Triplex Confinium triplex-confinium.eu
LTT1 Triplex Confinium Edited by Cristian Blidariu & Oana Simionescu
The creation of these resources has been (partially) funded by the ERASMUS+ program of the European Union under grant no. 2019-1RO01-KA203-063881. Neither the European Commission nor the project’s national funding agency ANPCDEFP are responsible for the content or liable for any losses or damage resulting of the use of these resources.
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Media partner
FAUT
Facultatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism din Timișoara
UNS
Univerzitet U Novom Sadu
SUSKO
Sofiiski Universitet Sveti Kliment Ohridski
UAUIM
Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism „Ion Mincu” din București
BME
Budapesti Muszaki Es Gazdasagtudomanyi Egyetem
DEB
Debrecen Egyetem
UBB
Universitatea Babeș Bolyai
Partner
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Summer School Jimbolia
Content 4
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Triplex Confinium Program Schedule Summer School Outcomes Lectures Workshops Jimbolia — (almost) an atlas
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Program 6
Summer School Jimbolia
Triplex Confinium Program Triplex Confinium is an ERASMUS+ strategic partnership between the architecture schools in, and around, the DKMT Euroregion. In all, it encompases five architecture schools of different sizes, a geography faculty and a sociology department. From its onset Triplex Confinium’s mission was to tackle the gaps and mismatches between partner countries educational programs within the field of architecture, while, at the same time, looking at the spatial discontinuities along the borders of Hungary, Serbia and Romania. But these discontinuities, gaps and mismatches include not only real observable territorial issues. They can be as easily traced along the lines of national accreditation systems within higher education, teaching methodologies, and thematic interests. Naturally, partners agreed to search for some common ground. This could be mapped physically, in the territory spanning between our schools (our common hinterland), as well as academically, through learning experiences leading towards a new joint curriculum. A hybrid program that mixes different educational modules with a competition, showcasing not only the schools themselves but the many missions future architects will be faced with when dealing with this hinterland. The program is imagined as a flexible international curriculum with three main components:
This document is focused on the second component of the program, The Summer Schools (1st phase). You can follow our entire program on the Triplex Confinium website: www.triplex-confinium.eu
• • •
The Open Competition The Summer Schools The Debates
The Open Competition is an invitation to all students and young professionals in Romania, Hungary and Serbia to engage in a project driven debate about the future of the architecture education and profession in the hinterland. The Summer Schools (September 2021 and April 2022) will provide students from the Triplex Confinium partner schools competencies related to critical thinking, site exploration and project implementation. The Debates will bring together stakeholders relevant for both the analysis and improvement of the methods tested within the program, but also for the further dissemination of the project results. We strongly believe that the competition, the learning modules and on site experiences, as well as the final proposed projects should allow students and tutors with different backgrounds and academic levels from all neighbouring countries to discover each other, as well as their professional condition within these hinterlands. To achieve our mission we have chosen to look at this territory using a conceptual framework that captures the very essence of this region's material and immaterial culture, its main building block: brick.
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Summer School 8
Summer School Jimbolia
Schedule 17–30.09 Lectures
Workshops
Guest lectures
Friday, 17.09
Site visits Timișoara
FABER, Peneș Curcanul 4-5
09:00–18:00
Arrival
18:00–21:00
Participants Welcome General Project Framing — Cristian Blidariu and Oana Simionescu (FAUT)
Saturday, 18.09 10:00–13:00
Timișoara
FABER, Peneș Curcanul 4-5
Timișoara city visit
15:00–17:00
17:00–19:00
Sunday, 19.09
Timișoara
FABER, Peneș Curcanul 4-5
09:00–11:00
11:00–13:00
15:00–17:00
17:00–19:00
20:00
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Lectures
Workshops
Guest lectures
Site visits
Monday, 20.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–15:00
Official Jimbolia & Site visit — guided by Sergiu Petru Dema
17:00–20:00
Individual site explorations
Tuesday, 21.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–11:00
History drawn in the landscape – border imprints and how to read them — Gergely Sági (BME)
11:00–13:00
Industry and Town Development. Changes of Paradigms — Irina Tulbure (UAUIM)
13:00–14:00
Wienerberger: Baking Brick
15:00–17:00
Digital brick: Contemporary approaches in working with the Brick — Bojan Tepavcevic (UNS)
17:00–19:00
Brick – a timeless way of building — Ioan Andreescu (FAUT)
19:00
Individual site explorations
Wednesday, 22.09
Kikinda
09:00–18:00
Kikinda visits
20:00–22:00
KDK – Intervention strategies for the german hinterland (case-study) — Judith Sandmeier (BLFDP)
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Lectures
Workshops
Guest lectures
Site visits
Thursday, 23.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–11:00
Exploring and interpreting heritage in the landscape — Bogdan Demetrescu (FAUT)
11:00–13:00
Process VS. Object. Working with (Postindustrial) communities — Cristi Borcan, Ilinca Păun Constantinescu (UAUIM)
15:00
Individual site explorations
20:00–22:00
Post-industrial landscapes: waste or heritage? — Oana Țiganea
Friday, 24.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
Free Day
Saturday, 25.09 09:00–13:00
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
Exploring with contemporary instruments — Kaloian Tsetvkov (SUSKO) Data visualization for architects and urbanists — Norbert Petrovici and Cristian Popv (UBB)
15:00–19:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
20:00–22:00
An artist's memories of brick — Renee Renard (Avantpost)
Sunday, 26.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–10:00
SUSKO/UBB workshops
10:00–13:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
15:00–19:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
20:00–22:00
Working with the landscape (case-study) — Alexandru Ciobota, Raluca Rusu
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Lectures
Workshops
Guest lectures
Site visits
Monday, 27.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–10:00
SUSKO/UBB workshops
10:00–13:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
15:00–19:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
20:00–22:00
Architectural heritage of the brick factories (summary of a doctoral thesis) — Péter Kronavetter (BME)
Tuesday, 28.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–10:00
SUSKO/UBB workshops
10:00–13:00
Workshop sessions running in parallel
15:00–19:00
Preparing the workshop results materials
20:00–21:00
Recollective architecture. Common tendencies around the wide field of heritage basing on the PACE initiative — Levente Szabó
21:00–22:00
Working with the cultural landscape (case-study) — Zsolt Vasaros (BME)
Wednesday, 29.09
Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
09:00–10:00
SUSKO/UBB workshops
10:00–13:00
Preparing the workshop results materials
15:00–19:00
Final presentation
19:00–22:00
Closing Party
Thursday, 30.09 09:00
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Jimbolia
Casa de Cultură, Tudor Vladimirescu 88
Departure
Summer School Jimbolia
Outcome
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Summer School Outcomes: A mosaic of lectures and learning experiences Cristian Blidariu & Oana Simionescu
Crisitan Blidariu (FAUT) Cristian Blidariu teaches the course of Architecture Theory and coordinates the 1st year Architecture Studio within the Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning in Timisoara. Between 2010 and 2016 he was a contributor and publisher for Architectura 1906, the Official Review of the Union of Architects of Romania, for which he coordinated several special issues. He has also collaborated with Igloo magazine. In 2017 he was one of the coordinators of the FAUT participation in the Vienna Design Week festival. As a practitioner he participated, among others, in the project of rehabilitation of the Theresia Bastion, a topic subsequently treated in the PhD thesis Art in the postmodern city, urban regeneration and virtual space presented within the doctoral school of the Faculty of Arts and Design in Timisoara. Since 2015 he is FAUT’s Erasmus + departmental coordinator. Oana Simionescu (FAUT) Oana Simionescu is a UPT PHD student, and part of The Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism in Timisoara 3rd year’s design studio. In 2015 her design studio team won a Runner-up award within the EUROPAN Norway international architecture competition. Between 2014-2018 she coordinated the annual and then biennial of architecture in Timisoara. Since 2018 she has been treasurer at The Romanian Order of Architects. She is a founding member of FOR and FABER projects and companies.
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During the two weeks of on site experiences, field trips, and common lecture series, participating students actively engaged with the competition site and its surrounding area, while taking part in specialised research teams, focused on the multidisciplinary topics that were designed to ultimately enhance the competition brief. For their first LTT – the Jimbolia summer school – partners sought to offer participants a complex teaching learning program comprising two main sections: lectures and workshops. These were designed throughout 2020 and 2021 around the three main learning modules: 1. Theory, History and Critical thinking 2. Exploration 3. Implementation For our Jimbolia activities the first two modules were emphasised, while the third one was only teased and is to be further tested in Kikinda. The opening week offered participants the support information through lectures and seminars on the history of the area, urban
anthropology, urban sociology, field investigation methods, and digital tools for data collection, but also on links to similar practices that have been identified as possible references. By introducing this module as the base of the learning program, we take a clear stance towards education as a tool for preparing generalist independent thinkers that can more productively and successfully engage the digital information flood and available technical resources, that are more likely to sustain a lifelong preoccupation for learning and constantly assessing their impact as thinkers and professionals and members of society. This critical and theoretical framework prepared by partner tutors and keynote speakers was designed to set up the basis for the field research module. The lectures were developed on the strengths of each partner, highlighting each school's area of research and methodology. The Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning in Timisoara, acting as project leader and host, developed learning experiences focused on the 15
Summer School Jimbolia
site, its urban morphology, local industrial culture and the many extraordinary geographical features shaped by the latter. In this respect, FAUT has led the preliminary discussions needed to clarify the researched area and objectives of our common teaching activities. In choosing minor over major, borderlands and hinterland over centrality, Jimbolia and other smaller towns throughout the region over the much bigger regional capitals, FAUT together with its partners, set the tone for what it sees as highly important topics not only for the region itself, but for the future of our profession. To achieve a much needed grasp of these often neglected peripheral territories, FAUT has maintained a constant presence in the area throughout 2021, working with local actors, such as the Jimbolia House of Culture. Its immense contribution in researching information and in the production of the promotional videos for Think Brick needs to be noted, from the start. They can be seen in the last section of this document and in the videos posted on our website. For the lectures series, FAUT’s Mihai Danciu, Stefana Badescu and Bogdan Demetrescu focused on the formal development of colonial settlements, using Jimbolia as case study, while also looking at the complex interdependence between urban development and its geographical context. Water, and waterways, so important for the Banat plain, were chosen as the main topics for the conclusive workshop activities. In establishing a general framework for what Banat is today, and why it is different from other regions, FAUT closely worked with the historians (prof. Rudolf Graf) and sociologists (associate Professors, Norbert Petrovici and Cristi Pop) from Babes Bolyai University in Cluj Napoca. Their perspective, at once historical and grounded in present day data, offered clues to the special nature of the larger region, and its importance within a wider context of transnational European regions. Things observed in Banat, throughout its history, or when looking at specific data, offer present day 16
architects and urban planners with a comprehensive image of its economic raison d'etre, and through this, possible interpretations of its cultural milieu. In this respect, the contemporary statistical data presented, further proves the resilience of the capitalist project initiated by the Habsburgs in the 18th century. It explains the economic success of present day
Banat (especially in Romania) as a natural conclusion of its historically well planned territorial management. Consequently, the Banat spatial project, while specific to its history and geography, is nonetheless an ongoing project that architects are a part of and should be aware of. Further expanding on this theme, The Ion Mincu Architecture and Urban Planning University in Bucharest (UAUIM) team, acting as leader of the teaching activities, have used their intensive experience in areas of history and theory, to put these themes into a much wider perspective while also bringing these perspectives down at the level of the place. Following FAUT’s description of the urban development of colonial settlements, UAUIM presentations focused their attention on two very very important key concepts visible in the region; those of grids and borders. A conceptual reading of the literature tackling these two subjects was provided by Alexandru Beleyi and Irina Bancescu. Operating at all scales, both territorial and local, as manifestations of political and cultural power, grids create resilient spatial
Summer School Jimbolia
typologies, the ones still visible in Banat proving to be an excellent example for this argument. Borders are also seen as manifestations of power, but of a different kind, more powerful, segregating space, the inside from the outside. Jimbolia's entire modern history is, in fact, the consequence of an arbitrary border drawn during the partition of the historical Banat region, between The Kingdom of Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovens. But, this much needed reading of these border concepts could not have been done at a better time. With its heavily guarded border areas, Jimbolia is currently a milestone for Asian migrants pushing toward Western Europe, a reality observed even during our two week stay there. Lying in a territory re-built and repurposed along grid lines, its urban core also being such a grid, with a surrounding territory shaped by its border condition, Jimbolia is, in many ways, a perfect place to study both concepts. Borders are however of many types, sometimes even fuzzy, and in Jimbolia’s case they can be visible as well as invisible; borders between neighborhoods, between ethnic groups, between types of activities, agriculture vs industry, urban and rural. Expanding on these distinctions Associate Professor Irina Tulbure further explored the impact that industrial development had on Romania’s small towns. Touching on the subject of now lost industrial facilities, BME’s Peter Kronavetter, presented his doctoral dissertation on the network of brick factories spanning the Austro Hungarian Empire at the end of the 19th century. His extensive documentation on the current state of these former industrial sites is presented here as a photographic essay, offering a glimpse into what the Bohn factory might have looked like today, were it not dismantled. The theme of abandoned industrial sites and brownfields was also present in the guest lecture held by Politechnico di Milano’s Oana Tiganea. Last but not least, an important debate between UAUIM’s Cristian Borcan and Ilinca Paun Constantinescu highlighted several different approaches, mostly tactical and participatory, in dealing with shrinking, former industrial towns
and the liminal spaces they create. While dealing with heritage, BLFDP’s Judith Sandmeier, also touched on themes of participation throughout the design and implementation process. Our special guest, who made us the honor of being present in Jimbolia on behalf of the Bayerisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege, presented students and tutors with the KDK methodologya survey and planning process, extensively used in Bavaria on endangered heritage sites very similar to our own in Jimbolia. Using its previous experience, gained in projects dealing with border and conflict conditions, spanning time, as well as a wide geography of places, from the ancient Roman limes in Eastern Europe, to present day Egypt and Syria, the BME team further enhanced the concepts of border and cultural landscape. Through various case studies, Gergely Sági’s argument blended borders, history and topography, highlighting their traceable resilience through time and their alterations of the landscape. The concept of cultural landscape was also present in the guest lecture of Alexandru Ciobotă and Raluca Rusu of
Studio Peisaj (RO), this time from the perspective and methodology employed by landscape architects. The two lectures were further detailed, by profesor Zsolt Vasáros, with examples of implemented cultural projects and programs, all dealing with the complex interpretations an architect must consider when 17
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working in such delicate environments. Touching on the issue of genius loci, professor Levente Szabó, presented to students and tutors the PACE initiative, an online platform highlighting excellence in public architecture projects throughout Eastern Europe. This offered participants a glimpse into a transnational geography of projects, dealing with issues as varied as heritage, cultural landscapes, and public space, all matters relevant to our own strategic site. Moving even further, into a design oriented section, several lectures approached the site from a critical stance. Tamas Szentirmai showcased the artistic approach practiced in the Debrecen Faculty of Architecture, while also offering a wider cultural context for these types of tactical interventions. The lecture emphasised the need for nuanced and sensible readings of such sites, within which, oftentimes, any architecture project is preceded by an artistic critique of sorts. Debrecen’s method, while highly artistic, is nonetheless didactic, revealing unforseen qualities, forcing perspectives, asking uncomfortable questions about our role in shaping nature, the environment and the landscapes we inhabit. This was a method also employed by the SIGMA artistic group during their tenure in Timisoara’s Faculty of Architecture. To further explain this relation between ecology, land art and architecture, guest lecturer professor Andreea Palade Flondor (UVT), detailed SIGMA’s innovative stance when designing the new pedagogical artistic curriculum deployed in FAUT throughout the 1970s. An important addition to this argument was found in the guest lecture of Renée Renard and Ciprian Chirileanu (Avantpost). A native of the nearby French colony of Sankt Hubert, Renée Renard’s conceptual art explores her family's tragic story, dealing with issues of personal loss, memory, and resilience in the face of the ever changing tides of politics and history. Like Stefan Bohn, also a native of Sank Hubert, her great great grandfather owned a brick factory in a village nearby Jimbolia - an enterprise and 18
fortune now completely lost as a result of 45 years of communism. The lecture series would not be complete without the glimmer of hope offered by UNS’, Bojan Tepavcevic’s lecture on digital brick. This was preceded, by FAUT’s professor Ioan Andreescu, with a lecture on the symbolic and functional prowess of brick, and its time and geography defying building tradition. Teasing our summer school activities in Kikinda, that will hopefully be organised in the extraordinary workshops of the TERRA atelier (a former Bohn tile factory), UNS’ perspective, for both lecture and workshop, chose to highlight the future and the digital technologies currently being developed as aides in the design process architects will employ when dealing with brick surfaces and structures. An important note must be made here. Participants already had the opportunity to visit the Terra Museum and Terra Atelier, during an organised visit in Kikinda, as part of our summer school’s program.
For our Jimbolia Atlas we have chosen to present a selection of the main lectures in a condensed format, that while offering readers a general understanding of our methodology, are to be seen as a call for further individual studies of these selected topics. As further reading is generally needed, a bibliography is provided where necessary. Covering such a wide variety of topics, relevant to our location, the above-mentioned lectures were also meant to establish the general
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theoretical framework that needed to be tested within the explorative activities of the five conclusive workshops. In this respect, the learning teaching activities tested during these workshops translate not only into these intermediate outputs of different caliber, but also into a valuable pedagogical experience for all parties involved. Ones that, while in need of further testing, will set the basis of our proposed international mosaic curriculum. The three proposed pedagogical modules should offer, to both summer school participants as well as to the readers of this document and potential Think Brick competitors, with the necessary means to approach the problem statement of our project. They thus capture, in a condensed format, our need to understand and redefine a multinational cultural area alongside the borders between RO, HU, RS, as well as the need of our learners (future young professionals) to become active critical thinkers capable of observing problems and formulating tactical and strategic hypothesis alongside various spatial actors - communities and their governing bodies. The second week was dedicated to field research workshops that tested and applied the knowledge and methods presented during the first week. This Exploration Module responds to the need for students to understand the research area in-depth before acting upon it and is focused on tools for exploring, understanding and describing conditions in the territory. Partners understand that each profession has areas of interest or, metaphorically speaking, certain visibility filters through which only certain phenomena can be observed. The week was divided into two parts: one dedicated to research tools, and the other to exploration methods. With the guidance of Kaloian Tsvetkov from SUSKO, the interdisciplinary group of students learned a method specific to the geography field – working with geographic information science
(GIS) tools in order to analyse and visualise different sets of problems specific to Jimbolia. The UBB team (Norbert Petrovici and Cristian Pop), on the other hand, introduced the students to Power Query and Tableau and to how these tools could be used as a research method working with data in order to understand a place. The second part of the week introduced different methods of exploration – either via theory, direct observation, or through explorative design approaches. The FAUT workshop used GIS, direct site observation and drone imagery in order to better understand how the blue-green infrastructure (the water draining canals network) of the territory used to work and its current impact on the built environment and landscape. The UAUIM workshop used a three layered exploration method employing intuitive, objective and action-based approaches, that together were set to obtain an overall reading of jimbolia, through direct confrontation and debate around the three approaches. Both the hungarian-led teams (BME and DEB) worked with explorative design approaches, but with very different perspectives, despite their apparent semblance: the DEB team directly explored the competition site through artistic interventions that questioned and displayed a set of its specific qualities (like scale, materiality or texture); the BME team looked at specific artefacts in order to explore and experience the memory of Jimbolia, through its most powerful influencers (The Csekonics, Bohn&Muschong families), while using the same basic (and ancient) unit as tool: the brick. The brick is also the module around which the UNS workshop developed. Inspired by the various expressive uses of brick found throughout Jimbolia, the Serbian team focused on teaching contemporary digital design tools that boost the exploration of new esthetical possibilities for using brick.
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It is worth mentioning that all this exploration (both of methods and places) led to a consistent thread of debate between all the different professionals and students that met in Jimbolia in September, about the role of the architect in the contemporary society, but most of all about the relevance of architecture and its connection with people and abstract concepts as ”community” or ”public space”. This soft debate lies at the beginning and core of the Triplex Confinium project, and will probably become more visible towards the end of it. In the following pages you will find, after all the lecture summaries, a more generous description of all the workshops content and more information about Jimbolia - as it resulted from all these exploration processes.
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Lectures
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Lectures L1
The urban geography of economic and social growth in Romania 2010-2020
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Norbert Petrovici (UBB) L2
Urban development of Jimbolia
36
Mihai Danciu, Ștefana Bădescu (FAUT) L3
Grids – Formal tools for understanding and manipulating space
44
Alexandru Belenyi (UAUIM) L4
On borders: a theoretical research framework. Border as a working instrument for analysis and design
51
Irina Băncescu (UAUIM) L5
History drawn in the landscape – border imprints and how to read them
60
Gergely Sági (BME) L6
Exploring and interpreting heritage in the landscape
67
Bogdan Demetrescu (FAUT) L7
Architectural Heritage of Hungarian Brick Factories Péter Kronavetter (BME)
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L8
Industry and Town Development. Changes of Paradigms
81
Irina Tulbure (UAUIM) L9
Process vs. Object. Working with (Post Industrial) communities
85
Cristi Borcan, Ilinca Păun Constantinescu (UAUIM) L10
Recognition by small scale intervention
90
Tamas Szentirmai (DEB) L11
Working with the cultural landscape
95
Zsolt Vasaros (BME) L12
Recollective architecture. Common tendencies around the wide field of heritage based on the PACE initiative
104
Levente Szabó (BME) L13
Digital brick: Contemporary approaches in working with the Brick
111
Bojan Tepavcevic (UNS) L14
Introduction to GIS
116
Kaloyan Tsvetkov
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Lectures
L1
The urban geography of economic and social growth in Romania 2010-2020 Norbert Petrovici
Norbert Petrovici (UBB) Norbert Petrovici has 15 years of experience in teaching statistics at various levels of complexity, either introductory courses or advanced modeling courses. His teaching philosophy is that applied statistics can be understood much more easily when students can practice on data sets that fit their interests of knowledge and research. As a researcher he studied urban economics and culture and has a vast knowledge of urban and regional data analysis. He has been working for 10 years as an independent urban planning professional working in the private sector, with various government bodies and non-governmental organizations. He assisted urban regeneration projects and the management of the social transformation of the areas in the infrastructure change processes. He carried out substantial studies for the coordination and regulation of investments in different areas for the local and central administration. He has developed urban culture projects that offer the widest possible access to different social categories in education, opportunities for self-expression or participatory involvement. In the last five years he has participated in over fifty public events as a speaker on the urban economy and culture; coordinated or participated in over thirty workshops; and has participated in more than twenty European conferences organized by specialized professional bodies.
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Lectures
L1
Theory, Exploration
In which categories do the cities from Romania fall from the perspective of the economic and social changes through which they underwent in the last decade? Does this typology indicate a change in the patterns of economic and social geography of Romania? Can we delignate the trajectory of specific cities in the new economic and social landscape? Take the case of Jimbolia: where does it stand? Is Jimbolia a growing, static or a shrinking city? What kind of resources and capabilities does it uses in the changing landscape of capital investments? To classify the cities, we use three steps. 1. The selection of the variables used in the analysis. First, we select demographic (age composition), economic (turnover, employment, sector) and social variables (education) that describe different aspects of cities’ dynamic, keeping in mind the particularities of the geography of growth in last decade in Romania. There are two major classes of variables that we selected in our analysis: on the one hand, we used variables that describe the changes of the labor force and more broadly the improvement of the wellbeing of the population, and on the other hand we used variables that capture the changes in the distribution of the capital at local level. 2. Data reduction using principal components. Second, we summarize the datasets using principal component analysis, a method that reduces a large set of attributes to a smaller, more manageable one, synthesizing the variability of the initial set into its principal axes of variation (Shlens, 2014). The reduced data are related to the income of the workforce, the sectorial structure of the labor force, its wellbeing (public spending, residential space, green space, air quality) and data that quantifies spill-over effects (human development, human capital, natural growth, age structure, and volume change). 3. Clustering algorithm based on the principal components. Third, we classify the Romanian cities using a k-means algorithm (Hartigan & Wong, 1979) based on the principal components that 25
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Lectures
L1
Theory, Exploration
summarized the initial set of data in the previous step. We obtained a classification of the Romanian cities in seven classes. The results are shown in Table 1. Seven major types of cities Urban Growth Poles are grouping together the cities that score high on the sprawling and livable component (both being negatively corelated with the rest of the components). On average, these group of cities (Brașov, Bucharest, Cluj-Napoca, Constanta, Craiova, Galați, Iași, Oradea, Pitești, Ploiești, Sibiu, Suceava, Timișoara) had an increase in population the peri-urban area of 32% and an increase of the floor space with 40%. On average, the population in the urban core contracted by 3%, even if the floor space in the core area expended with 40% since 2009 and with 90% since 1990. These cities have, on average, the biggest human development index and the highest attainment rate of the secondary school diploma (the exam is called in “baccalaureate” as in the French educational system). These cities are the most populous from Romania, visible in the high average of citizen for each city hall employee and have some of the best public infrastructure networks, visible in the high degree of the population coverage of the public transportation system. The number of newborns in the peri-urban area is the smallest compared with all the other groups of cities since the ration of urban core population to the peri-urban area is the smallest. More precisely, the peri-urban population represent 20% of the total sum from the urban core and peri-urban area – the share being 32% across the urban network from Romania. Nonetheless, these are the cities that have expanded their urban footprint the most in the last 10 year, generating urban sprawl beyond their administrative boundaries. 26
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Lectures
L1
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↑ Clustering of the Romanian urban localities using the six major types of socio-economic traits
Peri-urban Cities are the receivers of the sprawl pressures from the urban poles of larger cities. Fifteen cities have been classified as peri-urban cities, even though, in terms of geographical position there are 62 peri-urban cities. The difference come from the specific traits of being a major buffer for the expansion of the urban pole from the nearby. Bucharest has created a huge stress on its neighboring cities (Bragadiru, Buftea, Chitila, Năvodari, Otopeni, Ovidiu, Pantelimon, Popești-Leordeni, Voluntari), but is not the only one. Brașov, Ploiești, Pitești, Constanta are surrounded by quite a large network of towns that grew both in population and in their urban footprint in the last decade. All the urban growth poles have generated sprawl in their peri-urban area, yet many of surrounded localities are communes. Most notably are Cluj-Napoca (with the spectacular population burst of Floresti, Apahida and Baciu), Timișoara (with explosive growth of Dumbravița, Giroc and Moșnișa Nouă), Iași (with the expansion of Valea Lupului, Miroslava and Rediu). Similar processes of periurban growth by more than 60% of the population in the neighboring commune happened near Brașov (Sânpetru) Craiova (Malu Mare and Carcea), Oradea (Paleu and Sântadrei) or Sibiu (Selimbăr). The peri-urban cities had on average a 36% boom in population and 72% increase in floor space. The local human development index is the largest among all the groups of cities, yet they have the lowest attainment rate for secondary school diploma (36%). This suggest that the peri-urban cities are places of major social inequalities among the households and that they are affected by a selective filtering of the students: the children of the well-off parents are commuting to the better schools. The periurban cities are not only site of population growth, but also expansion sites for business (visible in the high number of 27
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businesses per capita), yet peri-urban cities are not the only site of the economic sprawl, but the whole peri-urban area of the growth poles (visible in the share of per-urban private companies). A particular case is Baia-Mare, a county capital with an industrial profile and not an urban growth pole, yet it neighbors an expanding per-urban city Tăuți-Măgheruș, where most of the peri-urban growth of Baia Mare was absorbed. Industrial Cities have experienced a contraction of the population in the urban core, on average by 4%, they have witnessed a moderate growth in population and business within their periurban area, but have avoided urban sprawl. They host large companies, with many employees, generating at city level a significant gross local income per capita. On average one third of the of the employees are working in industry (i.e. Alba Iulia, Arad, Baia Mare, Bistrița, Brăila, Buzău, Focșani, Miercurea Ciuc, Odorheiu Secuiesc, Piatra Neamț, Satu Mare, Târgu Mureș) and, on average, these cities have personal incomes per capita above the national level. Both the human development index and the attainment rate of secondary school diploma is quite high. To sum up, this class of cities scores high on the industrial leaning and the livability components simultaneously. Nonetheless, there are important variation in this class of cities in term of size and rate of growth, hence a more detailed analysis is needed here.
