Toronto Globalist: Winter 2008 by The Toronto Globalist

THE TORONTO GLOBALIST Winter 2009, Vol. 4, Issue 1 www.torontoglobalist.org

CHINA THROUGH A RED LENS PAGE 8 GENDER EQUALITY IN AFGHANISTAN PAGE 10 WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL ARENA PAGE 15

INDIA’s DOWRY SYSTEM: the ECONOMICS of GENDER

GENDER EQUALITY & DEVELOPMENT in the 21ST CENTURY

The Toronto Globalist

CONTENTS

CREDIT: Shauna Rhodes

Sustainable Water Development, pg.14 Laura Elmhirst

VOLUME IV, Issue I Letter from the Editor

The Lighter Side Amy Stupavsky

Global Happenings Amy Stupavsky

Missing Women: Uncovering the women lost in development 22 Holly Norrie

Photospread Amy Stupavsky

The Civilizing Force of Hypocrisy: The Case of Mukhtaran Mai Samya Kullab Party Propaganda: China through a Red Lens Anita Li Women in Afghanistan: How far has gender equality come? Brunilda Cimo Resurgent Russia: A Looming Headache Josh Xiong

CREDIT: Lucy Boyle

Cover Story: Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Dowry System: The Economics of Gender, pg. 6 Travis Coulter

Fighting Barriers to Universal Access: AIDS 2008 Colleen Fox Are women destined to remain spectators in the political arena? Jenna Khaled

CREDIT:Adam Winnik

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Policy Feedback: A study of race management in Singapore 20 Chris Neufield

An Inside Look at the Not-so Russian Arctic Expedition Felicia Moursalien

A Final Word on the Istanbul Conference 28 Natalie Krajinovic, Colleen Fox & Alexander Lim

Separatism: Movements and global implications Jeelan Syed

Childhood Sexual Socialization Farheen Shaikh

CREDIT: AIDS2008.org About the Cover: Photo from Flickr, by Orange Tuesday. Used under Creative Commons 2.2 Licensing.

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist 2009 STAFF Colleen Fox

Editor-in-Chief, Executive Director

Anita Li

Editor-in-Chief, Editorial director

Natalie Krajinovic Publisher

Matthew Gray

Head Productions Editor Website Administrator

Farheen Shaikh

Public Relations Manager

Catherine Tsalikis Senior Editor

Christine Lee News Editor

Josh Xiong Opinions Editor

Zach Davidson Staff Editor

Aisha Ansari Brunilda Cimo Ivana Jankovic Vik Handa Associate Publishers

Farhana Rahman Sapphire Li

Associate Productions Editors

Amy Stupavsky Staff Writer

Alexandra Tkatcheva Staff Photographer

Donald Ainslie Marcel Danesi John Duncan Advisory Board

Send Letters to: The Toronto Globalist 7 Hart House Circle Toronto, ON M5S 3S3 toronto.globalist@utoronto.ca

Winter 2009

Letter from the Editor The topic of gender and development encompasses a wide range of issues, at the core of which is gender equality. Put simply, this means that both women and men have equal opportunities to fulfill their personal ambitions, contribute to economic and social development in their country, and to gain equal benefits from their participation in society. Gender equality is crucial for economic growth. Societies are hampered from development when gender inequality is high. While there have been improvements globally, the inequalities that still exist are striking. According to Oxfam, women account for almost 70 percent of the world’s 1.3 billion people living in poverty, 65 percent of the world’s refugees and two-thirds of the world’s illiterate population. They own just one per cent of the world’s resources, and earn one-tenth of the world’s income. Women hold only 10 percent of seats in the world’s parliaments. But there is hope. Developing countries cannot afford to ignore the economic contribution of women and their role in maintaining the health of their nation’s children. They produce 60 percent of all food, run 70 percent of small-scale business and make up a third of the labor force. Still, their status does not reflect their significant contribution. Achieving true gender equality will need to include access to resources, participation and leadership in politics, greater economic opportunities, and respect for the basic human rights of women. This issue of The Toronto Globalist is guided by the hope that the promotion of gender equality will be a means for development and also an opportunity to realize the potential of equal human rights for both women and men. In our feature article, Travis Coulter writes about the dowry system in India and how it commodifies women in a country where rising wealth is at odds with tradition. The internalization of women’s rights in third world countries is the focus of Samya Kullab’s article. Brunilda Cimo writes of gender equality and the status of women in Afghanistan. Laura Elmhirst’s article focuses on women’s role as the key to sustainable water development and Jennah Khaled writes a timely article on the role of women in politics. Finally, Farheen Shaikh speaks to sexual socialization and gender identity, and our guest article by Sydney Globalist writer Holly Norrie uncovers the truth behind the world’s 100 million missing women. We have a dynamic new team this year who has been working tirelessly to produce this issue. I would like to thank the entire staff and editorial board for their hard work and dedication.

Colleen Fox, Executive Director & Editor-in-Chief www.torontoglobalist.org

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The Lighter Side Champagne Tastes & Caviar Dreams Ladies and gentleman, it’s time to see what’s lurking inside your old, dusty cabinets! In July, Clive James discovered a bottle of 1893 Veuve Clicquot champagne in a sideboard at his home in Torosay Castle, Isle of Mull, Scotland. Locked away in the darkness of the cabinet since at least 1897, the 115-year-old champagne remained in mint condition. When James contacted Veuve Clicquot, he was shocked to learn that it is the oldest bottle of champagne in existence! The bottle now serves as a major attraction at the Veuve Clicquot visitor’s centre in Reims, France. “The bottle is literally priceless. It is a one off and therefore unique,” said Fabienne Huttaux, head of communications at the company. “We would never consider selling it as it is far too important to us. It is a unique piece of champagne history.” We’ll drink to that! Down with Stereotypes! Vikings, long-known as Europe’s barbaric plunderers and pillagers, have been misunderstood. Cambridge University’s department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic recently published a guide separating fact from fiction in Viking history. Among the more salient pieces of information: Vikings did not wear horned helmets, they were interested in poetry, and they were quite fashion-conscious.

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By Amy Stupavsky

Amy is a student at St. Michael’s College, specializing in English and majoring in European Studies.

What’s in a Name? What happened to the days when girls were called Mary and Alice, and boys were named Johnny and Mark? A family court judge in Wellington, New Zealand, must have been pondering that question, too! In a July 24th ruling, Judge Rob Murfitt made nine-year-old Talula Does the Hula a ward of the court in order to change her name. Murfitt questioned the parents’ judgment in saddling their child with the unusual moniker. “It makes a fool of the child and sets her up with a social disability and handicap,” he

Atkins at the November conference for the Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies in Orlando, Florida.

“Young women are cheating on their partners almost as often as men.”

Fishy Gender-Benders It’s an inconvenient truth, but Global Warming may change the gender ratio of some fish. Gender determination can be genotypic (GSD) or temperature-dependent (TSD) in vertebrates with separate sexes. A Spanish study, directed by Francesc Piferrer from the Institute of Marine Sciences in Barcelona, provides evidence that increasing temperatures result in highly malebased sex ratios in TSD fish species. Even small changes of 1-2 degrees can generate three times the number of male fish in both fresh water and marine varieties. The study suggests that fluctuating temperatures caused by climate change will compromise fish populations with TSD because there will be fewer females to propogate the species.

said. Other names deemed unsuitable included Fish and Chips, Yeah Detroit, Keenan Got Lucy, and Sex Fruit. Cheaters Adultery is on the rise, especially among older men and younger couples. Young women are cheating on their partners almost as often as men. According to a University of Washington study, the lifetime infidelity rate for men over 60 increased to 28 percent in 2006, up 20 per cent in 1991. The increase is more significant for women aged 60-plus: from five percent in 1991 to 15 percent. In new marriages, 20 percent of men and 15 percent of women under 35 admit to being unfaithful, up from 15 and 12 percent respectively. Detailed analysis of this data will be presented by Dr.

Zzzz… Japanese researchers at the University of Tokyo located a genetic variant that may elucidate the mechanisms of narcolepsy. Nearly one in 2,500 people suffer from the affliction. In Japan and Korea, however, the incidence is four times higher. The genetic link may explain why Japanese and Koreans are more prone to the disorder.

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The Toronto Globalist

NEWS

By Amy Stupavsky

Amy is a student at St. Michael’s College specializing in English and majoring in European Studies.

Blue Sweater Politics Following a swift 37-day campaign, Stephen Harper was reelected as Canadian Prime Minister in the October 14 national election. Although the Conservatives were unable to secure a majority, their significant Ontario gains resulted in a larger minority government. Harper vowed to devote his energies to ensuring Canadian stability in the global economic crisis by encouraging business through lower taxes and imposing firm regulations for banks. The NDP increased its number of seats to 37, whereas the Liberals lost ground to the tune of 18 ridings, falling to 76. The Bloc Quebecois celebrated its sixth consecutive majority win in Quebec, with 50 ridings in total. The election also represented one of the lowest voter turnouts in history. Only 59% of eligible voters exercised their right to cast a ballot. Declining Canadian Dollar After a year of glittering highs and a flirt with parity, the Canadian dollar dropped back down to earth. In mid-October, the dollar dipped below 80 cents U.S., its lowest close since early 2005, as the Bank of Canada cut its key interest rate and suggested that more cuts may be necessary. The Bank also cut back its projections for economic growth and inflation in response to the global economic downturn and stress in the financial markets. Lower rates translate into a devalued Canadian dollar. Economists attribute the dollar’s slide to falling oil prices, the perceived instability of a minority government, and stronger foreign investment in the Greenback.

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Global Happenings

Crying more than just spilt milk... The world lost confidence in China’s dairy industry when thousands of Chinese infants became ill after drinking tainted baby formula. As of the September 18, 2008, four children have died after consuming the tainted milk powder, and over 6,000 have been affected. Tests confirm that at least 22 Chinese companies were selling dairy products containing melamine, an industrial chemical used in plastics. Despite a ban of its use in foodstuffs, the substance has been added to watered-down milk to artificially suggest higher protein levels. The scandal has renewed concerns about the safety of China’s goods, both domestically and abroad. It serves as a sobering reminder of last year’s toy recalls and tainted pet food-related animal deaths. 2008: The Year of the Political Woman? Politics has taken a decidedly womanly turn this year. In a move that would make the original suffragettes proud, Prime Minister Stephen Harper could set the record on October 30, 2008, for the most women in federal cabinet. In the October 14 election, the Conservatives elected 23 women MPs, up from nine in 2006. The last Tory cabinet included seven women, but pundits expect Harper to bring the number to 11 or 12, in what could be a 30-member cabinet. If the predictions are true, in addition to appointing the first cabinet minister from Nunavut, Leona Aglukkaq, who will head a new northern development agency, the new Conservative MP from PEI, Gail

Shea, will be given the Fisheries portfolio. Lisa Raitt, who defeated Tory-turned-Liberal Garth Turner in the desirable Halton riding, is also expected to receive a post. The influx of women in cabinet could ease Harper’s challenges in Quebec, considering that support for Premier Jean Charest surged after he chose women to represent half of his cabinet. South of the border, Hillary Clinton, who lost the Democratic primaries to Barack Obama, is the closest a woman has ever come to winning a major party’s presidential nomination. Republican Sarah Palin is the closest a woman has ever come to becoming vice president since Geraldine Ferraro. Unlike Ferraro, she faces a much closer race. Pundits believe that the political landscape is favourable to women running for the House. Only the November 4 election will tell if further historical milestones will be reached. Out of Africa South Africa has not been entangled in such unstable politics since the end of apartheid, raising questions about the future of the country’s fledgling democracy. A rift in the country’s ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), worsened when President Thabo Mbeki was unseated by party officials loyal to Jacob Zuma, his rival and former friend. Many South African government leaders have abandoned their positions to show support for Mbeki. Zuma now heads the ANC and is expected to run for president. He is involved in a complex corruption trial, but dismisses unease about this issue as “media exaggeration.”

