993. Their patriotism and peaceful struggle should guide our actions especially when it comes to electing our leaders and holding them accountable, now and in future. Fellow Nigerians this is my last Democracy Day speech as your President. By June 12th, 2023, exactly one year from today, you will already have a new President. I remain committed and determined to ensure that the new President is elected through a peaceful and transparent process. It is important for all of us to remember that June 12th, 2023 will be exactly 30 years from the 1993 Presidential elections. In honour and memory of one of our national heroes for democracy, Chief M.K.O Abiola, GCFR, we must all work together to ensure this transition is done in a peaceful manner. I am hopeful that we can achieve this. The signs so far are positive. Recently, all registered political parties conducted primaries to select their candidates for the 2023 general elections. These primaries were peaceful and orderly. Those who won were magnanimous in their victories. Those who lost were gracious in defeat. And those aggrieved opted to seek judicial justice as opposed to jungle justice. I followed the party primaries closely from the state level to the presidential level. I was very impressed to see across all the political parties that, most candidates ran issued based campaigns. The language and tone throughout were on the whole measured and controlled. Another positive that came from the 2022

Abiola party primaries was the signiﬁcant increase in women and youth particularly across all parties. I was very pleased to see this development. This augurs well for the future.These trends clearly show the level of maturity our democracy has achieved in the last 23 years. As we move into the general election campaign season, we must sustain this mature attitude to campaigning and ultimately, voting. We must never see it as a “do or die” aﬀair. We must all remember democracy is about the will

of the majority. There must be winners and losers. I will therefore take this opportunity on this very special day to ask all candidates to continue running issue focused campaigns and to treat opponents with dignity. As leaders, you must all showcase high character and never forget that the world is watching us and Africa looks up to Nigeria to provide example in governance. The tone you set at the top will surely be replicated in your followers. For the voters, I am pleased to inform you that in the last 7 years, our government across

all tiers, has made signiﬁcant investments to reform and enhance our electoral laws, systems, and processes to safeguard your votes. The Executive, Legislature and Judiciary were and still remain united and committed to ensure these reforms are fully implemented in the 2023 general elections. Fellow Nigerians, your right to choose your government will be preserved and protected. I know many of us are concerned with the rise in insecurity due to terrorist activities in parts of the country. As a government, we are working hard to contain and address these challenges. And ensure that the 2023 general elections are safe and secure for all Nigerians. To achieve this however, we must all contribute. It is not the job of government alone. I ask all citizens to support and cooperate with our security agencies by reporting any suspicious characters and activities to law enforcement agencies. We can only have a safe country if we are able to prevent crime not after the crime has been committed. On this special day, I want us all to put all victims of terrorist activities in our thoughts and prayers. I am living daily with the grief and worry for all those victims and prisoners of terrorism and kidnapping. I and the security agencies are doing all we can to free those unfortunate countrymen and countrywomen safely. For those who have lost their lives, we will continue to seek justice for their families against the perpetrators. For those currently in captivity, we will not stop until they are freed, and their kidnappers are brought to justice. If we all unite, we will be victorious against these agents of terror and destruction. We have reformed some of our security structures. Some of the defence assets we procured three years ago have arrived and have been deployed. Our cyber security and surveillance systems are being upgraded to further enhance our ability to track and trace criminal elements. We are also recruiting and training new personnel across all our security and intelligence agencies to strengthen the country’s over-all security. I will conclude this Democracy Day speech, my last as President, by assuring you of my commitment to protect Nigeria and Nigerians from all enemies from within and outside. I am also promising you a free, fair and transparent electoral process. And I am pleading with all citizens to come together and work with Government to build a peaceful and prosperous nation. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria ˾ ÏÓØÑ ËØ ËÎÎÜÏÝÝ Ìã ÜÏÝÓÎÏØÞ ßÒË××ËÎß ßÒËÜÓ ÙØ ÞÒÏ ÙÍÍËÝÓÙØ ÙÐ ÞÒÏ ÍÙ××Ï×ÙÜËÞÓÙØ ËØÎ ÍÏÖÏÌÜËÞÓÙØ ÙÐ Ï×ÙÍÜËÍã Ëã ͺ͸ͺͺ

Gunmen Kill APGA Youth Leader in Anambra, Secondary School Student in Jos David-Chyddy Eleke in Awka and Seriki Adinoyi in Jos Gunmen suspected to be terrorising Anambra State have killed a youth leader of the ruling party in the state, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Also, a student of Government Science School, Kuru in Jos South Local Government Area was on Friday night killed by gunmen, while three others were injured when assailants stormed the community. In the Anambra incident, sources said the youth leader, Hon Emeka Alaehobi was kidnapped from his home in Ukpor, Nnewi South Local Government Area of the state two days ago, but no call for ransom was known to have been made, until his remains were found yesterday morning in a neighbouring town, Utuh. A source who spoke to THISDAY, said: “He is Hon Emeka Alaehobi, Nnewi South APGA Local Government youth leader. He was kidnapped two days ago by unknown gunmen “This morning his remains were found dumped at Utuh Junction.” Anambra State Police Command spokesperson, 7RRFKXNZX ,NHQJD FRQÀUPHG WKDW D FRUSVH was discovered in the area yesterday, but was

unable to ascertain the identity of the corpse. He said: “When our operatives got to the scene, the corpse had been removed by some persons, we are yet to identify, and we have also ascertained that the corpse is that of the youth leader.” Ukpor, the headquarters of Nnewi South Local Government Area has remained one of the most troubled parts of the state, since violent crime erupted in Anambra. The council headquarters has severally been attacked, same for the police division in the area. Sources said eligible youths of the community KDYH DOO ÁHG IRU IHDU RI EHLQJ FRQVFULSWHG IRUFHIXOO\ into criminal gangs. Meanwhile, the state government led by Prof. Chukwuma Soludo recently recorded tremendous VXFFHVV LQ LWV ÀJKW DJDLQVW FULPLQDO HOHPHQWV in the state. At the weekend, joint security operatives stormed a house in Oba, Idemili South Local Government Area, which was a hideout for criminals, and also a place were kidnap victims are kept in wait for ransom. The house was demolished, and some suspects arrested, just as three kidnap victims, including a priest were rescued. In a related development, astudent of Govern-

ment Science School, Kuru, in Jos South Local Government Area was late Friday night killed by gunmen, while three others were injured when assailants stormed Kuru community and shot randomly at the people. The victims were boarder students of the school who had allegedly gone to charge their SKRQHV DW D ÀOOLQJ VWDWLRQ FORVH WR WKH VFKRRO ZKHQ WKH JXQPHQ RSHQHG ÀUH RQ WKHP NLOOLQJ one on the spot and leaving three others with bullet wounds. A youth leader in the community Mr. Bulus 3DP ZKR FRQÀUPHG WKH DWWDFN \HVWHUGD\ VDLG the incident occurred at about 8p.m. on Friday. He said: “A few of the students of Science School, Kuru who went there to charge their SKRQHV ZHUH DͿHFWHG 2QH RI WKHP WKDW ZDV VKRW on the neck by the gunmen died immediately while three others who also sustained injuries were rushed to the hospital. “The attack on the community would have been more devastating if not that luckily, the JXQVKRWV ÀUHG E\ WKH WHUURULVWV DWWUDFWHG DWWHQWLRQ of some security escorts that were on transit who also responded and chased the terrorists away.” 3ROLFH 3XEOLF 5HODWLRQV 2΀FHU LQ WKH VWDWH 0U $ODER $OIUHG DOVR FRQÀUPHG WKH DWWDFN LQ a statement yesterday.

He said: “The attention of the Plateau State Police Command has been drawn to news making the rounds in some sections of the media space alleging erroneously that Science School Kuru, Jos was under attack by some groups believed to be terrorists. “The command wishes to set the records straight that on 10/06/2022 at about 2000hrs, information was received at our end that some XQNQRZQ KRRGOXPV ZHUH ÀULQJ DORQJ 0DUDUDEDQ Jama’a, along Riyom road (not Science School Kuru Jos as it is reported by cross section of the media). “Upon receipt of the report, a high powered team of policemen and other security agencies responded swiftly and mobilised to the scene of the incident but on reaching the scene, the JXQPHQ KDG ÁHG OHDYLQJ EHKLQG RQH SHUVRQ dead and three others injured.” The PPRO said the injured persons were conveyed immediately to the hospital for treatment while the police are still on the trail RI WKH ÁHHLQJ VXVSHFWV The statement added, “The Commissioner of Police Plateau State Command, CP Bartholomew Onyeka, has advised members of the public to go about their lawful business as normalcy has already been restored in the area.”