↑ Turnover by employer and sector in Jimbolia, 2020 (data source: data.gov.ro)
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Agri-Cities have a higher number of employees in agriculture compared with the national average. Nonetheless, the average percentage is quite small: 1,6%. However, these cities have, on average, the worst quality of the air and quite modest green spaces per capita. The component that we called ‘green’ captures a geographical correlation between three relatively independent variables: employment in agriculture, green areas in hectares and
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air quality. Still, it groups together the cities that have large agricultural lands at their disposal. The specificity of highly mechanized agriculture is that it employs quite a small workforce. Most of these cities are placed in the Romanian Plain in the South of the country and in the Transylvanian Plain, the area with the worst? air in Romania. There are 78 cities grouped in this cluster and the internal variability of the cluster is quite large, suggesting the need to further differentiate within this group. Jimbolia is one of those cities. The specificity of Jimbolia is that, economically, the urban core is growing. In Jimbolia there are three types of economic expansion: in terms of employees (2020 compared with 2003), aggregate turnover grew (2018 compared with 2011), and personal income tax, that is wages (2009 compared with 2019). Approximatively two thousand people are employed in manufacturing. However, most of its growth is linked to the new cable factory and the fact that is a direct foreign investment. Nonetheless, compared with the other cities in Romania is endowed with quite a large agricultural land and a high efficiency in terms of turnover per employee. Despite just 68 employees in agriculture, the aggregate turnover is 8,5 million euro and 123 thousand euro per employee. Compared with similar the 38 thousand euro per employee, the average in the cluster, Jimbolia stands out in terms of agri-business. Discussion: the geography of urban growth This typology of the urban localities from Romania points to a new geography of economic and social growth in Romania. The significance of the typology must be put in a larger picture that takes into account transformation at the national and continental scales. Romania economy grew since 2011 with an annual average of 3.9%, above the Central and Eastern European average of 3.2% and significantly more above the European Union average of 1.4%. Romania’s economy recovered from the Financial Global Crisis of 2008 only in 2011, while the Eastern Europe, along with the rest of European Union, recorded signs of recovery in 2010, (data.WorldBank.org NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG). Romania had a contraction of 5.5% in 2009 and 3.9% in 2011, which is not a surprise given the important role played by exports and the complex interwoven character of the national economy to the global markets. Volume of exports. In 2019 Romanian’s GDP was $250.1B (data.WorldBank.org NY.GDP.MKTP.CD) and its exports, both of products and services, amounted, in current USD, to 39,6% of its GDP, with a peak in 2017 of 43.2% (CEPII International Trade BACI HS1996-2019 & UN ComTrade Services EB02). In 2008, just 29
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before the Economic Crises the total exports represented 34.6% of the GDP, with a major contraction in 2009 of 18%. However, since 2011 Romanian exports increased annually with 4.8%, and the value of the product exports increased the most. By 2019 the value of the product exports was 80% of the total value exported, and only 20% the services. In 2008 the balance was still tipping toward a 67% for product exports, yet the services were one third of the total (CEPII International Trade BACI HS1996-2019 & UN ComTrade Services EB02). Foreign direct investments. Romania product exports are heavily driven by foreign direct investments: 83% of the value of products exported in 2019 was of companies with foreign capital (INS Tempo EXP101R). This structure of the exports was reflected in employment growth. In Romania, in 2019, 26% of the employees in the private sector were working for a company with full foreign capital (INS Tempo FOM104B); these companies produce 52% of the total aggregate turnover and 45% of the total gross value added (Cristescu, 2020:3). Romania is far from unique in terms of its economic model (Drahokoupil & Fabo, 2020; Nölke & Vliegenthart, 2009). In fact, this type of development is specific for Eastern Europe, yet Romania does excel (Ban, 2019) and this has important geographical consequences. Urban economic growth. The aggregated revenues of the companies in Romania (the sum of all the revenues) increased by 59.9% between 2008 and 2019, and by 52.4% compared to 2011 (). Between 2011 and 2018, Bucharest grew only by 6.5%, nonetheless, it concentrates 28.1% of the national turnover. The modest growth of the capital is due to a change in the economic geography of Romania: the cities with more than 110T inhabitants became increasingly important, their economy grew by nearly one half (48%) in less than a decade (). In addition, the cities with more than 110T inhabitants, except for the capital, collectively produced 59.6% of all the company’s revenue. The economy of the towns with less than 110T stagnated and concentrated in 2018 only 17% of Romania’s turnover (). Peri-urban growth. The localities from the peri-urban area surrounding the cities with more than 110T inhabitants had a 65% spectacular growth in aggregate turnover. The companies’ revenue of the 171 communes from the peri-urban area of the cities with more than 110 T inhabitants was the same as of the rest of the 2719 communes in the country – namely 8%. In addition, the localities in first ring around the cities with more than 110T inhabitants registered the largest increase in the number of employees. In these peri-urban areas the percentage of 30
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employees increased by 76% between 2011 and 2018. Localities in the second ring around cities registered an increase of 39% of employees (). The pillars of the economic growth. The economic growth of the cities must be placed in a bigger economic landscape: 45% of the labor force in manufacturing were working in a company owned by foreign capital and these companies were producing 68% of the sector's aggregate revenue (Cristescu, 2020:3). After 2008, the economic recovery was predicated on two pillars: manufacturing outsourcing (MO) and information technology outsourcing (ITO). First, the manufacturing sector since 2011 had the biggest impact on the GDP growth – an annual average of 24.0% of the GDP growth (INS “Comunicat evoluția PIB” Series). Second, Romania had a huge surge in the ITC sector in the last decade, the sector being the second largest contributor to GDP growth since 2011 – with 16% (INS ‘Comunicat evoluția PIB’ Series). After 2008 Romania economy have been restructuring in important ways and these new developments had major spatial consequences given the dynamic of investments at local level. The cities themselves became important economic engines. Global outsourcing. After the financial crisis, globalization processes have intensified, and as such, global organizations relocated their secondary processes to new spaces specialized in operations. The new wave of outsourcing is not only focused on industrialized labor, but also on finding skilled and highly skilled labor pools (Peck, 2018). Most of the processes that are being externalized are Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) and Information Technology Outsourcing (ITO) (Oshri, Kotlarsky, & Willcocks, 2015). Even if it is work performed by white collars, the outsourced jobs have a high level of routine and standardization. However, there are some notable exceptions, with the outsourcing of information technology there are outsourced also some key R&D operations (Santangelo, Meyer, & Jindra, 2016). At European level, Central and Eastern Europe has capitalized most of the outsourcing both of manufacturing and business processes from the companies located in Western Europe (Ban, 2019; Drahokoupil & Fabo, 2020). As mentioned before, Romania has benefited from this new trend and it became a destination for foreign capital once again after 2011. However, this time it became a destination both for manufacturing outsourcing and for services outsourcing. Manufacturing outsourcing. In Romania, after 2011, the aggregated turnover of the industrial sector increased with 56%, while at European level it increased with 16% (EUROSTAT nama_10_gdp). In addition, the added value of the industrial sector increased with 31
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47% in Romania, while at European level it had a modest increase of 6% (EUROSTAT nama_10_gdp). The total number of employees in the industrial sector in Romania is below the 2008 peak value (88%); nonetheless, industrial labor productivity in manufacturing increased from 2008 to 2018 with 73% (INS Tempo IND105E). In terms of employees, most of the industrial production in Romania is in the cities with more than 110T inhabitants (42,8%). Also, an important part of the industrial production is in smaller cities scattered especially in Transylvania and on the corridor of Bucharest, Ploiesti, Pitesti, Brasov. The biggest growth in industrial jobs was in the last ten years in the peri-urban areas of the cities and in villages. That is because most of the new industrial parks were greenfield projects, most of them located in Transylvania. However, just 8.5% of the industrial activities are in rural areas which are not seated in the peri-urban area of a city. Services outsourcing. In 2020, from the total of 219.5 T of people employed in IT&C in Romania 71.2% are based in Bucharest, Cluj, Timiș and Iași counties (INS Tempo FOM105F), and most of them are working in the county seats cities. In addition, from the 100.7 T of employed persons in financial and insurance services in Romania, 58.7% are working in the same counties, and more precisely in four major cities: Bucharest, Cluj-Napoca, Timișoara and Iași (INS Tempo FOM105F). The average monthly net wage in IT&C in dec. 2020 was 1706 € and in the finance and insurance sector it was 1494 €. The national average across industries was 743 € (INS Tempo FOM106D). In Cluj county the average in IT&C net wage was with 26% more than the national average (INS Tempo FOM106E). Also, in Cluj-Napoca, in July 2020 more the one in ten employees was working in IT and, more generally, one in five employees was working in the outsourced service sector (Petrovici, Săcuiu, & Petrovici, 2020). On average, in 2019, at national level the net wage was 60.2% bigger in a foreign company as opposed to a private local company (INS Tempo FOM106B) and most of the well-paid outsources service jobs were the prerogative of the four cities. The dynamic can be synthetically captured by a staggering figure: 57% from the total taxes on wages came in 2019 from the four cities. Jimbolia has also benefited from direct investments in the last decade, changing the trajectory of the city. In 2020 in the city 90% of the aggregate turnover of the locality in manufacturing was generated by foreign companies. Moreover, half of the aggregate turnover of the locality was produced by the manufacturing foreign companies. In addition, a quarter of the aggregate turnover of the locality in service is generated by foreign companies. However, most of it is produced by companies in commerce. Nonetheless, 32
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there are foreign companies in business consultancy located in Jimbolia. Conclusion A historical note must be made here: the Romanian urban network developed after 1947, up until then 78% of the population was rural (Rotariu, Dumănescu, & Hărăguş, 2017). The urban network was not really developed up to that point, however it had several strong regional capitals. Romania was formed by the union of several independent regions, at the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century. This regions had strong cities with administrative functions and command and control roles in the export of semi-processed materials and raw materials (Ban, 2020; Poenaru, 2016; Verdery, 1983). Banat region had the most sophisticated urban network and a complex integrated hinterland system. Jimbolia is an exceptional example in this sense, with a grid layout of the city, in Habsburg colonial style, with a well systematized agricultural hinterland and an industrial tradition of one hundred years. After 1960, the communist regime invested in the development of the urban network, tilting, by the end of the 1980s, the balance of the population towards the growing urban areas (Petrovici, 2018). One specificity of socialist urbanization across the region is the attention given to the densification of the urban network (Pobłocki, 2018), which explains why the catching up cities are the second most populous cluster and a gradual transformation of the agri-localites in industrial localities. Jimbolia was declared a city in 1950 and benefited of an intense program of investment in its pre-socialist industrial heritage and a significant expansion of industrial infrastructure. Also, its pre-socialist wellstructured agricultural hinterlands were used for farming and cereals production. A new set of larger communes were transformed in towns to match both the threshold for urban population and the European distribution of the population across the different classes of cities. After World War II, the development of urban network became a means of development across the national space. This type of policy has a specific modernistfunctionalist background used to funnel the economic growth in the post-war era in Europe at large (Servillo, Atkinson, & Hamdouch, 2017) and was partially changed by the policy of creating metropolitan areas (Fricke, 2020), often criticized by the academic literature (Brenner, 2004). In the beginning of the 2000, the percentage of the urban population was a pre-accession condition to become a member of the European Condition. Jimbolia, even if it had its own urban industrial and agricultural tradition, gradually after 2003 became an important labour pool to be used by the booming industrial sector in Timișoara, a growth 33
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pole. Witness to that are the eleven trains that connect Jimbolia with Timișoara, even if Jimbolia is not anymore, an active frontier city. This historical note puts in perspective the high density of secondaries cities which are, on the one hand economically restructuring (the catching up cities), and on the other hand industrial cities which are benefiting and driving the new wave of manufacturing outsourcing. Many of the cities with an agrarian profile are geographically clustered in the Southern plains, the Transylvanian Plain, and in the Moldavian region. The transformation of rural communities in urban localities between 2002 and 2004, increased the number of towns that have sharper agrarian profile. These new agrarian cities of the 2000s are placed, given their natural endowment, in two different clusters: the agri-cities of the south and centre and the cities with internal labour reserves of the north and east. Jimbolia benefited from the manufacturing outsourcing directly through new foreign companies in the city, and indirectly by becoming a labour pool resource for Timișoara. In addition, the Jimbolia’s agriculture expended, being one of the most capitalintensive localities from Romania in agri-business. Nonetheless, the advancement in intensive agricultural production kept the number of employees at low numbers. While the path dependency on the industrial and agricultural past has put a major mark on the local resources and capabilities, the new fluxes of capital and labor geography put Jimbolia on a new growth trajectory. Nonetheless, this is not a divergence from the cities’ local capabilities. Yet is an adaptation to the changing landscape of national and continental resources.
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Ban, C. (2019). Dependent development at a crossroads? Romanian capitalism and its contradictions. West European Politics, 42(5), pp. 1041–1068. Ban, C. (2020). Organizing Economic Growth: Romania And Transylvania On The Eve Of The Great War. Acta Musei Porolissensis, XLII(1), pp. 16–30. Brenner, N. (2004). New State Spaces: Urban Governance and the Rescaling of Statehood. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cristescu, D. (2020). Activitatea filalelor străine în România. București. Drahokoupil, J., & Fabo, B. (2020). The limits of foreign-led growth: Demand for skills by foreign and domestic firms. Review of International Political Economy, pp. 1–45. Fricke, C. (2020). European Dimension of Metropolitan Policies. Cham: Springer International Publishing. Hartigan, J. A., & Wong, M. A. (1979). Algorithm AS 136: A K-Means Clustering Algorithm. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. Series C (Applied Statistics), 28(1), p. 108. Nölke, A., & Vliegenthart, A. (2009). Enlarging the varieties of capitalism: The emergence of dependent market economies in East Central Europe. World Politics, 61(04), pp. 670–702. Oshri, I., Kotlarsky, J., & Willcocks, L. (2015). The Handbook of Global Outsourcing and Offshoring: The Definitive Guide to Strategy and Operations. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Peck, J. (2018). Offshore. Exploring the worlds of global outsourcing. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Petrovici, N. (2018). Zona urbană. O economie politică a socialismului românesc (Editura Tact și Presa Universitară Clujeană, Ed.). Cluj-Napoca. Petrovici, N., Săcuiu, K., & Petrovici, A. (2020). Cluj-Napoca in Figures. Cluj-Napoca. Pobłocki, K. (2018). Retroactive Utopia: Class and the urbanization of self-management in Poland, in: Jonas Andrew, Miller Baron, Ward Kevin, & Willson David (Eds.), The Routledge Handbook on Spaces of Urban Politics, pp. 375–388. New York and London: Routledge. Poenaru, F. (2016). An Alternative Periodization of Romanian History. A Research Agenda. Studia Sociologia, 61(1), pp. 129–146. Rotariu, T., Dumănescu, L., & Hărăguş, M. (2017). Demografia României în perioada postbelică (1948-2015). Iași: Polirom. Santangelo, G. D., Meyer, K. E., & Jindra, B. (2016). MNE Subsidiaries’ Outsourcing and InSourcing of R&D: The Role of Local Institutions. Global Strategy Journal, 6(4), pp. 247–268. Servillo, L., Atkinson, R., & Hamdouch, A. (2017). Small and Medium-Sized Towns in Europe: Conceptual, Methodological and Policy Issues. Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, 108(4), pp. 365–379. Shlens, J. (2014). A Tutorial on Principal Component Analysis. arXiv Machine Learning. Retrieved March 5, 2021, from http://arxiv.org/abs/1404.1100
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Urban development of Jimbolia Mihai Danciu & Ștefana Bădescu
Mihai Danciu (FAUT) Spatial planner and sustainable development activist, concerned with urban and communities management. Teaching urban planning disciplines in two universities in Timișoara and being involved in projects in Jiu Valley, Timișoara and Chișinău. The practice philosophy is based on the convincement that sustainable development is only reached through a combination of bottom-up and top-down approaches. Ștefana Bădescu (FAUT) Ștefana Bădescu is an architect, assistant lecturer and researcher at the Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Timișoara. Having graduated in 2012 with a degree in Architecture, she went on to study Urban Planning at a master’s level. She also developed a PhD Thesis about collective housing, which she defended in November 2017. As an architect, she runs her own design studio and collaborated with several local architecture firms for the development and regeneration of large urban ensembles. Having started teaching at the faculty immediately after graduation, she now holds the position of assistant lecturer. Her area of expertise includes several subjects, in the field of Urban History, Urban Theory and Urban Planning. Finally, as a member of the faculty’s Research Center, she is involved in a series of research projects, showing a particular interest in issues regarding regional cooperation and community involvement in order to preserve and promote local heritage and values.
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The current border town of Jimbolia, home to Triplex Confinium’s 2021 summer school, showcases an unexpectedly complex urban structure, shaped throughout history by a series of events and strategic decisions. This article offers an introduction in observing Jimbolia’s urban context in relation to the most important moments in its evolution, analyzing the specific morphologies shaped by these distinct historical events. References are thus made to the characteristics of colonial cities, the phenomenon of urban development under the influence of large infrastructures or the present-day processes of contraction through renaturation and expansion. A full understanding of a settlement’s urban context can only be achieved by analyzing the important moments of its evolution. In Jimbolia’s case, although it was first mentioned in 1332, its modern history only began in 1766, with the massive colonization of mostly German settlers, implemented by Empress Maria Theresa of Austria, throughout the Banat region. These policies expanded on the initial endeavours of the military administration that had been running the affairs of the region since the 1718 treaty of Passarowitz, an act that consecrated the transfer from Ottoman rule to that of the Habsburg Empire. During the next 100 years, the locality developed steadily, consolidating a strong identity and shaping an homogeneous urban fabric. The emergence of the railway in the late 19th century and the industrialization process (mostly through the many ceramic factories that settled here) only added to this pre-existing structure, taking advantage of the preexisting urban morphology. Another 100 years later, the Romanian administration granted Jimbolia the status of town. But is Jimbolia’s orderly colonial structure still proving to be a viable model for present day spatial needs? Arguably, as we shall see, the answer is yes, granted that the resilience of its spatial patterns is correctly understood and further enhanced, according to their initial logic. 250 years later, Jimbolia’s highly efficient functional space, its 18th century source code, can still be repurposed and rewritten, if certain coding rules are followed. 37
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Rules regarding its physical form, its gridded space, its areas of commons, its feeling of density and scale, its relation to its context, nature as well as agricultural land, and last but not least its atmosphere. All these features amount to a local culture for space and urbanity that, at its core, has remained somewhat intact throughout three administration changes and their subsequent population/ethnic shifts. While no longer part of an imperial economic project, Jimbolia is today slowly reattaching itself to the regional economic ecosystem, and through the latters national importance, to global economic chains and flows of capital. Old industries are gone, indeed, but new ones, mostly engaged in the manufacture of automotive components, have moved in. Their spatial position and logic, is similar to that of old mills, brick, tiles or hat factories, that is on the immediate outskirts, behind the ring of kaules, on the former area of commons. Commuting towards these and even towards Timisoara, the regional capital, is high, with seven trains moving in and out of the Jimbolia station daily. It is similarly well connected to its hinterland villages and industrial facilities. It seems that this spatial preconditioning is, to a certain extent, a source for Jimbolia’s survival, and even economic relevance in the new spatial logic of Romania’s second most prosperous economic region, The Timis County. In this respect it is not an exception, but part of an already successful pre-existing rule, a consequence of the careful and efficient regional planning that was started in the 18th century. As for the initial planimetric patterns, it is worth mentioning that the colonization operation involved an open field laboratory, in which the efficiency of various planimetric configurations was tested. In fact, colonizations usually involve various waves of migration of a population that first settles in partially regularized and insecure planimetric structures in stage 1, followed by a rigorous planning of the built environment in stage 2 and a depletion of planimetric models in stage 3. The territory of Banat is thus systematized and densified with a network of settlements, located at uniform distances, in a hierarchy that establishes clear relationships between localities, based on their efficiency in resource exploitation. Around Jimbolia, we recognize, for example, settlements with a predetermined plan, that evolved however from organic structures adapted to topography (such as Kikinda), other localities with a predetermined plan that have maintained their coherence over time and, as expected, a series of localities for which the initial planimetric patterns are difficult to identify in the current morphology.
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↗ Created by joining two identical urban structures, located symmetrically with respect to a main north-south axis. The plan highlights the two compact structures, of 18 blocks each, the rigorous orientation towards the cardinal points and the names of the streets that indicate the settlers’ locality of origin. Bayerisches Landesamt für
The planimetric patterns of the Renaissance colonial settlements, the source of inspiration for the operations in Banat, are characterized by the existence of specific major elements. Thus, the buildable area consists of individual building plots, uniform in shape and size, as well as blocks, defined by the street network and made up of at least four plots. The non-buildable area consists of pastures (for animals), agricultural plots (one for each housing lot) and community land, surrounding the settlements and ensuring a land reserved for future settlement needs. Regarding the urban fabric’s structure, it is imperative to observe that colonial settlements are always developed following a grid-like street network, which allows settlers to create easily controllable and recognizable structures in a foreign land. This uniform urban fabric is usually built around a main public space and is organized along one or two main axes. The rest of the streets are organized hierarchically in relation to the main axes (being either parallel or perpendicular to them). The blocks defined by the street network are further divided into uniform plots, which are then occupied with buildings (the closer they are to the center, the more important the buildings).
Denkmalpflege (2021) KDK workshop, Timișoara
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Jimbolia's original plan is significant primarily by the relatively symmetrical nature of its morphology, in a Cartesian distribution of neighborhoods, streets and households. The first topographical survey, completed by the Habsburg administration during the second half of the 18th century, sees the two initial entities joined together to form Jimbolia. The planimetric patterns of the two localities (Hatzfeld and Landestreu) that came to form the presentday town of Jimbolia represent, in fact, the joining of 18 blocks along a prospectus of considerable size oriented North-South. 39
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Following the unification of the two initial settlements, the street which once separated them gradually turned into Jimbolia's main axis. Thus, long before the development of the railroad, this axis connected the market place (in the South) with the cemetery and its chapel (in the North). During the second half of the 19th century, a new railroad network was developed all across the Banat region, connecting the colonial settlements with each other, as well as with the two capitals of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. One of these railways borders Jimbolia towards the North and is served by a railroad station, placed in the vicinity of the old cemetery. The opportunity of the railway becomes evident in relation to the other attraction points around Jimbolia, such as the Csekonics family’s palace or the vineyard plantations. The built tissue expanded during the 19th century, with the urban form following the shape of the large agricultural plots surrounding the settlement. The rectangular tissue thus expanded within the land (pasture) surrounding the existing compact urban form. This also applies for the Csitto castle of the Csekonics family, which occupies the area in the southern part of the town, in the axis of the main street. → Given the compact structure of the settlement, Jimbolia extends into the territory in the underused corridor of the communal pasture, following the main directions of the streets in the original plot. Subsequent extensions take the form and direction of the agricultural parcels. Second Habsburg Topographic Survey / Zweite oder Franziszeische Landesaufnahme (1806-1869) retrieved from mapire.eu
The disruption caused by the industrial revolution, with the development of rail lines, the various ceramic factories and the other infrastructure objectives with productive purposes erected here, impacted the compact urban form of Jimbolia, by encouraging extension on its various sides. Thus, if once the densification of the urban fabric only involved the plots located in the vicinity of the main street, along which a number of urban palaces were erected, the new industries began to develop on the settlement’s perimeter, in an area where the land value (previously only used for grazing) was much lower. At the same time, this outward expansion offered certain advantages in regard to the 40
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quality of clay, the access to infrastructure or the provision of housing units in a compact system. Thus, in these perimeter pastures, a series of ensembles emerged, combining industrial buildings with dense workers’ colonies, oriented similarly to the 36 neighborhoods of the initial settlement, but built in the vicinity of the factories. These extensions became the place for densification experiments, in which the plots were structured on the criterion of efficiency and, thus, without providing ample outdoor space - in opposition to the low-density plots of the initial settlement, conceived for complex households, containing living functions, annexes and large gardens. We therefore witness a subsequent colonization of Jimbolia, with the population of these new neighborhoods mostly consisting of workers for the large brick factories. Nonetheless, the economic profile of the locality also diversified, marking a shift from the initial agrarian settlement to a complex locality, with extensive processing industries and a market expanded throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The following periods only brought punctual insertions within the urban fabric, rather focused on providing complementary functions and services necessary for a high quality of life (sports, leisure, culture, etc.). Later on, during the communist administration, some insertions of collective dwellings were made in the northern part of the settlement, between the train station and the first row of plots of the initial settlement. But the most impressive project of the period, with a significant impact on a territorial scale, is the systematization of the drainage canals’ network. Acting as a system relevant for both urban and nonurban areas, it ensures the drainage of both agricultural land as well that of urban groundwater systems. One particularly interesting element is the drainage canal located on the settlement’s perimeter, between the original urban structure and the new extensions, which was created by joining the ring of kaules (a term to be explained further on in the Atlas) dug at the end of each street. One can thus observe the continuity between distinct historical stages and the way in which more recent periods have used the previous infrastructure to implement contemporary systems - the fundamental principles that characterize the heritage.