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The Civilizing Force of Hypocrisy The Case of Mukhtaran Mai It was 22 June 2002 when a local tribal council in the secluded village of Meerwala, Pakistan announced its verdict for a case that, unbeknownst to them, would have international repercussions. After engaging in inappropriate behaviour with an upper-class clan girl, twelve-year-old Shakoor was given his sentence: as punishment, the council sanctioned the opposing clan members to rape the boy’s sister, Mukhtaran Mai. It was late in the afternoon when Mai was gang-raped. After it was over, her community expected her to commit suicide, as it was customary for women to do so after they had lost their honour. But Mai did something else. She went to the authorities, fought a four-year long legal battle, and ultimately had the offenders sentenced to death. Major international newspapers and networks covered her trial, garnering her international recognition, while casting a dark light on Pakistan. There are many aspects to the Meerwala case that are worthy of attention, and very relevant to the matter of gender equality in developing countries. Mai’s case equivocally demonstrates that women’s rights, along with international human rights norms in general, are steadily becoming internalized in third-world countries. Perhaps it is worth our while to consider how such a shift has been made possible over the years. The escalating demands of civil society have contributed to bring-

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OPINION By Samya Kullab

Samya is a 3rd-year Innis college student, specializing in Political Science and minoring in Philosophy.

ing women’s rights to the fore. Various studies examining the rights of women in the political process have found that states will alter their practices in accordance with global normative pressures. Often, as states concede by making reforms, civil society groups demand further action, leading to subsequent reforms. If one follows the chronology of the Suffrage Movement, what began as a lobby for formal voting equality in the early 20th century soon evolved into pledges in the 1970s concerning representation that focused on specific outcomes, such as introducing gender quotas in Parliament. However, certain subtleties mark discourse concerning women’s rights in developing countries. Much of this vigilance is due to the role of culture, which more often than not has served to legitimize oppressive attitudes towards women. Pakistan is no doubt a case in point. In the past, organizations have chosen to address women’s rights according to legal terms, thereby avoiding the dubious cultural question. A study by Michigan Law School illustrates that human rights ideas are embedded in certain cultural assumptions about the nature of the individual, the community, and the state, which do not translate easily from place to place. Consequently, if human rights ideas are to have an impact, they need to become apart of the consciousness of ordinary people around the world. Muktaran Mai is a significant figure in this sense precisely because of her or-

dinary upbringing. She exemplifies the commonplace Pakistani woman who, despite the limited resources of rural conditions, was aware of her rights. Culture is described as monolithic and static by the international media, but any anthropologist will insist that it is dynamic, contested and infused with multiple power relations. It is a matter of replacing the former unchanging perception of culture with a more sophisticated one that allows women’s rights norms to grow from the customary laws of the state in question, thereby avoiding their shallow ratification by state actors. Professor Jon Elster’s notion of what he terms “the civilizing force of hypocrisy” is another factor that relates to Mai’s case. Elster argues that shallow commitments to human rights norms can sometimes evolve into deeper commitments if they are addressed to a global audience. When state actors speak publicly and make their interests known, they are bound to their rhetoric. In other words, should they deviate from an adopted stance, they will inevitably be seen as opportunists. When Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf attempted to restrain Muktaran Mai’s movements during her trial, the international media attacked him. In response, The Guardian concluded, “Mr. Musharraf pays lip service to human rights, but often fails to deliver.” It came as no surprise then, in Mukhtaran Mai CONTINUED ON PAGE 29

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FEATURE The Economics of Gender Globalization has been neither an entirely positive, nor negative force for gender politics, but it can’t be denied that it has transformed the way both men and more particularly women, interact within their nations and the global society. In India, it has propelled the ancient religious practise of dowries to a modern national monstrosity, suppressing women within the society, and even putting many of them in danger; at the same time, international NGOs and the global civil society have pushed for equality and women’s rights throughout the country. Globalization is a homogenizing force, both empowering and suppressing men and women in western and developing nations; it is, however, the women of the world that are baring most of the negative aspects of globalization. The Indian dowry custom is rooted in a deeply patriarchal and patrilineal Hindu tradition and according to political scientist Marion den Uyl, is based on the idea of gift giving. A father must give his daughter to another man without asking compensation in order to prevent the future husband from selling the daughter and treating her like cattle. From this practice grew the tradition of giving a gift as well to further ensure good treatment of his daughter. Indian sociologist Srinivas states that there were three important kinds of gifts given at this time; the kanydan or the virginal daughter, the stridhan, and the dakshina. While the dakshina represented gifts given directly to the groom, such as jewellery or clothing, the stridhan were gifts from the

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India’s Dowry System

PHOTO: TED OLLIKKALA

bride’s parents that would be the bride’s property. These gifts formed the basis for the modern dowry. The impact that globalization has had on the modern Indian dowry system can be seen through examining two intertwining characteristics of Indian society: economic and socio-cultural forces. Through economic reforms, the Indian economy began to boom with consumerism in the later half of the twentieth century. Consumer goods such as high priced suites and new motorcycles began to represent status within the culture, and became deeply rooted in the class and caste systems. The new economic structure of continuous consumer consumption, and the cultural desire for these luxury goods quickly became an important part of the catalyst that produced the modern dowry. Joining traditional honour based cultural practices and consumerism contributed to the spread of the dowry throughout modern India. Originally, the custom of gift-giving before a wedding was practiced mostly in the Northern regions of India, and only in high-caste Hindu marriages. The change to the modern dowry be-

gan in the mid-twentieth century, as Hindu traditions of hierarchy became dominant in all regions of India. At the same time, bridepayments, like a dowry but much less substantial in amount, became common across all parts of India, but only in higher caste relationships. With the advancement of transportation and communications systems in the 1980s and 90s the dowry system became the norm across the country. It was spread largely because of the strong Indian emphasis on family honour; the larger the dowry paid or received, the more honourable the arrangement is seen within the community. To not pay a dowry is often seen as very shameful for a family. From its humble, religious origins, the practice of the customary dowry has grown and transformed into a modern-day atrocity. In comparison to the traditional dowry, today’s dowry has taken on many new characteristics. Where traditional dowry was given as a voluntary gift, a modern dowry is given on demand. Many Indian sociologists and cultural historians place great emphasis on the connection between the introduction of

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The Toronto Globalist liberal markets and the increasing greed and desire for more luxury goods that plagued the Indian marriage tradition. The parents of a fortunate young male will act as his negotiators, demanding cash as well as goods, such as cars, cycles, houses, woollen suits, and even land. This change in the social marriage practice was the first step in the changing of the dowry system in India under globalizing markets and industrial influences. The modern dowry system has several very negative impacts on the position of women within Indian households. To begin with are the obvious negative financial effects that a dowry may have on a family. By negotiating too high a price for a potential groom, a family can experience severe financial ruin, while not being able to meet a dowry payment can cause greatly damaging social effects on both the family and the daughter that is to be wed. Similarly, while a boy brings a dowry into the family wealth, a girl will result in having to pay one out. Sociologist Marion den Uyl illustrates this point in a well-known Indian saying; “Bringing up a daughter is like watering one’s neighbour’s land.” With little benefits of having a daughter, Indian women and girls are neglected and abused. The societal burden of having daughters can be seen by examining sex ratios. Indian censuses have shown that the sheer number of females in India has been dramatically declining in recent years. While in 1991 there were 945 females under the age of seven per every 1000 males, by 2001 that number had dropped down to 927. In reality, this means that there are roughly six million more

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boys under the age of seven then there are girls. Statistically, only three million of this difference can possibly be accounted for by natural birth rates, leaving upwards of three million girls dead either through neglect of female children, female feticide or infanticide. The modern dowry has also had many negative effects on women after they are married. ‘Brideburning,’ a term used to describe the increasing number of young Indian housewives found murdered each year, has become commonplace in young marriages. Driven by consumerist greed, new evidence is showing an increasing number of young wives being burned alive within their households, supposedly due to stove explosions. After spending a year studying and living in various parts of India, women’s studies scientist Birkbeck, contends that this idea is pure nonsense; “only young wives appeared to be the victims of most stove fires, often late in the evening after the meal had been consumed.” With their wives dead in a supposed accident, young men are now free to find a new wife, and receive a new, large dowry. Considering the large wealth passed in dowries, “bride-burning” is very appealing to young men propelled by materialistic greed. Surprisingly, this mentality is largely supported within the groom’s family. The parents of Indian girls are purchasing husbands for their daughters, and when the husbands are not satisfied with the payment, their wives become expendable. By the mid-1990s, the commercialized, modern dowry had developed from a social institution that provided some security and equality within young marriages, to

Winter 2009

a deadly reality that many young Indian women are forced to face, largely alone. Although globalization has been the driving force behind this negative transformation, globalization itself is neither a wholly negative nor a positive force. This is best shown by looking at the positive effects it has had for Indian women. Perhaps the most obvious benefit that globalization has had on the problems surrounding the modern dowry is the work done by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Centred around female empowerment, self-help, and education, many international NGOs work with local institutions and women to develop programs to help women learn how to gain security within their relationships. Many of the programs concentrate largely on how to find help when a relationship turns abusive, and that remaining silent will only encourage further abuses. The booming neo-liberal economy, however, has provided a new source of empowerment for Indian women generated from within the nation itself. As the economy in India is transformed, an increasing portion of the Indian population has gained in wealth and opportunities. The same forces of globalization that propelled the Indian dowry custom to a greed driven, commercialized, and abusive tool against women, have now empowered those women who benefited from the wealth of globalization to combat violence against women through education. Hopefully, globalization will now result in a positive outcome for women in Indian society. By: Travis Coulter

Travis is a third year University College student, studying Peace and Conflict Studies.