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

CICERO

Editor: Ejiofor Alike SMS: 08066066268 email:ejiofor.alike@thisdaylive.com

IN THE ARENA

As Atiku Confronts Tinubu in Last-ditch Contest

The presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s fraternal congratulations to his counterpart in All Progressives Congress, Senator Bola Tinubu, masks the titanic supremacy contest ahead. But this needs not be a bloody duel, writes Louis Achi

Shortly after Senator Ahmed Tinubu’s emergence last Wednesday, as the presidential standard-bearer of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), ahead of the 2023 general election, a former vice president and presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, congratulated the former Lagos State Governor. “Congratulations on your emergence as your party’s presidential candidate. It has been a hardfought contest, but that you prevailed confirms your tenacity - AA,” Atiku wrote in a statement posted on his Twitter handle on Wednesday. Atiku’s diplomatic gesture essentially reciprocated the Tinubu’s who had last month also congratulated him on clinching the PDP presidential ticket. A statement by Tinubu’s media directorate had commended Atiku’s “patriotism and commitment to Nigeria’s progress,” and said the former Lagos State governor looked forward to squaring up with him in next year’s election. Tinubu defeated 14 other contestants to emerge APC presidential candidate, polling 1,271 votes to win the ticket. Former Minister of Transportation, Mr. Rotimi Amaechi got 316 votes to place second while Vice President Yemi Osinbajo came third with 235 votes. Seven of the 23 contestants withdrew from the race to support Tinubu. The duo’s emergence as standard bearers of the nation’s two major parties out of the registered 18 is expected to significantly define the outcome of the 2023 presidential election. But the projected impact of two other participating political mavericks can also hardly be ignored. These are the former governor of Anambra State, Mr. Peter Obi, now the presidential candidate of Labour Party (LP) and Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, former governor of Kano State and now the presidential candidate of New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). The departures or movements of Obi and Kwankwaso from their mainstream political platforms were obviously triggered by irreconcilable contradictions within their erstwhile parties.

Tinubu

Atiku

This is also applicable to several recent defections across parties by many politicians. The emergence of Tinubu despite several covert plots within the APC to derail his “life-long ambition” as well as rubbish the power rotation understanding within the party by electing a northerner speaks to his nimble mastery of the game. However, the stout position of the northern APC governors who insisted that the next president should come from the South for the sake of fairness must be acknowledged. In the case of PDP, the power rotation template, incidentally constitutionalised within the party was rubbished and thrown to the dogs pivoting on the argument of winning at all cost over fairness. Given this scenario, a bruised South, especially, South-east are projected to withhold their votes from the party and weigh other options. But to possibly counter this anger, Atiku who is expected to harvest significant votes from the North would need to pick a running mate from the South-east who ticks several crucial boxes. In effect, a VP pick from the South-east could birth a mitigating scenario. But then Obi lurks in the wings with his compelling and vibrant political outreach to the youths.

In theory, Tinubu’s primary election victory will theoretically lock in South-west votes for the APC in the impending general election. A winning vice presidential candidate choice for Tinubu could facilitate the splitting of northern block vote. But with the significant dissonance in Southern unity, a factor usually astutely exploited by the North, critical vote poaching in the South by Atiku could moderate related projections. Also Tinubu’s choice of a running mate is also crucial. Another significant dimension to Tinubu’s projected impact in the looming electoral contest is his curious skirting of the South-east during his tour of states to shop for APC delegates’ support ahead of last week’s primary election. This fuelled concerns about possible anti-Tinubu voting during the election. More, the fact that a president of South-west extraction by 2023 would push back the time it would take the South-east to host the presidency by 16 years makes Tinubu’s courtship of the zone both a bracing task and an imperative. Tinubu is then expected to do considerable fence-mending so as not to be perceived as indifferent to the region. Similarly, former Vice-President Atiku elicits

kindred negative sentiments on account of his becoming PDP presidential candidate against the shrill insistence of the South that the presidency be zoned to it. This position was echoed by Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu and Governor Hope Uzodimma (both APC leaders from the South-east). Onu had reminded the APC leadership that the South-west and South-south regions of the country had produced President and Vice President in the country since 1999 while the South-east has not produced either President or Vice President. Reminding the APC that he singlehandedly paid for the registration of the ruling party, he urged the party to ensure justice and equity in the country. But his pitch may have come late on the D-Day. It could be recalled that a Muslim-Muslim ticket produced a compelling result during the Abiola era. Could the same be replicated today? Big question. Picking a Northern Christian running mate may produce a tepid electoral outcome. The extent to which Tinubu resolves this dilemma may determine what kind of electoral impact he could make in 2023. But his vast experience in political horse-trading cannot be discounted here. As both key gladiators as well as other presidential candidates step into the fray, they certainly need to reaffirm through their actions the enduring fact that, indeed, justice is the first condition of democracy. Today, Nigeria needs a leader to alter its dangerous national trajectory and restore healing and hope. The process must also eschew rancour and violence. The fact that the 2023 presidential contest arguably represents the last outing expected from these two political veterans of several decades standing may introduce engagement variables impossible to predict. In all, the 2023 presidential poll promises to be a new defining moment for the national journey. Considerable challenges indeed await President Buhari’s successor. Nigerians are waiting. Luckily, Atiku and Tinubu have known themselves for along time. They have been together. All they can but must do, is to ensure that they play by the rules, campaign with decorum, ensure that nobody is killed or maimed in the cause of their campaigns.

P O L I T I CA L N OT E S

Osinbajo’s Tactless Gambit and Political Naivety

Osinbajo

One discernible indiscretion of the Senator Bola Tinubu supportmob,ifyoulikecallthemgroups,wastheirintolerance toacompetitiveculture.TheassumptionthatVice-President YemiOsinbajo,havingworkedwithhim,whenhewasgovernor ofLagosState,tookawayhisrighttoseekthesameofficeas Tinubu, was an idea from a rather narrow mindset. Truth is, there’s no progressive democracy without the culture of competition. Even in some of Africa’s struggling democracies with high political instability, competition is hardtokill,otherwise,itisquicktoexposingthedictatorship tendency in their leaderships. And there’s no aspect of life where competition is totally absent. Itwas,therefore,withintherightofOsinbajotoseektobe presidentofNigeria,moreso,whenheisadequatelypositioned asasittingvice-president,whohasworkedhardandwalked withhisprincipalforalmosteightyearsandunderstoodthe

government and their development agenda. Unfortunately,Osinbajo,unlikeanaveragepolitician,failed torecognise,whentopullthebreaks,asituation,whichspoke more to his lack of political discipline. The direction the All ProgressivesCongress(APC)SpecialConventioneventually took,assumedshapeinlessthan24hourstotheexerciseproper. However,thesmartpoliticiansintheraceandfromthesame place,sawthedirectionearlyenough.Theyhadseenthatthe president had returned to his usual mode – aloofness.They hadalsoseenthatthegovernorshadeventuallysoldoutand agreedonwheretogo.Whetherornotanythingexchanged hands was secondary at the moment. Above all, the various power centres in the presidency, had closed the deal. So, it was game over. Osinbajocouldn’thaveclaimedthatasthenumbertwocitizen ofthiscountry,hedidn’tgettheintelligencetothehumiliation

that awaited him.Thus, as some of the aspirants – seven of them – started to stand down one after the other in view of consensusbuilding,Osinbajoneedednomoreconvincingto ascertain that the game was up.This is politics.While some may take their chances, no one can deny the fact that there issciencetothegameofpolitics–thescienceofworkingto a desired answer. Yet, an evidently naïve Osinbajo lost the momentum. He thoughtgivingupandsteppingdownatthatpointcoulddisappointhis“#EndSARSandTwitter”supporters,amajorityof whomhadnoPVCsandchosetofighttothefinish.Itwasnota smartchoice,arguably.Whatmore,finishingahumiliatingthird placewasnotgoodforanythingeither–theopticsespecially. Butstandingdownatthatpointcouldhavesavedandrepaired manydamagedbonds.Osinbajofailedtorecogniseandseize the momentum.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

BRIEFINGNOTES Tinubu, The Indomitable Lion of Bourdillon Despite all the landmines deployed against the National Leader of All Progressives Congress, Senator Bola Tinubu, by the leadership of the ruling party to frustrate his emergence as the presidential candidate of the party, the former Lagos State governor still emerged victorious due to his tenacity, mastery of the game of politics and doggedness, Ejiofor Alike reports

tisnolongernewsthattheNationalLeaderof theAllProgressivesCongress(APC),Senator BolaTinubulastweekemergedthepresidential candidate of the party, what is however newstomany,isthatdespiteallthelandmines deployed against, he still surmounted them to attain victory, confirming the claim by his supporters that he was the most prepared APC’s presidential aspirant. Attheparty’spresidentialprimary,whichstarted last Tuesday and was rounded off on Wednesday, Tinubu garnered 1,271 votes to clinch the party’s presidential ticket for the 2023 general election. TheChairmanoftheConventionElectionManagement Committee, Governor Abubakar Bagudu of KebbiState,attheEagleSquare, Abuja,announced thataformerMinisterofTransportation,Mr.Rotimi Amaechi, came a distant second with 316 votes. Accordingtotheresults,Vice-PresidentYemiOsinbajo got 235 votes; a former Minister of State for Education, Dr. Chukwuemeka Nwajiuba, one vote; SenatorRochasOkorochaandPastorTundeBakare got zero vote each. Tinubu’s road to victory was indeed tortuous as it was laden with landmines and pitfalls by the leadershipofhisparty,whowasdeterminedtostop him. Many of his political enemies who formed a strangealliancewithhimovernighttosacktheruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) knew from the beginningthathehasa“lifelongambition”tobecome the President of Nigeria. They were determined to stop him. Tinubu’saspirationtobetherunningmateofPresident Muhammadu Buhari in 2015 was frustrated by this group on the grounds that Muslim-Muslim ticket would not be acceptable by Nigerians. The Jagaban had wanted to use the vice presidential platformtoinchclosertothepresidency.Theformer Lagos State governor swallowed this bitter pill but remained undaunted. HenominatedVicePresidentYemiOsinbajowith the hope that the Professor of Law and pastor did Tinubu nothavepoliticalambitionandwouldnotchallenge himinanypresidentialcontest.ButOsinbajonotonly party in a controversial virtual meeting of its challengedhim,hewrestledhimtoastandstilleven National Executive Committee (NEC), held in when his other erstwhile political associates such June 2020 and the setting up of a caretaker as Governor of Ekiti State, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, and committee led by the Yobe State Governor, former Governor of Ogun State, Senator Ibikunle Mai-Mala Buni; the repeated extension of Amosun, who were also believed to have declared the tenure of the caretaker committee; and interest to stop Tinubu, stepped down for him at the shifting of the National Convention of the the venue of the presidential primary. party several times. Theseaspirantswerebelievedtohavechickened Other anti-Tinubu strategies included: The out after reading the handwriting on the wall that failed attempts to draft former President the indomitable Tinubu would carry the day. Goodluck Jonathan and the President of the Beforetheprimary,asectionofthePresidencyand African Development Bank (AfDB), Dr. AkinafactionoftheAPChadmadespiritedattemptsto wumi Adesina, into the presidential race; the frustratehisaspirationtoflytheparty’spresidential successful drafting of the Senate President, ticket.Someoftheanti-Tinubuplotswerethesacking Dr. Ahmad Lawan into the race; the adoption of the Adams Oshiomhole-led leadership of the