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↑ During the first stage of the communist administration, most of the infrastructures around Jimbolia were juxtaposed - both the industrial and the communication infrastructure (the four railways), as well as the drainage canals within the peri-urban territory, which were systematized.
Nowadays, the settlement sees two types of operations: the renaturalization of the former clay quarries in the north, as a consequence of the gradual abandonment and dismantling of former industrial facilities, coupled with new developments on the east and south, through the insertion of new manufacturing hotspots. Previous spatial patterns are thus repeated. The two large automotive manufacturers have built their production facilities using the pre existing spatial resource, on the perimeter land, along the old canal, but this time in relation to the road towards Timișoara, the hotspot for all automotive industries in the region. With the shift of almost all agricultural activities toward an industrial intensive format, this new type of colonization is not only taking advantage of this preordained spatial resource but also of the preexisting proletarian working class, whose history will be further addressed in the Jimbolia Atlas.
National Archives (1970), Digital scans of the topographic surveys
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Gheorghiu, T.O. (2019) ‘The rural habitat and the Habsburg administration’, in Neumann, V. The Banat of Timișoara: A European Melting Pot. London: Scala Arts Publishers Inc. Gheorghiu, T.O., (2018) Mici orașe / mari sate din sud-vestul României. Monografii urbanistice. Bucharest: Simetria Radoslav R., Bădescu, S., Danciu, M.I. (2014) ‘Evoluția parcelării în relație cu extinderea aglomerării urbane Timișoara’ in Urbanismul Serie nouă, no. 16-17 Gheorghiu, T.O. (2011) ‘Sistematizarea Rurală în Banatul Secolelor XVIII-XIX’, in Urbanismul. Serie Nouă, no. 7-8
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Grids – Formal tools for understanding and manipulating space Alexandru Belenyi
Alexandru Belenyi (UAUIM) Alexandru Belenyi is a practicing architect – co-founder of BAAB Architecture and Urban Planning and researcher at the Ion Mincu University of Architecture and Urbanism (UAUIM). Alexandru is interested in establishing a balance and feedback loop between his design and building activity and the research undertaken within the university. As a professional his main focus is small scale: architecture, urban planning and furniture design. As a researcher Alexandru has been looking into the history of modern architectural education and the distinction between schools that operate as laboratories and the more rigid national higher education facilities. He has also published a book (together with two other colleagues) on the state of architectural education in Romania with reference to both the evolution of the architectural school in Bucharest and to the way the idea of a university was adopted and adapted to the Romanian context. In the long run Alexandru is interested in bringing his practice closer to an educational environment and his academic activity outside the university where the actual construction and transformation processes are taking place.
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The following are a summary of the presentation delivered during the first Intensive Learning Programme, within the Triplex Confinium project. Both the presentation and the followup text are concerned with gridded space as a product of two of Renaissance’s technologies: the invention of perspective and the apparition of the printing press (widespread publication of books). By looking at Panofsky’s Perspective As Symbolic Form and Mcluhan’s The Gutenberg Galaxy we will distinguish between the condition of being on and off the grid, between spaces that have been permeated by the organizational and symbolic qualities of grids and environments that precede gridded space and are mostly free of this concept. With these perspectives in mind we will then move on to discuss grids within early and late modernity as they have been analysed by Pope and Berman especially due to their idea that early modern grids (i.e. orthogonal, New York type) are ripe for reexamination. I would also like to underline that at this point the text is nothing more than a sketch for an idea and is relevant mostly through the books it advertises and not so much through its internal consistency (yet). Excavated space vs Quantum continuum In his essay Perspective as Symbolic Form, Erwin Panofsky analyzes the perspectival grid that emerged during the Renaissance starting from the very simple premises (followed by a brief demonstration) that perspective for a long time was consciously used, not for accurately depicting the surrounding reality but for creating an autonomous space governed by idealized and rules, where everything is geometrically bound. As Panofsky points out, a number of contradictions emerge in relation to perspective and by the end of the essey one is left with the impression that once established, the perspectival grid became an abstract depository in which all of the world is being reinterpreted as it is gradually pouring in (conceptually). In this new, 45
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gridded reality some things were gained and others were lost. The essay also looks at the moment of the apparition of the perspectival grid and at the difference between medieval and renaissance conception of the space within a painting: in the first empty space is what is left between the bodies in the painting, a kind of excavation of a solid mass whereas in the second space becomes the grid that permeates all the bodies on the painting surface, everything that appears emerges from the condition of the grid and in relation to it’s rigid but clear lines – quantum continuum. (images 1, 2)
1
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↑1 Giuliano da Sangallo, 1480-84, Ideal City, Wikipedia ↑2 Unattributed, Medieval painting of stonelayers (12th century), Vikicommons
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Acoustic vs. Visual space Another revealing point of view is Marshall Mcluhan's analysis of the impact of print through the invention of the printing press. In very short, Mcluhan’s idea is that the printing press led to the appearance of a technological layer in our environment that profoundly stressed attributes related to repetition, visual control, homogeneity, one thing at a time, and hierarchy. Mcluhan refers to this as visual space. As Mcluhan explains, visual space exists in opposition to its predecessor (and potential successor) the acoustic space that is nonlinear, disconnected, discreet, simultaneous. In McLuhan's view, visual space is characteristic of the mechanical age and it is essential to understanding the processes of production, the creation of artefacts etc. McLuhan also proposes another shift in the nature of the communication
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environment brought about by electricity, the comeback of acoustic space and the appearance of the “global village” as the current phase of cultural development. (images 3, 4, 5, 6, 7)
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↑3 Masquerier, L 1847, A Scientific Division and Nomenclature of the Earth ↑5 Holme, T 1683, Green Country Town (Philadelphia), image, Wikipedia Commons ↗4 Effects of the land ordinance of 1784 initiated by Thomas Jefferson, satellite image, Google Earth ↗6 Coneybeare M, 2019, This Incredible Vintage Aerial Photograph Shows Manhattan From Above in 1931, image, Viewing NYC →7 Nevius, J 2017, Inside the Architect’s Overlooked Plan For Broadacre City, Curbed 7
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The art of occupying and inhabiting an infinite landscape vs. The art of manipulating short and medium distances Lastly in this sequence is a distinction made by Leonardo Benevolo in regard to the appearance of gridded space or the art of manipulating short and medium distances. He places this event somewhere far back in the history of the human settlements but the categorization is valid even today. Just as was the case with Panofsky and Mcluhan, what can be understood to interact historically can perhaps be understood as two categories of geographical space that are always present and always interacting. If the idea of manipulating distances can be attributed to perspective and to Mcluhan’s environment based on visual control and repetition, than also Benevolo’s art of occupying the unlimited landscape can perhaps be associated with the other two non-grid environments: Panofsky’s excavated space and Mcluhan’s acoustic space. In that sense if we were to consider our initial categorization of on and off grid conditions we will arrive at the following set of attributes for each of the two: On grid: quantum continuum penetrating all bodies, engenders visual control, repetition, homogeneity, connectivity and linear causality (one-thing-at-a-time), the art of manipulating distances.
↑8 Construction of the Cross Bronx Express Highway 1959, image, Twitter
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Off grid: excavated and limited, differentiation between empty and full (consideration to material qualities), discret, non-linear, simultaneous and boundless but not infinite. As the first condition is based on an emerging environment that encompses nature and has produced such concepts as the “world coordinates system” or the Jeffersonian grid where the environment seems to be
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contained (Buky Fullers’s Spaceship Earth) and the second is perhaps everything that is left out or that opposes the all encompassing view we can proceed to asking how can the two be combined: how could we move on from this distinction? Revealing in this direction are the texts of Marshall Berman on the experience of modernity and especially on the so called moderns of the ‘70s who had to overcome modernity’s original drive and develop creative ways of working with the past and especially Albert Pope’s Ladders where the grid is discussed first in its early modern phase (orthogonal grid/ opened/ centrifugal/ infinite), than in it’s late modern phase usually associated with post-modernity (spine based/ centripetal/ closed communities) and lastly an examination for the reasons behind the closure of cities after WW2 (images 6, 7, 8). Finally both authors raise the question of what is to
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↑ 9 The image displays an area equal to 1 sq mile of land, tracing the Land Ordinance of 1784, image, Google Earth ↗ 10 Corner, J, McLean, A 1996, Taking Mesures Across The American Landscape, ed. 1996, Yale University Press, New Haven & London, p 76
be done now and provide a selection of strategies realized by other artists, architects etc. Out of these examples it seems appropriate to mention Robert Smithson, the landscape artist that looked at art as means to mediate between ecological and corporate interests (imgage 12) together with a selection of photographs and drawings of landscape architect James Corner depicting the effects of the Thomas Jefferson 1784 Land ordinance, not so much as an abstract tool for exercising power but also as a means of framing diversity, maybe even cultivating it. (images 9, 10, 11)
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12
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Our practical solution for the utilisation of devastated areas would be earth and water recycling in terms of earth art … art can become a resource that mediates between the ecologist and the industrialist. Ecology and industry aren’t one way streets, rather they should be cross roads. Art can help provide the needed dialectic between them.
↑ 11 Corner, J, McLean, A 1996, Taking Mesures Across The American Landscape, ed. 1996, Yale University Press, New Haven & London, p 48
↗ 12 Smithson, R 1971, Broken Circle/Spiral Hill, image, Eflux
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On borders — A theoretical research framework. Border as a working instrument for analysis and design Irina Băncescu Irina Băncescu (UAUIM) Irina Băncescu (1978), Dr. Arch. is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Architecture History & Theory and Patrimony Conservation, UAUIM and also an independent architect and researcher. In 2012 she finished her PhD in architecture with the subject The issue of waterfronts. Aspects of the Romanian seaside evolution in the communist period at UAUIM. She participated in various research projects with topics such as the rehabilitation of waterfronts, the communist period’s built heritage, vernacular architecture, housing in extreme poverty situations, architectural education. She edited in 2016 the book 2,14 Types of Architecture Schools with Ina Stoian and Alexandru Belenyi. Other recent publications include: ”Reclaiming a Land of Overlapping Frontiers. The Romanian Seaside until the 20th Century”, sITA 4/2016; ”Development of the Romanian Seaside under Communism. Architecture between Political and Mass Tourism in Post-War European Context”, Enchanting Views: Romanian Black Sea Tourism Planning and Architecture of the 1960s and 70s, ed. Kalliopi Dimou, Sorin Istudor and Alina Şerban, 2015; „On Changes in the Dwelling Conditions of the Romanian Roma under Communism” (coautor Daniela Calciu), Reading the Architecture of the Underprivileged Classes, ed. Nnamdi Elleh, 2014 etc. She collaborated with ADN architecture office in several national and international architecture competitions that resulted in awards.
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Intro. The recent study of borderlands phenomena The notion of border signifies a limit condition, characterised by various meanings, layers and distinctions. Thresholds, boundaries and borders define the edges of everyday life and establish relationships between the built environment and communities. While the idea of border underlies a huge, multidisciplinary and complex domain of research, this text is briefly highlighting only some of the recent ideas on the concept of border, putting forth some different disciplinary perspectives for framing this topic.
↑ The border trace the limitations between the private and public domains within the city fabric – Jimbolia
Based on some of the many foundational volumes that raise the border as a figure of theoretical analysis, the first part of the text focuses on various contemporary interpretations and typologies of borders, while the second will highlight the concept of border as a working instrument for analysis and design. Currently, there is an intense debate surrounding the notion of borders, spanning many disciplines, making this a rapidly blossoming academic field. So called ”Border studies” appeared at the end of the XX century and most of the organisations, academic programmes and journals, associations and centers
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dedicated to this type of research date from the last three decades. The study of borders includes numerous disciplines, from political science and sociology to the arts, architecture and media. Therefore, the central perspective of the border studies is the interdisciplinary one, generating research approaches that appear to be important drivers of conceptual change, not only in planning and design. Recently, scholars had adopted the extended term “critical border studies” to reflect a fluid interpretation of what constitutes a border (Gritching and Zebich-Knos, 2017).
↑ The permeable boundary fuse communities together – Via Zamboni, Bologna
The concept of borders is an analytical tool and a reference point for cultural studies. At the same time, it became an attractive modus operandi because of its simultaneous material and metaphoric resonance. Border is frequently used as a geographical magnifier to study the evolution of society and tensions around topics like migration, colonialism, identity, conflicts, cross-border cooperation, globalization. Advantageously, the concept of border shifts in focus to peripheric contingent spaces, marked by precariousness and interdependency. This both inconsistent and fertile space incite cross encounters, favouring an unpredictable access to the unfamiliar and unexpected links, some scholars praising the hybridizing effects borders pose. The latent power and innovative possibilities of conflictual regions allow the challenging of the formal structures that enabled the socio-cultural and economic oppression. Moreover, the socio-political transformations of the beginning of the 21st century have added still further nuance to the concept of border. In the post-war period, European borders were challenged by globalisation and the emergence of the EU, both making borders irrelevant and replacing them with cohesive regions. Nevertheless, the recent wave of immigration into the EU and the 53
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on-going pandemic had the importance of national borders reinforced, raising the question on how to mediate borders through adaptation to existing contexts and growth.
↑ The walls: from ancient times they offer a sense of stability by marking off a space through which to establish relations and identities – old city of Jerusalem.
Border research in European cultural studies increasingly focuses on the shifts in European identity. The social oppositions order the populations according to a dualistic logic, highlighting differences and creating numerous boundaries. Borders not only serve as instruments for conflict resolution, but also spatially distribute people and their interactions (Silberman, Till and Ward, 2012). In order to accommodate the deterritorialization of capital and wealth, the border’s traditional role changed in geopolitics. It is now more a process than a place. In this respect borders are mobile, following people around, expanding and “thickening”. (Rosas, 2006). Hence, borders can be found anywhere, transcending physicality and becoming portable, especially wherever poor, ethnic, immigrant, and/or minority communities collide with the leading society (Fox, 1994): their meaning ever changing with the people experiencing them. The nature of borders Borders are limits. From ancient times, by describing spaces through which relational systems of identity could be established, they offered groups and societies a sense of stability. The human need to draw lines functions as a cultural practice in its own right. Historically, borders materialised in walls have been justified to protect and regulate conflicts. A wall restrains mobility, interactions and exchange; yet it also establishes order by keeping people secured, protected and separated, tracing limitations between the private and public domains while also defining segregation patterns. The understanding of the many functions of borders is
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grounded in the cultural relationship to territory, which can change over time. During the Roman empire, “limes” were understood as transit zones, areas of contacts between diverse people. Only from the 19th century boundaries had become precise, measurable, both a physical and a legal topic in the Western world. Modern scholars have identified specific forms of bordering that affect not only a city’s structure and functional logic, but also the nature of urban experiences.To describe limits within the city that cut off and constrain neighborhoods, Jacobs coined the term ”border vacuum”. Instead of growth, these produce lifeless voids, deadend city streets, vacancy and urban decay (Jacobs, 1961). In contrast, Lynch argues that boundaries can fuse communities together (Lynch, 1960).
↑ The Berlin wall
The nature of borders can widely vary: they can be visible or invisible, law or custom, closed or opened, edgy or fluid borders. They can also be centres, not only peripheries; borders can be dividers, but also unifiers. The diversity of borders is to be understood through their collective imaginary and their potential: as a place of movement from one area to another, as a meeting point, as a possibility to experience the Other, as a social construct for negotiating identity, as instruments for shifting and focusing on the perimeter/periphery rather than the centre. Borders are generated by differences that are varying in influence and strength, so the borders become negotiable, even pliable, productive, rich in resources and, therefore, characterised by permeability and mutability. In this respect, borders are to be read always considering their spatial strategy of division (intra muros /extramuros), physical presence, social (racial and etnic including) impact, symbolic meaning, and, at a larger scale, geopolitical effect. Sometimes 55
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there are overlapping categories, like city walls, border zones, and migrating boundaries (Silberman, Till and Ward, 2012). There is great variety in the physical materialisations of national borders, from hard and violent to smooth, and even to ones too subtle to be easily noticed. Political borders are sometimes diffused, unclear and temporary.1 Sadly, some borders have saturated our daily headlines, like the US-Mexico one. In the wake of 11 September 2001, border technologies and policing were increasingly expanded. While border wall construction can be considered as a notably aggressive strategy, especially on the environment and on the affected local communities, they have become exceptionally popular with certain politicians throughout the last three decades.2
↑ Improvised wall delimiting people with opposing social status, Berlin
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The contradictory yet simultaneous functions of borders —to divide and connect, to exclude and include, to shield and constrain—are essential to all cultures. While mutable borders are a sign of life, closed borders signify social, ethnic or political division and often become quite violent. The hard demarcations also cut border peoples’ ability to coexist, cementing social differences on each side the longer they remain in place (Silberman, Till and Ward, 2012). The sealed borders cause hardened social edges to emerge: the reified borders along the Iron Curtain, the division between North and South Korea, the harsh realities of the IsraeliPalestinian and US-Mexico, but also less visible boundaries of the spatial residential segregation through the global spreading of gated, exclusive communities. These enclaves communicate widening social gaps and show the physical markers of social segregation, as gates, walls, highways, blocks of buildings or natural features, and land use zoning restrictions.
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The concept of borders as a working instrument for analysis and design. Some relevant disciplinary perspectives From the social perspective, Richard Senett questions today’s rupture between the built city and daily socio-cultural practices. Unpredictability, segregation, crookedness, contingency shape the relation between the city and its inhabitants and the fluctuation of borders and boundaries. Borders act as markers of inclusion and exclusion on different levels, and Senett brings in a distinction between the concepts of borders (porous) and boundaries (hard), discussing them as research instruments (to define public domain, relation between space and society, ground for potential commons etc.), also considering the way in which the border may be perceived to be a boundary/a line of exclusion in terms of communities, ethnicity, economy, everyday life etc. (Sennett, 2018). While concluding that ”the closed boundary dominates the modern city”, Senett brings in his plea for an open ethical city the possibility of the ”liminal edges' '.
↑ Ecosystems and biodiversity, photo: Alejandro Prieto, 2021
The anthropological perspective starts from the concept of borders in order to explore nowadays social conditions. All borders, Agier argues, are social constructs. These social constructs are amplified where territory, sovereignty and cultural identity overlap. Borders have acquired a new kind of centrality in the societies, becoming reference points for the growing numbers of people and raising the new topic of the border dweller, who is enclosed on the one hand and excluded on the other: today the experience of the unfamiliar is more common and the relation between self and other is in constant renewal (Agier, 2016). In 2007, urban geographer Mike Davis used the term “great wall of globalization” to describe the enclosed character of the newly 57
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globalizing world, one in which human movement was becoming increasingly stratified and dangerous, if not impossible, for migrants from the Global South (Gritching and Zebich-Knos, 2017). Before him, the term “gated globe” (Cunningham, 2004) was used to capture a similar dynamic. Lately, borders in the EU have become more porous, but the softening of borders among member states has been the progressive hardening of the external frontlines toward nonmembers, reflecting a mosaic of spatial practices and leading to what has been called “Fortress Europe”. Until recently, borders have not attracted much researchers from the urban and architectural discipline. The first collective research steps outside the vastly apolitical space of professional design programmes to address a much neglected subject (Boddington and Cruz, 1999). Similar compendiums reappeared in the early 2000s, some emphasizing border as a working instrument in design practice. The global environment of precarity is a more recent focus of architectural scholarship: one of the first references is a 2017 MoMA3 exhibition, which drew attention to the physical environments globally experienced by refugees. Recently, some academic programmes are focusing on the spatial impact of borders, from conflict zones to marginal urban areas.4 The focus on border conditions is stated as an antidote to the predominant current of generic architecture determined by globalisation (Schoonderbeek, 2010). Borders are used as working instruments, focusing on local vectors such as identity, materiality, specificity; they present an intriguing situation that requires a selective and subjective multidisciplinary perspective. The border condition is a fertile ground for architecture, because there is still something left of a mystery, it is a vague territory to venture into, as vagueness is a form of tolerance that produces diversity (Schoonderbeek, 2010). The pioneers of the domaine, architect Teddy Cruz and political scientist Fonna Forman unfolded a twenty years research on the border, at the intersection of architecture, art, urbanization, borders, civic engagement and political theory, urging the intervention into the contested space between public and private interests, mediating interfaces between top-down and bottom-up urban dynamics, and designing political and civic processes to mobilize a new public imagination. The social ecological perspective uses the concept of border in order to suggest hidden opportunities and to generate innovative approaches for softening hardened or conflicted borders. The environmental strategies in the form of conservation corridors, peace parks, transboundary protected areas etc. are robust, integrative approaches that encourage in-depth analysis of 58
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human–nature interactions during the policy-making process, enhancing exchanges and constructive interaction possibly leading to conflict resolution at the borders. Through direct interaction with ecosystems, using cleverly edge effects, some projects and visions were born5 (Gritching and Zebich-Knos, 2017). Border Art is a contemporary practice rooted in socio-political experiences in borderlands. Emerging in the mid 1980's, this artistic debate has assisted in the development of questions surrounding homeland, borders, surveillance, identity, race, ethnicity, and national origins. The spatial practices as cultural practices are artistically investigated, generating mappings of interference, in which the different boundaries take ephemeral shapes and various fusions become possible6, fostering a new hope for the borderlands.
1 As the barricades improvised by the Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters againt the oppresive opposition of China-led government. 2 Border walls: U.S.-Mexico, Israel-West Bank/Gaza, North and South Korea, Spain-Morocco, India-Pakistan, India-Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia-Iraq, Saudi Arabia-Yemen, Turkey-Iran, Iran-Pakistan, Iraq–Kuwait, Moroccan Wall etc. 3 “Insecurities: Tracing Displacement and Shelter”, https://www.moma.org/calendar/exhibitions/1653. 4 Ex.“Borders & Territories” Master programme at the Delft University of Technology. 5 like the German Green Belt, the Korean DMZ Peace Park, or the Balkans Peace Park Initiative etc. 6 ex. Border Art Workshop/Taller de Arte Fronterizo, the 2019 Seesaw installation in El Paso- Ciudad Juárez, 2019-2021 Oræ -Experiences on the Border etc. Bibliography Agier, M. (2016) Borderlands. Towards an Anthropology of the Cosmopolitan Condition. Cambridge and Malden: Polity Press. Boddington, A. and Cruz, T. (eds.) (1999) Architecture of the Borderlands. Architectural Design. Brady, M. P. (2020) ”Border”, in Burgett, B. and Hendler, G. (eds.), Keywords for American Cultural Studies. 3rd edn. NY: NYU Press. Cruz, T. and Forman, F. (2016) “The Wall: the San Diego – Tijuana Border” in Artforum. Fox, C. F. (1994) "The Portable Border. Site Specificity, Art and Representations at the U.S-Mexico Border" in Social Text 41. Duke University Press, pp. 61–82 Grichting, A. and Zebich-Knos, M. (eds.) (2017) The Social Ecology of Border Landscapes. Anthem Press. Gržinić, M. (ed.) (2018) Border Thinking: Disassembling Histories of Racialized Violence. Viena: Sternberg Press. van Houtum, H., Kramsch, O. and Zierhofer, W. (2005) B/ordering Space. UK: Aldershot. Jacobs, J. (1961) “The Curse of Border Vacuums” in Death and Life of American Cities. NY: Random House. Kolossov, V. and Scott, J. (2013) “Selected conceptual issues in border studies” in Belgeo 1. Lynch, K. (1960) The Image of the City. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press. Mezzadra, S. and Neilson, B. (2013) Border as Method, or, the Multiplication of Labour. Duke University Press Books. Pieris, A. (ed.) (2019) Architecture on the Borderline. Boundary Politics and Built Space. Architext, Routlege, Taylor and Francis. Rael, R. and Cruz, T. (2017) Borderwall as Architecture: A Manifesto for the U.S.-Mexico Boundary. University of California Press. Rosas, G. (2006) “The Thickening Borderlands: Diffused Exceptionality and ‘Immigrant’ Social Struggles during the ‘War on Terror’” in Cultural Dynamics 18, pp. 335-49. Schoonderbeek, M. (ed.) (2010) Border Conditions. Delft: Architectura & Natura Press. Senett, R. (2018) Building and Dwelling. Ethics for the City. New York: Allen Lane. Silberman, M., Till, K. E. and Ward, J. (ed.) (2012) Walls, Borders, Boundaries. Spatial and Cultural Practices in Europe. Spektrum: Publications of the German Studies Association/ Berghahn Books.
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History drawn in the landscape. Gergely Sági
Gergely Sági (BEM) Gergely Sági is an architect and lecturer at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Industrial and Agricultural Building Design. He spent a year at the ETSA Madrid as Erasmus where during his studies he joined to the design studio led by Professor José Ignacio Linazasoro.Also, during his formation, he participated on several survey missions and field works abroad in Transylvania, Egypt, Syria and Iraq.Now, since 2018 he is student of the Doctoral School of Architecture of the Budapest University of Technology and Economics.