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Winter 2009

Party Propaganda: China through a How modern propaganda in the People’s Republic of China is affecting global politics

With the growth of the Internet and various other forms of new media in China, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has sought to limit access to these potential sources of dissent. Unlike the country’s increasing economic liberalization following former Party leader Deng Xiaoping’s 1978 reforms, its media has become increasingly restricted. Indeed, the Chinese government has made it common practise to repress recalcitrant individuals by shutting down their websites and blogs during periodic crackdowns. It has also implemented new and tighter controls to curb greater amounts and flows of information that threaten to become catalysts of online political mobilization. China expert Joseph Fewsmith states that the country “still maintains a hierarchical system of control over the media.” Through such organs as the China Daily Website and People’s Daily Online, China’s Department of Propaganda establishes the appropriate formulations, which Fewsmith terms “tifa,” that media must use. This system in which the CCP determines formal language and imposes it on major media outlets, is a potent means of power—one that is essential to maintaining the party’s mobilizing force and legitimacy. One example of the CCP’s media manipulation was in its dissemination of propaganda-heavy articles related to the devastating May 2008 Sichuan earthquake, resulting in the deaths of thousands. The articles’ propagandistic overtones demonstrated that all political discourse is fixed within param-

eters delineated by a set of tifa that reflect the regime’s policies and claim to legitimacy. Governmentmanufactured articles published about this event strove to legitimate CCP rule, and to enhance its mobilizing power by focusing on international commendation for the Party’s post-quake relief work, and the general impression that all levels of government were making a concerted effort to improve the situation in Sichuan. Moreover, the articles aimed to evoke a collective sense of mourning and cooperation amongst all classes in order for the government to better foster national unity, and to readily co-opt new groups into its communist regime. To convey the image of a responsible government, the CCP draws upon international and domestic proof of its legitimacy. For international support, the articles often reiterate messages and acts of compassion from foreign states. In a People’s Daily Online article, United States President George W. Bush is said to have commended the strong response from the Chinese government in the wake of the disaster, and is also quoted as saying that “‘the American people care about the people of China.’” As leader of the pre-eminent—and democratic—world power, Bush’s comments lend legitimacy to the Chinese communist regime. In response, China’s ambassador to the United States stated, “the two countries [America and China] are always helping each other in times of need” (a reference to China’s five million dollar donation to the U.S. following the destruction inflicted by Hurricane Katrina). This ex-

change legitimates the CCP as a reliable government administration, and solidifies Sino-American relations and thus China’s commitment to “global multi-polarity.” Overall, these articles featuring international support for China taps into the enduring Chinese desire for international respect and recognition as a great power. To achieve these goals, the Chinese Foreign Ministry, propaganda officials and politicians have become increasingly skilful at manipulating symbols of international diplomacy. Unlike its international counterpart, proof of CCP-legitimacy on a domestic level is derived not from rhetoric, but from the regime’s overall performance or meritocratic criteria at all levels of governance. But widespread cynicism persists amongst the Chinese population that there is pervasive corruption at local, provincial, and national levels of the Party-state. With government corruption a top concern of citizens, regime legitimacy has suffered setbacks. In the case of the Sichuan earthquake, government media highlighted the good deeds of both elite and local party officials to reverse this loss of confidence, and to encourage citizens to rally around the flag. A People’s Daily Online article lauds the efforts of a “self-giving policewoman [who became] a national model for her devotion to quake victims while her own mother and…daughter died in the…earthquake.” Moreover, Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao are also reported to have “played a model role” throughout reconstruction efforts. The “model” to which the article re-

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Red Lens -fers is ostensibly the CCP’s socialist-Maoist ideology that espouses collectivism as one of its doctrines, as opposed to western individualism. In an even more blatant attempt at debunking common notions of governmental corruption, one People’s Daily Online article entitled, “Ministry of Commerce forbids promotions in guise of earthquake relief,” reports on the “prohibition of business which disseminates false propaganda and runs illegal promotional activities” in the name of earthquake relief. Such articles are pre-emptive measures for the Party to defend against any accusations of dishonesty and corruption in the aftermath of the quake. In modern China, rapid socio-economic transformation has overshadowed official communist ideology. As a consequence, the CCP must create collective values to maintain social order, and to encourage compliance with party policy. It has therefore promoted nationalism and patriotism as a major source of elite legitimacy. Patriotism acts as a force that unites citizens, an ideological basis of regime legitimacy and a means of combating western ideological and cultural intrusions into China. Such is the basis behind the Party’s decision to use media to correctly guide public opinion—a critically important factor for cultivating nationalism. With article titles such as, “China waives fees for cremation of quake victims,” the CCP strives to tug at emotions, and in the process, instil the Chinese people with nationalistic support for their country. Nationalism can be stirred up in other ways as well. Hollywood film ac-

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tress Sharon Stone commented that the Sichuan earthquake was a result of karmic retribution for China’s refusal to grant Tibet independence. Following wide dissemination of Stone’s now infamous comments in the Chinese media, Chinese nationalists rallied together to condemn the actress. State-manufactured articles with emotional overtones also strive to encourage the co-optation

“In modern China, rapid socio-economic transformation has overshadowed official communist ideology.” of new groups into the CCP. Indeed, China scholar Bruce Dickson argues that co-optation facilitates adaptation and hence regime durability by bringing into the Party new elites who may revitalize it with new goals and ideas. Accordingly, one People’s Daily Online article describes the efforts of a Chinese entrepreneur who both contributed to disaster relief and reconstruction work, in addition to encouraging his fellow businesspeople to do so as well. He is quoted as saying, “‘Wealth is like water. You can keep it to yourself when you have only one cup, but you should share it with others when you have a whole river.’” The entrepreneur’s actions and words, as described in the article, paint a picture of a member of a powerful emerging class in Chinese society who—despite his economic individualism—still subscribes to ideological collectivism, and therefore conforms to communist society. A similar article to the aforementioned states that,

“members of China’s democratic parties, people without party affiliation, religious personnel, business owners, and overseas Chinese had donated nearly 8 billion Yuan to quake-affected areas.” In describing this outpouring of support from numerous societal strata, the CCP gives the impression of a united China, and also promotes the notion that co-opting various groups is a natural and encouraged course of action. Unlike genuinely transparent media, the CCP publishes articles that reflect the regime’s policies and claim to legitimacy, as opposed to hard facts and objective views. For instance, The New York Times claims Chinese state-run media have largely gone silent on the issue of the poorly built schools that failed to withstand the Sichuan earthquake, resulting in the loss of hundreds of young lives. Although western media reports have blamed the shoddy construction on local government corruption, the Party prohibited domestic media from continuing to publish articles surrounding the controversy. Indeed, legitimating CCP rule, and enhancing the Party’s mobilizing power—rather than delivering honest news—are the regime’s main goals. However, it is important to question the nature of China’s state-run media without jumping to oversimplified conclusions: Is CCP propaganda a means of tyrannical suppression, a means of Party maintenance, or something in between?

By Anita Li

Anita is a forth year student at Trinity College, double majoring in International Relations and Asia-Pacific Studies, and minoring in English.

Winter 2009

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Women in Afghanistan How far has Gender Equality Come? Since 2001, there have been many efforts by the international community to improve the status of women in Afghanistan such as through the Canadian International Development Assistance (CIDA) program. Whether there has been any progress toward gender equality in Afghanistan is a subject of debate. Many scholars such as Michael Skinner, in his response to the Manley Inquiry, believe that even though there is a new government in place, the situation of women and girls has hardly improved. Yet, many public officials such as Officer Lori Coady of the Canadian Forces, who has recently worked in Kandahar province, recognized the security problem in Afghanistan but expressed optimistic comments in a Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) interview about the progress women have made. Despite this optimism, it appears in reality that many development programs have not proven to be very effective in helping the Afghan women gain more equality due to a conservative environment and an absence of security in the country. Recently, the international community and Afghanistan have undertaken several legal efforts to improve gender equality. However, these measures have not met with great success. Professor Barnett Rubin indicates that women were guaranteed the right to vote in elections, serve in the government and be elected to Parliament in both the 2004 Afghanistan Constitution and 2006 Afghanistan Compact. However, according to Rubin, these rights remain largely “symbolic” and unrealistic. Ma-

suda Sultan, who is an advocate of international human rights, argues that the Afghan Constitution does not advance gender equality because of the vague relationship between gender equality and Islamic law. Masuda Sultan also points out that even though women are being elected to parliament, they actually have no voice or influence in the decision making process. Thus, the legal rights to women remain to a large extent with no practical effects. The government’s gender equity goals in the Afghan National Development Strategy remain far from being fully realized as a result of the lack of security in the country as well. Homicide bombings and land mines make it difficult for women to go to school or work. The State Department points out approximately 200 land mines casualties per month. There is evidence suggesting that many Afghan women have been targeted by Taliban fighters. The United Nations (UN) Secretary General’s 2007 report on the situation in Afghanistan notes that violence against women, murder of journalists, female activists, teachers and students is widely prevalent. Similarly, the 2007 Afghanistan Human Rights Development report pointed out that “violence against women…is widely believed to have reached epidemic proportions.” The numbers of young girls and women abducted by Taliban fighters have increased. The report also indicates that the exact numbers are not known and can even be greater since many families do not report such cases due to many obstacles women face in seeking justice. There are a few women who

Winter 2009

By Brunilda Cimo

Brunilda is a fourth-year University College student jointly majoring in Ethics, Society & Law and Criminology.

have taken leadership roles. However, these women face a constant danger to their lives and to the lives of their families. An example is the case of Farida Nekzad who is the Editor-in-Chief of the only independent news agency in Afghanistan, the Pajhwok News Agency. Nekzad claims to have constantly received death threats. Farida naturally fears that she might be assassinated the same way as her friend and colleague Zakia Zakia, who was killed in 2007. Nekzad received the 2007 International Press Freedom Award by Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE) for “her commitment to freedom of expression and overcoming enormous odds.” In an interview with the Toronto Star she said: “Security is the main problem in Afghanistan... Women are generally targets in Afghanistan, particularly women journalists. [They] are at risk. Every second I’m at risk.” Does the situation in Afghanistan have hope? Indeed, there is some room for optimism. Recently, the Environics and the CBC conducted a poll in Afghanistan and found that 70 per cent of the participants were of the opinion that the status of the Afghan women had improved since 2002. Moreover, as mentioned above women are at least recognized as legally equal, slowly and progressively holding jobs, receiving an education and going to university. Although the conservative environment and security issues in Afghanistan pose a major obstacle to achieving gender equality, and the work of international development programs in advancing gender equality still has a long way to go, one can see some progress for the Afghan women.