ofTinubu’s non-political associate and former GovernorofNasarawaState,SenatorAbdullahi Adamu, as the consensus National Chairman of the party; and the establishment of nine guidelines imposed on the APC aspirants in the form of code of conduct, including the signing of voluntary withdrawal form. The repeated extension of the sale of APC presidential forms and the shifting of the screening of presidential candidates were also believed to have been designed to buy time to schemeTinubu out of the race.Tinubu survived all these plots. TheformerGovernorofLagosState,however, played into the hands of his enemies when he

madewhatwereconsideredasdisparagingremarks against President Muhammadu Buhari and Ogun StateGovernor,PrinceDapoAbioduninAbeokuta, Ogun State. The National Chairman of the party, Adamu threatened that the party would sanction him, stressingthatheshouldblamehimselfifhisinsults on Buhari cost him his ambition. Even when many of his supporters and loyalists had lost hope, his nationwideformidablepoliticalstructurestillsaved him from further humiliation over his Abeokuta comments.OneofTinubu’snorthernsupporters,who was disappointed with his outbursts had however, insisted that it was too late for the outbursts to stop his imminent victory. When all the plots againstTinubu failed, Adamu hurriedly announced Lawan as the consensus presidential candidate of the party, stressing that the party reached the decision in consultation with President Buhari. But following the backlash that greeted the announcement, the Presidency denied Adamu’s claim that Buhari had anointed Lawan. Seven members of the National Working Committee of the party also disowned Adamu, insisting that Lawan was his personal candidate and not the consensus candidate of the party. Adamu’s plot to impose Lawan failed woefully when 11 northern governors elected on the platform of the party insisted on power shift to the South despite the national chairman’s endorsement of Lawan, from the North-east, as the party’s consensus candidate. With the strong position of the northern governors, Adamu had no choice than to allow for a competitive primary election where Tinubu, the Jagaban of Borgu Kingdom emerged victorious. When Tinubu declared interest, he was confident that no one would challenge him from the South-west. He believed that key political stakeholders in the party from the zone owe their success in politics to him. He was confident when he went to President Buhari to notify him of his lifelong ambition. But his erstwhile political allies intheSouth-westprovedhimwrongbycomingout en masse to challenge him. In his victory speech, he promised that his opponents would have nothing to fear. But those who are not comfortable with his political style say he is vengeful. So, Nigerians will only believe that he has forgiven those who caused him so much pain after the 2023 presidential election. Inanycase,Tinubuhasdemonstratedoncemore that he is indeed, a political strategist, dogged fighter and indomitable political lion. Political analysts believe that only the indomitable Lion of Bourdillion can survive all these plots and throw jabs at a sitting president and still win the ruling party’s presidential primary few days later. That was a record-breaking feat.

NOTES FOR FILE

Nigeria in Consistent Darkness under APC

Adamu

As members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) converged on Abuja for three days to hold their conventiontoelecttheirpresidentialcandidate,many Nigerianswhowereeagertohookupthroughtelevision toknowwhatwashappeningfounditdiﬃcultbecause of the blackout that has enveloped the country with the constant collapse of the national grid. Manystatesandneighbourhoodsdidnothavepower for most of the days that the convention held. People had to rely on their generating sets and their phones to follow developments in Abuja. Ithasalmostbecomeanormforthenation’selectricity grid to frequently crash, and sometimes to zero generation level, thereby plunging many homes and businesses into total darkness and resultant pains. Yet, these politicians from the ruling party had the

eﬀrontery to gather in Abuja to be singing and dancing as if they had delivered dividends of democracy with the mandate they were given in 2015. When the party won elections in 2015 and 2019, they promised Nigerians regular power supply to boost the economy. After seven years, they have not been able to add a single megawatt to the one they inherited from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Even the one they met, they have not been able to maintain it. Currently, the country runs on far less than 3,000mw from theabout5,000mwtheyinherited.Yettheywant to remain and retain power in 2023. As most Nigerians were watching oﬃcials of partyspeakattheevent,castigatingandcasting

aspersion at the PDP and its members, one would think they have done far better in all spheres. Be it security, corruption and economy which were priority areas of the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, Nigerians have not seen any visible result. On a daily basis, people are being killed as nowhere is safe any longer. Corruption has increased in geometric progression in every sector and the economyisworseaspeoplearehungryaseverything is almost beyond reach due to hyperinﬂation. Recently, Nigeria was rated the poverty capital of the world, overtaking India. Yet, when one hears members of the APC denigrating the PDP today, one would think that they have done something superlative.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

CICERO/ISSUES

Intrigues and Politics of APC Presidential Primary Though the presidential primary of the ruling All Progressives Congress has come and gone, with the emergence of Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the flag bearer of the party, the non-committal posture of President Muhammadu Buhari will remain an issue in a long time to come, Deji Elumoye writes

Buhari

he build-up to the presidential primary of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) held last week in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) saw many of the aspirants frequenting Aso Rock, the seat of power. The visits dated back to early this year when scores of the aspirants especially governors made it a duty to visit President Muhammadu Buhari to intimate him about their intention to succeed him come May, 2023. Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State was a regular visitor to the Presidential Villa. Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF) and Governor of Kebbi State, Atiku Bagudu, was also a regular caller at Aso Rock by virtue of his position as leader of the 22 governors of the APC. On his part, former Governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was at the seat of government twice to intimate President Buhari of his intention to succeed him come 2023. In one of such visits in January 2022, Tinubu told journalists after the meeting that the president is a democrat and therefore, had not asked him to stop the pursuit of his life-long ambition He was also quick to stress that he has the conﬁdence, vision, and capacity to build on the foundation laid by President Buhari to turn around the fortunes of the country. He also visited the President on March 15, 2022. In all of these visits, the president was noncommittal. He only gave useful advice to all the aspirants, including Tinubu, on the pursuit of their political ambition. In fact as early as January, this year, President Buhari said he would not disclose his preferred successor for personal reasons. Besides, he said it would be too early to anoint a successor, adding that if he disclosed

his preferred candidate, the person may be eliminated before the 2023 general election. When asked to name his successor, the president, in a television interview, said he would not disclose the identity of the person. He first said that he did not have anybody in mind. He said: “I don’t have any favourite for 2023 and if I do, I won’t reveal his identity because if I do, he may be eliminated before the election. I better keep it secret”. The above position of the president may have opened the floodgate for many presidential aspirants declaring their intention in APC to succeed him. The aspirants included governors, ministers, serving and former senators. The aspirants apart from informing the president also consulted with other stakeholders in the party. At the end of the day, some of the aspirants like former Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Senator Godswill Akpabio and Minister of Labour and Productivity, Senator Chris Ngige, went to their respective home states of Akwa Ibom and Anambra to declare their presidential ambition. Other aspirants like former governor of Ogun State, Senator Ibikunle Amosun and his Imo State counterpart, Senator Okorocha, declared their presidential ambition among their supporters in Abuja. When it was becoming glaring that the political ambition of some ministers and other public officials may clash with their duties, the president gave the affected ministers a time frame to leave his cabinet. The federal government thereafter

issued a circular directing serving ministers in the cabinet, heads of government agencies, ambassadors and other political appointees of the administration, nursing political ambitions in 2023 to resign from the government. The circular, dated May 11, 2022 with Ref. No.SGF/OP/l/S.3/Xll/173, was issued by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr. Boss Mustapha. In the circular, Mustapha said President Buhari had observed and noted the expression of interest and intention by some members of the Federal Executive Council, Heads of Extra-Ministerial departments, agencies, parastatals of government, ambassadors and other political office holders to contest the upcoming presidential, gubernatorial, National and State Assemblies’ elections. He said the president had directed that the affected office holders aspiring to run for various offices in the 2023 general election, should tender their resignation on or before Monday, May 16, 2022. The SGF said for smooth running of the machinery of government and the country’s foreign missions, the affected ministers should hand over to the ministers of state where they exist or to the Permanent Secretary, where there is no Minister of State. About 10 ministers who were identified as being interested in running for one political office or the other in 2023 met with President Buhari at a valedictory session during which the president wished them well in their future endeavours. The valedictory session had hardly ended when one of the ministers that attended the farewell meeting with the President in person of the Minister of Labour, Dr Chris Ngige, came up with a letter saying he was no longer pursuing his presidential ambition and would prefer to remain as a minister. He added that his withdrawal had been