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Abstract All the world around us is marked and defined by borders – being natural or artificial, physical or ideological– and their imprints remain carved in our landscapes and urban patterns during centuries. Most of these remains often hide, they are seeming natural or even organic for us during our everyday life. This is because the scale of this pattern marked by the forcelines of (sometimes) long disappeared borders is bigger than our “normal” human viewpoint could receive it. The key to understanding this very particular layer of our environment is getting above and seeing our world from a completely new and different perspective: from the sky. With the help of ancient maps and using the newest technologies (LIDAR, satellite etc.) we can now easily observe our world and investigate the patterns surrounding us. And this could serve us as a new and very useful toolkit additional to the classical ways of the research of the territory. In the following I will demonstrate through various examples the potential in this toolkit and finally we will conclude in a typology which helps us read the territorial pattern marked by different kinds of borders. As the last step, we will see how all the theory works in a particular yet randomly chosen situation: in the case of Jimbolia. The land remembers – The case study of Călugăreni (former Mikháza, Mureş, RO) The curiosity of the case of Călugăreni lies in the fact that, due to its somewhat secluded position, its built fabric and its surrounding landscape have survived the last few centuries in relative integrity, despite the social, sociological and identity changes that have taken place in the meantime. With the help of the physically visible traces of these layers and the exploration of the relationship of the local community to them, it becomes possible to show how the border, as a concept with many meanings and a physical sign fitting into the landscape, interacts actively and changingly with the community. Călugăreni 's example clearly shows that the physical "body" of the border is able to take on independent, 61
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superimposed meanings and thus become an independent "communication interface". Numerous contemporary and recent international examples also prove this: although the existence of the border often appears to be a violent, inhuman barrier to globalized Western society, the “content” on it as a neutral means of meaning is abstract and can convey certain messages. This is only possible if it is true that the physical representation of the boundary does not and cannot have a “presage” in itself. Borderrelated content is thus mainly the result of a social attitude related to its physical imprint, which can also change over time and as the circumstances change. As we have seen in Călugăreni, the narrative related to physical remains often deviates from the primary reading of the border (related to the circumstances of its creation) and lives completely independently, creating new layers of understanding. Assmann says that cultural memory transforms the factual past into a memorable past and thus into a myth. Myth is a basic story that is told to illuminate a certain present from an ancient origin. Meanwhile, the real physical imprints and built structures become part of the landscape and completely lose their primary meaning, and they can even be freely endowed with new signifactions. However, over time, it may be the result of this inverse relationship that the physical imprint of the border will be the engine of subsequent consolidation. In 2013, research on the remains of former Roman limes in Călugăreni opened a new chapter in the life of the village, fundamentally changing the centuries-old attitude of the villagers towards the physical traces and memory of the nearly two thousand-year-old border.2 The sites of earlier Romantic legends simultaneously entered new ways of interpretation, and the remnants of the former borderline became, to some extent, a means of overthrowing other borders (taboos in this interpretation), a point of connection between groups of different nationalities, different backgrounds and cultures.3 History hiding in the urban pattern – The typology of border imprints and the case of Budapest There were two of the many reasons why I chose Budapest as the case study for the second research hypothesis: on the one hand, the intensity of personal proximity and personal connection, and on the other hand, the unexpected richness that appears in the
1 Assmann, J. (2011). Cultural Memory and Early Civilization: Writing, Remembrance, and Political Imagination. 1st eng. ed. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2 See more: Sági, G. – Gaull, C. – Vasáros, Zs. eds. (2013, 2014, 2015). Ipartanszék Füzetek 1-4. Budapest: Ipari és Mezőgazdasági Épülettervezési Tanszék. 3 The complete research is published in: Sági, G. – Vasáros, Zs. eds (2020). Architectural Atlas of Călugăreni. Observation, survey, documentation, design & building 2013-2019. Budapest: Ipari és Mezőgazdasági Épülettervezési Tanszék.
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city's different border situations. First and foremost, examining these situations, and based on previous source processing and personal ambitions, I outlined the characters of the borders that appear in Budapest. Assuming that the character of a border, although difficult to describe, is still an objective property expressing a specific meaning that takes on the values of a visible social attitude and can be used to analyse a border or its imprint anywhere but at a given time. This definition predicts another property, the necessary temporality of the borders, but I will return to this later. So, first of all, I considered it necessary to create a kind of “value cadastre” type classification based on the present nature of the border, the basic idea of which was given by the arthistorical value categories defined in Alois Riegl’s “The Modern Cult of Monuments: Its Character and Origin”. Nor were the specific categories a precedent for me from Riegl’s system, but rather a gesture of creating categories. Riegl tried to decipher and establish in empirically measurable (but at least descriptive and later clearly referenced for scientific or other purposes) how a monument (a category not previously or at least not consciously used), represents value to the society. Since in my case we cannot really talk about the fact that to society the border represents any visible or perceptible value (comparable to monuments), I had to look for another concept to describe this relation. During the research carried out so far (like in the case of Călugăreni, described in the previous chapter), I got the impression that the notion of “value” in the Riegl system in relation to borders is most similar: among the meanings attributed to borders, characteristic categories can be observed that are able to illustrate the current relationship of the community in any way attached to a given borderline. Based on the above, I divided the borders into the following categories: • • • •
The border as a need The border as a stigma The border as a condition The border as a memento
However, in addition to the previous four categories, I had to observe a feature related to the meaning of borders, which is quite confusing at first: it can be said that any border can hold several meanings at once, and these meanings can change over time. There are many examples of both. Thus, in addition to the above four (just call it primary categories), two more complex categories need to be added:
4 Riegl, A. (1903). Der Moderne Denkmalkultus: Sein Wesen Und Seine Entstehung. Vienna.
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Borders with multiple connotation The temporality of the meaning of a border
Related to this latter category is another very important aspect, which is essential for the examination of any border and seems to be closely related to at least the four primary categories of meaning. And this is the physical appearance of the border. As discussed earlier, this category is most closely related to the temporality of meaning because, like all physical “bodies” or formations, boundaries have a definite temporality. And changes in meaning are typically brought about by, or at least made possible by, a change in this physical body: for example, when a previously impenetrable river or mountain can be easily traversed by technology, for the community. However, depending on its scale, it will take a long time for its previous meaning to be completely overwritten by the new one, or finally becoming completely meaningless, thus ceasing to exist as a border forever. The next chapter of the text therefore attempts to justify the categories above mentioned through four selected examples from Jimbolia. The assumption is that if the four primary categories of meaning of the borders can be proven by the formulation of the typology derived from the Budapest case study, the categories might be true when researching the borders of other completely different cultural, social and geographical contexts.5 Border typology as a tool - the case of Jimbolia (Timiș, RO) Every landscape and built pattern can be understood as the fruit of juxtaposed imprints of borderlines created during history, and every border imprint is an identical reference of the social, cultural and political circumstances of the time when the border was created. For finalizing this topic take a quick look at the present case of Jimbolia. At first sight it looks just a regular country town from the Banat region, very typical in its pattern as all the settlements born after the liberation from Turkish occupation. However, one can easily find the very different border situations all around the town looking just into its satellite picture. If we make a comparison with the typology described above we also can find some references which could lead us to a different way of understanding Jimbolia’s rich history and very particular context.
5 This part of the text can and should be understood as an excerpt of a still on-going doctoral research.
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The border as a need – Walled city Jimbolia If we look at the old maps from the Habsburg (and later the AustroHungarian) Empire and the aerial photo of Jimbolia, we can clearly observe how the outer canalization system and the inner canal (created in the area of the first claypits around the town) define the development of the settlement. I just pick one parallel situation (as far as close): the renaissance walled city of Palma Nova in Italy. The border as a stigma – from the centre to the periphery Jimbolia during most of its history laid at the heart of the historical Banat region. Not only in geographical but in social and economical terms also. But after the Trianon treaty closing the 1st World War in 1920 it became just a peripheral border town (first in Serbia, then from 1923 in Romania). For most of the places being a “border city” could be a prosperous situation, for Jimbolia it symbolizes the loss of all its importance and it is still a stigma as one of the reasons for its decaying situation. The border as a condition – how to gain from the border? If we consider the situation of Jimbolia as an actual border town, looking at this concept this could easily be a catalyst of its contemporary development. The very curious coincidence is that the Swiss pavilion at the actual Venice Biennale called “Orae Experiences on the Border”6 is dealing with the topic of how this particular situation can improve (or sometimes deprove) the life of the communities living in touch with the border. 65
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The border as a memento – Jimbolia melting pot During its history Jimbolia was a multinational, multicultural town despite being one of the quiet “inland” settlements in the Empire. However, after the War becoming a real bordertown it started to lose its multicultural, multinational context: in a hundred years it became just the shadow it once was. Our presence there and the fact it became the site of the first Triplex Confinium7 Summer School (and also for the Think Brick! competition) showed the potential in this town for being its border situation; it could be a contemporary “melting pot” of people of different nationalities, different backgrounds and cultures.
6 Aragno, F. – Ayoub, M. – Lacaille, V. – Szczepski, P. (2020). Orae. Experiences on the Border. The Guide. Zürich: Lars Müller Publishers. 7 Even the denomination the EU financed programme „Triplex Confinium” referes to the multilateral and multinational nature of the cooperation evoking the Triplex point, where the borders of Romania, Serbia and Hungary (the three hosting countries) join together.
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Exploring and interpreting heritage in the landscape Bogdan Demetrescu
Bogdan Demetrescu (FAUT) Bogdan Demetrescu graduated from the Faculty of Architecture in Timișoara in 2000 and has been teaching there ever since. Throughout the years he has been responsible for the disciplines Architectural Design 3 and 4 (2nd year – 2010-2014), 7 and 8 (4th year – 2014-2020). In 2015 he defended his doctoral thesis focused on the structural salvagardation of historic city blocks. This has granted him the position of Lecturer on various Restoration and Rehabilitation disciplines within FAUTs bachelor’s program. He is involved in several research projects outside the university, with a focus on sustainable conservation and interventions in the landscape. Bogdan Demetrescu teaching activity is coupled with a complementary practice within his own architectural office D PROIECT, where restoration and rehabilitation projects are further explored. During his 20 years of activity the office was awarded on several occasions with distinctions for its projects dealing either with heritage problems or complex architecture projects.
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The proposed lecture presents the evolution of the hydrographic system in the Banat region and its impact on the development of territorial infrastructure, landscape and built heritage. Built heritage must be understood here from a novel perspective, namely, through its ability to adapt and interact with the natural as well as anthropic landscape formed in relation to waterways and water basins. As a case study we shall discuss Jimbolia, while quickly also mentioning several other interesting situations. Jimbolia is a great example to illustrate the relationship between the development of an urban setting in relation to its environment. The knowledge that can be gathered from its life long interaction with its environment, with water, marshes, and agricultural land, needs a careful reconsideration, especially today, when we are faced with very important shifts in our perspectives on themes such as nature, environment, resources and general spatial resilience. Thus, the lecture will be organized in 5 chapters, showcasing the evolution of the hydrographic system in the Banat plain, Jimbolia’s particular case, its wisdom in negotiating the relationship between water and the built context, as well as a short section of case studies, further enhancing the argument at large. The evolution of the hydrographic landscape in Banat Geographically, the Banat region, part of the larger Pannonian plain, presents us with a very interesting case. Its current geographical features are the result of millions of years of erosion and interaction with reatring waters. 10 million years ago the very ground we are looking at today, was more than 100 meters below sea level. Around that time, the Pannonian Sea covered an area corresponding today to the land masses of: Hungary, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Austria, Slovenia (Figure 1). About 1,000,000 years ago an acceleration of the water withdrawal process began due to erosion and leaks towards other big water basins, like the Adriatic Sea, or Black Sea. 600,000 years ago the Pannonian Sea disappeared and only a series of large lakes and rivers remain in place. Almost 7000 years ago, the first traces of civilization were formed in the river basin of Banat. Another important testimony for 68
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the region are the Roman limes or rather the border of the Roman empire of the first century AD. It was built in relation to these preexisting waterways that were generally considered as being natural defensive structures. Later on, in the medieval period, many of the localities of this region were still being developed considering the water network of these river basins. The Ottoman
↑ 1 Map of the Pannonian Sea, around 10 million years ago.
urban settlements of the XVIIth century in particular, were very well connected to this landscape, showcasing an organic configuration and spatial disposition that was in tune with these waterways. All this however changed with the arrival of the Habsburgs. Their massive colonisation project was based on a modern “reading” of this ancient landscape. The new economic project, designed for the newly acquired imperial region, meant that the existing geography, its nature, had to be tamed, subdued, along new, practical and functional, teritorial layouts. As this entire geography was now under the scrutiny of economic principles and needs, large-scale drainage works were initiated throughout the region. These were implemented with technical assistance provided by the Dutch engineer Maximilian Freymoth. These huge infrastructural works started in 1757 and continued until the end of the 18th century. In spite of these, large floods, some covering over 285.000 hectares, were still frequent in the Banat Region. Ironically, some of them were the direct effect of this huge economic endeavour, being caused by the irrational exploitation of the ancient forests covering most of the Timiş - Bega basin. Wood, used for coal, or as building material was a prime resource in the colonisation process. To prevent further flooding, from the mid XVIIIth century, the Hungarian administration continued the extensive works needed to regularize several rivers, through riverbed correction works and building of much needed dams. In fact, as we shall see further on, it was just such a major flood, 69
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impacting the city of Szeged, that led to the rapid development of Jimbolia’s brick manufacturing industries. The beginning of the 20th century brought important investments in the hydrographic system. Locks, hydrotechnical nodes, micro hydropower plants, were implemented throughout to such an extent that this period is considered to be referential for the development and modernisation of these basins . Navigation on the Bega channel greatly increased, thus transforming this waterway into an important corridor for transporting goods and construction materials. Besides the existing road network and the railway network, the addition of the navigable Bega canal greatly enhanced the region's economic viability, and attractivity, the length of its markets and supply chains, especially in relation to other regions in Central Europe. Following the peace conferences concluding the Great War, the Banat was partitioned mostly between the Kingdom of Romania and The kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The Agrarian reform, the economic crisis and the exchange of property between the former landowners, now captive between two new countries, had a major impact on the former singular vision of this territory, halting regularization works. The period is mostly dominated by land and property exchanges, fueled by the massive exodus of industrialists as well as large estate holders from the region (Csekonics being one such example). The regime change following the Second World War, further consolidated a centralist viewpoint on matters regarding the economic output of regions, this time, along the planning needs of the new communist states. This marks however a period of great development, that is only now scrutinised and understood at its proper value. Hydrography became essential in implementing the economic goals expected from state planned agricultural activities. This can be observed in the careful planning and further expansion of hydrotechnical works, mostly implemented in the 1960’s. These works were needed for flood containment as well as large scale irrigation. By the end of the 1980s the region benefited from approximately 11,000 km of irrigation canals, dozens of pumping stations, all amounting to a perfectly functional system. The Banat plain consolidated its status as the best agricultural area in Romania, mirroring, in this sense the success of neighbouring Vojvodina (Serbis). Even though the two regions, ( formerly part of the historic Banat), were administered by 2 different regimes, they offered a somewhat similar image, in respect to their agricultural outputs.
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Unfortunately the decade of transition that followed the fall of communism, led to an accelerated process of degradation and even disappearance of several important components of this hydrotechnical heritage. Romania, especially, witnessed chronic incapacity in the management of these facilities. The absence of a clear heritage code tackling the ever shifting values ascribable to what we define as CULTURAL LANDSCAPE further increased the strain on these networks posed by the climate, social and economic changes that have reshaped the region in the last three decades. Intensive agriculture and the lack of investment is affecting not only the hydrographic system but the quality of the ecosystems naturally developed along its flows. Jimbolia Jimbolia and its neighboring villages to the north and west were settled along a dried out branch of the Mures river. This spanned a vast territory from east to west, going nearby Periam, Lovrin, Comlosu Mare Kikinda and further on into the Tisa. Its many meanders and even delta are clearly visible not only on all military
↑ 2 The flooding of the Mureș basin in 1766 ↗ 3 The clay quarries, an important features of Jimbolia's landscape
topographical maps of the 18th and 19th century but even today, on satellite maps, underneath the dense patchwork of agricultural land. The flooding of the Mureș basin in 1766 (Figure 2), reactivated this dormant branch, causing great distress to local communities, new and old. This event kick-started major drainage and regularization works in the region that were carried throughout the next two centuries. Jimbolia was at the epicenter of these changes. But this spatial relation to the dormant Mures branch had some advantages. Like other localities in the area, Jimbolia had a very special resource, namely its well hydrated lands. This led not only to higher agricultural yields, but, as the first colonists would discover, to an abundance of good quality clay. The kaules built around the urban core, and the clay quarries exploited later on, 71
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became important features of Jimbolia's landscape. (Figure 3). A more detailed description of this system of lakes is provided in the Atlas section of this document. What interests us is the canal that was created around Jimbolia as part of regulation works carried out in the 1960’s. By uniting the former kaule, the canal became an important system for controlling the water levels in and around Jimbolia. By 1969 the canal became fully functional with the addition of a pumping station, and its connection to the Bega basin. An interesting aspect can be observed in the city's systematization plans made in 1981. Even at that time, the potential of the perimeter canal area was recognised, and plans were drawn for a recreation and protection area, along its green-blue corridor. These plans were never implemented fully, as housing needs at the time meant that areas in the north would be covered up to make way for blocks of flats. In the last 30 years, the perimeter canal retains only its function as a collector of rainwater. The appearance of new factories in its vicinity, as well as its partial clogging through lack of maintenance, have gradually transformed it into a residual and uninteresting place. The relationship between water and the built context
↑4 ? ↗ 5 ?
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The imbalances described above highlight the importance of these sensitive systems in maintaining a much needed hydrostatic balance. The problem of excess humidity becomes visible when walking the streets of Jimbolia. It can be seen in the degradation of facades, as facing mortar, plaster details, and many other construction elements, are all sensitive to this humidity. These simple observations, force us to better understand these water flows, above and below ground, and their relation to the perimeter draining area. (Fig. 4, Fig. 5). These elementary principles of hydrostatic equilibrium can be traced, however, at all scales. Observations valid for constructive systems are also valid when looking at a wider territorial scale, where the level of water
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absorption = water removal, the amount and level of infiltrations and capillarity must be equal to the amount of evaporation and diffusion. These basic tenets of building physics can be extrapolated to the canals and lakes around Jimbolia. Case studies In the case study section three restoration projects were highlighted: The Serbian Orthodox Church in Timisoara,The medieval tower of Ciacova and The Mihai Eminescu Theater în Oravița. Each of these three important heritage buildings have been affected by imbalances in the hydrostatic equilibrium: the Orthodox Church had its foundations on underground river beds, predating the Ottoman town, the medieval tower in Ciacova was built in a complex relation to the Timis river, while the Oravita theater, the oldest in present day Romania, had ist foundations on an old mill and the bed of a river that was still active underground. Conclusion: Understanding the territory The proposed workshop seeks to engage students in a methodology highlighting the impact water and its specific infrastructure has built heritage . From river settlements, to drains, irrigation canals, dams or locks, these features offer architects novel ways to understand the evolution of a certain territory. They offer clues on the effects that various transformations of this very specific landscape have had on local communities, thus highlighting the importance of sensible approaches when dealing with such projects.
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Architectural Heritage of Hungarian Brick Factories Péter Kronavetter
Péter Kronavetter (BME) Péter Kronavetter studied architecture at Budapest University of Technology & Economics, where he graduated in 2009. He has been teaching architecture since 2011; he is a senior lecturer and deputy head of the Public Building Design Department at BUTE. His doctoral theses in 2019 investigated the architectural heritage of Hungarian brick factories. Parallel with his educational practice, he is an associate architect at Zsuffa Kalmár Architects. In 2020 he was awarded Szendrői Jenő Prize.
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There are over 90 post-industrial sites of brick manufacturing in Hungary. These factories and the derelict industrial landscapes of abandoned clay mines are both inseparably part of our architectural heritage. The remaining oven buildings, Hoffmann kilns, chimneys, and brick drying sheds are also a significant contribution to local identity and collective memory. The network of the former brick factories stands as an essential imprint of the country's brick manufacturing tradition, while their products, as a secondary network, relate them to the architectural culture. Still, no matter how evident the values of many of the former factories are, due to their limited potential for re-use, these decaying structures can hardly count on any protection. The doctoral dissertation focused on the background and heritage of the Hungarian brick industry as well as on mapping and evaluating its present state. During the research, I examined the conditions of the brick industrial heritage from three different views. First, as a theoretical approach, after reviewing the literature on industrial heritage protection, I set up new value categories and a value cadastre specifically to describe the values of brick factories (historical value, network value, use value, aesthetical value, and environmental value). The second approach was the study of international practices and good examples of brick factory rehabilitation to reveal experiences and the possible re-use strategies. Finally, focusing on the situation in Hungary, by the practical adaptation of the previously defined value cadastre, I made an attempt to record this legacy and to select the most significant sites worthy of protection and rehabilitation. The industrial heritage of the Hungarian brick production is disappearing unnoticed at an accelerating pace, and the former brick factories are far beyond the scope of industrial heritage protection in Hungary. As the industrial brick structures erode, the terracotta becomes part of the soil again, and nature recaptures the territory of clay fields through spontaneous recultivation. Recording the sites and the process of decay as a snapshot was an inevitable first step to preserve their memories. During field 75
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trips from 2015 to 2019, 45 factories on my list were visited, this being the most inspiring part of the research process. From more than 3,500 images 136 were finally selected, some of which were also redrawn as a particular act of recollection and preservation.
↑ Map of hungarian brick factories → Redrawn image of brick factory in Zalaszentgrót
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→ Brick factory in Abony 2019
→ Brick factory in Bonyhád 2015
→ Brick factory in Füzesgyarmat 2019
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→ Brick factory in Kisbér 2015
→ Brick factory in Máza 2019
→ Brick factory in Pankasz 2019
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→ Brick factory in Pórszombat 2019
→ Brick factory in Sásd 2015
→ Brick factory in Tapolcafő 2015
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→ Brick factory in Tevel 2018
→ Brick factory in Zalaszentgrót 2019
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Industry and Town Development. Changes of Paradigms Irina Tulbure
Irina Tulbure (UAUIM) Irina Tulbure is an assistant professor at the Department of History & Theory of Architecture and Heritage Conservation of Ion Mincu University of Architecture and Urbanism, Bucharest. Her main field of interests and research is on 20 th century Romanian and Eastern European Architecture (history and heritage approach). Beside her teaching activity (seminaries and lectures), Irina has been involved in several research programs and editorial projects. Her main publication is „Arhitectură și Urbanism în România anilor 1944-1960. Constrângere și Experiment” / ”Architecture and Urban Planning in Romania between 1944-1960. Constraint and Experiment” (2016), a book based on her PhD. thesis. Currently she is involved in the Zeppelin editorial project „Istoria Acum” / ”History Now”, that aims to create a collection of case studies of 20th century Romanian Architecture based on contemporary research instruments (primary sources, oral history, critical approach, etc.).
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The industrialization of Romania after the Second World War is a topic that still is in the attention of many scholars after 1990 and it involves several professional layers and interests revealing the historical evolution in terms of economical strategies and political decision, industrialization as a propagandistic project, territorial scale of the industrialization, town development and modernization, social changes. But there are also issues connected to the present, displaying reflections about how to deal with the inheritance that followed the huge project of industrialization: the de-industrialization process that affected both the social layer and the territory (brownfields) or the question of heritage values and protection. Rather than aiming to display a condensed history of the evolution of the industry – town relation, the lecture intends to create a framework for approaching and understanding the influence of industrial growth on town development. Even if embedded in a huge propagandistic project, the industrialization of Romania during the socialist period represented a process of modernization if compared to the interwar industrialization of Romania.1 The idea of a big industrialization dream can be understood in different “keys” or “measure units” which are able to frame a research over the development and transformation of the urban structure due to the industrialization process. Beside the specific historical periods which define changes in the general political/economical orientation2, related to the specific topic of the lecture, the time scale is referring to the fact that
1 The interwar Romania was characterized by a low level of industrialization and by an imbalanced distribution of the industry in the territory. Also it should be noted that it was in the practice of communist literature to use interwar period as reference in order to emphasize the achievements of the regime (see a detailed analysis in: Bogdan Murgescu, România și Europa. Acumularea decalajelor Economice 1500-2010, Ed. Polirom, 2010, p. 341). 2 A considerable amount of literature frames this evolution, see for example: Vladimir, Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru Eternitare. O istorie politică a comunismului românesc, Ed. Polirom, 2005.
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industrial development was directly attached to an economical strategy that set specific milestones: the yearly economical plans / the 5 year plan / the future at the turn of the millennium. And it is very well known that this strategy, connected to the soviet industrial strategy, dates from the early beginning of communist Romania. That indicates that there was (theoretically) a controlled evolution of the industrial sites that should have determined a controlled development of the towns connected to the industries. These particular steps are illustrated in the economical documents and also in the literature dating from 1945-1989 and also picture the clear orientation to a growth phenomenon, containing an a priori idea of accumulation and of urbanization.3 Another scale of the socialist industrialization refers to the amount of financial resources generally invested in industry but also to the amount of financial resources invested according to types of industrial branches. This scale reflects both quantity and quality and also illustrates the specific categories of towns, in relation with the industries that were in the interest of the economical strategies. Of course, industry depends on resources and strategies for industrial development are created according to resources, but as recent literature indicates it the last decades of communist Romania were characterized by “inefficient policies of investments”, “bad choices” and “wasted resources”.4 This scale also might indicate the reasons why some of the interwar industries with potential of growth stagnated in the communist period. Beside the abstract, non-spatial scales like time and finances, the socialist industrialization (generally and in Romania) is related to the territory and to the connections that were created in the territory. Mapping the territory, through the research of the regional/territorial strategies5 helps the understanding of the territorial network of the industries and (industrial towns).6
3 See for example: Titu Evolceanu, Introducere în problemele generale de construcția orașelor, Ed. Tehnică, București, 1956, (an early book dedicated to urban development) indicates in the book structure the paradigm of town and industry and the town development as an action in a close relation to the industrial development (see pp. 39-41. See also Ladislau Adler, Z. Solomon, C. Enache, Proiectarea clădirilor și ansamblurilor industriale, Ed. Tehnică, București, 1955 or Grigore Ionescu, Arhitectura în România în perioada anilor 1944-1969, Ed. Academiei RSR, București, 1969, books that framing the industrial / architectural evolution according to the economical strategies. 4 Bogdan Murgescu emphasizes that beside the huge amount of fund that can be literally proved by documents, the key element is represented mostly by the specific industries that were in the interest of the political decision makers and the clear orientation of the Romanian industry to extractive and hard industry it is a very well known topic. Together with an inefficient distribution of the investments of the last decade of Ceaușescu’s regime. (Bogdan Murgescu, România și Europa. Acumularea decalajelor Economice 1500-2010, Ed. Polirom, 2010, pp. 338-339) 5 Such strategies can be found today in documentations called before 1989 Schițe de sistematizare de județ.