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The Toronto Globalist

Resurgent Russia A looming headache

The recent spate this summer between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia and Abakhazia brings to mind important questions about the present and future identity of Russia. Will the Russia under an increasingly dictatorial Putin decide to be a “responsible power” and partner with its international equals to combat the shared ills of the world, from nuclear proliferation to terrorism? Or will it continue the path it has tread the past eight years, violating the human rights of its own citizens, encroaching upon the sovereignty of its neighbors, and stunting the development of fledgling democracies? One way to address this question is to place Russia’s recent actions in the context of its relations with the west. Russia contests its draconian western media-constructed image as false and claims that most of the recent conflicts it has had with western allies are responses to perceived hostility and encroachment upon its sovereignty. For example, the current U.S.-led project to build a missile shield, ostensibly to provide some kind of prevention in the event of an Iranian nuclear strike, is too close to Moscow’s borders. Russia sees the efforts of former Soviet satellites, including Bosnia and Kosovo, to join the European Union as coalition-construction aimed at threatening Russia’s clout and power in the region. In Russia’s eyes, the same can be said of Poland and Ukraine’s push to join the evidently security-oriented North American Treaty Organization. But facts and precedent dispel Putin’s claims of a western

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conspiracy. On the ‘ominous’ missile shield, the U.S. made a direct overture to cooperate with Russia on construction and maintenance, and offered to share the system’s threat warnings. Yet in 2007, Russia shot this offer down, with First Deputy Prime Minister asserting, “I honestly see no basis for speaking of possible cooperation on a strategic missile shield.” And when history is taken into account, Russia’s worries about its former satellites border on the ridiculous. After all, it was Russia that had previously occupied nearly all of Eastern Europe through postWorld War II machinations. Is it unimaginable that a fledgling democracy like Gerogia fears its former occupiers and wishes to join a NATO alliance that would provide some semblance of protection against future aggression? Is it beyond consideration to think states like Kosovo and Bosnia would rather attain a European identity after having long been labeled Russia’s pan-Slavic “near abroad?” Antagonism on Russia’s part in recent years does not help the situation if it truly wishes to attain its satellites’ trust. In 2004, Russia blatantly interfered in Ukraine’s federal elections, actively endorsing, backing, and aiding Victor Yanukovych, the more Moscow-friendly candidate. In 2006, through state-controlled energy company Gazprom, Russia abruptly cancelled its natural gas supplies to Ukraine. It currently threatens the Czech Republic and Poland with missile targeting in the event they agree to host the NATO missile shield, and has sent Ukraine the same message if it moves for-

Winter 2009

By Josh Xiong

Josh is a third year student University College student, specializing in International Relations, and minoring in Economics.

ward with NATO membership. Russia has proven it is more than happy to resort to intimidation to get what it wants, willfully ignoring the route of non-confrontational diplomacy. Such unprovoked aggressive behavior brings us to an unenviable crossroads between two un-palatable options: Russia is either paranoid or opportunistically acquisitive. In either case, the result will be more challenges to the west. If Russia truly believes in the bogus threat its former satellites pose, then it will no doubt continue down the road of saber-rattling. If it is indeed rational enough to understand how innocuous its small, fragile border states are, then the record demonstrates an active Russian agenda to reassert regional hegemony. Moreover, this summer’s showdown gave Russia an understanding of how weak-kneed the U.S. and Europe can be about defending their allies. The west, too dependent on Russia’s natural gas supplies, too distracted by its commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan, and too invested in Russian diplomatic utility over Iran and North Korea, did not come to Georgia’s aid. Russia tested the limits of Brinksmanship and found how easy it was to violate Georgia’s territorial integrity without consequence, as it did not receive any military deterrence or face any economic sanctions. It is entirely likely that Putin concluded from the entire affair that he will meet the same response should he decide to exercise aggression in the future.

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

Winter 2009

Fighting Barriers to Universal Access AIDS 2008

“My name is Keren, I’m 13 years old and I come from Honduras. I know that I have had HIV since I was a very small girl.” Thus began one of the most compelling speeches at the Opening Ceremonies of the 2008 World AIDS Conference held in Mexico City in August. Keren Dunaway Gonzales has become an advocate for AIDS and has spoken publicly about her HIV status in an effort to reduce the stigma and discrimination in her home country as well as internationally. It is appropriate that she was one of the opening speakers since this is the first time the International AIDS Conference has been held in Latin America. Since 1985, the World AIDS Conference has become one of the most important gatherings for the release and discussion of scientific, programmatic and policy developments in the global response to HIV/AIDS. The AIDS 2008 Conference brought together a diverse group of people responding to the epidemic. An estimated 22,000 participants attended AIDS 2008, including scientists, activists, media representatives, government officials and the public. Community and political leaders in attendance included UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, Mexican President Felipe Calderon, Philanthropist Stephen Lewis, and former US President Bill Clinton. As a student journalist representing the Toronto Globalist, I had the opportunity to attend AIDS 2008. The five days of concurrent and plenary sessions, with opening and closing ceremonies, focused on the theme of Universal Action Now. The theme emphasized the need

for continued urgency in the worldwide response to HIV/AIDS and for action on the part of all stakeholders to eliminate the barriers to universal access. Dr. Pedro Cahn, International Co-Chair of AIDS 2008 and President of the International AIDS Society, said that “Despite the progress we have made, we are not on course to meet universal targets, and in fact, appear to be slipping away from our existing commitments.” With only two years until the 2010 deadline for universal access set by world leaders, the theme stressed the need to live up to these commitments. According to the UNAIDS report for 2007, there were 33 million reported cases of people living with HIV around the world; around 15.4 million of them are women. In the region of Sub-Saharan Africa, where 61 percent of the people living with AIDS are female, the numbers are continually rising. Confronting gender-based inequality and violence needs to be a priority in responding to HIV, because attempts to scale up HIV treatment, while ignoring stigma and discrimination, will not work. In an effort to address this, the UN is setting up an Agency for women which has been strongly supported by Stephen Lewis, the former UN special envoy for AIDS in Africa, and avid supporter of gender equality worldwide. Youth engagement is also critical in the fight against AIDS. Around the world, there are approximately 2.5 million children living with HIV. In many regions, HIV infections are concentrated in young people, between 15 and 24 years of age. Forty percent of new infections

worldwide are among this group. Unfortunately, prevention and treatment programs are failing to effectively reach this group with the most vulnerable being stigmatized, criminalized or forgotten. Policies that effectively engage young people are desperately needed. Ban Ki-Moon, in his opening ceremony remarks, spoke of the long road that many countries have yet to travel to achieve the commitments set by the UN of reaching universal access to prevention, treatment, attention, and support for HIV/AIDS by 2010. He also spoke of the need for donors in the fight against AIDS to increase resources and maintain stable financing. Former US president Bill Clinton was a keynote speaker at the conference. His session was entitled “HIV/AIDS and Health System Reform: Achieving Universal Coverage.” He discussed the need to make testing and counseling available and to promote it in every single health facility in every community so that, “people know their status and can get care as soon as they need it.” He also stressed that it is the overall capacity of health systems which determine whether access to prevention, care, and treatment can be made universal as the conference advocates. In his closing remarks, he highlighted the issue of gender and AIDS. “Universal action on AIDS is blocked not only by inequalities and economics, health care and education, but also by widespread, persistent, gender inequity and violence. They too contribute to the spread of HIV and AIDS in much of the world. We all know we need to do more to promote the rights of women and girls to end

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The Toronto Globalist By Colleen Fox

Colleen is a fourth year New College student double majoring in Human Biology and Political Science.

the epidemic of gender violence. Women already bear a disproportionate burden as wives, mothers, grandmothers, and healthcare workers in the AIDS crisis. Violence and discrimination should not add to that burden.” The 2010 World AIDS Conference will be held in Vienna, Austria. University students and young people around the world need to engage in ongoing discussions to move towards universal action. I would encourage everyone to find meaningful ways to become part of the solution. Some Highlights... Science – Understanding Transmission is Crucial to Prevention Understanding HIV transmission not only has effects on the spread of HIV but also on controlling it. Recent work has focused on the process of transmission and what this could mean for the creation of vaccines. Dr. Maurice Cohen has been doing research in this area, particularly focusing on explanations for the absence of development of AIDS, or long periods without complications in some people with HIV. Another researcher, P. Levinson, MD., has been looking at the interaction among antimicrobial components of the cervix-vaginal fluids. This study has been carried out among sex workers in Kenya, as there seems to be variations in this fluid which explains their negative status despite continual exposure to HIV. The search for a vaccine continues even though the shortterm expectations are minimal. Researchers in this field remain hopeful that understanding the

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Winter 2009

SPECIAL COVERAGE

mechanism for transmission will be the key. Politics – Criminalization of HIV Not Helping Criminalizing transmission of and exposure to HIV has become so widespread that it is creating a crisis in dealing effectively with the virus. These laws, intended to reduce HIV transmission, force people to inform others of their status. This has turned transmission into a crime and there have even been mother-to-child transmission cases brought forward in some African countries. These laws increase HIV stigma and discrimination and create barriers to testing and treatment. There is no evidence that any of these laws have actually reduced transmission, instead they serve to further marginalize vulnerable people. Speakers at AIDS 2008 urged a massive international pushback against these misguided laws and prosecutions. Prevention – The Link between Circumcision and HIV One of the most talked about emerging HIV prevention measures is the role of male circumcision to avoid transmission. Reports from UNAIDS state that there has been sufficient research showing that men are less susceptible to certain illnesses like syphilis, ulcers, and HIV when circumcised. Despite this, only 30 percent of males worldwide are circumcised. Circumcision has not been part of prevention programs to date because of stigma, cost, and other factors such as scarring and sensation loss. While many HIV organizations are advocating for circumcision to be

part of prevention programs, they also want to make it clear that circumcision does not mean you won’t get HIV, it is simply one part of prevention. Engaging in high risk activities will still make you susceptible to HIV, circumcision is simply one more prevention method that should be incorporated into HIV/ AIDS programming. Treatment – The Dangers of HIV and TB Co-infection Tuberculosis presents a serious risk for people living with HIV, and is the leading cause of death among people living with HIV in Africa. Preventing co-infection is a top priority according to the WHO. The WHO has said that more efficiency is needed when dealing with HIV/TB co-infection. There are a few success stories in treatment initiatives, including Rwanda, where 89% of TB patients now get an HIV test as well. The WHO has proposed three strategies when dealing with co-infection. They are increasing production of isoniazid (used as preventive medicine for people with HIV), improved detection of TB among people with HIV, and controlling the infection in people with HIV. The hope is that early preventive measures will reduce infection with a multi-resistant TB virus. To date, there are 30,000 TB cases said to be extremely drug resistant.