communicated to the President and the Secrec tary t to the Government of the Federation. In the statement he issued, Ngige had stated that t “I took this momentous decision firstly in the t overall interest of the nation, in order to enable me concentrate on my job, and assist e the t president and the government, weather the t difficult last lap, in the life of the administration and secondly for other family reasons. t I have since communicated this decision to the President and the Secretary to the GovernP ment m of the Federation. My constituents, political associates and well-wishers across p the t country are by this statement informed of this t latest decision, which also has the blessing and a support of the overwhelming majority, hence supersedes any other interest, personal h or o otherwise.” At the end of the day, only six ministers left to t pursue their political ambition while four others retained their portfolio. o With the exit of the ministers, the president promised to replace them immediately but he p has h not done that three weeks after the former ministers resigned. m In the last three weeks, President Buhari engaged critical stakeholders of the APC, e including the party chairman, governors and i National Assembly leadership on the need to N produce a credible presidential candidate for p the t party. At one of such meetings with the APC governors n under the aegis of Progressive Governors Forum (PGF), the President specifically told F the t 22 governors to support his bid to pick his successor. s According to him: “Our objective must be the t victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give c the t Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” c President Buhari had stressed that he would want to pick his successor and needed the governors to support him to do so. His words: “In keeping with the established internal policies of the Party and as we approach the Convention in a few days, therefore, I wish to solicit the reciprocity and support of the governors and other stakeholders in picking my successor, who would fly the flag of our party for election into the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2023”. At the end, to the consternation and embarrassment of many, the move by the president to handpick his successor met a brick-wall as he could not do anything about it. Even the attempt for Adamu to endorse Lawan on behalf of the president failed as the presidency quickly distanced itself from the move. This made the party to finally settle for an open contest with all aspirants going for election, which eventually produced Tinubu as APC presidential flagbearer in the 2023 poll. Tinubu who defeated former Minister of Transportation, Hon. Rotimi Amaechi and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, among other aspirants, had since swung into action meeting with party leaders and elders of the party on the way forward and in preparation for the campaign ahead of the presidential election in February, 2023. Last Thursday, the APC presidential flagbearer met separately with President Buhari, Vice President Osinbajo and National Chairman of the party, Senator Abdullahi Adamu. They all pledged to work assiduously towards the success of Tinubu at the polls next year. It appears the ruling party is ready to move on and put the past differences behind them. Time will tell how this works out as the party prepares to sell its presidential candidate to the Nigerian voters later in the year.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

CICERO/REPORT

Owo Carnage and Red Flag for National Instability The recent attack on St Francis Xavier Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State has not only reinforced the global concern over Nigeria’s gradual descent into anarchy and the inefficacy of the current national security architecture, but the need to allow the states exercise the policing powers within their territories in accordance with Section 4 (7) of the 1999 Constitution, Gboyega Akinsanmi writes

wo, a sprawling ancient city of Ondo State with a chequered history of communal crisis, came under armed invasion last Sunday. Unlike when its princes were at war over who ascended to the throne of Owo Kingdom between 1960s and 1990s, this time, St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church was the target of the attack. The attack occurred when the worshippers had already converged for Sunday service. Its consequence is collateral and grave, though conflicting. This is evident in the conflicting records of casualties, which the Ondo State Government and Catholic Diocese of Ondo State reeled out a few days after the invasion. On Tuesday, Ondo State Governor, Mr. Oluwarotimi Akeredolu put the number of death casualties at 22 and the survivors at 56. But this figure is sharply at variance with what Catholic Bishop of Ondo Diocese, Most Reverend Jude Arogundade had presented after Akeredolu gave his own update. According to the church’s records, a total number of 38 worshippers died due to the armed invasion, which many believed, was unconscionable, unprovoked and unwarranted. Their bodies, according to the church, have already been deposited at the morgues in St. Louis Hospital, Owo and Federal Medical Centre, Owo. Whatever may be the actual death toll, the church invasion ignited stern consternation globally. From the United Nations to the European Union, United Kingdom, United States; Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop Justin Welby; Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, the invasion triggered widespread condemnation and public outcry . The reason for global concern is not far-fetched. The invasion, as shown in its consequence, is perhaps the most lethal attack the South-west region ever witnessed in its recent history. For Welby, therefore, it is an act of pure evil and a profound offence to God. The Sultan likened it to “a direct attack on all law-abiding citizens” at the sanctuary of God. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres termed it an abhorrent attack, which he believed, the federal government should spare no effort to bring its masterminds and perpetrators to book. At the UK Parliament, also, the invasion triggered profound deliberation during its June 7 plenary. In its resolve, the parliament saw the attack convincingly from the lens of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The attack, it believed, unequivocally flouts Articles (5-7) of the statute, which frowns at killing of any person irrespective of his colour, group, race or religion. Likewise, the invasion stoked global concern over Nigeria’s gradual descent into anarchy, which according to analysts, was a red flag for national instability if not properly managed. In this light, also, Akeredolu claimed, the attack was an attempt to test the will of the people of the state and, indeed, the South-west given the security sector reforms the South-west Governors Forum has recently been pursuing within the ambit of the 1999 Constitution. This global apprehension is not founded in what happened in Owo alone. It is also rooted in the sustained attacks, which the Parliamentary Under-Secretary, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, MP Victoria Ford observed, occurred almost on a daily basis across all the states of the federation. This fear is further delineated graphically by the findings of the Nigeria Security Tracker, a project of the Council on Foreign Relations and Mass Atrocities Casualties

Akeredolu

Tracking, an initiative of Global Rights. Between January and May, according to Global Rights, at least 3,288 had died due to armed attacks. In January, as shown in its report, 740 persons fell to armed attacks nationwide; 593 in February; 641 in March; 646 in April and 384 May, a trend that depicts a bleak future for the federation at large. In the first fifth months of 2022, according to the report, 3,288 lives have been exterminated compared to 3,422 that were recorded in the first sixth months of 2021.Like death records, abduction cases are as well unprecedented across the federation. In this year alone, as indicated in the tracking report, 2,347 persons have been abducted, some of whom are still in captivity of the bandits. This trend bolsters the global concern about the future of Nigeria, which most development partners believe, is gradually fading into oblivion. But what actually triggered the carnage of worshippers in Owo? Its triggers have been explained from different perspectives, which analysts argued, may in part have religious dimension. First, Ford argued that religious identity “can be a factor in incidents of violence in Nigeria.” The root causes, according to the MP, are often complex and relate to competition over resources, historical grievances and criminality. As established by Ford, religious identity is indeed a factor. However, it is not sufficient to explain what happened in Owo alone. Womanifesto, a coalition of over 500 women groups, also explained it in the entrenched culture of impunity, which it argued, had been a motivation for attacks and reprisals across the federation. The women coalition further justified its explanation in the failure of the federal government “to properly investigate; take tangible actions to ensure justice and deter future occurrence.” Whether in the south or north, as shown in its different reports, the inability of the federal government to ensure justice has been the sole motivation for the escalation of insecurity nationwide.

Malami

Also, in a viral video by its National Chairman, Hon. Olawale Oshun, the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) partly agreed that the entrenched culture of impunity, which Womanifesto observed, was the trigger of the church invasion. ARG, a welfarist socio-political think-tank of Yoruba Nation, further argued that the country’s unduly centralised security architecture can no longer guarantee public safety and order with the present socio-political realities of the federation. This challenge, ARG observed, is associated with the security sector governance structure that needed to be reviewed to reflect a truly federalised regime. Under the current structure, as stipulated in section 216 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, the policing powers reside solely in the Inspector-General of Police, who is answerable only to the president and not the governor. On this ground, as different interests have observed, the lack of constitutional power “to command, control, deploy and fund their own police institution is the challenge of the federating units to guarantee peace and stability within their territories.” Reports of the 2006 and 2008 Presidential Committees on Police Reforms, among others, also, attested to these challenges just as they offered antidotes to address them. Like most thorny policy issues in the federation, CLEEN Foundation observed, the federal government has always been unwilling to share policing powers, which it has failed to effectively and efficiently exercise. But the question of who exercises policing powers under the 1999 Constitution generated national debate in 2020 when marauding herdsmen invaded most states in the South, destroying economic crops, maiming farmers who challenged them, raping their wives and daughters, as well and taking occupation of their farmland. While sections 214 to 216 of the Constitution obviously affirms the power of the president over the Nigeria Police, the governors of South-west states

relied on section 4 (7) to ensure law and order within their territories. The section stipulates that the House of Assembly of a State “shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the State…” With this Section, the South-west governors resolved to enact a legislation that established in their states the Western Nigeria Security Network (codenamed Operation Amotekun). With the creation of Operation Amotekun, relative order was restored in nearly all states of the region, at least before the latest armed invasion. Unlike its counterparts, Ondo State has particularly been dispassionate in the enforcement of its Security Network and Amotekun Corps Law, 2020 due to what it ascribed to the unacceptable abduction cases recorded within its territory. So, for Akeredolu, the church invasion was a reprisal against the resolve of his administration to enforce the law. Now that bandits have resorted to the use of guerrilla tactics in the South, it is apparent that Amotekun Corps can no longer respond decisively to the region’s emerging security challenges. To prevent the repeat of the Owo carnage, stakeholders are now demanding a paradigm shift in the security sector governance. In the short term, ARG challenged the federal government to review the legal regime governing the purchase and use of arms, ammunition and related hardware. The regime, as suggested in its response to the church invasion, should be reviewed to allow the state governments to procure high-grade arms for the use of the Amotekun Corps since bandits are in possession of AK-47 riﬂes, the kind of weapon the corps are not permitted under laws to use. Security analysts are also canvassing a comprehensive review of the country’s current security architecture to allow the states exercise the policing powers within their territories. Such a regime, as the Nigerian Governors’ Forum has suggested at diﬀerent times, should create a state police for the purpose of enforcing law and order within the territory of each state of the federation.