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The overlapping these layers on territory display a nuanced image of the industrialization in Romania and creates a bank of selection for the analysis of the case studies.7 The detailed scale of discussion, embedded in the field of urban and architectural historical research is referring to the direct relation between the industrial growth and the transformations of the urban structure. It is very easy to postulate that industrialization had as consequence the growth of the towns and that the single consequence is the extension of the urban territory through the mass housing areas developed through collective blocs of housing..8 Which is true, but not a nuanced consideration. It is generally a correct observation for the mono-industrial towns and for the big cities (with diverse types of industries). It was in the early 50s when the first systematization projects for the industrial towns began to be conceived and partially applied. And in the same period disciplines dedicated to urban design began to be more and more important in the curricula of the Romanian faculty of architecture. Even at that time professionals remarked the difficulty of applying the soviet model of accelerated industrialization to the Romanian territory since it already had an existent urban network and since industries (mainly private) were dispersed in the urban structure. The nationalization of 1948 opened the possibility for relocating and reorganizing the industrial sites. The analysis of the urban evolution and a detailed urban survey displays the fact that the process didn’t result in a clear functional segregation (between the industrial areas and housing areas) and that the uncertain relation between productive areas and living areas was still present until 1989. The propagandistic need for demonstrating a growth of the urban network (the urbanisation as an act of modernization) consisted in the last decade of communist Romania in the artificial industrialization that supposedly included insertions of civic centres with multi-storeyed buildings, that overlaid rather rural structures. The presence of such areas of urban ruptures might (generally) represent the sign of the intention of industrial development.
6 About the theories related to territorial systematization that were in the interest of the professionals, before 1989, see Gustav Gusti, Forme noi de așezare. Studiu Prospectiv de sistematizare macroteritorială, Ed. Tehnică, București, 1974. 7 Such overlapping of layers is generally specific to the geographical field, illustrating the dinamics of the urban network and in the case of Romania, the book of Ioan Ianoș, Dinamica urbană. Aplicații la orașul și sistemul urban românesc, Ed. Tehnică, București, 2004, represents a mandatory bibliography. 8 The most cited case studies used for illustrating this paradigm are towns like Hunedoara, Galați or Onești.
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Proces vs Object Cristian Borcan & Ilinca Păun Constantinescu Cristian Borcan (UAUIM) Cristi Borcan is a Bucharest based architect, a teaching assistant at the UAUIM Architecture Faculty in Bucharest and a co-author of civic, community, educational and cultural projects. His research is currently focused on collective modes of producing social spaces and spatial practices of commoning. He is a co-founder of studioBASAR, an architectural studio and a public space practice, that activates between practice-based research, participatory action research, community activation, co-production and co-design, urban design, live education and civic pedagogy. The practice’s projects won and were nominated for different architectural biennials and cultural prizes (European Prize for Urban Public Space in 2014, Social Design Circle by Curry Stone Design Prize in 2017,National Cultural Fund in 2018). Ilinca Păun Constantinescu (UAUIM) Born in Bucharest in 1982, Ilinca Păun Constantinescu earned her PhD degree in architecture in 2013. She currently practices architecture at Ideogram Studio, teaches theory of architecture at “Ion Mincu” University of Architecture and Urbanism Bucharest, and leads cultural projects within the IDEILAGRAM Association. Together with her team from IDEILAGRAM, she edited “Shrinking Cities in Romania. Orașe românești în declin” (DOM publishers&MNAC Press 2019) and realized researches and exhibitions such as: Shrinking Cities in Romania (MNAC Bucharest, 2016), On Housing (Timco Halls Timișoara, 2018, within BETA 2018), Uranus Now (MNAC, 2019, initiated by Zeppelin and D.Hasnas). Since 2012, she is leader and team member of one of the largest participatory projects ever carried out in Romania concerning post-industrial regeneration, in Petrila, Vala Jiului. In 2021 she will be part of the team representing Romania at the Venice Architecture Biennale, as leader of the Shrinking Cities in Romania project (Fading Borders, Romania’s pavillon by Poster = Shrinking Cities in Romania by IDEILAGRAM + Away by Teleleu + Mazzocchioo). 85
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The architectural education focuses mostly on finished products and rarely on processes of how and for whom buildings and spaces are built. This emphasis on objects, trained in the laboratory environment of the school, is pursued afterwards in the architectural practice, and results in buildings, spaces and strategies being often designed outside their specific cultural, economic, political and social contexts. Opening to the contingencies and dependencies inherent to the contemporary urban phenomena and nurturing collaborative processes can be a much-needed way to redefine the architectural profession. Therefore, the aim of the course was to highlight the transformative agency of architecture as a shared undertaking between professionals and the community by providing a critical, engaged and action-oriented methodology. By analyzing the contemporary planning problems described above, an important question can be formulated: How can the architecture practice move towards collaborative processes that could offer tools to better diagnose, understand, engage and work within the conditions of a REAL community and place? Arising from these realities, the lecture was structured on three major themes that provide a theoretical background, and at the same time showcase examples of processes developed between architects, urban planners, anthropologists and different communities through collaborative and knowledge exchange actions. The format of the lecture was a dynamic dialogue/debate between its two protagonists and their perspectives. Cristi Borcan is an initiator and developer of actions and projects within public space, 86
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involved in practice based research, participatory action research, community activation, co-production and co-design, urban design, live education and civic pedagogy. Ilinca Păun Constantinescu is a researcher of the urban phenomenon going from theory to understanding urban realities to actions within post industrial communities. Major Phenomena Cristi Borcan: Major global socio-economic and political events have deep and long-term impacts on the micro-level of communities and individuals. Phenomena like deindustrialization or migration affect both the dynamics of urban life and the physical structure of the city. Why is it important to spatial designers to learn and understand these processes? How can spatial designers use and transform this knowledge into a useful instrument or a specific tool?
Ilinca Păun Constantinescu: From the beginning of your practice, you were concerned with the disappearance of the importance of the public space, or of its lack of use. From your point of view, how can you describe some aspects of the current dynamics of the urban culture and their main manifestations in the public space that generate your projects? Could you describe such phenomena that occur at a smaller scale and stand at the core of your actions, and talk about a project you implemented? What were you trying to point out, who did you engage, and what were the reactions?
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Interdisciplinarity CB: Developing community working processes, which includes also developing form-making processes involves most of the times different kinds of knowledge. Community projects (or maybe it is better to talk about community processes instead of projects) are of course better developed in teams that include architects, urban planners, anthropologists, sociologists, landscape architects and many others. Interdisciplinarity is very easy to project but very hard to obtain. What can we learn from each other in the framework of these processes? How can we use this intersectional knowledge when we work with a community? IPC: Maybe the most difficult part of working in a `form making` interdisciplinary team is to translate the different languages into a drawing. And this might also be the architect’s very trap of having everything under control. How do you prepare for a project and where is your place in the team? How do you ensure a good working process? Do you have an example that you consider successful?
Working with Communities CB: Architects and urban planners and designers are trained to provide services. We are quite good at finding answers to an already detailed brief that is made by others in the name of others. Working within this paradigm, architects and urban planners and designers are at the end of a process that has to finish in spatial terms —a space or a building. This somehow reduced role in the process of working with a specific community is turned the other way around, with architects trying to control every part of the production of spaces. Design process is most of the time a closed and individualistic process. There are of course other ways of 88
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practicing architecture and other ways of working with communities and not for communities. Other ways that emphasize the process and the object and not only the build space. Other ways of framing the right questions before trying to find answers. Design practice as a collaborative and shared process. Design practice where the community becomes a partner in the process and the architect learns how to lose control in order to empower others to be part of the process. Working with.
IPC: Literature points to a key ingredient of successful strategic planning as a process involving citizens, the public sector and civil society. Especially in marginalized areas, it is stated that right from the beginning ideas should be developed with the people. The city could give up central control and give it to neighborhoods and communities instead, trusting that locals know these areas best and can therefore come up with plans for their future. In the context of social mechanisms undergoing profound changes, can the communities be reconstructed in a collaborative way? How do you collectively draft a problem definition? And, finally, how can working with communities become a usual part of the design process and translate into a healthy, durable process?
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Small-scale interventions Tamás Szentirmai
Tamás Szentirmai (DEB) Tamás Szentirmai is an architect and associate professor. He holds a Master’s degree in architecture since 2003, with a thesis awarded by the Chamber of Hungarian Architects.Beside architectural design he is involved in art projects and in research as well. He is teaching at the Department of Architecture of the University of Debrecen since 2013. He is an assistant lecturer and head of the department since 2016. His research fields are contemporary Portuguese architecture and the architecture of learning spaces.
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In the history of architecture and art, the prominence of place and the softer, smaller-scale interventions than traditional architectural elements have been increasingly present since the second half of the 20th century. It is difficult to define or categorise them, but rather to list common characteristics such as simple, temporary, small scale, reflective, complex, critical... It is more interesting to consider them in terms of the starting point of creation, which can be considered as artistic, spatial or architectural intentions, but it is important to emphasize that in most cases, several or even all three intentions play a role in the creation of a work, although with different weight. There were two main reasons for these phenomena: the major transformation in the perception of space since the 1950s, and the radical change in architectural functions as a result of social processes. Artistic intention is essentially a term for site-specific art, a genre that has been a steadily growing presence in contemporary culture since its emergence in the 1960s and an increasingly active participant in social dialogue. A key role in its development was played by the change in the perception of space and turning towards place, an idea that also appeared in many other disciplines. The concept of the artwork as an autonomous object, beyond the modernist conception of it as an object that is indifferent to place1, has become inseparable from its place. Its creation, presentation and reception were all linked to its environment, whether interior space or urban, natural environment. In the early works, the physical qualities of the place where the connection, and the connection itself was the most important aspect. The work could not exist in any other environment or context. This initial approach is exemplified by György Jovánovics’s work Mennyezetre szorító (Ceiling clamp) from 1971, which clamped various objects, including the artist's chair and desk, upside down to the ceiling, together with the 1 This is well illustrated by an often quoted phrase from William Turner: “If you have to change a sculpture for a site there is something wrong with the sculpture” (quoted Kwon 1997, 85.)
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magazine on top. In the period that followed, the concept of place became more complex, and the works no longer merely reflected the physical conditions of the place, but also dealt with it in a broader context, taking into account social, political and economic aspects. Dénes Agnes' Wheatfield project of 1981, a 2-acre wheat field in lower Manhattan, two blocks from Wall Street and the World Trade Center, and facing the Statue of Liberty was already a symbol of the global problems at that time, food, energy, commerce, world trade and economics. It highlighted mismanagement, waste, world hunger and ecological concerns. The genre is still dominant today, but its range of interpretation has expanded even more. No longer aesthetics, but rather current social issues are the dominant aspects. The works often seek to draw the viewer's attention to current common problems, often address social minorities, and often find their place in abandoned urban areas. The issue of global warming, which is affecting more and more people, was brought to the attention of many by Olafur Eliasson's Ice Watch installation in 2014 in busy public spaces in several major European cities. An important aspect of the broader perspective is that knowledge from many other disciplines is added, even in a decisive way, to the artistic concept. The complexity of contemporary art is also crucial for interventions with a spatial intention. This category includes those interventions that address the importance of the role of space. The aforementioned change in the perception of space has not only had an impact on artists, but has also led to an appreciation of the role of space for society as a whole, an appreciation of the quality of the spaces around us, an attention to spatial detail, a consciousness of the space. The emergence of this awareness is closely linked to the strengthening of the sciences in the second half of the 20th century, which, based on the intensive research on space in the philosophical movements of the time, increasingly drew attention to the importance of the built and natural environment. An important means of interpreting and understanding space, of highlighting a specific spatial situation, is the work of art itself, where it is not the work created that is important, but the deeper knowledge it achieves. Contemporary artists, typically creative communities, employ a range of interdisciplinary methods to achieve such ends. Walking as a method of cognition, instant micro-interventions, performances are all such contemporary tools. We should also mention the expansion of the creators of community spaces. The involvement of communities, whether in the problem definition, the decision making or the implementation itself, has proven to be the best guarantee for the social acceptance and long term functioning of a project.
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In contemporary architecture, both of the previous themes can be found, but many other aspects have also influenced the spread of small-scale architectural interventions. The changing social ideas of the second half of the 20th century often resulted in a change of function, even a complete transcendence of centuries-old architectural concepts. Functions became more complex, and the role of smaller, furniture scale solutions increased. Furniture and furniture-like elements, largely independent of the built structure, have become more complex, more closely linked to the building and increasingly important in terms of their function. The same trend is reinforced by the changing life cycle of buildings. The continued design of heavy structural elements over several decades is in contrast to the rapid deterioration of the function. A flexible, adaptable built environment can be more rationally solved with small-scale solutions than with traditional building-scale rigid structures. Adapting existing buildings to new needs, especially for historic assets, is also becoming increasingly natural with solutions independent of the building structure. The theme is not only present at the building scale but also at the urban scale. The urban context is changing towards a more usable situation. The underused sites host new community facilities, programs, functions. They arrive as small foreign objects that want to draw attention to the new situation. There are two other terms that are becoming increasingly important in contemporary architecture and point towards similar solutions. Multi-functionality and temporality are increasingly part of our everyday lives, and architectural responses to these approaches are again, for reasons of rationality, typically light, small-scale solutions. Once again, it is important to emphasize the parallelism of the three intentions discussed. Because of the contemporary complexity and interdisciplinary approach of the themes in most cases they appear together. A striking example of this is Vito Acconci's garden installation Courtyard in the wind, realised in Munich in 2000. The electricity generated by a wind turbine on the roof of an office building next to the park kept part of the park in constant motion, creating a constantly changing use of the park. The project was both a contemporary reflection on site-specific art at the time, the relationship between the urban built and natural environment, a rational response to architectural needs and a reminder of the importance of diverse public spaces. Another link between the three intentions is social engagement. In addition to the aforementioned social themes of contemporary site-specific art, rational, conscious architectural responses and actions inspired by the importance of space all demonstrate social engagement. 93
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Related to complexity and is important to highlight the relevance of small scale in architectural education. The key concepts of architecture - space, functionality, materials, structures - can be learned more directly through real experience, creation and practical experimentation than through theoretical lectures. Again, the best way to do this is on a small scale, which students can do themselves, even in the context of a semester course. This method of working is also a good model of the construction investment process, as students follow the project from design to implementation, learning about the design phases, the real materials and structures, the construction steps, their interactions, connections and possible difficulties. As creators, educators and members of society, we can consider this type of interdisciplinary interventions as truly contemporary answers which help to make rapid solutions to spatial needs.
Bibliography Kwon, Miwon 1997, One Place After Another: Notes on Site Specificity, October, vol. 80, pp. 85−110. Perriccioli, Massimo 2016, Piccola scala per grande dimensione, Techne, 12, pp. 174-181 Rezsonya Katalin 2007, Tér és hely az alkotófolyamat és a műalkotás kontextusában, Pécsi Tudományegyetem Művészeti Kar Képzőművészeti Mesteriskola, Pécs. Szentkirályi Zoltán 2006, Válogatott építészettörténeti és elméleti tanulmányok, Terc, Budapest. Szentirmai Tamás 2018, Multifunkcionalitás és flexibilitás az építészetben, Debreceni Egyetem, Debrecen. Vági János 2014, Építés nélküli építészet. Alternatív építészeti és művészeti stratégiák szerepe az építésiberuházási folyamatokban, Régi-új Magyar Építőművészet Utóirat, 2014/8.
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Working with/on the cultural landscape The Nature of Anthropogenic Impacts Zolt Vasaros
Zsolt Vasaros (BME) Zsolt VASÁROS is an architect and full professor at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Faculty of Architecture and head of the Explorative Architecture Department. He is working on several research projects too, mainly in conflict and crisis zones, like Egypt, Syria and Mexico. His research activity focuses currently on crisis architecture. In 2000 he established his own practice. Known for innovative designs and projects for museums, archaeological and natural environments. Over the almost 20 years the group of three founder-designers has become a vivid studio with 18-20 members, implementing various projects in the field of architecture, archaeology, interior design, and exhibition design.
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Definition: The term "cultural landscape" embraces a diversity of manifestations of the interaction between humankind and its natural environment. Cultural landscapes often reflect specific techniques of sustainable land-use, considering the characteristics and limits of the natural environment they are established in, and a specific spiritual relation to nature.
The paper presents a selection of architectural projects. The projects are usually dealing with multilayered cultural landscapes. The relation between the architectural concept and its physical and intellectual environment is in the focus of the design. The layers of history, natural values, archaeology and the built environment or its scarcity influence the design process, the selected case studies are reflecting on this approach. Our field of interests and the locations of our field research are linked by larger-scale interconnections, as we deal with richly layered cultural landscapes. Essentially, we differentiate between three types: the designed landscape, the organically evolved landscape, and the associative cultural landscape. The “designed landscape” is a landscape planned and designed deliberately by humans, such as historical gardens and the parks of palaces. There are two subtypes of “organically evolving landscapes”: “fossilized landscapes” and “continuously evolving landscapes”. The fossil or relic landscape is one in which an evolutionary process came to an end at some time in the past, either abruptly or over a period. Its significant distinguishing features are, however, still visible in material form. The continuing landscape is one which retains an active social role in contemporary society closely associated with the traditional way of life, and in which the evolutionary process is still in progress. The third main category is the “associative landscape” which is justifiable by virtue of the powerful religious, artistic or cultural associations of the natural element rather than material cultural Evidence, which may be insignificant or even absent. The concept primarily refers to 96
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symbolic landscapes which are connected to religious, art-related, and historical events and are mainly memorials, battlefields, abandoned mines, or locations of other historically significant events. The sacred landscapes mentioned above also belong to this category (Vasáros 2018). The idea for the topic came up in connection with the Triplex Confinium workshop and Summer School. Evidently the location of the fieldwork may also be interpreted as a multifaceted cultural landscape due to the history of Jimbolia over the course of the past century or so. The town built according to plan and its environment is clearly a designed landscape, which is made apparent by old maps and aerial photographs depicting the status today. Certain parts of the settlement have become fossilized, such as the territory of the former brick factory and mill, others have become relics, such, for example, the buildings of the Csitó Csekonics Castle and its elements distributed around the town. However, the larger part of the town remained and its development continued, and constitutes an excellent representative of the category of continuing landscape. In the course of the workshop and summer school we are searching for associative opportunities. The rich museum and local history collection, as well as our own observations have provided an excellent basis for this, however a different approach is required for the expression of these on the architectural scale and it is worthwhile becoming acquainted with the subject and some of its historical and contemporary representations. Mortuary Landscape in Egypt We introduce this subject in brief using a very obvious example. Notably with, perhaps, the world’s greatest designed landscape with its unparalleled richness, which holds a special position in the cultural history of humanity (Bradford 2020 and Iwaszczuk 2016). This is the Mortuary Landscape in Thebes, Egypt, the known, built history of which reaches back to the 3rd millennium BCE. These unique terrain-landscape features were used almost continuously throughout the three millennia of the Pharaonic Era. Mortuary temples, tombs, grand landscape-forming elements were built especially on the west bank as a part of the necropolis. These were constructed according to plans that were constantly updated in terms of their concept and architectural system of features, i.e., according to the prevailing “trend” of the age, or, more precisely, according to the ideas of the representation of the afterlife in this world. One may easily observe the progressivity as they used the characteristics of the landscape, notably the easily worked rock, carving it, building anew to create the built structures of the 97
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necropolis, with its world richly stratified in terms of space and time. This is what made the originally associative landscape into a designed landscape, and makes it today once again a site of associations for the tourists and, or course for the archaeologists and architects working on it.
↑ The Mortuary Landscape in Luxor West Bank: The Mortuary Temple of Queen Hatsepsut surrounded by tombs of the Nobleman, photo by Zsolt Vasáros, 2013.
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Dunafalva – Saving the Roman Fortlet Close to Dunafalva the remains of a Late Roman fortlet may be observed for most of the year directly on the bank of the River Danube. The present circumstances of the ruins are due to the changes in the course of the riverbed, which in terms of volume represent just a very small detail of the former massive fortress. From our perspective this context represents a fossil or relic landscape. With respect to the special location, the architectural projection of this, or just merely saving the ruin, represented a particular technical and monument conservation task. Theoretically it is forbidden to build on the riverbed or floodplain due to the winter ice floes and the floods, exemptions to this are water management facilities and other necessary constructions, such as docks. Therefore, these constraints had to be taken into consideration in the architectural concept, in addition the ruin also had to be preserved as far as possible. The ruin, in its now uninterpretable, eroded form really is just a relic, the saving of which only has theoretical significance, nevertheless and good architectural response may even add value to the ruin. In the end the answer to the situation was implemented with a pronounced intervention using the tools of engineering. We proposed the use of steel panels conventionally used in riverbeds to create an exclusion that penetrates down to the impervious layers or aquicludes, thereby preventing the inward and upward ingress of
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water. The form follows the shape of structures that may be built in riverbeds. The wedge-shape does not obstruct the passage of the sheets of ice flowing down the river in very cold weather; therefore it does not represent a flood protection risk. The proposal still in the study design phase protects the relict, and uses engineering to initiate a new, progressive discourse with its environment, with the landscape, which, naturally, also permits novel associations.
↑ Study proposal of protecting construction. Design by Narmer Architecture Studio 2017.
Keszthely/Fenékpuszta – The Kis-Balaton Visitor Centre Project The visitor center designed for the Balaton Upland National Park was built in 2020 to accommodate the significant tourism demand. During the design process we devoted great attention to the concept. We examined the site, and assessed its main character elements. The Kis-Balaton, formerly acting as a natural filter for Lake Balaton was drained in the 1960s. The use of the area for agriculture did not live up to the expectations, and it also became essential to reconstruct the former wetland for the sake of the larger Lake Balaton. In this way we may talk of a dually designed landscape. First when the formerly marshy territory was terminated, and secondly when its restoration was attempted starting from the 1990s. The attributes of both landscape-scale interventions may be seen in the land, these being engineering facilities and landscape elements that determine the character of the location. With a view that we were designing a contemporary and modern function, it was obvious that our main architecturalconceptual guidelines should follow the character of this engineered landscape. Therefore we planned a facility on this designed landscape that resembled an engineering object, in this case a bridge, and endeavored to avoid the use of motifs 99
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characteristic of buildings of this type. In this way the building brings about a shape cut out from the surface with a number of motions and has a green roof that may be accessed. The rows of pronounced columns on the east and west sides associate with the vernacular porch, and in this way assist with the energy efficiency of the building, providing almost complete protection against direct sunlight. The associative character, essentially the events of today and the recent past, are reflected in the exterior, while in the interior the tourism functions, particularly the uncluttered character of the exhibition provides an abstract of the content of interest, the associations one actually experiences around the park.
↑ The Kis-Balaton Visitor Centre from above. Design: Narmer Architecture Studio 2014-2019, photo by Bendegúz Takáts, 2020.
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Felsőtelekes/Rudabánya – The Rudapithecus Project The design area in the case of the Rudapithecus Visitor Centre and Site Museum was essentially a fossilized mining area. The fate of the quarry deserted in the 1980s and the potential lying within it represent a particularly special coincidence. All of the buildings of the iron ore quarry have been demolished and have disappeared, only the visible traces of the terraced mining and the quarry lake remind one of the former activities. All this, however, still remains a memorial to industrial history. Nature has reclaimed the area in a unique way with rich vegetation covering all the quarry terraces, which at one time had seemed infertile. The remains of the 8 to 10 million year old hominid discovered in the 1960s create a new cultural layer in the otherwise rich landscape that overwrites everything. Thus, when designing the presentation center we made use of an architectural language and approach system that, as far as possible, reflects upon each and every cultural layer, and that assists with their presentation and generates good
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associations. The pink-colored cast in situ concrete structures remind the visitor of industrial facilities with their character radiating timelessness. The color allows association with the soil, more precisely with the color of the iron ore lying within it. The abstract forms accommodate the geological time frame of the 8 to 10 million year old primate – we intentionally designed forms and architectural character that do not permit associations with any historical age, thereby no opportunity is given for incorrect interpretation or association (Vasáros 2016).
↑ The Rudapithecus Visitor Centre from above. Design: Narmer Architecture Studio and the Doctoral School of Architetcure at BME Budapest, 2011-2015, photo by János LászlóCIVERTAN, 2016.
Călugăreni – The Roman Limes as European Cultural Landscape Naturally we can talk of fossil landscapes in the case of Călugăreni, if we think of the houses in the village that have remained but that are no longer occupied. From the aspect of our project carried out there (Roman Limes as European Cultural Landscape) we instead may talk of an associative landscape, as primarily we are searching for a way to recall the former Roman world and present its individual elements. With respect to this, in addition to the observations and the theoretical considerations, concrete interventions have also taken place (Vasáros-Sági 2020). The two information pavilions were constructed in 2015 (designed by Gergely Sági), the design and function of which are obviously contemporary. Their use of materials and architectural attitude, character recalls the elements characteristic of the village and region. It is the disappeared world of Rome that now appears in their functional essence and in terms of the exhibitions realized in them, as well as in their positioning. Thus, we are associating with the material used traditionally in the Roman Age, at the original location at the beginning of the 21st century. A viewpoint was built 101
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in 2018 also based on the designs of students of architecture (designed by Vera Lőcsei and Máté Ruga); here a composition of wooden poles demonstrates the position from where visitors obtain an exciting view of the excavation site. A stylized map of the Roman Empire may be seen on a concrete slab, with our location indicated on it. By standing there and viewing the valley from there the white painted tops of the poles mark out the position of the former fort – the white pole tops combine into a clear patch when viewed from the given point. In addition to the two successful, small-scale interventions, further landscape architecture and concrete architectural-monument presentations are planned; the professional justification of all this is assisted by the extensive excavations and the scientific processing.