AIDS 2008 CONTINUED ON PAGE 29

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

NEWS Women in developing countries have the strongest understanding of the water supply needs of their particular area. Therefore, the participation of women in community water projects will result in the creation of more efficient and sustainable water supplies in developing countries. In many communities, water is the focus of a woman’s responsibilities: gathering and storing water, cooking, and cleaning. According to the official International Year of Freshwater (IYF) website, approximately 90 percent of women’s work in African communities is related to gathering water for household consumption and sanitation. A popular belief shared by water-related organizations was expressed in a statement made by the Global Water Partnership: “involving the people who are directly engaged in using, managing and developing water resources in decision-making [about] water leads to better policies and projects.” Since women in developing countries are highly engaged in water-related activities, female involvement in water projects is the key to producing sustainable water systems. The results of numerous waterrelated studies stress the importance of female participation in water development processes. A World Bank review of 121 rural water supply projects similarly found that “women’s participation was among the variables strongly associated with project effectiveness.” As described by the IYF, the development of a water supply in the Sewukan community in Indonesia shows the important role of women in creating efficient com-

Winter 2009

Keys to Sustainable Water Development munity water systems. Both Sewukan women and men were involved in their community water system review, but the women produced much more detailed explanations to account for the inefficiency of their existing water system. While the community’s men blamed system failures on lack of training, the women produced two key design errors, including a poor concrete mix design and the incorrect placement of a reservoir entry point. In addition to explaining errors in the community’s existing water system, the women were also able to ensure that future water supplies should be designed to meet the community’s urgent need for better distribution of domestic water. The women in the Sewukan community had a meaningful impact on their community’s water-related decisions; most women in developing countries, however, remain unheard in decision-making processes. Past successes, such as the Sewukan community’s water project, have highlighted the importance of female participation in water projects. Since the early 1980s, international conferences have given attention to the issue of female participation in water development projects. During the 2001 International Conference on Freshwater, it was concluded that the role of women in water-related projects needs to be strengthened, and that men and women should have an equal voice in managing the sustainable use of water resources. Solutions to the problem

of women being uninvolved in water projects are being discussed. The Political Declaration produced in 2002, during the Johannesburg Summit, made a commitment to facilitate the participation of women in policy and decisionmaking related to water resources. The most discussed method to increase female participation in water projects involves designing and adopting water efficiency strategies and plans, which include the creation of policies and laws that institutionalize the participation of both men and women in water projects. As described by the Global Water Partnership, implementing water efficiency strategies presents “unique opportunities for enhancing the equal participation, representation, and rights of women in the water sector.” The solution to creating sustainable water systems seems simple: allow the individuals who are most knowledgeable about their community water supply to have input in water-related decisions. This solution is cost effective and has proven to be successful in the creation of efficient water systems. Unfortunately, many communities maintain gender roles that prohibit female participation in water-related projects. Only after women are given a voice in community decisions will sustainable water systems be created. By: Laura Elmhirst

Laura is a fourth year student, studying Civil Engineering.

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The Toronto Globalist

Will Women Remain Political Spectators? Over the past one hundred years, less than forty-five women have been elected Heads of State worldwide. Ireland, Finland, the Philippines, Switzerland, Liberia, Chile, India, and Argentina are the only countries that currently have a woman as their President (or, in the case of Switzerland, members of their Federal Council). Twenty-five percent of Ireland and Georgia’s Heads of State have been female, the highest in the world. Since the United Nation’s inception, only seven women have held high-ranking positions— from President of the International Court of Justice to Deputy- and Under- Secretary General—but none having held the chief executive role. The country with the highest parliamentary representation of women is Rwanda, mostly due to the fact that such a high percentage of their men were slaughtered in the 1994 genocide. What accounts for this lack of representation in the global arena? Many female scholars have examined the issue, and their reasoning paints a grim picture for the future of women in politics. J. Ann Tickner, author of Gender in International Relations, believes that there are “masculinist underpinnings” to her field of study: “There is little evidence to suggest that women have played much of a role in shaping foreign policy in any country in the twentieth century.” Tickner also believes the problem lies in our accepted understanding of military culture. Men traditionally occupy the role of the warrior. This role allows them to gain respect from

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society as well as earn the necessary trust to be placed in a leadership position. As a result, it is unsurprising that the majority of political positions are occupied by men: “For it is not in giving life but in risking life that man is raised above the animal; that is why superiority has been accorded in humanity not to the sex that brings forth but to that which kills.” Claire Turenne Sjolander, author of Feminist Perspectives on Canadian Foreign Policy, also believes that women lack the opportunity to prove themselves in a military capacity, and that “the international system reveres soldiers.” She concludes that this leads to a belief that women are less capable of understanding the significance of war, and are unable to fully appreciate national security, defense, or military aggression. Sjolander also believes that international relations theory is founded on a culture of competitiveness, as well as other qualities that are often associated with men. This puts females at a disadvantage when striving for leadership roles. Many believe that women cannot exhibit these ‘masculine’ qualities, that women’s grasp of power politics and military strategy are hampered by their gender, and that they are unfortunately cursed with their natural preclusions. In other words, women are forever doomed to be what Jan Jindy Pettman calls, “social reproducers and cultural transmitters.” Are these theories helpful to women who strive to become participants in the international system? Does it provide valuable insight into

Winter 2009

OPINION By: Jenna Khaled

Jenna is a 2nd-year Trinity College student, studying International Relations.

a gendered political system? Or do these perspectives hinder women’s ability to move forward? Much of this research seems to suggest that women’s lack of biological inclination towards violence renders them unable to lead effectively. Such a gender based excuse for women’s poor showing in international affairs suggests that women and men are biologically or culturally incapable of being on a level playing field. However, it is these types of assumptions that hold women back. There is nothing in the language of international affairs that excludes women—any person can understand the nature of war, and although one can argue that women may be predisposed to search for peaceful or co-operative solutions, it does not mean that they are less capable of being bellicose and employing aggressive strategy when necessary. Argentina’s President, Cristina Fernadez, values “passion and combativeness,” citing María Eva Duarte de Perón, former Argentinean first lady, as a role model of strength and political potency. Chile’s current President, Verónica Michelle Bachelet Jeria, served as Defense Minister before becoming the country’s first female President. Without question, women like Benazir Bhutto, Hillary Clinton, and Margaret Thatcher were in no way repressed by their femininity. It is not necessarily a mark of success that these women act as ‘representatives’ for all womankind. True success for a female leader is recognition of one’s accomplishments and the realization of one’s visions— regardless of one’s sex. Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

NEWS NEWS While the eyes of the world were briefly fixed on the mini-war in the Caucasus between the Russian Federation and Georgia during August of this year, many were reminded of the dramatic impact that internal unrest can have on the international arena. Separatist movements and breakaway regions are a grave problem that numerous countries in the world are faced with. They affect their neighbouring countries and complicate state relations a great deal. Internal dissent, fuelled by racial, religious, historical or cultural differences, can widen the cleavages between the peoples of a country, tear its interconnected fabric, and transform the face of its region’s geopolitics. Transdniestria, Mindanao, Quebec, Chechnya, Kosovo, Xianjiang (East Turkestan), Ogaden, East Timor, Corsica, and Kurdistan are just some of the regions in the many states that experience instability due to separatist movements. Stateless Split Nations The complex situation of Kurdistan, with its political players, impasses and factors, is a recipe for geopolitical problems for years to come. A stateless population split between Syria, Turkey, Iran and Iraq, Kurds have been a nuisance to the Turkish government who has attempted to capture the Kurdish PKK leaders who continually flee over the border into Syria and Iraq. In Turkey, Kurds are being assimilated by not being taught in their language at school, a policy that, unless rectified and relaxed, will lead to continued unrest in the area. In Iraq, where Kurdish national sentiment runs high, Kurds

Winter 2009

SEPARATISM Its Movements and Its Global Implications live in the oil-rich region and have been brutally oppressed under the totalitarian rule of Saddam Hussein. They tend to support the American troop presence relatively more than any other group in Iraq. At one point, there was much talk about the possibility of splitting Iraq into three states: a Sunni Arab state, a Shia Arab state and a Sunni Kurdish state. The creation of a Kurdish state would likely encourage Kurds in neighbouring countries to seek secession as well. Other stateless split nations include the Basques of France and Spain. Russia and Its Paradoxical Actions and Policies A nation that has emerged out of the remnants of the failed USSR, the Russian Federation had a turbulent start in the early 1990s. After hyperinflation and a slow economic growth (which was certainly affected by a mass exodus in the 1991-1993 period) Russia faced yet another problem in 1996: the Chechen dilemma. In Chechnya – a province of the Russian Federation, in the north-Caucasus – a militant separatist group began fighting for Chechen Independence since Chechnya was denied this in 1991, primarily because of the gas pipelines that ran from the Caspian to the Black Sea. The Kremlin responded heavy-handedly and sent armed forces to quell the insurrection. The 2-part war that had its first episode in 1996 and its second in 1999 ending with the flattening of Grozny, the Chechen capital, thereby effectively ended all real hope of Chechen secession. The majority of the Chechen population was displaced to neighbouring provinces.

What caused the surge of national pride in Chechnya? Jean-Christophe Victor explains in Le Dessous des Cartes that a common Islamic religion, the societal organisation in clans, and the repeated Russian attempts to subdue the Chechen people all add to greater national cohesion. Chechnya is not the only province in Russia to have a Muslim majority since many other Caucasian provinces, such as Ingushetia, and provinces just west of the Ural Mountains, such as Tatarstan, also have high percentages of Muslims. The Russian-Chechen history is particularly eventful, however; one event that remains very vivid in Chechen memory occurred in 1944. Stalin displaced hundreds of thousands of Chechens to Kazakhstan and Siberia under the pretext of their collaboration with the Nazis. Stalin was a fellow Caucasian Georgian who reputedly knew about the strong sense of national identity in the Caucasus and seemed keen on seeing it destroyed. The most shocking part of Chechen oppression is the little notice the world has taken and the few steps governments have made to put pressure on Russia. Europe is heavily dependent on Russian exports of natural gas – this may very well be one of the reasons European governments have not been vocal in condemning Russian action in Chechnya. Russia, for its part, is now pursuing a contradictory foreign policy. The proud new nominally democratic country is backing communist Transdniestria – an authoritarian breakaway region in Moldova – and is militarily supporting and recognising the sovereignty of the

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The Toronto Globalist secessionist provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia. Many have noted that Russia’s presence in Georgia, which long preceded the events of August 2008, seems to be more like piece-keeping than peace-keeping. The dreams of the empire of old may have some impact on Russian national pride and it may very well be those dreams that influence such a policy.

Militant Separatism Ignoring the democratically congruent steps toward independence made in Quebec, most other nations, seeking greater autonomy or outright secession, have had violent confrontations with their federal governments. The latter have retaliated just as violently. The list of these armed separatist groups is long. The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) on the island of Mindanao in the Philippines is a prime example of such an armed group. They claim to be representing a nation of about 3.5 million people, most distinct from the majority of Filipinos due to their Islamic faith.