THISDAY, THE SUNDAY NEWSPAPER JUNE 12, 2022

CICERO/REPORT

Atiku

Tinubu

All Eyes on South-east, North as Atiku, Tinubu Shop for Running Mates As the deadline given by the Independent National Electoral Commission to political parties to submit the list of their vice presidential candidates expires by Friday, June 17, it is expected that the Peoples Democratic Party will narrow the choice of its running mate to a particular geopolitical zone for the sake of equity and justice, while the focus of the All Progressives Congress remains the North, Ejiofor Alike writes

he Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) last Thursday gave all the presidential candidates of the 18 registered political parties eight days to pick and submit the list of their vice-presidential candidates. At a meeting with the Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) in Abuja, INEC Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, said this in Abuja. According to him, while the special conventions and primaries of political parties to nominate candidates for the 2023 general election ended on Thursday, the nomination of the candidates’ running mates should end a week later. No doubt the directive by INEC has further put the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and their presidential candidates, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu and former Vice President Atiku Ababakar, respectively under pressure to come up with their vice presidential candidates in a matter of days. With neither the PDP nor the APC picking its candidate from the South-east for the 2023 general election, the country would again have to continue with the moral burden of injustice to a major component of Nigeria. Many observers maintain that it would have done the country a lot of good if either the ruling party or the main

opposition party had conceded its presidential ticket to the South-east considering that the Igbo is one of the three major tribes in the country. Not many were surprised when, at the primaries, two presidential aspirants from the South-east, Senator Ken Nnamani and Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, during the two minutes given each of the aspirants to talk, queried the decision of the national leadership of the APC to jettison zoning in the race for the party’s presidential ticket to the South-east. Nnamani, who spoke first, said it was the height of injustice not to zone the ruling party’s ticket to the South-east, considering it is the only zone that is yet to produce the president of the country in the South since 1999. Onu, on his part, recalled how he spearheaded the push for merger arrangement that birthed the APC and paid the registration fees of the then opposition party. He also recalled how he made a big sacrifice by discarding his presidential ticket of the defunct All Peoples Party (APP) in order to ensure that two Yoruba sons, Chief Olu Falae from the South-west, who had the ticket of the party, and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo were the only two candidates that contested the 1999 presidential election. He expressed regrets with the level of injustice

meted to the South-east, saying that with South-west and South-south earlier producing presidents and vice president since 1999 and now trying to let South-west have APC ticket, “where is the justice?” Also, another presidential aspirant and former Minister of State for Education, Chukwuemeka Nwajiuba, shunned the exercise citing injustice to the South-east as part of his reasons. In a statement he later issued and signed by his relation, Chinedum Nwajiuba, the aspirant said the party’s refusal to concede the APC ticket to the South-east led to his absence from the primary. Nwajiuba, who hails from Imo State in the Southeast geo-political zone, said: “The understanding from the highest levels, prior to his involvement, and considering his role in the founding of the APC, was that of consensus as was with the National Chairmanship a few months ago. With that understanding, the presidential ticket was to come to the South, and the South-east.” While it is certain from the victory of Tinubu that the APC would look to the North for its vice presidential candidate, many believe that the PDP has the avenue to remedy the situation by narrowing the choice of his running mate to the South-east geopolitical zone for equity and

justice. This is because the zone has been loyal to the PDP since 1999, and has always voted for the party in all presidential elections. Besides, many believe that the clamour for a vice president of South-east extraction in 2023 is a pragmatic one founded on the fact that of all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, the South-easterners have invested most in the Nigerian project as they live and invest in virtually every nook and cranny of Nigeria, championing small and medium scale enterprises–the engine of growth in any economy. They also posited that ceding the vice presidency to the South-east region will guarantee equity and justice as well as promote political inclusion and national cohesion. Apart from having eminently qualified aspirants, the people of the zone have made enormous contributions to the overall development of the country. Election of a South-east indigene as vice president in 2023 will further cement the nation’s unity and harmonious national existence. Indeed, the South-south geopolitical zone has a justifiable claim to the position of vice president in 2023 being the pillar of PDP at least since 2015 when the party lost the centre. This is why vice presidential contenders like Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State and Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom State are advised to shelve their ambitions for a candidate from the South-east for the sake of justice and equity. So for politics of inclusiveness therefore, it is imperative to give the vice presidential slot to the South-east zone. The PDP must take critical note of the political imbalance against the South-east zone and do the needful to bring them on board. Anything to the contrary will further give credence to assertion that Nigeria hates the Igbo. Currently, there is an array of eminently qualiﬁed persons waiting in the wings for the running mate to Atiku. Prominent among them is the cerebral former Governor of Enugu State, Senator Chimaroke Nnamani. An astute politician and administrator par excellence, Senator Nnamani brought intellectualism to governance and elevated the infrastructure of the Coal City state. He was the one that changed the political narrative in Enugu State when he introduced the Ebeano political family. That Ebeano family is now a movement that dictates the pace of politics in the state. Till date, the Ebeano political family produces successive state governors, senators, members of the House of Representatives, state assembly, local government chairmen and councillors. No one makes it in politics in Enugu if he or she is not a member of the Ebeano family. The current situation unarguably needs an Nnamani that is intelligent, fortitude, savvy, urbane and properly educated to help navigate through the murky political waters of today. Senator Nnamani is reputed for building the permanent structure of Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT), the Nigerian Law School, Agbani, Air Force Secondary School and elevated the urban and rural roads in all parts of the state. Interestingly, Atiku as the then Vice President commissioned many of the projects executed by Nnamani’s administration. So an Nnamani with Atiku will be the needed combination to fix Nigeria. Nnamani has the presence of mind, character, energy and intellect to add value to Atiku as presidential candidate. He has a twin advantage of having cognate legislative and executive experiences which put him in a better stead ahead of his contemporaries. Like political analyst and Law lecturer, Dr. Sam Amadi puts it, Senator Nnamani is the right and proper person to hold the office of the vice president. Besides, Enugu State unlike some states in the South-east has remained consistent and faithful with PDP since 1999. With local and international exposure, Nnamani is needed asset and a bridge between the old and the new. Former Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim (Ebonyi State) and former Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives Emeaka Ihedioha (Imo State) are also being mentioned for the vice presidential slot to Atiku. They both have legislative experience but lack executive experience. Senator Nnamani has the twin advantage of legislative and executive experiences. For 2023, the denial of South-east the vice president position will give credence to the claim that the region is being deliberately marginalised. If the forthcoming arrangement fails to accommodate South-east in terms of the vice presidential slot, the Igbo would have been out political arrangements for 16 years thus making it a total of 40 years out of political reckoning since 1999. No leader or nation would encourage or tolerate the exclusion of its component part. This is why Atiku and the PDP should demonstrate responsible leadership by looking the way of the South-east for the vice presidential seat in 2023.

T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R ˾JUNE 12, 2022

NEWS

News Editor: Gboyega Akinsanmi E-mail: gboyega.akinsanmi@thisdaylive.com,08152359253

Boko Haram Kills 55 Scrap Metal Collectors Michael Olugbode in Abuja At least 55 scrap metal collectors lost their lives in a series of attacks coordinated by Boko Haram insurgents in the last three weeks in Borno. Borno State Commissioner of Police, Abdu Umar made this known while speaking on the sideline of a security stakeholders’ meeting in Maiduguri yesterday. The stakeholders comprised the Police, Army, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and Department of State Security (DSS)

among others. The meeting was to deliberate and proffer a solution to the incessant attacks on scrap metal collectors in the state. Umar said the insurgents killed 32 scrap metal collectors at Modu village in Kala-Balge Local Government Area while 23 others were murdered at Mukdala village of Dikwa LGA, respectively. He said the victims sneaked into the forests, located about 25 kilometers from the towns without informing the security agencies for scrap metal collection.

He said that Governor Babagana Zulum directed security agencies to adopt proactive measures to stop the killings to forestall future occurrence of the incident. “The state government is working to come up with a policy plan to checkmate these activities. “This is because the govern-

ment have had bad experience where infrastructure and individual vehicles, especially in liberated communities are being vandalised by scrap metal collectors. “And it is surprising that the unions said none of the victims in Kala Balge and Dikwa were their members. “The government is really

concerned about the welfare and safety of every citizen, it set up a committee to check these activities with a view to fashioning out ways to forestall future occurrences,” he said. Also commenting, Umar Usman, Chairman, Scrap Metal Association in the state, said the victims of the Kala-Balge and Dikwa attacks were not

registered members of the association. He alleged that the victims were Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the affected communities. According to him, the association is monitoring the activities of over 3,000 registered scrap metal collectors across 27 LGAs of the state.