↑ The information pavilions in Călugăreni. Design: Gergely Sági, 2013-2015, photo by Zsolt Vasáros, 2016. ↗ The Lookout in Călugăreni – plan and the realized object. Design: Vera Lőcsei and Máté Ruga, 2014-2016, photo by Zsolt Vasáros, 2017.
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In connection with the historical and contemporary examples presented, it would have been an impossible undertaking to present a comprehensive picture of the subject in this dimension. The subject has an extensive literature, especially the world of cultural landscapes, for which there are numerous definitions and categorizations (Rubenstein 2016, Wallach 2005 and Cohen 2010) Beyond the importance of all this, the fact remains that there is hardly any territory on the Earth where man has had no impact, left no visible, or palpable or merely suggested trace. Multiple disciplines support the revealing of the traces of human impact on a given area, such as the ever-widening world of archaeology, aerial exploration and geophysical testing. The visible-palpable range is of particular importance to us architects, as this is how we obtain our first impressions, gather the experiences that serve as the base for our ideas and designs. The richness of the sensory input, the stratification of our ability to associate will determine the value of our architectural and landscape architecture concept, and its impact on the existing context. In other words, it comprises an important criterion of our architectural attitude, whether we understand the environment, the context where we design, that we shape with our design.
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Bradfor, 2020 https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/66580880d1ee448ebc5691be52c88aa3 Cohen, M 2010, Changing Cultural Landscapes : How are people and their communities affected, New York. Iwaszczuk, J 2016, Sacred Landscape of Thebes During the Reign of Hatshepsut: Royal Construction Projects. Topography of the West Bank (1). Rubenstein, JM 2016, The Cultural Landscape: An Introduction to Human Geography, New York. Vasáros, Zs 2016, Rudapithecus Now! Synergie of Cultural, Natural and Industrial heritage. In: Bassa, L - Kiss, F (eds.), Proceedings of the TCL2016 Conference. Tourism and Cultural Landscapes: Towards A Sustainable Approach, 12-16 June, 2016 Budapest, Hungary, INFOTA, 599-411. Vasáros, Zs 2018, Kultúrtájról-kultúrtájra/A journey about cultural landscapes. In: DÁVID D. – TERBE R. –VASÁROS Zs. (szerk.) 2018a. identitás és kultúra 4/identity and culture 4. Ipartanszék füzetek No.5. Budapest, 8-11. Vasáros, Zs-Sági, G 2020, MIKHÁZA ÉPÍTÉSZETI ATLASZA/ARCHITECTURAL ATLAS OF CĂLUGĂRENI. Megfigyelés, felmérés, dokumentálás, tervezés és építés 2013-2019/Observation, survey, documentation, design & building 2013-2019. Budapest. Wallach, B 2005, Understanding the Cultural Landscape, New York.
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Recollective architecture. Common tendencies around the wide field of heritage based on the PACE initiative Levente Szabó DLA
Levente Szabó (BME) Levente SZABÓ is an architect, a professor at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Faculty of Architecture and head of the Public Building Design Department. He contributed to the design of public buildings, historic monuments, urban projects and memorial places as the owner of Hetedik Műterem. He won several architectural prizes in Hungary and from abroad. He is the author of several theoretical articles, book chapters and a book. His interest focuses especially on the relationship between architecture and memory.
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The Department of Public Building Design at the Faculty of Architecture of the Budapest University of Technology and Economics through its 75-year-old history has been always focusing on the very different types of problems of public architecture. The staff contains architects with high professionality, who have been trying to share their knowledge based on it. As a part of a reform process we established a new method a year ago, focusing on three different fields of public architecture in order to sharpen our theoretical background and deepen the knowledge of the students of our courses. Sustainability, innovation and recollective Architecture: with these three research areas (with their transitions) we can cover the wider and wider field of public architecture, and from the first years to the postgraduate period the student can specialise their curriculum following their interest. In the research studio of Recollective Architecture we are dealing with the very wide meaning of the relationship between architecture and memory. Region as a geographical and cultural unit has special significance in the age of globalization. As a direct consequence of the historical development of East-Central Europe, we are still influenced by the patterns of the past that defined directions of culture, including architectural orientation. Proximity, the opportunity to exchange experiences, our shared past and future should all accelerate the flow of information between these countries. Within the scope of this mission, PACE aims to become an institutionalized platform. Therefore, we consider it our priority to discover, understand and promote a selection of contemporary architectural works from the East-Central European region. Our initiative, PACE - Public Architecture from East-Central Europe is dedicated to this mission PACE (https://paceproject.eu) is a selection of the most outstanding contemporary public buildings and projects from East-Central European countries: Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Ukraine. As an initiative of the Department of Public Building Design, the 105
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selection expands yearly with three completed works from each country, following the key categories of memory, sustainability and innovation. The lecture presented the first results of the first category which is about the relationship between memory and architecture. The phenomenon of memory can be a relevant tool for the evaluation of the development of the layers of the past. We can identify the sensible and specific common borders of the current selection, based on the nominations of the first two years by the international jury from the fields of heritage: monuments, reconstruction and memorial places. What are the current consequences of the common historical and economic background of the region? Are these obstacles or opportunities? We have very ambitious long-term aims of the PACE. We would like to develop PACE as one of the sources of high-quality communal architecture from the region, which represents and promotes outstanding public buildings and realised communal architecture projects. In order to reach all of this objective we asked independent and respected national associates as jury members, whose professional experience can guarantee the high quality of the selection. They make three suggestions for the selection from projects of their own country. The most outstanding works are presented on the website, increasing the prestige of the extending database. In the future we will launch a new architecture prize and we would like to organize professional events (conferences) under the umbrella of the PACE. The works belonging to the Recollective Architecture category are reconstructions of historical buildings that serve contemporary functions, contemporary extensions of historical buildings, historical monuments and initiatives which play an integral role in preserving the memory and identity of a certain community. We welcome completed projects that focus on the architectural complexities and patterns of past eras through the concepts of collective and cultural memory and reflect on these by the means of contemporary architecture. As everybody can see on the PACE website, the jury members nominated very sensitive and interesting fresh results from the region, in the different fields of reconstruction, adaptive reuse, memorial projects, etc., and now we can see the characteristic tendencies, topics and approaches. Let us see three very clear approaches with three examples in each, in order to feel these common fields. I used partly the original texts of the architects and the jury members as well to introduce very shortly the projects in my text below. The first and very significant tendency contains the projects which 106
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are reflecting on the heritage of the socialist era, however differently. I chose three projects from Serbia, Slovakia and Poland. The Museum of Contemporary Art in Belgrade (Nooto, 2018) has a great importance in Serbian and Yugoslavian architectural modernism. The final part of the work was completed between 2016 and 2018 with Dejan Todorović as the lead architect in charge of the interior reconstruction and facade restoration. It was designed by the architects Ivanka Raspopović and Ivan Antić, first prize winners at a competition held in 1959-1960. The building had been declared as a monument in 1987. The almost invisible intervention reveals a rare but necessary approach in terms of the reconstruction, restoration, and conservation of architectural heritage. The beauty of the original architecture was left intact. The Resavska 31 Business Center in Belgrade (Remorker Architects, 2018) was a redevelopment project that changed the face and interior of an office building designed in 1970. The original building was left unused for years after a long period of decay. The transformation included the design of a new façade as well as the inner space and building’s main entrance. With this project the architects have managed to transform the original building into something completely different, increasing its appeal and usefulness, and at the same time paying respect to its location in central Belgrade. The ZODIAK Warsaw Pavilion of Architecture ( Kalata Architekci, 2018) is a revitalization of part of a modernist project from 1968. The old Zodiak consisted of a restaurant building plus a one-story pavilion, featuring a rooftop café terrace with a reinforcedconcrete pergola. The overarching objective was to preserve the original character of the building. The Zodiak Pavilion recaptures a piece of Warsaw’s unique modernist character, dating back half a century. Shortly summarizing this category, we can see the well-known tendencies: the reconstruction, the transformation (or reuse) and the metamorphosis, as key strategies of the socialist architectural heritage. The second category contains the most universal monument reconstructions, but we can identify very sensitive approaches with high quality in the first two-year selection. I would like to illustrate it with a Slovakian, a Romanian and a Hungarian project. The Music and Ballet Conservatory from Ljubljana (Office Arhitekti, 2019) is one of the oldest music schools in Slovenia, dating back to 1919. The whole renovation aimed to expand the repertoire of 107
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different spaces where musical education can be practiced and performed. This intervention strongly marks a new experience of the ambiance, as the building with an external auditorium has acquired a large, open, and airy space that merges with the city itself. The architects undertook several challenges of contextualizing the historical aspects of the surroundings within the building as well. The restoration and refurbishment of the Headquarters of the order of Architects of Romania in Bucharest (Starh, 2015-2017) is a renovation of a 1920 dwelling in Bucharest. The project was about finding the extent to which the gesture of intervention may remain unobservable. The intervention involved a discrete extension of the main interior spaces and the establishment of new spatial and visual connections between the levels to indicate the sense of wholeness in each part of the interior. The construction, originally built in 1927 and signed by one of the exponents of the NeoRomanian style, architect Florea Stănculescu, was used as a family house. The Ligeti House and Studio in Budapest (Gábor Zombor, Balázs Juhász, 2019) built in 1905, the House and Studio of Sculptor Miklós Ligeti. The architects’ aim was creation by preservation. They intended to preserve the character, architectural values, space system, and distinctive elements of the building, and in particular to accentuate the atmosphere and emphases of the original builder’s intention palpable even today, to turn the cohesion of past and present into a living unit through an extension that fits best for the building’s intended use. Through this category, on the one hand we can see the high-level architectural approaches, as we can examine through the most impressive international ones. But on the other hand, we can feel a small scale and sensitive tendency around the field of monument protection, which seems to reflect a similar atmosphere to the common architectural heritage from the past. The third category shows us very interesting memorial projects, which came from the neglecting memory of the socialist past. If we examine the chosen examples from Slovakia, Poland and Czech Republic, we can strongly feel the high quality of the reinterpretation of our common heritage. The Restoration of First World War cemetery in Banská Bystrica (N/A, 2019) is a lookout built on the area of a once existent, yet only partially recovered First World War military cemetery from 1915. The cemetery was abandoned during Communism and brutally 108
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crossed by a road junction. After the fall of Communism, it was not ready to be renewed, but rather to be further devastated. A car showroom was built on its central part, while the rest was left to nature to be gradually covered with trees and shrubs. The architects applied a free interpretation to the concept of the monument and took an intuitive approach towards the project. The monument is a lookout, a chapel, a wall, a tombstone, a background, a reverent place, a banner and an information area. The Katyn Museum in Warsaw (BBGK Architekci sp. z o.o., 2013-2015) is located inside the former Russian Citadel fortress. The concept of the museum was created together with artists, historians and landscape architects. Thanks to this cooperation the design became a spatial story about Katyn’s events in which one participates in an individual way. There is no border between citadel, landscape and built elements. Museum binds architecture, landscape and exhibition into one coherent story, telling the history of the events and commemorating their victims. New interventions and existing fortifications complement each other. The whole area is one symbolic space. The Jan Palach Memorial in Všetaty (MCA atelier, 2019) is an extraordinary memorial place. Jan Palach self-immolation was a political protest against the end of the Prague Spring resulting from the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact armies. The memorial is located in Všetaty and consists of the transformed object of Jan Palach’s birthplace, a new pavilion of a historical exhibition and a contemplation garden. Since the original house was rebuilt earlier and no authentic elements of John's life have been preserved, the form of the memorial is abstract and symbolic. The character of the memorial, where the bearer of the meaning message is the space itself, is an example of the communication ability of architecture. And finally the third category – maybe the most interesting – contains the projects which are reflecting the traumatic past, reinterpreting the imprints of the eras of oppressions, and promising something which is dynamic, sensitive, basing on the tradition of the memorial projects of Europe, especially Germany after the WW2. As we can see, the three strongly identifiable tendencies (renewal of the post-socialist heritage, innovative small scale intervention of the monument preservation, reinterpreting the past: new approaches of remembrance) represents as the first results of the recollective architecture categories with very sensitive projects from our region. In the future – I am sure – we can recognize new 109
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and new aspects of it. We would like to organize the possibility of the discussions about it and establish forums (for example awards) in order to make the results as well-known as possible in our region and beyond the border of our countries as well.
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Digital brick: Contemporary Approaches in Working with the Brick Bojan Tepavcevic
Bojan Tepavcevic (UNS) Bojan Tepavčević is an architect and associate professor at the University of Novi Sad,where he teaches courses in computational design and architectural representation. He has also lectured as a visiting professor and conducted workshops at the UNITEC(Auckland, New Zealand), PTE (Pecs, Hungary), UTC (ClujNapoca, Romania),UAH(Alcala, Madrid, Spain), UNIVPM (Ancona, Italy). He published 3 books and many papers in journals and conferences. He participated in several scientific, architectural and art projects and exhibitions.
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thinking. However, digital fabrication technologies have influenced changes in how we think about the materials. The Dukta product is one of the examples of how wood can get elastic and textile properties by applying CNC cutting technology with a unique incision process. The different incision patterns can open new horizons in using flexible wood due to new features like transparency and sound absorption. In a similar way, robotic production of parametric brick walls radically changes our perception of brick bond patterns. Gantenbein Vineyard Facade, (Gramazio & Kohler, 2006) is the first realized project that changed our perception and tectonic properties of brick walls, changing the way we think about brick bonding. From then, meny other projects including The brick installation “Structural Oscillations” for Venice Biennale (Gramazio & Kohler, 2007) or Administrative Building Textilverband in Münster (Behet Bondzio Lin Architekten, 2018) reflects different material logic of brick that more resembles to textile surfaces than flat brick walls. Structural logic of brick reflects its mechanical properties. Brick masonry has good compression strength but is very weak in tension because it is composed of two different materials, brick and mortar and the bond between them is weak. For this reason brick masonry is expected to resist only the compressive forces. Ancient builders were familiar with these properties of masonry structures and brick has been used for centuries as a material for making vaults and domes. Historically, hanging models have been used to design vaulted structures. Consequently, cylindrical and rotational surfaces derived from funicular curves prevaled as a form of brick shells. In the last two decades, the rise of computational design and digital form-finding methods such as Thrust Network Analysis (TNA) have enabled a new language of doubly curved brick shells. To explore the design space of funicular shapes, the TNA method was implemented as an interactive, digital tool, providing the user with a high level of control over the force distributions in a funicular network, in order to accomplish a certain design goal. The new digital form finding tools such as TNA based RhinoVault or spring-relaxation based Kangaroo-Grasshopper, significantly change the way how we can design structurally informed brick shells in architecture. Manufacturing logic pertains to common production techniques used in the process of construction and assembly. Brickwork techniques may be found in such ancient locations as Çatal Höyük in Turkey (70 century BC), Sumerian Ziggurat of Ur in Iraq (21 Century BC), or Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan (25 Century BC). Brickwork techniques and masonry techniques have not had significant changes until the last 2 decades. Apart from some
Lectures
↑ The brick installation “Structural Oscillations” for Venice Biennale © Gramazio Kohler Research, ETH Zurich
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manufacturing processes were based on delivering digital CAD files directly to CNC machines, opening new possibilities in creating unique custom shaped objects that can be assembled with great precision. During the 90s Frank Gehry and Nikolas Grimshaw were among the first architects that recognized the potential of novel manufacturing processes used in aircraft, automotive and shipbuilding industry and they applied in architecture by creating parametric models to create a family of unique forms digitally controlled by geometric parameters and constraints. First parametric tools made a shift from drawing the single shape into the diagram that represents a family of shapes. New algorithmic based tools also made a shift from (brick) module to parameter, from element to component, from composition to rule. Previously mentioned examples already showed shifting logic of material, structure and manufacture towards digital brick as it is the case with many other numerous examples. As an example of how we can think digitally with the brick patterns, an online 3D parametric tool is designed showing how we can design in a seconds, different brick patterns without any additional software by using an online parametric tool.
Summer School Jimbolia
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L14
Exploration, Tools
Geographical information system (GIS) is a type of information system consisting of computer hardware and software, (geo)database and users, which is used to enter, store, manipulate, analyze and retrieve geographic (geospatial) data in order to solve various problems. Today GIS helps many users in various fields: urban planning, environmental management, transport, demography, public administration, business, etc. The key components of GIS include software and hardware, geographic data (geodatabase) that is analyzed with the help of particular methods and users (fig. 1).
→1 Components of GIS Harmon & Anderson (2003)
The computer system consists of hardware and software components, which are used to perform the functions of collecting, processing, analyzing, modeling and retrieving information. Sources of geographical (geospatial) data include digitized maps, aerial photographs and satellite images, statistical tables and other documents that can be converted into a compute system readable information. Geographic data are organized in a special way in geographic databases (GIS databases). They include both geometric (X and Y coordinates) and attributive (or thematic) data about real-world objects. With the help of 117
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geometric data, real-world objects are presented in GIS in two types of formats: vector or raster. Vector data consists of three elements - a point, a line and a polygon. Raster data consists of pixels that represent cells in the raster grid (fig. 2).
→2 Vector and raster data in GIS (www.eo4geo.eu)
Geometric data characterize the location (coordinates), topology (spatial relationships), size, shape, and orientation of objects in space. Attributive or thematic data describe the properties (qualities) of objects and phenomena. The attribute data for the objects are stored in tabular form in the so-called "Attribute tables". The geometric and attributive data for each object are interconnected in the geographic database. This means that geographic objects can be identified and localized using their attributes, and vice versa (fig. 3).
→3 Geographic and attribute data in a GIS (De Mers, 2009)
The role of users is to select, update and analyze the information in GIS that interests them to solve a particular problem. The term "user" refers both to the individual specialist working in the field of GIS and to organizations (government, non-governmental, educational and corporate) whose mission is in some way related to GIS. 118
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In order to visualize the real world GIS specialists use digital models. Digital maps and attributive information (databases) are used to represent the real world in GIS. The organizational structure of those maps are based on layered organization of GIS data. Each model of reality is a separate layer, representing individual objects such as streets, plots, infrastructure etc. Each layer contains geometric (coordinate) data and related attributes, organized in a special way in an attribute table (fig. 4).
→4 GIS layers (Parida et al., 2019)
For a given area, multiple layers can be combined and the connections between objects in the individual layers can be revealed. In reality, even in a small area, there are an infinite number of objects and the description of all of them will require an infinitely large database and an infinite number of layers. Since we do not have the necessary resources (time, computer memory, etc.), we create a digital model only for those objects and phenomena that interest us (the so-called "Target GIS"). This model does not cover all the diversity in the real world. Therefore, when creating the digital model we use classification and abstraction. In classification, we group similar objects and phenomena into separate classes / layers. In abstraction we make a selection of objects and phenomena and their characteristics in accordance with the goal and choose the model by which to present them in GIS. The representation of a territory as a combination of layers is an abstraction (e.g. Jimbolia region as a "sandwich" of layers "relief", "water bodies", "soils", etc.). Separate layers can be created for "streets", "buildings", "museums", "addresses" which together (in combination) represent a model of reality. There are relationships between the attributes in these layers - the addresses are related to the streets and the buildings to the 119
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addresses. The buildings have owners, built-up and developed area, floors, type of construction and other attributes; the streets are one-way or two-way, have restrictions on speed, type of pavement and other attributes. When we obtain the computer system and our geodata we can proceed to perform a spatial analysis in order to solve the realworld existing problem. For that we can use different questions: • • •
•
•
Localization questions: What's in ...? (what is in a certain place); Conditional questions: Where is the object N with coordinates X, Y and Z? (which locations certainly meet the set conditions); Trend detection questions: How is changing ...? (identification of geographical objects and phenomena that have changed or are in the process of change); Relational questions: What is the connection between ...? (the spatial interrelations between the objects and their characteristics in space and time are analyzed); Modeling questions: What if ...? (finding the optimal path, in a suitable territory for some activity or in territories with increased risk on the basis of a previously created model).
The final step in the decision-making stage. GIS provides useful information to decision-makers through analysis and evaluation of the geographical database. Decision-making is an important area of public practice, including policy making, planning and management. Decision-making is based on the expert knowledge of the problem to be solved and the availability of the necessary initial information.
Harmon, J. & S. Anderson (2003). The Design and Implementation of Geographic Information Systems. John Wiley & Sons. DeMers, M. (2009). GIS For Dummies. Wiley Publishing, Inc. Parida, P., A. Sahoo and B. Mohanty (2019). GIS applications in fish disease mapping and forecasting. In: Advances in Fish Research, Vol.-VII, Pages 355–369 Edited by: B.P. Mohant. Narendra Publishing House, Delhi, India. http://www.eo4geo.eu/training/urban-heat-islands-basic-gis-knowledge-vector-and-raster-data/
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Data visualization for architects and urbanists Norbert Petrovici and Cristian Pop (UBB)
Students Laszlo Bilak Tamás Révész Benvenuto Giovanna Katalin Kitti Kiss Diána Bodorkos Skrabák Julianna Jacqueline Iancu
Laura Argeșeanu Alexandru Naghiu Oana Gabriela Stoian Meda Cotei Milica Biorac Andjela Jovanovic Gordana Savković
Power Query We have chosen regional and country level population data in a time series (from 2009 until 2020) for the European countries. We have learned to clean the data for all the unwanted fields using the Power Query editor accessible from both Microsoft Excel and from Power BI. We have transformed the data in a “normalized form” to have the years as variables and all missing data was excluded. Also the name of the regions were standardized and a new column was created with the country codes. We have exported the edited data in comma separated values format (csv).
Session 2: Power BI We have used Power BI from Microsoft to visualize the population of the countries and its aggregate dynamic.
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Session 3: Tableau We have used Tableau from Salesforce to visualize the population at regional level and its aggregate dynamic.
Session 4: Data silos The data silos concept was introduced and then the concept of relation between tables of data. We have loaded the locality level geographical file (in shape format) and related it with the aid of a key with the dynamic of population data. We used the Romanian geo and the population files.
Session 5: The Population dynamic We have learned how to create the percent change of the population between 2010 and 2020 at locality level (LAU) and how to represent it.
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Session 6: The use of descriptive statistics in visualization We have learned how to use descriptive statistics: mean, median and dispersion to centre and truncate the data in a visualization to grasp visually the major trends. We have used the number of employees in Romania by their residence.
Data standardization We have learned how to standardize data in order to compare geographical units that have varying sizes. In this particular case we have used the time series to create percent changes in employees.
Data interpretation Based on the map of percentage change of employees we discussed the labor market trends in Jimbolia in regional context.
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Session 7: Geocode We have learned how to geocode using google services based on the companies addresses from Jimbolia.
Point representation of geographical data Using the geocoded addresses of the companies from Jimbolia we have represented all the firms on a map.
Density maps Based on the number of employees in a company we have created a density map of the employees from Jimbolia.
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Session 8: Maps with two layers We have learned to create maps with two layers (dual maps): the employee by residence at locality level and at county level.
Maps with multiple layers We have created a multiple layered map (with three layers) in a dashboard: the employee by residence at locality level, the employees at county level, and a layer with Jimbolia highlighted.
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Exploring with GIS Kaloyan Tsvetkov (SUSKO)
Students Natália Ferenczi Marcell Korhán Lucia Bolojan Mihaela Petrova Vlad Bejinariu Gorgan Robert-Andrei
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Ionuț-Lucian Cornea Diana Alexandra Marțiș Sebastian-Alexandru Balaci Tudor Găvruș Boris Gluščević
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All scientific methods are designed to meet a certain need. GIS is also a tool, which helps policy makers, scientists and other users to make decisions and solve problems. The primary designers of the original GIS software in the 1960s used it to create a manageable inventory of the natural resources of Canada. Later, the National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis, led by Michael Goodchild, performed research on key geographic information science topics such as spatial analysis and visualization. Today geographers, architects, urbanists, sociologists, urban planners and other professions can use GIS to answer geographic questions. There are at least 16 different spatial relationships between different geographical objects. Every day many scholars and developers (such as in QGIS society) contribute enormously to this growing field. In order to visualize the real world GIS specialists use digital models. Digital maps and attributive information (databases) are used to represent the real world in GIS. The organizational structure of those maps are based on layered organization of GIS data. Each model of reality is a separate layer, representing individual objects such as streets, plots, infrastructure etc. Each layer contains geometric (coordinate) data and related attributes, organized in a special way in an attribute table. The representation of a territory of Jimbolia can be considered as a combination of different layers: land cover, water bodies, residential buildings, museums, religious objects etc. They all together in combination represent a model of reality. There are relationships between the attributes in these layers - the addresses are related to the streets and the buildings to the addresses. The buildings have owners, built-up and developed area, floors, type of construction and other attributes; the streets are one-way or two-way, have restrictions on speed, type of pavement and other attributes. By using GIS, students created maps of the land use and cultural heritage of the town. First My Google map tool was introduced, and students used it in order to insert attributes and geographical data in their hometowns. 131
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Then this data was exported to Google Earth in order to introduce the file formats of data. In Google Earth, students were working on how to extract and calculate different spatial data: length, elevation, area, distance between points, lowest and highest point in a particular area, shortest way between two points, travel time between points.
↑ By using the Naismith's Rule students calculated the distance time between two points.
↓ Students prepared a general map of Jimbolia again with the help of QGIS software.
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↑ At the last part of the workshop QGIS software was introduced. In addition, students got acquainted with the methodology of Urban Atlas (Copernicus program). Different classes of land cover and land use were introduced.