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In 1996 the MNLF and the Filipino government came to an agreement, which gave autonomy to areas with Muslim majorities, now called the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Some other militant separatist groups, such as ETA in Spain and France, use terrorism as their means of reaching their goals. ETA seeks Basque independence and is comparable to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Quebec: The Democratic Path to Secession Many Canadians – Quebecers included – fear the complete political dissolution of Canada as it exists today. A noticeable proportion of Quebecers do wish to see an independent Quebec, although many fail to realise that many souverainistes politicians are not looking to break away from Canada completely; some wish Quebec to remain connected to the other provinces in an economic partnership. The separatist movement may be in reaction to historical injustices, actual or fictional, but it is primarily based on a view that different peoples cannot coexist within the same state. Quebecers holding this view may have forgotten that their ancestors were the original Canadians. Whereas prior to the 1950’s most Quebecers referred to themselves as Canadiens Français, since the Quiet Revolution of the 60s, they now refer to themselves more and more as ‘Québecois,’ thereby effectively distancing themselves from their historical past and distinguishing themselves, more or less unconsciously, from their fellow Francophones throughout the country who always refer to themselves as Canadiens Français. The ‘St-Jean-Baptiste’ – originally the day of French-Canada – has been

Winter 2009

appropriated by the Quebec provincial government as the day of Quebec, a provincial holiday, further marginalizing the Acadiens, Franco-Albertains, Franco-Manitobains, Franco-Ontariens, Fransaskois, etc., who have always celebrated it as the French-Canadian day. There are many signs, implicit or explicit, of Quebec’s uniqueness and its insistence on being recognized as such. For example, its provincial legislature is l’Assemblée Nationale and many performance artists have composed beautiful songs crying out for independence. Also, the switch from ‘La Belle Province’ to ‘Je Me Souviens’ is a subtle reminder of a shift in mentality from the state of mind that Quebec is a province of Canada (subservient to the perceived Anglophone Ottawa) to another state of mind entirely in which people are called to remind themselves of their history (and thus their distinct cultural difference with the Canadian Anglophone majority). One thing is almost certain. If Quebec ever were to achieve total independence from Canada it would certainly set a great example for other nations in the world aspiring to attain independence democratically. At the same time, however, secession would doom the status of the French language in the rest of Canada, thereby dramatically ending the life-style that hundred of thousands of Francophones outside of Quebec enjoy. Separatism CONTINUED ON PAGE 29

By: Jeelan Syed

Jeelan is a second year Trinity College student, specializing in International Relations and minoring in History and Russian Language.

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

BIOLOGY FEATURE FEATURE A psychological, sociological and biological approach of looking at the “birds and the bees” The childhood years are undoubtedly some of the most important years of a person’s life. The scope of information learned during those years is immense. Information taught to a child by its parents, specifically the societal values that parents instill in their children regarding appropriate sexual behaviour is termed sexual socialization and there are many factors that act here. For example, how permissive a society is in terms of sexual tolerance impacts how open children are at expressing their own sexuality and at accepting other forms of sexuality. Although the full scope of childhood sexual socialization cannot be explored in this piece, some general insights can be deduced from research in this area relating to the role of parents in guiding their child’s social and cognitive development pertaining to sex. Childhood sexual socialization can be best defined by three important factors: general childhood sexual socialization, gender identity and genetic basis. General childhood sexual socialization can be explained best by defining the environment that the child grows up in. This depends on the society and whether or not it is repressive or permissive. In a household, it is typically the mother who bears the responsibility of the sexual socialization of her children. In a repressive society, her task would be to discourage sexual self-stimulation, inhibit sexual impulses toward family members, supervise and thus frustrate attempts at sexual play with peers and teach children to be wary of strangers. In

January Winter 2009

Childhood Sexual Socialization our society, children are socialized away from body contact with self as well as others. Socialization often takes the form of using a punishment-reward system which is also useful in the creation of expected gender roles. An example of this is encouraging young girls to play with dolls while discouraging boys from doing the same. Establishing gender roles is also a widely-used tactic to keep children away from sexual behaviour because gender roles tend to place guidelines for expected gender-based behaviour. As described by the IYF, the development of a water supply in the Sewukan community in Indonesia shows the important role of womenpervise and thus frustrate attempts at sexual play with peers and teach children to be wary of strangers. In our society, children are socialized away from body contact with self as well as others. Socialization often takes the form of using a punishment-reward system which is also useful in the creation of expected gender roles. An example of this is encouraging young girls to play with dolls while discouraging boys from doing the same. Establishing gender roles is also a widely-used tactic to keep children away from sexual behaviour because gender roles tend to place guidelines for expected gender-based behaviour. During development, a gender identity is established to ensure proper socialization of the child according to the behavioural norms of that society. As part of the process of normal gender identity in the family, young children will often try

out a variety of sex role behaviors as they learn to make the fine distinctions between masculine and feminine roles. Some young boys occasionally perform behaviors that our culture traditionally has recognized as feminine, such as wearing a dress, using cosmetics, or play acting the roles of bearing and nursing infants. Similarly, many young girls will occasionally assume a masculine role- pretending to be “daddy” while playing house, or temporarily adopting a cluster of masculine behaviors which leads to the social designation of “tomboy.” This type of temporary and episodic exploration of cross-sex- typed behaviors is typical of many boys and girls Photo: BELINDA HANKINS MILLER

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The Toronto Globalist and usually constitutes a learning experience in the process of normal sex role socialization. Through this, males are generally urged to excel -they are supposed to grow up to be powerful; they should not show their weaknesses; they are expected to be tough, independent, demanding, aggressive, good problem-solvers, and on and on. Women, on the other hand, are expected to be giving, emotional, unstable, weak, and talkative about their problems; they are expected to be the more aesthetically pleasing sex and are also expected to be lady-like and ‘proper.’ Interestingly, a study showed that the gender roles and expectations arise from as early as the birth of a child. This study observed the way women held new born babies and this changed according to the sex of the baby. Boy babies were held with less care; they were often patted and held up and shifted from one hand to the other whereas the girl babies were held tightly, and were rarely moved around at all. The majority, if not all, of this sexual typology stems from the cultural, family, and societal expectations that, during childhood, become internalized as our own self-expectations. Deviance from these gender roles during childhood development is usually frowned upon and parents/ caregivers usually respond to this deviance through punishment. In some situations, deviant sexual behaviour can progress without intervention. Such situations are termed ‘abnormal’ or ‘pathological’; examples of this include boys who are exhibiting extreme gender identities or either extreme masculinization or extreme effemination. Experts attest the

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majority of later life disorders and deviances regarding gender identity stem from confusion occurring in cognitions during the development of childhood gender identity. Because of this, the impact of the environment, society and parents is instrumental in creating a healthy gender identity for the child. A final component of childhood sexual socialization is understood scientifically by analyzing the biological roots of sexual behaviour in a child. Behavioural traits in childhood sexual socialization

“Young children will often try out a variety of sex role behaviours as they learn to make the fine distinctions between masculine and feminine roles.” are not random. In fact, they have a specific biological basis and purpose. Genetics in part works hand in hand with social conditioning. There is surprisingly, very little difference between males and females genetically. The only prominent difference is that females have two X chromosomes and males have an X and a Y. These genes then produce hormones that cause a fetus to develop genitalia. What is most important is that, depending on your sex, your reproductive organs secrete different hormones which then affect your brain and, consequently, your behaviour such as the much studied link between testosterone in males and aggression. Our genetic makeup, then, is integral in establishing a foundation for our behaviour. Knowing this, we can un-

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derstand that the majority, if not all of sexual socialization among children is really not dependent on them at all- in fact, childhood sexual socialization is predetermined for them by their parents and by the environment in which they grow up. The establishment of gender roles early on in childhood development solidifies the concept of gender identity in children; children begin to develop social cognitions about being ‘a girl’ or ‘a boy’ although mental cognitions about the biology of these differences is not evident to them until they grow up. Their genetic makeup and biological constitution also plays a part through the hormonal composition that invariably distinguishes a male from a female. What, or why is any of this important and beneficial towards our understanding of society? Healthy childhood development continues to be a vital tenet of medical and psychological research. Understanding the basis of what we do and why we do it are critical to ultimately understanding who we are. A solid understanding of ourselves in turn sheds important insight into how our societies are structured, what we view as norms, how we define deviance and ultimately, how we relate to other societies and cultures. Sexual socialization is an important (yet perhaps unconscious) tool that we as caregivers utilize to ensure that the next generation, too, will abide by our chosen norms of conduct and behaviour.

By: Farheen Shaikh

Farheen is a fifth year New College student, specializing in Human Biology

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

OPINION A week before classes started at the National University of Singapore, the foreign exchange students were gathered into a lecture hall to be welcomed by the faculty. One professor, proudly describing Singapore’s multiculturalism, said that it had been forty years since the last race riot. Torontonians can be downright self-congratulatory about their city’s diverse populous, but I can’t ever recall anyone saying, “And the last race riots we had in Toronto were in 1933!” as evidence of the city’s multiculturalism. Fresh off the plane, I was unsure how to interpret the professor’s remarks. Two months later, I came to better understand these comments. Singapore was expelled from the Malayan Federation in 1965. The governing United Malays National Organization (UMNO) was pursuing policies designed to grant ethnic Malays preferential treatment. But Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP), representing a more ethnically diverse constituency, objected to these policies on the grounds that this approach would breed racial resentment. The PAP, furthermore, claimed that the policies as such were merely symbolic, and that there was no guarantee they would be of any help to the Malay rural poor. In response, the UMNO adopted the position that the PAP discriminated against Malays in favor of the Chinese. This stance, combined with Indonesia’s campaign to encourage civil disorder in the Malayan Federation, a campaign that had it roots in a territorial dispute over the island of Borneo, incited a chain of race riots in Malaysia and Singapore. Unwilling to accept legislation granting

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POLICY FEEDBACK: A Study of Race Management in Singapore ethnic Malays special rights and privileges, Singapore – a tiny island with no natural resources, with serious problems with its two biggest neighbours, and with a recent history of race violence – was forced into nationhood. Many, the PAP included, didn’t think Singapore would survive as a sovereign nation. Malay remained (and still remains) Singapore’s national language because for the first few fragile years of its nationhood, Singapore hoped or expected to be reabsorbed into the Federation. Emerging from the racial violence of the 1960s, Singapore’s commitment to multiculturalism was implemented as a technocratic approach to political division, not as an ethical axiom of governance. Unlike the Malayan Federation (an island city-state with half the land of the greater Toronto area) it does not have the wherewithal to expel troublesome territories. Singapore faced the challenge of maintaining a commitment to multiculturalism so as to avoid any officially sanctioned racial prejudice. In other words, the PAP had to create a coherent national identity without having any recourse to a melting pot strategy. Unable to establish a single, united melting pot, the PAP simply set up three melting pots for its population: one for the Malays, one for the Indians, and one for the Chinese. Unable to “nationalize” identity as in Malaysia, racial-assimilation policies were compartmentalized at the grossest level of ethnic identity. Singapore’s success is derived from the meticulous socioeconomic engineering that the PAP has implemented throughout their

uninterrupted rule of the country. Singapore’s GDP per capita at purchasing power parity is ranked fifth globally, the country’s port is the largest in the world in terms of yearly tonnage, home ownership is high, hardly any citizens live below the poverty line, and the litany of economic successes goes on. But while a robust, diversified economy has built one of the safest, most comfortable states in the modern world, the PAP’s strategies for structuring the communities of Singapore are, at the same time, being eroded by the country’s openness to the rest of the world. Furthermore, the complex interactions between the policies themselves are having a similar weakening effect. English has been selected as the medium of instruction in schools and the language of government in order to develop global commercial partnerships, and to serve as an ethnically neutral lingua franca. In addition, every child is taught a mother tongue corresponding to one of the officially recognized racial identities. Based on the ethnicity of their father, children learn Malay, Chinese or Tamil. The purpose of the mother tongue is to preserve a sense of Asian identity, and to serve as a cultural barrier against western values with the exception of global commerce. English makes you money; Mandarin, Malay or Tamil makes you Asian. The status of Asian languages as a vessel of cultural values has been undermined by one of the PAP’s longest running programs: the Speak Mandarin Campaign (SMC). Launched in 1979 and re-launched every year since, SMC aims to eradicate Chinese dialects on the premise that