Obaseki Mourns as Edo Music Maestro Dies Foremost Edo-born highlife musician, Ambassador Osayomore Joseph yesterday passed away. Until his death, he was a prolific singer and one of Edo State’s prominent sons. Joseph was born in Ugha village near Benin City, Edo State Nigeria. He is one of the early pioneers of African popular Highlife music. His educational, anti-corruption and government critical lyrics sung in Edo but also in Pidgin English reached a wide audience worldwide. The Chairman of Copyright Society of Nigeria (COSON), Chief Tony Okoroji confirmed his passage of death of the music maestro. “The late Ulele Power King as he was known by his many fans was my friend. There is no doubt that the unforgettable Osayomore Joseph came, saw and conquered. “Osayomore may have travelled but his Ulele Power sound will continue to boom in the hearts of the many who love him.” Okoroji said: “I have just

learnt of the passing on of the very vibrant and effervescent music maestro with his roots in the ancient Benin kingdom, the great Osayomore Joseph.” In a statement by his Special Adviser on the Media, Crusoe Osagie, Edo State Governor, Mr. Godwin Obaseki, has mourned the passing of music maestro, Osayomore Joseph. Obaseki described the late Osayomore as an enigmatic and versatile musician. He said: “I am deeply saddened by the news of the passing of music maestro, Ambassador Osayomore Joseph, who took the music world by storm with his talent and exported the Benin culture to the world.” “Osayomore Joseph was an enigmatic and versatile musician, who spread didactic messages with his soulful and sonorous voice.” “His contribution to the creative industry in Edo State is as remarkable as it is transformational. He was a crucial voice in the quest to make society better and more livable with his music, which focused on serious issues.

Glo Marks Democracy Day, Canvasses Peace As the nation marks the 23rd anniversary of return to democratic rule, foremost digital services company, Globacom, has enjoined Nigerians to use the occasion to work assiduously for peace, unity and progress in the country. In a congratulatory message released in Lagos yesterday, Globacom called on Nigerians to come together irrespective of differences in tribe and religion, adding that the country can only achieve greatness in a peaceful atmosphere. Globacom said: “keeping

the country united is a great way to honour the heroes of our democracy. Nigerians should, therefore, tap into the power of diversity inherent in the country by joining hands to sustain the territorial integrity of the country at all cost.” The company, which stated that there could never be development in the absence of peace urged Nigerians who are known to be a vibrant, diligent and hardworking people to continue to uphold a positive image of the country anywhere they find themselves across the globe.

... As Abiru Calls for National Unity The Chairman, Senate Committee on industries, Senator Adetokunbo Abiru has called on Nigerians to foster national unity stressing there is hope for the nation. Abiru, in a goodwill message yesterday to commemorate the 2022 Democracy Day, urged Nigerians not to give up on the country. He said great nations that are celebrated today had had their fair share of national tribulations and challenges in their journey into nationhood. He said: “I join esteemed constituents of the Lagos East Senatorial District and

Nigerians in general in commemorating 2022 Democracy Day. “No doubt, the democratic journey that started in 1999 is not without hiccups. The challenges notwithstanding, we should not be quick to dismiss commemoration of Democracy Day especially the tortuous June 12 struggle as non-event. “Nations that are celebrated for their high democratic ethos today have had their own share of tribulations in their journey. The United States of America that is reputed as the bastion of the world’s democracy is obviously not without her challenges.

WORKING IN THE LORD’S VINEYARD… L-R: Chairman, Fundraising Subcommittee, St. John Mary Vianney Priests Home (SJMVPH), Chief Anthony Idigbe (SAN); Special Adviser to Lagos State Governor on Religious Matters, Rev. Bukola Adeleke; Rev. Paul Arole; Archbishop of the Metropolitan See of Lagos, Archbishop Adewale Martins; Monsignor John Aniagwu; and Chairman, SJMVPH Project, Rev. Anthony Fadairo during foundation laying of the project at St. Agnes Catholic Church, Maryland, Lagos…recently

Ogunlewe: Tinubu Went to Adamu’s House to Challenge Him Segun James A former Minister of Works, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, yesterday revealed how the presidential candidate of All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, went to the house of the APC National Chairman, Adamu Abdulahi to challenge him that he could not adopt anyone as the party’s candidate. In a related development yesterday, Ebonyi State Governor, Dave Umahi lamented how delegates from the South-east “traded their votes” in the justconcluded presidential primary of the APC. Ogunlewe revealed Tinubu’s mission to Adamu’s residence on ARISE NEWS Channel yesterday, saying Tinubu “is too smart to be

outwitted by anyone.” He said after Adamu announced the Senate President, Dr. Ahmed Lawan, as the party’s consensus candidate, Tinubu went to meet him in his house to say he could not do that. Ogunlewe added that Adamu was confused with Tinubu’s unexpected visit, saying he tried to explain himself but Tinubu’s insistence of proceeding to the field to slug it out with other contestants demobilised the APC chair. “He went to meet Adamu in his house. That is Tinubu for you,” Ogunlewe said it would have been “a great miscalculation on the part of the APC to adopt any other candidate. The APC is too big for anyone to micro-manage its affairs. You

cannot micro manage politics where someone is competent. He said Tinubu is more than ready for the country, adding that the candidate had worked himself hard for his emergence. He said he has personally met Tinubu to demand from him that it is only service to Nigeria that is left for him. He said Tinubu is wealthy and fulfilled as a Nigerian, adding that the only thing left for him is to serve the country. Speaking at his hometown, Uburu, during the maiden matriculation of the King David University of Medical Sciences, Umahi said his focus, henceforth, would be on Ebonyi and not on the Igbo in general. The APC had conducted its presidential primary last week

with Tinubu polling 1,271 votes to clinch the party’s nomination. Tinubu had contested against 13 other presidential hopefuls - including Umahi, who polled 38 votes and a former Minister of State for Education, Mr. Emeka Nwajuba, who scored one vote. During the matriculation, Umahi said: “I had a series of meetings with the party’s chairmen in the five states of the zone in the company of its national vice-chairman. “I implored the delegates that the issue was not about me, but the mood of the Igbo in the nation. I implored that they should vote for any south-east aspirant, so that when the votes are counted, we would not be missing,” NAN quoted him as saying.

Labour Party Condemns Attacks on Lagos Voters Chuks Okocha in Abuja The Labour Party (LP) has called on President Muhammadu Buhari to declare a state of emergency in Lagos State following alleged attack on intending voters in the state. The party alleged that there was an attack on some people of the Igbo extraction, while attempting to collect their PVCs in Ojo Local Government Area,

Lagos State by some political thugs believed to be loyal to the leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Some videos were trending on social media, indicating that some thugs had launched attacks at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) registration centres. The party through its acting Publicity Secretary, Abayomi Arabambi, described the incident

as “a crude electoral terrorism,” saying it did not portray the good intentions of the APC presidential candidate, Senator Bola Tinubu’s ambition Arabambi argued that it is a constitutional right of every resident in any part of the country of voting age to vote or be voted for anywhere they have been living for six months. The party’s spokesman maintained that the brutal attack on

the Igbo people in Lagos state laid further credence to the APC government’s commitment to divide Nigeria on a tribal basis. He, however, called on security agencies to immediately intervene to forestall the breakdown of law and order in the Igbo densely domiciled area of Ojo-Alaba, warning of an impending brazen murder of democracy in Nigeria.

NNPP: We’re on Mission to Dislodge APC Govt Gboyega Akinsanmi

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) yesterday lamented the failure of All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), noting that its presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso would win the 2023 election. NNPP added that, a two-term governor of Kano State, was already positioned to win in North-west and North-east, saying its popularity “is spreading from

Kano to major capitals, especially in Jigawa, Katsina, Kebbi and Zamfara.” The National Auditor of NNPP, Mr. Ladipo Johnson made the remarks in an interview with THISDAY yesterday, noting that the party “is doubling effort towards mass mobilisation nationwide.” Johnson, a Lagos-based legal practitioner, explained that the party would consequently win the 2023 presidential election. He said the political ideology of

the presidential candidate of the NNPCC “is igniting mass followership and that the development will likely give him and the NNPP victory at the polls.” Johnson noted that Kwankwaso and the NNPP could confidently go into the next election and win. The national auditor observed that Kwankwaso’s optimism was founded on the fact that PDP was doing a terrible job as an opposition party and hence the people of Nigeria needed the vacuum to be filled by the NNPP.

“Kwankwaso is a name that both the PDP and APC respect because his contributions to both parties are unquantifiable,” Johnson explained. According to him, strategic areas of mass support and acceptance of the party and its leadership as well as the emerging political developments in the other parties have changed the character of the political space and drastically diminished the advantage hitherto enjoyed by both the PDP and APC.