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W3
Understanding water as a tool forming the heritage Bogdan Demetrescu & Mihai Danciu (FAUT)
Students Lucia Bolojan Mihaela Petrova Boris Gluščević
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The workshop aimed to provide an understanding of the local cultural landscape using two complementary methods: exploration (subjective approach) and mapping (objective approach). At the end, they were brought together in an explanatory material that presents the relationship between natural and anthropic (re) natural heritage, associating various situations identified at eye level with the potential for continuity of the major network of natural and built heritage. The hypothesis launched by this workshop was that there are two types of blue green elements (lakes - former clay mines and drainage canals) that are fragmented by communication or municipal infrastructure. In this sense, the mapping had to propose at the end an area where intervention is needed to restore the continuity of this (re) natural green-blue infrastructure. The ‘exploration’ stage initially consisted of the study of archival documents, containing systematization plans from the pre-war and communist periods, as well as land use plans for drainage and irrigation by watercourses. The role of this study was to introduce the topic and to understand the relationship between the historical evolution of the settlement and the hydrotechnical works made in various periods of time. The introduction was followed by traversing the territory along the green-blue corridors of the periurban area and the network of ditches and canals that form the urban system for the management of meteoric and groundwater. The northern areas of the ponds, the pumping station at the eastern end, the clogged areas between the main core and Futok, as well as the still existing canal in the entire urban perimeter were explored. Also, as a result of the interaction with the inhabitants, the participants were able to learn about the activities carried out by community members in relation to the green-blue network: in winter for recreational activities (skating, sledding), and in summer for watering animals. Last but not least, the participants identified areas where the network is clogged or unused, as well as the lack of water in certain segments.
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Exploration
The second part, ‘mapping’, used the basic features of a GIS software to get acquainted with the work environment. Following the introduction to the fundamental aspects of operating in a GIS software, made by the SUSKO team, the workshop participants became familiar with the working environment in QGIS. Therefore, during the FAUT workshop, they went through the necessary steps to record polygon, line and point type information on a georeferenced support prepared in advance.
↑ Participants mapping the territory using QGIS
The second part of the workshop took place in the House of Culture of Jimbolia and involved mapping the layers extracted from the satellite map and those identified during the site visit. The exercise involved mapping all the elements identified in the exploration taken in the two days before, primarily through basic elements: the hydrotechnical network, recreational and leisure areas, brownfields, industrial functions that pollute / do not pollute watercourses, natural landscape landmarks and built heritage landmarks. Following their registration, the following steps involved a network analysis, which resulted in the following types of information: conflicts between the green-blue system and the mobility infrastructure, the green-blue extra-urban corridor developed between the brownfields and the of agricultural crops, the green urban corridor developed within the limits of the buildable area, the territory in need of protection which sums up the two types of corridors listed above and the relevant built heritage over a distance of 100 meters outside the natural area.
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The resulting plans contain relevant information on Jimbolia's heritage, both from the perspective of valuable natural elements and those of built heritage. The result shows that an external and an internal green belt are formed, which allow the communication between the pond area and the major network of drainage channels. The identified conflicts must be addressed through punctual, concrete measures, establishing ways of intervention according to the punctual dysfunctions. The results showed that the situation in the first place suffers in terms of poor administration, although there is a continuous network that has the potential for continuity. The landscape is closely related both to heritage objectives built from various periods, and to daily activities of the community that have become a habit. The conclusions express the need to ensure this continuity of the green-blue network, integrated with that of the public spaces of the city and with that of recreation for the inhabitants of Jimbolia, a true double green belt of the locality.
↑ Resulted plans
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W4
Town and industry Irina Băncescu, Cristian Bădescu, Alexandru Belenyi, Cristian Borcan, Ilinca Păun Constantinescu, Irina Tulbure (UAUIM)
Students Katalin Kitti Kiss Laura Argeșeanu Alexandru Naghiu
Andjela Jovanovic Ionuț-Lucian Cornea Diana Alexandra Marțiș
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Exploration, Theory
The scope of the exercises compiled in the Town and Industry workshop was to understand how the brick industry (with its presence and absence) marked the urban evolution and the life of Jimbolia. The framing method of confronting the intuitive approach (observation and interpretation), the scientific approach (guided field research and analysis) and participative and action-based approach aimed to put forth the importance of creating a balance between the personal understanding of a site, the objective instruments of the profession, and the needs and desires of the local community. The exercise positioned students both as subjective observers and as professionals, and showed them how to collectively draft a problem definition that could stand as a starting point for future flexible approaches on Jimbolia town. In order to achieve the proposed goal, the framing method combined three different approaches: •
•
•
an intuitive approach, based on an immersive strategy of experiencing the specific reality in a direct, individual way, using subjective, creative, and sensible criteria (see further e. 1); an objective approach that made use of pre-established formal criteria and selected bibliography, in order to point out the material and immaterial traces of the brick industry (see further e. 2); an action-based approach developed to connect the students with the people, the stories and the places in the Fütok neighbourhood.(see further e. 3).
The coherence of the whole endeavour through these different approaches was achieved by applying permanently two working conditions: on one hand, everything that was perceived, recorded or analysed had to start from town-industry relations and, on the other hand, all data, both subjective and objective, had to be spatialized in mappings. The development of the workshop during the five days was an on-going process that continuously adapted 138
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to the inputs from the site, finally producing an unexpected and unconventional representation of the studied topic. Exercise 1 focused on increasing awareness of the environment while on-site, using unconventional tools for experiencing and representing the site. Participants were asked to develop a personal record of a 4 hour derive through the city of Jimbolia by sketching and writing about what they see and by collecting objects that intuitively draw their interest - sketch first, think later! There was no predetermined path for the walks, only a very general direction: start in the center and head towards the lakes. Upon returning into the workshop space, the sketches and memorabilia were assembled into a collective gallery of drawings - a first image of Jimbolia as a subjective landscape, where new landmarks and potential research topics to be further explored emerged. The concluding activity required each participant to associate research questions with the graphic representations. The questions were themselves collected into a commune document to be further developed.
↑1 Subjective mapping (exercise 1) Source: the authors
Exercise 2 focused on identifying elements of material cultural value, within the topic town and industry. The exercise took into consideration the actual status of the existing established values (the Monument Register). The method consists in the exposure of two hypotheses to be demonstrated (1. the brick industry is very important in terms of cultural value for Jimbolia and 2. there are more than 4 elements – indicated by the Monument Register – relevant for the cultural heritage of Jimbolia). In order to demonstrate the starting hypothesis, the exercise proposed three 139
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different levels of study, based on both bibliographic and field research.
↑ 2, 3 Final layout of the exhibition/scale model
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The workers neighbourhood: The construction of Fütok is a consequence of the existence of Brick Factory (Bohn/ Muschong) and at this level the exercise aimed to determine which are the particular architectural and urban characteristics of the site (typologies/materials, etc.).
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The brick factory in Jimbolia as a link in a territorial network: Bohn/Muschong brick and tile factories represented in the late 19th century and beyond a concern/ a strong network in the territory of Banat and at this level, the exercise aimed to display not only the initial stage of this network, but also its evolution in time, regardless of the actual administrative borders, since each of the case studies are illustrating paradigmatic cases of evolution.
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Traces of industry in the town of Jimbolia: Through time, in Jimbolia functioned several industries, some of which today no longer exist (including the well-known Bohn/Muschon Factory); this level on the exercise aims to research if, despite their disappearance, material traces of their existence still exist entangled within the urban structure (house of culture/club/ leisure and sport facilities as investments of the previously existent industries).
Exercise 3 focused on connecting the participants with the actual people and places in the Fütok neighbourhood. The exercise used interdisciplinary methods such as walking (on site), interviews (with inhabitants), photos (of people), mapping and drawing (situations), and aimed to uncover the personal and intangible side of the neighbourhood. A collection of different kinds of narratives and life
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stories emerged. The students placed all the 'objects' on a constructed physical map inside the Jimbolia Culture House, spatializing their findings and building a scale model of real situations.
↑ 4, 5 Installation on the site of the former brick factory
The exercise took on an unexpected turn when a small part of the group endeavoured to build a small brick installation on the site of the former factory by reusing the abundant remnants of brick. The small intervention aimed at establishing a dialogue between that particular area and the city through the construction of a small brick tower on the one hand and through the exploration of the particular landscape that was left in the place of the factory (img. 4, 5).
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↑ 6, 7 The structure behind the exhibition layout
The data gathered on and off site throughout the three exercises has been displayed within the workshop room on the walls and on the floor as part of a participatory effort to reconstruct Jimbolia based on a new set of landmarks that emerged out of the collective experience. The final product of the workshop was a scale model/installation. Exploring the installation implied a 141
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constant back and forth movement between the two perspectives (objective and subjective), and two different images of a tangible Jimbolia and an intangible, sensible, symbolic one (img. 2, 3). The final step of the experience was to remove all the content gathered throughout the workshop from the walls and floor and leave only the blue tracings of tape used (excessively) to fix exhibits into place. We found the structure of the exhibition itself as an intriguing object to contemplate, an emerging spatial system that grew and adapted as we progressed through the three exercises. (img. 6, 7)
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Working with the (invisible) built heritage Zoltán Major, Gergely Sági, Levente Szabó, Zsolt Vasáros (BME)
Students Milica Biorac Vlad Bejinariu Gorgan Robert-Andrei
Sebastian-Alexandru Balaci Tudor Găvruș
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As based on our institutional curriculum and our aims and scopes established at the beginning of our partnership in the first phase of the Triplex Confinium program, we chose to deal with the built (yet invisible) heritage of the town of Jimbolia. Our two departments (the Dept. of Explorative Architecture and the Dept. of Public Building Design) consider the personal experience and the deepest personal involvement possible for our design tasks given to the students. The program we proposed was of two main parts: One is the research and the exploration of the town and its historical-architectural context and the other is the real-life, smallscale (pop-up, in this case) intervention(s) which means an actual architectural act during the workshop period. We also considered it very important to involve the students participating in our workshop not only in the “physical” part but even in the forming of our workshop program. We wanted them to take an active part in finding the “hot-spots” in the town’s history and also finding a way to process this information. We only gave suggestions and any help they needed but we wanted them to find their way to explore and to understand the given context. Our first suggestion was to work with the heritage of the late Csekonics counts. This noble family played a key role in the history of Jimbolia during almost 150 years since the first lord Csekonics got the village and the surrounding estates. The prosperity and importance brought by the Csekonics family led the region and Jimbolia itself became a regional industrial centre. This helped raise the new bourgeoisie, the owners of the two brick factories: the Bohn and the Muschong families. The storm of the 20th century finished both the Csekonics and the Bohn-Muschong 144
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stories, their heritage lost step by step by the lack of maintenance and interest. This way it became a built heritage in loss, sometimes already invisible.
We started working at the Csekonics heritage, walking around and finding traces - starting at the former town palace (now the consistory building) and heading towards the southern outskirts, where once the heart of all the Csekonics empire, the famous Csitó castle (designed by Miklós Ybl in 1868) stood. We expected to find nothing there - the research we made previously concluded that there were no remains at the site - however in the bushes we found visible traces of walls, foundations, even some plastered corners which we tried to identify from the photos and floorplans we had. Here started the real adventure since the bricks found there were stamped by the “Bohn” logo and the students remembered that in the Futok neighbourhood (built for the workers of the Bohn factory) there are some remains of the castle built in the houses. Here they suggested working with that connection: how the present but “mentally” invisible traces of the stories of these two importart families (and their heritage) is connected by the act of building? They did a quick survey and made a plan: let’s make some quick interventions to show how and where the remains of the Csekonics era are visible all around the town and let’s make it visible using the Bohn brick from Futok. We also chose four action area: the house in Futok, where the remains of the Csitó castle are built in, the cemetery, where the remains of the Csekonics counts rest, the central allee in the town, near the former palace, where some nicely elaborated pieces are exhibited and the actual place of the Csitó castle. We recollected pieces of brick laing all around the Futok neighborhood and brought them to the selected sites. 145
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We made a site-specific small scale intervention and we “immortalized” it by making a fotoreport of each and every pop-up installation. Finally we used the bricks to extend one of the still existing corners of the Csitó castle and that became the last and only installation which remained built and in-situ. This way we tried to symbolize the coalescence of these historical-architectural layers with highest importance in the history of Jimbolia.
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Digital Brick: Contemporary approaches in working with the brick Marko Jovanić, Jelena Kićanović, Miloš Obradović
Students Tamás Révész Benvenuto Giovana Gordana Savković Natália Ferenczi
Laszlo Bilak Jacqueline Iancu Oana Gabriela Stoian Meda Cotei
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This workshop utilizes the potential that digital techniques and technologies have when applied to the scope of brick laying. Contemporary interpretations of centuries old staggered brick stacks have allowed for the potential to implement old ideas and automate them to generate different variations following the same logic. The basic method behind this approach starts by defining the desired surface which is going to be populated by bricks. The surface can be doubly curved, but maintain the top and bottom edge curves as planar and parallel to the horizontal plane (fig. 1). Once the surface is generated, it is approximated through a set of parallel curves, which are located at a specific distance from one another, starting from the bottom (fig. 2). The distance is set as a variable, determined as the sum of the brick height and the joint thickness. Afterwards, the curves need to be approximated through a set of points, which can be used later on for brick placing. The points are located at a specific distance from one another. The distance is also a variable, determined as the sum of the brick length and the joint thickness. If these points were to be used for brick positioning, the staggered nature would not exist, given their uniform grid like nature. That is why the distance is divided by two to produce double the amount of points, from which a subset of points can be used for the odd and another subset for the even rows later on. In order to ensure that the bricks have a staggered stack and to accommodate for the difference in curve length, which can occur with doubly curved surfaces, each curve is approximated by the same number of points. The number is chosen to be the minimum amount of points produced as the result of the division process (fig 3). Afterwards, every odd curve is chosen and every odd point on it and every even curve is chosen with every even point on it, thus generating a grid of points that are staggered (fig. 4). Once the points are determined, it is necessary to generate the user coordinate system (UCS) for brick placement later on. In order to produce this, each point is evaluated in reference to its parent curve and a set of respective tangent vectors t is generated (fig. 5). These tangent vectors are then 148
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rotated around the vertical axis positioned in each of the respective points to produce a normal vector, n . Using the point as origin and the two vectors, t and n, as an axis, a UCS is generated for each brick. The bricks are generated so that the origin is located at the center of the bottom brick side (fig. 6). By changing any of the starting inputs, the shape and form of the surface, the brick or joint dimensions, it is possible to produce instant variations of the design (fig. 7). In order to elaborate on the approach, a guiding image pattern can be utilized as an input, which can govern the color of the bricks (fig. 8) or its rotation (fig. 9). With this approach, a myriad of different solutions can be generated, where the fabrication process depends on the designer criteria and preferences as well as the structural stability of the chosen solution. Alongside its main application for wall design, it can be used for landscape tiling or sculptural interpretations with random reduction of the number of bricks.
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↑ Under the brick – Jacqueline Iancu and Giovanna Benvenuto
↑ Little spider pavilion – Meda Cotei, Gordana Savkovic,
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↑ (RE)think brick – Laszlo Bilak, Natalia Ferenczi, Oana Stoian
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Walking the canal Tamás Szentirmai, János Vági, Miklós János Boros (DEB)
Students Diána Bodorkos Skrabák Julianna Marcell Korhán
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The natural environment is a specific medium for spatial perception. The basic references that define the built environment, such as scale, dimension and distance, do not apply. To characterise the landscape, the observer is forced to resort to abstract concepts such as density, absence, infinity, etc. Abstraction also determines cognition: non-objective, personal cues help.
The workshop is aimed to address the problem of the relation between landscape (natural) and object (architectural), which is far from trivial. The questions were: what is the relationship between landscape and object, how does the landscape affect the object and the object the landscape. Can all this be modelled and by what tools? Our basic hypothesis: small-scale interventions 'in-situ' help to learn about place and can also be used to model the landscapeobject relationship.
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The workshop was limited to the practical implementation of the basic hypothesis, and sought to prove it experimentally by systematically drawing conclusions from practice. During the first site visit, we identified a site with general landscape characteristics such as the absence of a point of alignment, the lack of scale, the barely tangible dimension, the notion of barrenness that characterises the natural landscape. These landscape characteristics were most evident in the dry lake bed, and its atmosphere distinguished it from the surrounding
landscape types. We tried to approach the character of the lake bed first by tactile cognition: walking around the lake, walking in the lake bed, and unexpected sampling. This was followed by the classic design phase, but only project outlines were sketched out, taking into account what 'building materials' were available. It is not negligible for the method that in many cases the interventions were decided by searching (wandering) around the site, since the 154
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aim was precisely to get closer to the site through the practice of 'building'. For this reason, most of the workshop was spent on site, constantly 'building' objects. We made shad-patches with red yarn as a landscape prosthesis, shad-covering with a coherent surface (sketch pauses) as a negative landscape prosthesis, line-like imagery by highlighting the dried mud-cubes of the lake bed, then at night, mud-grid delineation with light, a visual game of here-redwhere-red-red creating a mismatch of proportions (cardboard surfaces with brick proportions), other interventions suggesting a loss of proportion as in the Italian Riviera (small cardboard surfaces and the mud pattern). All interventions were temporarily 'built', none remained part (or not-part) of the landscape as the method implied. We examined the relationship between the constructed object and the landscape, drew conclusions from the view, documented and then 'dismantled' it. It was not a question of presentability, of extracting so-called 'artistic value', these objects were a means of cognition, of investigation. For this very reason, we consider the documentation of the interventions and the evaluation of the experiences gained to be a phase that is not at all incidental to the methodology. It is assumed that the workshop experiences will be incorporated into the design thinking, in particular in the definition of the design programme and the scale of the planned building, and in the selection of the building site, and will influence the designer's decisions in this respect, i.e. the workshop experiences will feed back the design process.
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Hatzfeld Jimbolia Zsombolya Žombolj Džimbolj Traces of the industrial revolution texts by
Sergiu Petru Dema Cristina Dema Cristian Blidariu
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The following series of texts, part of the Jimbolia Atlas, were prepared during the summer of 2021, as bibliographic support for Think Brick!, Triplex Confinium’s international architecture competition. They were researched and documented by Mr. Sergiu Petru Dema, manager of the local House of Culture, Cristina Dema, manager of the Sever Bocu Press Museum, with support and contributions from arh. Cristian Blidariu, acting as producer and editor. The texts tackle the research themes of our partnership, such as history of border localities, the industrial revolution and its heritage, brick production, migration, ecology and landscape, the markers of local culture, and offer preliminary knowledge needed in relation to our competitors' objectives. A series of short videos, linking the information with historical footage and in depth presentations of the various sites addressed through the competition brief, was also produced as promotional material for the Jimbolia summer school.
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The Kaule Sergiu Dema & Cristian Blidariu
The 18th century colonisation of the Banat was not an easy endeavor, and required a huge planning effort, in building its infrastructure, in moving in people from distant lands, in establishing some sense of order and control. Early settlers were decimated by the many diseases spewing from the marshy lands, just as new towns and villages were gradually being built. In the space of 50 years after the Habsburg reconquista, under the supervision of imperial council administrator Wilhem von Hildebrandt, as old villages like Comloșu Mare, were being reorganised along gridded layouts, new pre-planned settlements started dotting the Banat plains. These were built at regular intervals, alog existing or new roads, exploiting the features of the land, ready to receive the much needed labour force that was required to start the industrial and agricultural revolution in the new imperial Banat region. Oftentimes, villages were built in advance, before settlers even arrived. The urban layout respected the strictest efficiency rules. Rammed earth houses, built according to standardised projects, lined the spacious streets. To their backs, each benefited from a substantial plot of agricultural land. This was used by the settlers to their own benefit. The village was surrounded by an area of commons made up mostly by grazing grounds, used by the entire community. Outside it, the 158 158
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agricultural land of each village was again, equally parceled in agricultural plots, attributed to each family. Jimbolia’s first settlers, coming from Mainz, Trier, Sauer, Pfalz, Lotharingia and Luxemburg, arrived in 1766, to a setting similar to the one described above. Their first colonial houses were made using rammed earth techniques. The raw material was extracted from the immediate vicinity of the locality. There, in the area of commons surrounding the settlement, at the end of each street, colonists would get their building materials by digging up clay pits named kaules. A typical colonial house was made by compressing clay mixed with straw in a formwork of wooden planks. Oak wood, cut during the winter season, was generally used, but since this was a scarce resource in the area, even imperfect and bent planks were accepted. The inserted material was then trampled by foot or with special tools. The thickness of these walls reached around 40 cm. Once the entire house was erected, and the planking removed, openings for windows and doors were cut using special saws. Over time, as colonists sought to increase their comfort, new building techniques became customary. As rammed earth dwellings were gradually being replaced with new ones made of bricks, an entire new brick manufacturing ecosystem appeared. It is assumed that the last craftsman to use the rammed earth technique was Nikolaus Schwarz, who emigrated to the United States in Chicago. (1) The kaules however, retained their function as main source for raw material, even as bricks were now being produced on a regular basis.This is evident on the third military topographical survey of the Banat region (1869-1887), with kaules clearly drawn out at the end of each street, not only in Jimbolia but throughout all villages around it. These kaules had toponymic names. For example, die Kaul an der Electrisch was the pond near the Power Plant. In the 1950s, a sports field was to be built on the site of the lake to serve the Flamura Roșie handball team, which was, at the time, playing in the national handball league. Another name is Dampmillkaull - a pond near the mill. (1) Gradually, the kaules were transformed into a highly efficient drainage system, collecting rainwater at the end of each street along a canal that was hydrographically connected to the Mures- Bega basin. The canal was thus used in the control of water flows, insuring the locality against further flooding. Along it, a new natural ecosystem emerged, protecting the town from strong winds and blizzards. Unfortunately, over time, many of these kaules have also been filled in. Several such campaigns took place in the 1970s when 159
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earth from the Ceramica factory (former Bohn) was used to cover some of the northern parts of the canal. A similar action took place around the 2000s, again in the northern part, between old Jimbolia and the Futok neighbourhood, in order to make space for social housing developments (ANL). The kaules however still retain their symbolic if not functional importance. Previously, this functionality was diverse. They were commons, used for grazing, natural drainage areas, and idyllic landscapes exploited by children as their playground during the summer season, or for ice skating and hockey matches during winter. Currently, an edge phenomenon can be observed along their topography. With nature slowly re-conquering their topography, the kaules mediate the tension between urban development and the intensive exploitation of agricultural land.
Bibliography (J. Anton; A. P. Petri; Eisenbahn, Post und Beleuchtung în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld, 1991)
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Jimbolia and the brick tradition Sergiu Petru Dema
The most important brick factory in Jimbolia is, without a doubt, the Bohn factory. It is also the oldest factory of this type in the locality, being established in 1864. For 10 years it functioned as a small manufacturing enterprise but, from 1874 until its dissolution in 1994, it produced brick on an industrial scale. (6) The initiator of this business is Stefan Bohn, a settler from Sankt Hubert, a town situated today just across the Serbian border. Stefan Bohn has owned a factory in Sankt Hubert since the 1850s, but he was also interested in Jimbolia. It is here that he discovered, right next to the newly built railway, the necessary raw material needed to expand his enterprise. But, Bohn also opened other businesses in Kikinda, Charleville and Lugoj. By 1880 M. Bohn et Co. was considered the most important ceramic enterprise in Hungary. The owners of this company were Michael Bohn, Stefan's eldest son, and his two brothers-in-law - Jakob Muschong and Jakob Schaaf. The company was strengthened by the marriages between the children of the two main owners. Michael Bohn married Marianne Muschong, daughter of Stefan Muschong (owner of a 161
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pottery factory), while her brother, Jakob, married Margarethe Bohn, daughter of Stefan Bohn. The two "X" type marriages meant that the Bohn siblings married the Muschong siblings, thus solidifying the ownership of the company. The detail is important given the subsequent course of events. Bohn's other daughter married Jakob Schaaf. The latter left the company around 1900. Michael Bohn ran the factory in Kikinda, while Jakob Muschong ran the factory in Jimbolia, which he developed considerably. (6) Even so, rivalry between Michael Bohn and Jakob Muschong, intensified when considering their personal assets. Michael Bohn built his own factory in Békéscsaba, while Jakob Muschong bought Buziaș Baths. Both these actions were fulfilled outside of the common assets of the company, as personal investments of the two main owners. They led to the division of the company in 1907. Muschong received two factories in Lugoj, where he moved. Bohn kept the factories in Kikinda, Jimbolia, St. Hubert and Charleville. The one in Békéscsaba was already in his possession. (6) In 1910, a factory built in Budapest was added to the factories mentioned above. Prior to the split, the company was the largest company of its kind in Austria-Hungary. (7) Before the First World War, Jimbolia's annual production consisted of 18 million tiles, 8 million bricks and 300 ceramic wagons, which were exported to Austria, Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece. The export of tiles to Greece, Egypt, Haifa and Tel Aviv increased considerably from 5 million in 1921 to 20 million in 1923, being discontinued in 1924 due to very high export tariffs. In 1927 the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Cluj noted that "Bohn" had a production of 50 million pieces per year. (7) The company has participated in various exhibitions and competitions, where it has won various "Grand Prix ''. Some of the exhibitions in which the factory participated are: Timișoara in 1895, Arad in 1897, Budapest in 1898, Paris in 1900, etc. (6) In 1945 the factory in Jimbolia, with 1500 employees, had the following facilities: 3 circular ovens, 4 chamber ovens, 4 press rooms, 24 tile and brick sheds, 2 machine rooms and boilers, 2 mechanical workshops, 3 warehouses , 2 carpentry workshops, 2 pump buildings, 15 homes and offices, 2 stables, 2 carriage sheds, 2 garages, 2 sheds, 52 horses, 8 carriages, 6 carts, 23,612 linear meters of garage, 439 wagons , 14 diesel and petrol steam engines, 4 steam boilers, 2 electric generators, 35 three-phase motors, 6 automobiles, 11 transformers, 8 granulating machine sets, 8 clay cleaners, 11 earth shredders, 4 presses for bricks, 18 large tile presses, 2 scale tile presses, 4 dust mills, 2 hydraulic pump presses, 1 flower phase press, 2 double-pressed brick 162
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presses, 5 clay cleaners, 37 conveyors, 29 pumps, 12 lathes, 6 drilling machines, etc. (7) A 1983 brochure mentions that the Jimbolia factory produced the following: 8 types of bricks, 8 types of tiles, including tiles, glazed tiles for historic buildings and scale tiles, concrete blocks made of burnt bricks, tiles for stoves terracotta, plaster bricks, prefabricated concrete parts, chips and concrete parts for stables. (8)
In addition to the famous Bohn factory, known during the communist period as Jimbolia Ceramics, there were other enterprises in the locality specialized in the production of ceramic materials. Against these, the Bohn factory carried out several campaigns to overcome the competition or to incorporate it in its own body. Bohn, however, was not the only entrepreneur exploiting Jimbolias rich clay pits. Erste Hatzfelder Dampfziegelei began production in 1888 under the command of the family of Johann Koch and Stefan Gáspárics. From 1903 the factory located on the road to Lenauheim was taken over by the Bohn company. (1) Another company, Hatzfelder Dampfziegela Aktiengesellschaft, was run by Josef Threiß, and began production in 1895. The factory was located on the road to Comloș and produced 8 million tiles and 4 million other ceramic products annually. (2) In 1903 Threiß sold its shares to Bohn, but in the same year Josef Threiß set up another 163
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factory called Hungaria-Dampfziegelei-A.G, which operated for about two decades. This change of ownership was however the result of a hostile takeover devised by Jakob Muschong. Between 1899 and 1901 Mushong bought all the lands around the Threiß factory, raising prices artificially, thus rendering any further development of his competitor impossible. This was essential for the Bohn- Mushong empire as, prior to this hostile takeover, Threiß’s production was quite high, with up to 16 million tiles and 12 million bricks a year. (3) Quint`sche Ziegelei also operated for several decades, producing biberschwanz-type bricks and tiles without machinery. (4) There was also a company, run by Josef Farkas, which produced chamotte and stove parts. (5) Josef Leitheim's pottery workshop located on the current Tudor Vladimirescu Street is also worth mentioning. (8)
Bibliography (1) H. Bräuner, P. Jung, M. Schwarz; Erste Hatzfelder Dampfziegelei în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 843 (2) P. Martin, A. P. Petri; Hatzfelder Dampfziegelei-Aktiengesellschaft în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 845 (3) P. Jung, P. Martin, A. P. Petri; Hungaria-Dampfziegelei als Aktiengesellschaft în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 847 (4) H. Bräuner, P. Jung, M. Koch, M. Schwarz; Quint`sche Ziegelei în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 848 (5) H. Bräuner, P. Jung, P. Martin; Farkas-Chamotte-Kachelofenfabrik în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 860) (6) Anton Schenk; Vom Aufstieg und Untergang der Bohn’schen Ziegelei; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 18, 2011; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; Spaichingen; (7) Prof. Thomas Breier; Întreprinderea de Produse Ceramice Jimbolia – Monografia – 1874-1974; (8) K. H. Gross; Die Bohnschen Ziegelfabrik în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991, p. 827.