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The Toronto Globalist the dialect causes “division” among the Chinese community. The designation of “dialect” reflects political rather than linguistic concern, as Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew and Mandarin are generally mutually unintelligible. Many older members of these communities express frustration that they are unable to communicate with their grandchildren – let alone transmit cultural values – because of the government’s aggressive promotion of Mandarin. The same issues exist within the Indian community. Although it is not the state’s duty to guarantee speakers of minority languages public services in their respective languages, the PAP’s implementation of SMC is more concerned with homogeneity than any espoused cultural value. As China has become a major player in the global market place, the government has recently tried to bolster SMC by maintaining that Mandarin has become a valuable economic resource. Since the same cannot be said of Malay or Tamil, and ethnic Malays and Indians are restricted to their respective mother tongues, this both jeopardizes the exclusive cultural status of Mandarin, and more significantly, it implies that all races are not entitled to equal economic opportunity. Just as damaging to the Asian languages’ cultural status has been the proliferation of English. The pervasive use of English in education, business and the public sphere has eroded the mother tongue abilities of students. The home language of Singaporean families is increasingly English, and rather than providing a valuable link to Asian identity, the mother tongue has become an academic burden. The mother tongue curricula have been scaled back

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with the goal no longer being bilingualism, but rather a kind of token knowledge of an Asian language. In about 20% of the nation’s households, children are either inheriting their parents’ (Asian) values in English, or managing to navigate life without a Confucian compass. The admission of English into the private sphere has created another “problem” for the PAP in the form of an English creole, known (both affectionately and pejoratively) as Singlish. Singlish incorporates vo-

“Every child is taught a mother tongue corresponding to one of the officially recognized racial identities.” cabulary and grammar from Malay, Indian and Chinese languages, and is characterized by the government as uneducated and crass. The government, moreover, believes that Singlish undermines the competitive advantage that a more standard version of English confers. In response to this growing threat, the government has launched the “Speak Good English Movement,” which aims to stamp out Singlish and replace it with the standard version of the world’s most widely used second language. The categorical distinctions of the racial-management apparatus are becoming incoherent: dialect speaking communities are corralled into languages that may carry no sentimental or cultural value, and a student’s mother tongue reflects nothing more than the colour of their father’s skin. While issues of racial prejudice still exist, there is not the same threat of racial violence as in 1965, as is evidenced by the increasing number of marriages

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between the three recognized communities. The mixed heritage of Singlish, which exists as the true inter-ethnic lingua franca, is perhaps the strongest symbol of national, multicultural unity. But since it can’t close a deal in global boardrooms, it is regarded as a possible economic saboteur, and is therefore publicly discouraged. Birth rates have plunged to about 1.2 births per woman, replacing just over half of the population. At the same time, Singapore’s probusiness-English policies have provided its citizens with the world’s most mobile language, precipitating high emigration levels. With its population evaporating, the government has started offering “baby bonuses” to reverse these downward trends, and it has prioritized seeking foreign talent to replace its globally-mobile professionals. More and more foreign families will choose to make Singapore their home in the upcoming decades; already in 2006, almost 20% of the population were non-residents. While this strategy aims to ensure that the nation does not become dangerously under-populated, the resulting change in demographics will demand a re-evaluation of race-management policies. For example, what mother tongue should be assigned to the child of a Japanese consultant? Or a Belgian banker? Or an American engineer? Or the child of a mixed Singaporean marriage? The foundation of Singapore’s race-management architecture, the mother tongue system, is threatening to become obsolete in an increasingly cosmopolitan society.

Policy Feedback CONTINUED ON PAGE 29

By: Chris Neufield

Chris Neufeld is a third year Victoria college student, specializing in linguistics and majoring in literary studies.

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

OPINION Uncovering the women lost in development It has been 18 years since welfare economist Amartya Sen first made the chilling claim that over 100 million women worldwide are missing. According to a 2007 report for the United Nations Committee on the Situation of Women, 100 million women are simply unaccounted for, their lives cut short by the widespread gender biases that continue to pervade the developing world. In the developed world, where men and women receive equal access to food, medicine and health care, women on average make up 52 per cent of the population and the ratio of women to men is roughly 1.04. This is taken as the ‘benchmark’ sex ratio, because with equal treatment, women tend to live longer. Yet in many developing countries, this ratio is as low as 0.94, meaning one woman is missing for every 100 people. The consequences of this disturbing gender imbalance are grave. Alarming increases in violence against women, rape, polygamy and the kidnapping and trafficking of women and girls, have all been attributed to a serious deficit of women in parts of East Asia, South Asia and the Middle East. Why are these women missing? The World Bank and the UN agree that women suffer the adversities of poverty disproportionately. In developing countries where resources are scarce, women often lose out on access to food, medicine, health care and education. This cumulative neglect is manifested in higher female mortality rates. For example, twice as

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Missing Women many girls die from diarrhoea than boys in poor suburbs in New Delhi. Gender violence in strongly patriarchal societies is also a major culprit. A preference for boys in countries such as China, India, Taiwan, South Korea, Pakistan and Bangladesh, has recently been manifested in increased rates of female infanticide and sex selective abortion. In these heavily populated countries, the birth of a boy is seen as a source of pride and financial security, largely because sons are believed to be more likely to support their elderly parents. The culturally entrenched preference for boys is exacerbated by traditional dowry systems and population control measures like China’s One Child Policy. Despite prohibition by law in 1961, demanding a dowry remains common in rural India and has been blamed for increases in the abandonment, murder and abortion of female babies. Indeed, one Mumbai abortion clinic displayed the slogan, “Better pay 500 rupiahs now than 50,000 rupiahs later”, in reference to a 50,000 rupiahdowry. With a combined population of 2.5 billion people and a low sex ratio of 0.94, China and India are responsible for the majority of the world’s missing women. This disturbing gender deficit has grown despite the rapid economic development in both countries over the past 30 years. An estimated 80 million women are currently missing in China and India. As incomes rise and sex detection technologies become widespread, sex selective abortions are increasing dramatically. In India, the government reported that 2 million foetuses are

aborted annually because they are female. For those who cannot pay, infanticide and abandonment become the only ways to exercise a preference for sons. The UN Population Fund reports thousands of cases of infanticide each year, especially in parts of India where dowries are high enough to bankrupt some families. Parents blame poverty, with one mother who poisoned her baby with tobacco leaves claiming, “If I could have clothed, fed and given the baby a decent life, I wouldn’t have done what I did.” The perception of girls as a financial burden appears to be the main motive behind the preference for boys in India and China. Policies that lessen this perceived burden have had extremely positive affects on sex ratios. The state of Kerala in India is renowned for its generous welfare system, in which the government bears most health care and education costs. Despite being relatively underdeveloped, Kerala has India’s lowest gender deficit, with a sex ratio of 1.03 almost on par with the 1.04 benchmark. In contrast, Punjab and Haryana, two of India’s richest states, have sex ratios as low as 0.86 – four million missing women. Increasing female employment opportunities have also been instrumental in decreasing female mortality. A study by Nancy Qian found that the gender deficit is practically non-existent in teaproducing regions in China, where women‘s smaller frames give them a comparative advantage in picking tea, and the majority of tea plantation workers are women. Qian concludes that “increasing relative ad-

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The Toronto Globalist

Winter 2009

-ult female income has an immediate and positive effect on survival rates for girls.â&#x20AC;? Development policies need to target entrenched gender biases and actively work to improve sex ratios. In particular, the economic disempowerment which renders female children a financial burden must be addressed through increased employment opportunities. Without this, the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 100 million missing women will never be found. CREDIT: LUCY BOYLE

By: Hollie Norrie

Hollie is a third year student, studying Political Economy & Government and International Relations, at the University of Sydney

CREDIT: MEENA KADRI

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Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

(Clockwise from top) Inside the Beijing National stadium, Beijing West Railway Station, the outside of the National Stadium (“nicknamed the “Bird’s Nest”), the Beijing Olympic Media Centre, a punk rock band, and silkworms.

Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

Winter 2009

PHOTOSPREAD

(Clockwise from top) Forbidden City, Beijing National Aquatics Centre, A crowd outside Houhai Beijing, and D22 Music Venue.

The Toronto Globalist

EXCLUSIVE FEATURE In August 2007, most major media sources would have had you believe that the Russian Federation had mobilized a seizure of the Arctic, while blatantly violating the sovereignty of Canada and other countries with their belligerent flag-planting stunt on the arctic seabed. However, as I traveled towards the North Pole this past summer with a group of explorers including Mike McDowell, one of the expedition’s original organizers and Frederik Paulsen, a Swedish Businessmen who provided a large part of its funding, I learned a very different perspective of the nature of said adventure—and it is one that dulls the perennially poised daggers of the west towards Russia. The average consumer of news is probably under the impression that the expedition that sent two submersibles called Mir-1 and Mir-2 under the ice to the arctic seabed on 2 August 2007 was of Russian origin, Russian make, and Russian execution. This is not true, but sadly also not a surprising misconception given that many major news sources referred to the mission as “Russian.” The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) both headlined their stories as “Russia plants flag staking claim to the Arctic” and “Russia plants flag in North Pole,” respectively, thus giving the impression that the Kremlin itself was somehow responsible for sending this mission. As a young Canadian student, these are the two sources I trust the most for fair and honest reporting—I mean, this wasn’t Fox News. Or so I thought. “The press is misinformed; they