JUNE 12, 2022 • T H I S DAY, T H E S U N DAY N E W S PA P E R

B AC K PAG E C O N T I N UAT I O N TINUBU AND ATIKU: BIRDS OF A FEATHER is a lot to say about the way Buhari handled his succession, but we can forgive him because there is also a lot to say about how he has handled almost every important matter since he came to office in 2015. But it appears his strategists, assuming they can be so called, were only interested in stopping Tinubu. They became stuck when Tinubu refused to budge. It was complicated by the Electoral Act which clearly stipulates how a consensus candidate can be picked: every aspirant must agree to withdraw — and in writing. Tinubu was never going to agree. Never. He always wanted a contest. The stage is now getting set for a grand battle between Tinubu and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the presidential flagbearer of the leading opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This is not an attempt to rule out other candidates — I still believe the gap between the primaries and the elections proper is so long a lot can still happen along the way. But if we use current data for our workings, APC and PDP are the top political parties by a million miles. Both of them control over 95 per cent of elective offices across Nigeria. Any party that wants to upset this has to build a nationwide support base between now and the 2023 general election. That is the home truth. That said, there is virtually nothing to choose between Tinubu and Atiku. They are birds of a feather. Both are products of the botched transition programme of President Ibrahim Babangida that was to birth the Third Republic in 1993. A friend calls them “Class of ’93”. They both belonged to the Peoples Front of Nigeria (PFN), the baby of Maj-Gen Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (rtd). Other notable members were Babagana

Kingibe, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (Shehu’s younger sibling who would be elected president in 2007). The association was not registered as a party and was forced to dissolve into the government-created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1989. Tinubu, meanwhile, was elected as a senator in 1992 while Atiku sought to be governor of the newly created Adamawa state. He won the governorship primary election but was disqualified by the military government which was in the habit of cancelling elections. But Atiku would later enter the presidential race when the older Yar’Adua, his mentor, was disqualified after winning the SDP presidential primary in 1992. The primaries of the two parties — the other being the National Republican Convention (NRC) — had been cancelled and “old breed politicians” banned, so Yar’Adua entered Atiku as his horse in the new race in 1993. Atiku lost. Bashorun MKO Abiola got the ticket. Tinubu and Atiku remained friends but while the former vice-president participated in the transition programme of Gen Sani Abacha in 1997/98, Tinubu was in exile funding prodemocracy agitations in Nigeria. When Abacha died and a new transition programme was rolled out, Tinubu and Atiku found themselves in different camps — Atiku pitched his tent with the PDP and Tinubu opted for the Alliance for Democracy (AD) which was made up of the forces that opposed Abacha and the annulment of Abiola’s victory. Despite being in different parties, they remained close and Atiku is reputed as helping Tinubu escape the PDP tsunami that swept through the south-west in 2003. When Atiku fell out with Obasanjo ahead

of the 2007 elections, his political career looked over. Obasanjo made sure Atiku would not have any pathway in the PDP to run for president. Tinubu, it was, who offered Atiku a way out — by giving him the ticket of the Action Congress, the party he formed after pulling out of AD in 2006 because of some internal crisis. But Obasanjo was so determined to stop Atiku that he set up an administrative panel to indict him and Prof Maurice Iwu, then-chairman of INEC, quickly dropped Atiku’s name from the ballot. Atiku headed for the courts. Iwu warned us that even if the courts ruled otherwise, it would come too late to reinstate Atiku. As it later happened, Atiku won his case at the Supreme Court. In fact, Obasanjo declared an emergency public holiday to make sure the court would not be able to sit to deliver judgment, but it all failed. In the end, Iwu organised a sham of a presidential election in 2007, announcing final results while votes were still being counted. In the history of Nigeria, it is only the 2007 presidential election that does not have a state-by-state breakdown. Iwu simply sat down in Abuja and reeled out incredible figures as the final result, even saying only the PDP had a national structure to win a presidential election. He lambasted opposition parties for questioning the conduct and outcome. Atiku would abandon AC (later renamed Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN) and return to PDP in 2010 to continue his presidential pursuit. It appeared it was at this juncture that Tinubu and Atiku finally parted ways. He felt Atiku should have stayed back to build a strong opposition but was being opportunistic by returning to the PDP because of Yar’Adua’s ill-health and

eventual death. But they came back together again in 2013 when the major opposition parties formed the APC. This time, Tinubu was with Buhari and served as a counterforce to Atiku to whittle down his war chest at the presidential primary in 2014. Atiku returned to the PDP years later, after failing to get APC’s ticket. Atiku and Tinubu are alike on the economic front: they are private sector players who believe in a free market economy, so either would be expected to carry out reforms with significant impact on the economy, including deregulation of the downstream sector and exchange rate. Some will argue that both are of the same age bracket and should have retired from politics for fresher brains and more agile bodies. It is a debate that will not die down any time soon as their supporters market them aggressively. I expect plenty friendly fire in the electioneering. What’s more, both men are perceived to be corrupt, although there have been no convictions since they left office 15 years ago. Finally, both are Muslims — but Atiku enjoys the luxury of picking a Christian from the south as his running mate. Tinubu is facing what Abiola had to confront in 1993: choosing between a paperweight northern Christian and a heavyweight northern Muslim. Nigerian presidential politics has been pre-programmed thus: if it is a northerner, it must be a Muslim; if it is a southerner, it must be a Christian. Will this be reversed so that it can be a southern Muslim and a northern Christian? Or will religion take the back seat? Tinubu has more thinking and tinkering to do in the coming days. Any direction he faces has implications. But that apart, Tinubu and Atiku are two peas in a pod.

And Four Other Things… CRIME AND PUNISHMENT A high court in Akure, Ondo state, on Friday sentenced three persons to death for the murder of Mrs Funke Olakunrin, daughter of Reuben Fasoranti, the former leader of Afenifere. The 58-year-old woman was killed by attackers, referred to as “herdsmen”, in 2019 as she made to escape what looked like a robbery-cum-kidnapping operation. The sentencing will not lessen the pain but there is a feeling of justice being served. In 2017, seven people were sentenced to life imprisonment for kidnapping Chief Olu Falae. I commend the Ondo state government for bringing these criminals to justice — as it should be — instead of lamenting and crying conspiracy all the time. Progress.

NO WOMAN NO FLAG Of all the presidential ﬂagbearers that have been elected so far, none is a woman. I am assuming I have seen the full list. This is a collective embarrassment at a time the world is promoting gender equity. Unfortunately, there are nil chances that the major parties will pick women as running mates, so we are not even talking of a mitigation here. It is only in Adamawa state that a major party will ﬁeld a female governorship candidate but that is better than zero. I am not too enthusiastic about the possibility of a preponderance of women as deputy governorship candidates. Let’s just say that Nigerian political powers are yet to get the memo on gender promotion in politics. Shame.

APC CIRCUS You cannot but be bewildered by some happenings in the All Progressives Congress (APC). Fixing the convention on a weekday, instead of a weekend, spoke volumes about its understanding of the impact of its actions on ordinary people. I could not but chuckle when presidential aspirants were given two minutes each to address delegates and some even asked for one-minute silence in memory of terror victims and then went on to speak for 10 minutes, without any restraint. Meanwhile, it has emerged that APC may not ﬁeld a governorship candidate in Akwa Ibom following a factional crisis — a repetition of what happened in Zamfara and Rivers in 2019. Disorganised.

DIRECT AND INDIRECT I have read a number of comments asking that indirect primaries should be scrapped in favour of direct primaries because of the inﬂuence of money. In indirect primaries, delegates vote to choose a candidate. In direct primaries, members of a party do the voting. As I have argued in the past, the issue is not the system but the human beings operating it. Direct primaries are also prone to corruption — a classic example was the SDP presidential primary in Lagos in 1992 when party members were induced with loaves of bread laced with naira notes. Maybe one system is better than the other. But from what I have observed, there is nothing Nigerians cannot abuse. Conﬁrmed.

FACTORS LIKELY TO SHAPE THE PRESIDENTIAL POLL Eventually, things can play out in four ways: one, APC chooses a northern Christian and wins; two, APC picks a northern Christian and loses; three, APC selects a northern Muslim and loses; and four, APC nominates a northern Muslim and wins. Whether the outcome shows that religious balance matters or not or can be pinned solely to the faiths on the ticket, religion is likely to be a major factor in the 2023 polls. The second factor likely to shape the campaigns and the outcome of the polls is President Muhammadu Buhari, the outgoing president. It is not expected that he will play the bullish role that his only term-barred predecessor, President Olusegun Obasanjo, played in 2007. But the 2023 election will still be largely about Buhari, specifically his eight-year stewardship and his legendary followership. For one, PDP and the other parties will hammer his record in office and insist that Buhari and APC are one and the same. APC, on its part, is expected to rebut with 16 years of PDP. But recency bias favours PDP, as the last seven/eight years are fresher in the mind than the 16 years that preceded them. There will be the usual argument about frittering away gains of high oil prices. But the fact that the APC has also experienced oil prices at higher than $100/barrel, even if not for an extended period, and without corresponding gains, takes the sting out of this argument. Corruption cannot be played high either, given the widespread perception of the candidates of both parties. Buhari’s records on the economy and security will definitely be the playground of the opposition parties. Since he is not the one running, Buhari cannot be expected to mount a spirited defence for himself. He will definitely talk about his achievements in physical infrastructure and other areas and pitch the need for continuity. The election will reveal whether Nigerians are ready to give APC another chance or willing to return to PDP or prepared to shun both of them. The APC candidate, whose antecedents will also come under intense scrutiny, will also struggle with a dilemma: how to strike a balance between making the campaign about himself and not giving

Tinubu the impression that he is distancing himself from the president and his party. This dilemma will be deepened by the fact that Buhari remains APC’s biggest electoral asset, one that common sense dictates should not be alienated. Even with the challenges, especially of banditry in the North West, Buhari still enjoys a cultic following. Are Buhari’s 12 million ardent followers all still with him and can they be passed on as a bloc to another person? Will Buhari campaign vigorously for Tinubu the way he would have campaigned for himself? Or the way Obasanjo campaigned for then candidate Umaru Musa Yar’Adua? How much negative or positive impact will his stewardship have on the fortunes of

his party at the polls? It is difficult to know the answers to these questions now. What is clear however is that President Buhari will be a factor in this election, even when his name will not be on the ballot. The third factor that is likely to shape the presidential election is the growing quest to upturn the political status quo. In some circles, both the APC and the PDP have been successfully narrativized as the undesirable old order, two rotten peas in a pod. Ordinarily, this negative branding should translate to the electoral demise of the two leading parties at the centre and at the subnational level in the coming elections. This is the hope of most of urban and educated youths, the middle class, some celebrities and a segment of the business elite. There are two major drivers of this quest: one, young people who discovered their voice and agency during the mobilisation for and the outcome of the #EndSARS protests; two, non-mainstream politicians working on building a third force that can effectively challenge and displace the two leading parties. Of the 16 other registered political parties, only two parties at the moment appeared likely to benefit from this sentiment: the Labour Party (LP), whose candidate, Mr. Peter Obi, is enjoying some bounce and who is the South East’s most viable hope in the 2023 presidential contest; and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), whose candidate Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso enjoys some significant following in Kano and some other states. It remains to be seen whether the coalition of youths, celebrities and some business elites has ripened into a political force or the interaction or union of that fledging coalition with the third force movement is strong enough already to affect electoral outcome in Nigeria. The long electioneering period offers a window of hope. The rosy view contends that there is enough time to challenge and uproot the status quo. But the realistic view differs. This view maintains that it will take at least four years of intense and consistent work or a broad coalition of

really strong parties to dislodge the two parties that control power at all levels in 35 of the 36 states of the Federation and are in charge of the Presidency and almost all of the National Assembly. The optimists sometimes cite the elections of President Barack Obama in 2008 and Buhari in 2015. But Obama didn’t run on the platform of a fringe party or as an independent. He ran on the platform of the Democratic Party, a political party founded in 1828 and one of the two major parties in the US. Buhari got elected at the fourth attempt and on the platform of APC, which was made up of four legacy parties, three of which had existed in one form or another since 1998. APC also had more than ten governors within its fold at the time of the 2015 election. To be elected the president of Nigeria, a candidate needs to score not only the highest number of votes but must also secure 25% of the total valid votes in 24 states and the Federal Capital Territory. This is a major undertaking, requiring enormous resources and extensive presence. This requirement favours the party with not only solid structure but national spread and presence, and thus supports the projection that the 2023 election will be a straight fight between the two leading parties. An important wrinkle here is that the governors and legislators, who control political resources and structures in the states, are also invested in the presidential election and will work studiously for their parties because a bandwagon effect could cost them their own posts. Only the two leading parties have the majority of sitting governors and legislators. The realistic position is that it would be easier for the fringe and emerging parties, even with their charismatic leaders and supporting movements, to win smaller elections that will allow them to build structural muscle than to win a presidential election at the first attempt. But optimism sometimes gives pragmatism a knockout. The next eight months will confirm or dispel received notions about electoral politics in Nigeria. Interesting days ahead.

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“On June 12, 1993, Nigerians saw the best in our citizens as we all went out to vote peacefully. By June 24, 1993, we also saw the worst of our leadership as the elections were annulled” – President Muhammadu Buhari chiding the General Ibrahim Babangida-led military government for annulling the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by the late business mogul, Chief M K O Abiola.

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SIMONKOLAWOLE Tinubu and Atiku: Birds of a Feather SIMONKOLAWOLELIVE!

simon.kolawole@thisdaylive.com, sms: 0805 500 1961

isappointment was powdered on the faces of many of the young people around me when Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo did not win the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC). To them, Osinbajo was one candidate they could connect with: articulate, urbane, agile and modern. One who is connected to the ordinary Nigerian — he is there for them when there is a blast, when there is a gruesome murder, when there is an accident or when there is a terror attack. I argued with quite a number of them that party politics is about structure and alliances, that it would be easier for Osinbajo to win a general election than the APC presidential ticket. It sounded like Greek to them. Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Adekunle Tinubu, on the other hand, comfortably won the race for the APC ticket, sweetened by the amazing depth of support from northern governors and a spate of withdrawals by his rivals. The joke of the day was that while other contestants were busy buying delegates, Tinubu was buying the aspirants. However, restricting Tinubu’s victory to the single narrative of his financial power will not tell the whole story. For decades, Tinubu had been building a national and battle-tested political structure to actualise his life ambition of becoming president of Nigeria. What happened at the Eagle Square was more than what we saw at the Eagle Square.

Atiku and Tinubu All efforts had been made to stop Tinubu in the last couple of years. The ouster of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole as the APC national chairman, the prolonged stay of Mai Mala Buni as the caretaker chairman, the last-minute truncation of the election of Senator Tanko Al-Makura as APC chairman, the adoption of Senator Abdullahi Adamu as party chairman, the battle over whether or not

there should be direct or indirect primaries, and the last-minute introduction of Senate President Ahmad Lawan into the race, among other things, were all contrived to stop Tinubu. Even the removal of Mallam Ibrahim Magu as EFCC chairman was allegedly because of his closeness to Tinubu. After the election of the new national working committee (NWC) in March 2022 in which Tinubu

could get only one of his nominees on board, obituary writers were already preparing a draft article on the end of his political career. I do not have all the inside details, but the week leading to the June 6-8 presidential convention apparently proved to be probably the most important in Tinubu’s career: he got the northern governors to insist on power shift to the south, thereby stalling a real attempt to foist Lawan on others as the “consensus candidate”. Any politician in an underdeveloped democracy who triumphed in spite of these high-level plots and schemes deserves respect, no matter how tiny. Before the convention, President Muhammadu Buhari had asked the governors to let him choose his successor to reciprocate his relationship with them. Unlike President Olusegun Obasanjo, Buhari never removed any governor. He did not impose a successor on any. When he asked them to reciprocate his gesture, the impression we got was that he was about to pick someone, present him to them and that would be a done deal. But the rumour that Lawan, another northerner, was the one about to be anointed raised the temperature in the room. Adamu even confidently informed the APC NWC that Lawan was the chosen one. The response was hostile. The idea was brought in dead. Buhari finally backed down, basically saying he was no longer going to choose his successor. There Continued on page 87

WAZIRIADIO POSTSCRIPT

Factors Likely to Shape the Presidential Poll

ith the conclusion of the presidential primaries, the concentrated political drama that kept the country captive for a while is now on intermission. However, the political actors are not really on break. They are active behind the curtains, busy scripting and rehearsing what next to serve us. We are in for a long, engrossing political show, the longest ever since we started voting in Nigeria in 1923 following the introduction of the ‘Elective Principle’ in the 1922 Clifford Constitution. Officially, presidential campaigns will commence on 28 September 2022. That’s about six months to the presidential poll. There will be many twists and turns, with attendant undulation of political fortunes, on this long journey. We are currently in a three-month hiatus, a pre-campaign period, if you will. But even in this twilight zone, the issues and factors that are likely to shape the campaign and the election are becoming visible. I will highlight three of those emerging patterns and issues here. The first major pattern is about the role of religion in the 2023 presidential poll. To be sure, religion has been a factor in our presidential elections for some time now, especially since

2003. The only exceptions were 1999, 2007 and 2019 when the leading candidates happened to be adherents of the same religion. However, religion is billed to be a much more prominent issue in 2023 if the All Progressives Congress (APC) goes ahead to nominate a Muslim running-mate for its flagbearer, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. That will be a Muslim-Muslim ticket, as Tinubu himself is a Muslim. In a country where religion is one of the fault-lines and religious balance is seen as a sensible mode of accommodation, presenting a Muslim-Muslim ticket will be an insensitive and dangerous gambit. It is likely to further inflame passions and deepen division in the country. It is not about whether the party can win with that gambit or not, it is about the incalculable harm such a ticket can do to a country struggling already with religious extremism and violence, divisive tendencies and heightened tension. Such a ticket would amount to pouring petrol on a raging inferno. The candidature of Tinubu, a Yoruba Muslim, would always present APC with this dilemma, especially when the candidate of the leading opposition party is Alhaji Abubakar Atiku, a northern Muslim. The argument is that Tinubu’s running-mate not only has to be a northerner, he or she must also be prominent enough to

give APC a good play in the north, a region which though is the stronghold of the ruling party will be the major electoral battleground next year. That invariably points in the direction of a northern Muslim, as most of the formidable politicians from the region are Muslims. APC could have avoided this dilemma if it had chosen a southern Christian. But Tinubu was clearly unstoppable, and he was not ready to let go. Now the cold political calculation is that fielding a strong northern Muslim as his running-mate is the party’s only sure path to victory. Advocates of this position believe such a combination will put the party in a good stead in the North West and the North East, which are predominantly Muslim and are the party’s main strongholds, will not hurt the party in some parts of the North Central, and will not rob Tinubu of the homeboy advantage in the South West, the most religiously diverse zone and its only stronghold in the south, and a zone where religion has the least salience in political and other considerations. Advocates of this combination have been saying that religious balance is not the only thing that Nigerians look for in presidential tickets. They reference 1993 when Basorun Moshood Abiola ran with Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, both Muslims, and won the polls. But one instance is

not statistically significant enough. Besides, 2023 is not 1993. While the same electoral outcomes might still be possible, the potential damage to national peace and unity makes the move a wrongheaded one. APC and its candidate should spare the country this potentially traumatic experience and chart other paths to electoral advantage. Already, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has issued a statement that Tinubu and Atiku as Muslims should not choose Muslim running-mates. It is clear that Atiku was just included in the statement and the target audience is Tinubu and APC. It must be said that CAN unsuccessfully raised a similar objection to the Abiola-Kingibe ticket in 1993, but as stated earlier: 2023 is not 1993. Many things have changed in terms of the politicisation of identities, social relations and political engagements in the intervening 30 years. While it can be argued that, like many Yoruba Muslims, Tinubu does not wear his religion on his sleeves and that his wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, is even an ordained pastor of the Redeemed Church, the only thing most will see is a Muslim-Muslim ticket. Resistance to such a combination is likely to grow, even from some Muslims across the country. Continued on page 87

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