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Not-So-Russian Arctic Expedition don’t get the facts straight,” McDowell argues. A long-time Australian explorer and founder of the company Deep Oceans Expeditions, he has for many years been responsible for taking explorers and eco-tourists on deep-sea dives in the Antarctic and Arctic. Here, while sitting around a meal of Musk Ox and wine in Greenland, I learned that my opinions on the socalled “aggressive” Russian mission were mistaken. The mission itself was neither aggressive nor Russian. The idea for the mission was hatched in 1997 when a group of American tourists, Russian officers, and the trip organizers aboard the atomic Icebreaker Sovietsky Soyuz heading towards the North Pole, were discussing the most epic Arctic exploration missions in history. Surprised, they realized that no one had ever even explored the real North Pole (where the axis of the earth’s rotation crosses through the crust). The challenge presented to explorers is that it rests 4000 metres under the frozen Arctic Ocean. In 1998, McDowell, along with navy veteran Dr. Don Walsh, oceanography expert Alfred McLaren, and chief scientist of the Mir submersibles Anatoly Sagalevitch, started to plan how to overcome this logistical and financial challenge. Through Deep Ocean Expeditions, McDowell established a contract with Shirshov, a Russian institute of oceanology, in order to rent the necessary submersibles and their mother boat. In order to raise funds, he offered to the private sector deep-sea dives to destinations such

as the Titanic and the Bismarck. “It didn’t start with a political aim, it was just something we wanted to do,” says McDowell. By 2001, they had worked out most of the logistics and technical problems, but with 9/11 they were forced to cancel further missions, thereby resulting in financial problems. The project was remobilized four years later when Frederik Paulsen agreed to contribute financially in exchange for a place on one of the dives. Did the Swedish businessman have any political motivation to help Russia, as the Cable News Network (CNN) had described the mission’s mandate, to “stake a symbolic claim to the energy riches of the Arctic?” No; Paulsen was simply passionate about the Polar Regions, and had made it his personal mission to visit all the world’s poles for fun. However, not one single headline mentioned these nonpartisan beginnings. They were ready to go in 2006, but as McDowell ominously put it, “something was stopping us—some barrier.” Russian bureaucratic backlog had suddenly arisen, making the once accessible submersibles now “unavailable.” When in 2007, Artur Chilangarov, long time famous polar explorer but also Russian parliamentarian (The New York Times conveniently forgets to mention the former), became involved and instated as head of the mission, the red tape was cut. Moreover, two other Russian lower house parliamentarians were brought on board

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The The Toronto Toronto Globalist Globalist to help fund the mission privately, which explains from where the media had derived their conclusions. When asked if the suspicious setback had been Russian government interference, McDowell responded, “I don’t think any individual was stopping it. Maybe we just hit it at the wrong time; it was an unfortunate situation.” However, the press and the world never failed to mention “Russia’s claim of the Arctic” after the Russian men onboard the Mir-1, planted a Russian flag at the bottom of the Lomonsov Ridge. In response to this action, the western world exploded, portraying the Russian Federation as having resorted to chest-thumping power politics to take over the world. Indeed, Peter MacKay, the former Canadian Foreign Minister famously said, “You can’t go around the world these days dropping a flag somewhere and say we’re claiming this territory. This isn’t the 14th or 15th century.” Furthermore, the 2 August 2007 edition of The New York Times wrote, “The dive was a symbolic move to enhance the government’s disputed claim to nearly half of the floor of the Arctic Ocean and potential oil or other resources there.” In response to this furor, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov quickly dispelled western accusations of territorial stealing by stating, “No one engages in flag planting. When pioneers reach a point hitherto unexplored by anybody, it is customary to leave flags there. Such was the case on the Moon, by the way.” The anti-Russian slant is obvious through the news articles’ syntax and selective choice of facts. It was devastating to re-

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alize that neither The New York Times nor any other esteemed media outlet included Lavrov’s aforementioned statement regarding Arctic sovereignty, yet frequently mentioned MacKay’s accusation. At the same time, The New York Times reported Lavrov as saying, “Russia’s claims were sound and in time could be established as fact,” thereby leading readers to believe that the Russians felt they could foolishly and illegally plant a flag to enhance their territorial claims. In fact, Russia’s claim is sound; indeed, any claim made by

“You can’t go around the world these days dropping a flag somewhere and say we’re claiming this territory. This isn’t the 14th or 15th century.” –Peter Mackay a country possessing Arctic territory would be sound. Through the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, these countries have the right to apply for a claim to further their territorial waters if they can prove the seabed is an extension of their continental shelf. However, many are under the misconception that the Arctic is sovereign to Canada, a notion as unfortunate as the accusations made against Russia. “The U.S. and Canada would have done it [the dive] if they could have…[The Russians] beat them simply because of superior logistics,” says McDowell. He continues to say that a double standard exists

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because unlike the former, the latter is accused of being belligerent. In any case, this dive did achieve much in terms of gathering evidence for Russia’s Arctic submission claim to the United Nations. According to McDowell, both the press and the Russians failed to mention the extreme limits of the submersibles’ exploring capabilities therefore rendering it largely ineffective in mapping out the Lomonsov Ridge. The western media’s claims of a resurgent Cold War expansionism are therefore considerably weakened when allowing for the omitted facts. Now that my voyage through Greenland and media innocence has concluded, I feel embarrassed by my instinctive international relations need to consume any news on a resurgent Cold War Russia without closer assessment of the information. Worse, I have become paranoid because I know there are issues of which I am ignorant due to their one-sided representation in the media. Ultimately, our biases towards countries and people will continue because realistically, not many of us will consume a widerange of news to attain another perspective. Sometimes we will miss the most important parts of a story, and settle for good gossip. As the always entertaining McDowell concludes on this arctic mission that started over ten years ago, “This has been a major scientific achievement, major logistical achievement and all you can get from the press is bull.” By: Felicia Moursalien Felicia is a fourth year Trinity College student, studying International Relations. Winter 2009

The Toronto Globalist

Winter 2009

Going Global In Istanbul From July 4-8 2008, the First Annual Global21 Conference was held at Bogazici University in Istanbul, Turkey. The aim of this conference was to bring together students from each of the eight international Globalist chapters to discuss relevant issues in international affairs within a global context. Hosted by the Istanbul Globalist and the Global21 Foundation, the conference theme “Going Global,” was centered around globalization and its wide-scale impacts. Students were also able to meet and share ideas about improving their own individual chapters, as well as the Global21 Foundation as a whole. Three students from each of the eight Globalist chapters attended the conference. Members from Yale University, Peking University, University of Sydney, University of Toronto, University of Cape Town, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Bogazici University in Istanbul, Sciences Po of Paris and the Global21 Team came together for a week of international discussion and cultural learning. The Toronto Globalist was represented by Colleen Fox (current Editor-in-Chief), Natalie Krajinovic (Publisher) and Alexander Lim (former Editor-inChief). The conference had daily events that included presentations and guest speakers. Each chapter was required to develop and present a paper on an issue related to international affairs and the theme of globalization. Presentation topics ranged from Individual Globalization in the Case of Doctors Without Borders (MSF) to Labour Issues Created by Multinational Companies in China. After each presentation, small discussion groups were held to further the dialogue on each subject. Guest speakers included leading economists and political advisors from Turkey. Group activities pertaining to the relevant issues of globalization were held, and journalism workshops were offered to improve the execution of each chapter’s magazine. The Istanbul team made every effort to ensure that conference participants were able to experience the city. Excursions included a boat cruise on the Bosphorus Strait, a tour of sea side villages including Ortakoy, and a ferry ride to the Asian side of Istanbul. Overall, the conference brought together like-minded youth in order to encourage solidarity and leadership among tomorrow’s leaders. It allowed members from each chapter to meet and build relationships, and it also fostered a stronger connection between individual chapters and the parent organization, Global21. We would like to extend our sincerest gratitude to the Istanbul team and Global21 for making this wonderful conference possible! Best, Natalie Krajinovic, Colleen Fox and Alexander Lim

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The Toronto Globalist CONTINUED FROM PAGE 21, POLICY FEEDBACK Indeed, it has been forty years since Singapore’s last race riots. In 1998 anti-government protests in Indonesia turned into bloody anti-Chinese riots: businesses were burned and reports of systemic rape of Chinese women have gradually emerged in the years since. Meanwhile, Singapore tactfully recalibrated its economy to manage the Asian financial crisis, and after a short recession, growth rates were back on track. The government of Singapore has constructed a wealthy, highly modernized state by actively engaging with the global business community, while maintaining a fundamentally isolationist view of its own population. For forty years the PAP has divided the human race into Chinese, Malay, Indian and Other. These administrative categories are fragmenting. Not only is the weight of western cultural hegemony causing fissures, a total lack of political turnover has allowed decades-long social engineering projects to gradually undermine one another. The PAP has failed to recognize that a highly complex, genuinely multicultural, globalized society has emerged from the street riots of Malay nationalism. Singapore was forced into independence because the PAP resisted idealism in favour of practicality, but policies that were once a solution to containing antagonistic ethnic politics have fossilized into a limited, essentialist construction of race and identity. Unless it is to turn into the Rube Goldberg machine of a detached autocracy, the race-management structure of the PAP will require significant reorganization to legitimately engage the citizens of a 21st century Singapore. CONTINUED FROM PAGE 5, “THE CIVILIZING FORCE OF HYPOCRISY” ... when Musharraf proposed reforming the controversial Hudood Laws, which implemented an “Islamic” system of justice in Pakistan. Many interpreted this move as an attempt to save the country’s flailing public image. Ultimately, despite recent strides in international women’s rights, Mai’s case can still be considered exceptional, as she herself attests in an interview with Islamica Magazine. “How can a poor woman get any justice? I have the whole world behind me, so I have much support. But many women don’t have such resources at all. Many women kill themselves after such incidents. Their families think, ‘Well at least we won’t have to worry about this now.’”

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CONTINUED FROM PAGE 16, SEPARATISM Successful secessions Kosovo, a Balkan country that came into being in February 2008, was first and foremost the result of the Serbian-Kosovar conflict that plagued the region in the 1990s until the intervention of NATO in 1999. Since 1999 Kosovo has been under the administration of the United Nations. The recognition of Kosovo’s independence by the United States, among many others, has had an impact on international relations and some argue that it encouraged Russia – an ally of Serbia – to pursue a more aggressive foreign policy itself, as it did in Georgia in August 2008. The relations between states are directly affected by the internal struggles for independence in some countries. Separatist movements shape and often reshape the geopolitical strategies employed by governments. Although they may have humble beginnings, their seemingly unimportant actions have undeniably dramatic consequences on global politics. CONTINUED FROM PAGE 13, “AIDS 2008” Gender Fighting Gender Violence Women suffer from both violence and HIV worldwide. Violence against women can be both a cause and a consequence of HIV/AIDS. It is a cause, because some women are abused when they disclose their HIV status, and it is a consequence because of forced sexual intercourse. Sexual violence against women is often by their male partner and has to do with their inability to oppose intercourse and their inability to advocate condom use. When in this type of risk environment, HIV exposure is more common and access to treatment is reduced. Recommendations are now being made that prevention programs be targeted at both men and women. Research has suggested that promoting greater gender equality for women is essential for behaviour change. Ensuring support for marginalized and vulnerable groups, like sex workers, is also essential.

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A Special Thanks to: The University of Toronto Student Union Hart House Good Ideas Fund Professor Donald Ainslie Professor Marcel Danesi Professor Donald Wiebe Professor John Duncan for their support.

PHOTO:SHAUNA RHODES

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Winter 2009