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The quarry lakes Sergiu Dema & Cristian Blidariu
The complex activity of land exploitation carried out over time in Jimbolia, in order to produce ceramic products, led to the appearance of several pits that later transformed, naturally, into anthropic lakes. In the native language, these water filled earth quarries are called "bălți". In their current natural state, the lakes are a good reference point for observing the interaction between human activity and the landscape, both past and present. The technology for manufacturing quality ceramic products involved the application of specific mixing recipes. In order to achieve these, different types of clay were excavated at various depths and from different quarries. While some quarries are only a few meters deep, others are believed to reach depths of even 30 meters. Scraping the earth at such depths was not without its surprises, and several paleontological or archaeological elements were found in the process. Mammoth and rhino bones have been discovered, as well as mill stone believed to have been used in ancient times. During their initial exploitation stages, the quarries were dug by “Kubikas”, intensive laborers using only shovels and spades. These early workers were paid per cubic meter, hence their name. By the 165
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end of the 19th century however, clay exploitation was performed using specialised machinery. Excavators called “buggers” and narrow-gauge railway networks soon appeared in the area of the ponds. The buggers were crane-like structures mounted on tracks on the side of the quarry. Their arm could be lowered inside the quarry, and was equipped with excavator buckets that continuously scraped the surface in a circular motion. The material was dumped in train carriages and later moved to the mixing facility. For better organization, some lines run only with loaded carriages, while others only with unloaded ones. This is how local names appeared, such as “full”, “empty”, but also “Hallo”, which designated the tower from which the trains movement was coordinated.
The quarries themselves have names that are far from abstract. Even if their meaning no longer resonates with the reality known today, they were however named once, after their main utility, or type of clay that they produced. This is how names like Herișanu, Blue, Szeles, Hemp, Two, etc. appeared. Besides the old smelting plant and a newer structure (not part of the historical factory), the lakes are the only man made structure still visible of this great industrial project. In the two decades that followed they have been gradually reconquered by nature. Ironically, as industrialized agriculture has taken hold of the nearby fields these lakes have transformed into an oasis for natural wildlife. They are currently an informal place for recreation used mainly by the local community either for fishing or bird spotting. Swimming is officially prohibited as several deaths have occured in the past years. These were caused either by the algae growing in shallow waters or by the cold currents inhabiting the deeper pits. These have variable depths that quickly and unpredictably change the temperature of the water. While some lakes are truly deep some are drying out, as the water leveling system stopped working two decades ago. This system was used to control water levels 166
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during the extraction process. Water was constantly pumped from one lake into another as the huge “buggers” were toiling away scraping their depths. All connecting pipes are now above the water level or filled in. The resulting landscape, with its different kinds of water textures, is a haven for birds as well as various small mammals and rodents.
Local administrations have proposed various projects for regenerating the site, some going as far as proposing a water adventure park. The latest one imagines a place dedicated to bird watchers and nature enthusiasts. None, however, planned to reinterpret the industrial tradition, the memory of the production facilities and the many stories that it spanned.
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The Futok workers Colony Sergiu Dema & Cristian Blidariu
In the northwestern part of Jimbolia, outside the ring of kaules, there is a working-class neighborhood whose existence is closely related to the Bohn ceramic factory. The Futok neighborhood, as it is called, emerged as a byproduct of industrialisation. It is by all standards a workers colony, with a spatial morphology and cultural identity that sits in contrast to the one visible in the historic settlement of Jimbolia. Futok is also a product of chance. In 1879 the city of Szeged was flooded. With many of its buildings destroyed it was in urgent need of repairs. Large parts had to be rebuilt, and Bohn’s factory in Jimbolia, only a couple of kilometers away along the rail line, rose to the occasion. The high demand for tile and brick, however, far exceeded Bohns production capacity at the time, as most of Jimbolia’s inhabitants were still farmers or craftsmen. Seeking this new much needed labor force, Bohn encouraged families from the flooded areas to take refuge in Jimbolia and work in his enterprise. These colonists were the first inhabitants of the neighbourhood, thus greatly increasing in numbers Jimbolia’s proletariat. This phenomenon was not without consequences as they were joined shortly by 168 168
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The Futok workers Colony
former agricultural laborers, gradually leaving the Csekonics estate, disgruntled by their low wages. This sparked a new rivalry between the old class of estate owners and the new class of industrial entrepreneurs. Initially, Futok’s dwellers lived in barracks. The first proper houses in the colony appeared in 1892, as land near the factory was parceled out and sold to the workers of the enterprise. The evolution of the neighborhood was directly linked to that of the factory, with positive changes, especially following the direct investments and explosive turnouts of 1907, 1908, 1911, 1912. The urban morphology of the colony is however of great importance, as it was built on plots without proper agricultural gardens. While traditional housing units in Jimbolia were built according to colonial planning and benefited from generous gardens that could sustain a family's needs, this was nowhere to be seen in the case of Futok. Here, the house occupies half of the plot, the rest being a flower garden in relation to the street. In effect, this spatial condition meant that the Futok proletariat was unable to practice any agricultural activity, even on the smallest scale. Another interesting cultural aspect, gradually developed in time, can be observed in the formal and aesthetic aspect of these houses. They were ingeniously clad by their inhabitants with the many brick products manufactured in the factory throughout the last century, a reality visible today in its patchwork of brick patterns. This was done not only for aesthetic reasons, even though a local aesthetic has gradually been defined in time, but for very practical reasons. The efficient brick, generally used, acts as an extra layer of thermal insulation and as a water barrier. The most exquisite architectural object in Futok, that literally stuns visitors walking its streets, is the Archangel Michael, Roman Catholic Church, parish church. It can be said, almost certainly, that the adoption of this saint is closely related to the importance of the name Michael in the Bohn family, Michael Bohn senior and Michael Bohn junior playing important roles in the founding of the factory. The brick church was built between 1928 and 1929, opposite to the factory’s headquarters in a flamboyant neo gothic style that would allow it to be not only a place of worship for the neighbourhood but also a centerpiece for the Bohn products, a showroom of sorts. Surprisingly, for this complex architectural endeavour, a local architect was employed, Johann Jänner. His design highlights the wealth of ceramic products manufactured in the Bohn factory, glazed bricks of various colours, special detailing bricks, tiles and ceramic decorations. Most of the brick models and tiles used here were later also used in the building of the Orthodox Metropolitan cathedral in Timișoara. 169
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Few people, even in Jimbolia, know however that there is an old Futok and a new Futok. The old Futok covers the area from the station to the Pannonia Mill (FNC), while the new one stretches from the Pannonia Mill to the cemetery. But what does Futok even mean? There are various etymological interpretations of its name. A plausible one is that it is the plural form of a noun in the Hungarian language that has its roots in the verb to run. What is the connection between the act of fleeing and the name of this colony? There are several opinions on this subject as well. E. Jankovits is of the opinion that the name derives from the fact that the workers in charge of digging up the quarries, at one point in time, threatened to leave their service if not better paid. Another explanation, also supported by Jankovits, deals with the rivalry between the Bohn factory and the Csekonics estate, again dealing with labor costs. It seems that during an altercation between representatives of these two main parties, one of the people involved may have shouted, referring to the dwellers of Futok: I'm running to call for help! Another perspective is that of Professor Detlef Strunk, who links the name of the neighborhood to the dense system of railways in its immediate vicinity. Mr Strunk says the name Futok comes from the maneuvers carried out here by rail. Alexandru Széll, claims that the name of the neighborhood comes from the fact that the factory employees usually ran to eat at home during their lunch breaks. The aspect is plausible considering the proximity between the factory and the workers' colony. However, there is also an opinion that the name is related to the people who fled the disaster during the flood in the Szeged area, that it is, therefore, a refugee neighborhood. We will dwell into its stories, look at its unique urban and architectural morphology and space, study its material culture emphasizing brick, during our September summer school. Stay tuned.
Bibliography Anton Schenk; Die Arbeitsiedlung Futok von Ihrer Entstehung bis 1948; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 8, 2001; E. Jankovits; Der Hatzfelder Ortsteilname Futok in Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld, 1991, pp. 560.
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Jimbolia’s swimming pools Sergiu Dema & Cristian Blidariu
As Jimbolia’s petit bourgeois and proletariat classes grew by the end of the 19th century, new public amenities were gradually being introduced within the circuit of social and public life. The need for recreation, for leisure, specific for these new urban classes, were detrimental in the development of these new public programs: and several swimming pools, and sport facilities soon appeared. These were financed and developed by various local stakeholders, industrial entrepreneurs or communal associations. Two of these, the Threiß Swimming Pool and Bohn Swimming Pool, have set the standard for such public programs in Jimbolia. Both of these were established around the 1920s and 1930s. They were preceded however, even as early as 1900 by a public steam bath, that operated on a differentiated program for men and women. (4) Here, one would find several bathing hot tubs but also a swimming pool used for teaching lessons. The Threiß swimming pool, built by the Hertha Sports Club, included swimming pools, fitted with changing cabins and a restaurant. It was built in a water-filled kaul formerly belonging to the Threiß factory, hence its name. Within the artificially formed 171
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lake, wooden basins, ancored on all sides were submerged.(2) The pool’s restaurant was located in a fashionable building with a high tower and a generous covered terrace surrounding its sides. A light wooden music pavilion, used by local bands, was also built in its vicinity. The pool was frequented mainly by people from the city and the inhabitants of eastern Jimbolia, (3) but regional swimming competitions were also organised. (1)
Bohn's pool on the other hand, while not far from the Threiß facility, was inside his factory. It also had wood basins submerged in a lake 4 to 6 meters deep. The large pool had the following dimensions: 30 meters long, 5-6 meters wide and 1.2-1.8 meters deep. Outside these basins, swimming was forbidden, a fact made known by several warning signs written in Romanian, Hungarian and German. The pool was divided into two sections. One part was dedicated to factory officials and paying customers, and the other was intended for the company's workers, who had free access. At first there were 30 cabins on both sides of the pool, but in 1937 another 20 were added on the "royal" side. (3)
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The Bohn Pool was frequented mainly by residents of the Futok neighborhood and the western part of the town. During the interwar period, during Sunday’s, the atmosphere was maintained by Fraunhofer's band from Comloșu Mic. Refreshing drinks such as soda or raspberry juice, beer, wine, sandwiches, croissants, beef steak and sometimes even fish could be ordered. A 100 square meters sandy beach was created next to the lake. Sporting facilities were also present, as patrons could play table tennis, bowl on an outdoor alley, or jump from a 2 meter trampoline. During the month of July, a festival dedicated to swimming and fishing techniques was organized, (3) Francisc Jung, notes that Bohn’s Pool was also fitted with a stage used for various events, a dance floor, a volleyball court, and areas for playing chess or rummy. In 1937, another 30-meter-long basin was built. The basin was built on dry land and launched in the water like a ship. Right next to the swimming pool lay the factory’s football field. As its pitch had a foundation made of ceramic materials that ensured excellent drainage, it was famous for the turf's resilience in rainy conditions. Both pools were dismantled in the 1960s. It was not until 1974 that a new swimming pool was set up in Jimbolia. It had a 50 m long and 2 m deep basin, changing cabins and two tennis courts, several table tennis options and a kiosk serving refreshments. The pool is supplied with thermal water. (3)
Bibliography (1) K. H. Gross; Die Bohnschen Ziegelfabrik în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991; (2) Franz König; Die Hatzfelder Freibäder; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 17, 2010; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; p. 113 (3) Josef Koch; Hatzfelder Ortsgeschichte în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld, 1991; (4) Zsombolyaer Zeitung, An XX, Nr. 29, 21 iulie 1907, p. 2;
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The craft tradition in Jimbolia Sergiu Dema
21 guilds: masons, carpenters, locksmiths, gunsmiths, shoemakers, bootmakers, hatters, tanners, painters, butchers, blacksmiths, tailors, were already present in Jimbolia by 1823. There were several guidelines to be followed regarding apprenticeship, with rules clearly stated in a statutory document. Guilds could not discriminate against applicants based on their religious affiliation. The probationary period of apprenticeship lasted for 6 weeks, during which time the person who was initiated into the new profession was not allowed to leave his master, had to behave morally and modestly and was not allowed to spend time at night outside. The master had to behave well with the apprentice and not use him or her for household chores, but only for activities that were related to his craft. If an apprentice left his master for no reason, or was absent for two, three or more days, he was to remain in the apprenticeship for one more week as punishment for each day absent (according to Article 4 of the Statute of 1823). Article 6 obliged the master to teach his 174 174
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apprentice the craft as soon as possible, so that the latter could earn his own food through his work. In addition to the craft’s cooperative, an entity was set up under the tutelage of which the first Leihbibliothek, or lending public library of the locality appeared. By 1925 this library had more than 1600 titles. This entity also laid the foundations of a music society, Gewerbe-Gesangverein, which spread the cultural identity of the town even in remote areas. On May 28, 1893, a 42-member choir was established. From 1907 it was conducted by Josef Linster. He has won numerous awards in Lugoj and Szeged, having successful performances in Vienna, Timișoara, Arad, Lenauheim to name just a few. Eventually, after much training under Linster, the choir was able to perform entire operettas, such as: Zweierlei Tuch, Der Rastelbinder, Dreimädelhauses, Csárdásfürstin. These cultural activities of the craftsmen led to the development of the Sängerheim building, known as the craftsmen culture house. The building was inaugurated on June 30, 1929. On this occasion a special concert was held, in which the conductor Josef Linster led a choir of 120 people and an orchestra of 30 instrumentalists. During the communist period, it functioned as a meeting room of the "Viitorul" Crafts Cooperative. On April 2, 1885, a committee dedicated to education was set up, which on April 29 laid the foundations of the apprenticeship school. It maintained a continuous existence for over 7 decades. During its first first year, 139 students were enrolled in the gymnasium, divided into 2 classes. From the year on until 1933, 9945 graduates were trained in 56 different trades. 5588 were from Jimbolia, and 3457 from over 10 other neighbouring villages and towns. Exhibitions were held annually showcasing these graduates' best outputs. They were awarded with prizes in money as well as books. The winners would later on take part in similar competitions in Timisoara, Budapest or Bucharest. In spite of its results, the school was not forign to hardship however: underfunding, difficult conditions in the boarding school, the effects of the great war and of the partition (a time during which many workshops were closed), took their toll. In 1933 the school had only 55 students. However, in the period between 1925-1927, out of the 12122 inhabitants of the city 1195 were related to the craft activities. Several figures are worth mentioning, such as Peter Schwarz, a prosthetist who was awarded several times for his work, even in Bibliography Paris in 1910 and in in 1912. Hatzfeld Some of his diplomas are in the Thomas Breier; Vom Handwerk zur Industrie in Hatzfeld in Heimatbuch desRome Heidestädtchens im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld, 1991 Banat Museum. 175
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Csitó Castle Cristian Blidariu
If industry settled on the northern side of Jimbolia, the south belonged to the huge Csekonics estate. The Csekonics family settled in Jimbolia at the end of the 18th century, when they were awarded an exploitation lease for its agricultural lands. Their first mansion, still retaining elements of the baroque fashion, was built at the turn of the 18th century, opposite the Catholic church. It now houses the local town hall. As a recognition of the family's contribution to the economy of Austro-Hungary, starting with 1864, The Csekonics' received a hereditary seat at the Upper House of the Diet of Hungary. This sealed the family's ambition of building a new mansion, on the outskirts of Jimbolia. There, between 1869-1870, based on plans drawn by the famous Hungarian architect Ybl Miklós, Josef Csekonics’ Csitó castle was built. It was designed in the fashion of the time, emulating the English romantic style. The three storey building, (basement, mezzanine and first floor) had 55 rooms. As it was customary, ladies and gentlemens apartments were housed in different wings. Its main dominant feature was a welcoming tower used for the arrival of carriages, and entrance. The castle was surrounded by a 110 hectare English park that was later fitted with a greenhouse for exotic fruits, pineapple, as Duchess Odescalchi recalls, being one of them. A chapel, designed by Artúr Meinig was also built in 1884. 176 176
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Inside it, the Csitó castle contained a wealth of artefacts and furniture pieces from as far away as Japan. The family library amassed 6000 volumes. Following the partition of Banat as a result of the Paris peace treaty, and the dramatic unfolding of the Hungarian Bolshevik revolution the Csekonics family entered a new period of turmoil and economic insecurity. With their estate now split between three countries, they were gradually forced to abandon their property and seek their fortunes in the west. After several failed attempts of selling their castle and its huge park, in 1937, the remaining Csekonics decided to demolish it, wrongfully believing that they could thus obtain a higher profit, by simply selling its bricks and materials. Few traces of its presence are still visible on site. Parts of it however were repurposed by the local community for various needs. Recovered stone capitals and plinths can still be seen throughout Jimbolia’s public spaces, as silent artefacts of this bygone era. Surprisingly, several stone cladding elements can also be seen in Futok, where local dwellers have used them to refurbish their house plinths.
Bibliography Szilágyi Mária, Anica Draganić; Domeniul de la Jimbolia – Das Landgut von Hatzfeld – A Zsombolyai uradalom; Székesfehérvár, 2016;
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Jimbolia, a little Europe. Local entrepreneurs from Europe Sergiu Dema
Jimbolia’s European allure goes back as far as its history, to its first colonial settlement. It can be traced in the historic name of its streets, reflecting the many territories from where its settlers originated. Streets such as Lothringer Gasse, Mainzer Gasse, Luxemburger Gasse, 1.Trier Gasse, 2.Trier Gasse, Sauer Gasse. The resilience of Swabian settlers was detrimental to the development of the city of Jimbolia. After several initial years of hardship, battling the harsh environment, constant flooding as well as uncontrollable fires, the swabians were able to build a tight knit, well organised, community that prospered for the next two and a half centuries. Several important public figures of German descent can be distinguished, doctor Karl Diel being one of them. His medical authority and recognition combined with the diplomacy of Count Endre Csekonics made it possible for Jimbolia to receive the granting of a local hospital at a time when these were planned only at regional levels. (1) 178 178
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The journalist Peter Jung was one of the leading poets of this ethnic group, while the painter Stefan Jäger distinguished himself through his extraordinary skill and thematic interest in visually documenting the life of local folk. Bandit Schwarz was awarded for his inventions at international salons, and Dr. Weiterschan set up a gynecological surgery clinic. The personalities of the Swabians emerged from the ranks of farmers and craftsmen, social strata that marked the development of the locality. But not all the settlers that came to the Banat region were of German origin. Leonhard Kartye, one of the mayors of the town, was from Charleville, a french community near Jimbolia. He campaigned for social democracy and owned a drugstore in the center of the town. (2) The Csekonics chef at the Csitó Castle was a proper french man however, the parisian Gernot Girardot.(3) Matrisotto's family, a name with Italian resonance, owned a butcher's shop in Jimbolia. The Dekker's, a family of Dutch origin, also encouraged the settlement of Italian hat makers. This is how Gerolamo Ciceri arrived in Jimbolia, for whose family a one-storey building, called "Villa Cornelia", was built in the courtyard of the hat factory. (3) Jimbolia also benefited from a sufficient Jewish community, as its members were largely engaged in commercial activities. The name of Moritz Pick is linked to the establishment of the Great Mill (4), which still exists on North Street and which seems to have been led at one point by another preeminent member of the jewish community, Maurus Vertes. Many of the buildings along Republicii Street housed jewish owned enterprises or commercial facilities. Ludwig Szinberger owned a fashion and carpet store, Eugen Schlesinger a textile store, Nessy Berenyi a haberdashery in the Grell house, while Ludwig Kohn was a photographer based in the Regenhold house, where the Riviera restaurant operates today. (5) The exceptional figure of the Roman Catholic priest Emmerich Csicsáky stands out - writer, translator, researcher in the work of Dante Alighieri and founder of the Jesuleum school with a monastic profile. (6) The Csekonics noble family consisted of several illustrious members, who established a reputation in politics, agronomy and agriculture, diplomacy or law. The Romanian painter Ioan Zaicu lived and had his workshop in Jimbolia. He distinguished himself, by and large, by painting several churches in Banat. (7)
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The list would be incomplete if we did not mention the Roma community, whose representatives were in Jimbolia more than 100 years ago, as evidenced by an article in the Zsombolyaer Zeitung in 1907.
Bibliography (1) Anton Schenk Bearbeitung und Ergänzung: Walter Tonţa; Fünfzig Jahre Arbeit zum Wohle des Menschen Dr. Karl Diel – Pionier der modernen Chirurgie im Banat, Heimatblatt Hatzfeld, 19, 2012; (2) A. P. Petri; Hatzfelder Persönlichkeiten în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld,1991; (3) Irene van Dekker; Rote Dornen; Hartmann Verlag, Sersheim 2007; (4) Walter Tonța; Die Große Mühle; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 6, 1999; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; (5) Johann Vastag; Mosaik eines Untergangs: Die Hatzfelder Juden; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 7, 2000; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; (6) Walter Tonța; „Exegi monumentum aere perennius...“; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 17, 2010; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; (7) Dr. P. Ciobanu; Ioan Zaicu; Biserica și Școala, Nr. 10, An 38, Arad, 22 martie 1914. (https://core.ac.uk/)
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Museums and Memorial Houses "Sever Bocu" Press Museum Cristina Dema & Cristian Blidariu
Among Jimbolia’s many micro museums, the Sever Bocu Press Museum is unique in scope and importance. It was opened in 2007 at the initiative of the famous journalist and writer Petre Stoica, a native of Banat but not of Jimbolia. Petre Stoica’s love for the written press, materialized into the most extensive private collection of newspapers, magazines, postcards, medals and various memorabilia, existing in Romania even today. After an extensive career in the Bucharest central press, Stoica decided to retire in Jimbolia, a town he greatly admired for its multicultural milieu. With him came this invaluable collection, which now serves as a hotspot for researchers, and students throughout the region. The museum house, formerly used as a school, was donated by the
local commune. It houses exhibition halls, a conference room with a capacity of 50 seats and spaces dedicated to the archive. Within its exhibition spaces one can admire some of the most valuable and, at the same time, the oldest publications in Romania: Albina Românească (1837), Foaie pentru minte, Inimă și literatură, Resboiul, Curier de ambe sexe. The museum's collection also includes business cards of former or current journalists, almanacs, calendars and private documents belonging to famous journalists.The archive stores an impressive collection of publications from the second half of the 19th century, newspapers and magazines from the 20th and even notable contemporary publications. The collection reveals, not only the evolution of the Romanian 181
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people and their language, but also the multicultural character of Jimbolia (through publications in German, Hungarian and Romanian). The diaspora is also represented through the publications in languages such as Serbian, Croatian, English, French, Italian, Turkish, Hebrew, Bulgarian etc. The museum is however a project that is constantly growing. Its desire to leave traces of the present for future generations is evident in the careful and continuous curation of subscriptions and acquisitions that can enrich this already existing historical heritage. Many of the bibliographic materials researched for the Triplex Confinium Summer school were in fact found within the vpublications housed in the Press Museum. In this sense, it represents a gold mine of information, a vessel filled with cultural wealth, traveling through the tides of time, yet anchored in Jimbolia.
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The Stefan Jäger Museum Cristina Dema & Cristian Blidariu
Stefan Jäger is the most important painter of the Banat Swabians. While his artistic skill is incontestable, Stefan Jäger’s merits also lay in his contribution to our understanding of Swabian life in Banat at the turn of the century. In this respect Jäger is a visual historian, documenting, through his many paintings, drawings, and sketches, the cultural, social and spatial dimension of his community. Traditional clothing, streetscapes, interiors of houses and the vastness of the landscape, major and minor moments of social and economic life, all are carefully depicted in a naturalist fashion, as stills from a bygone era. In 1969 a memorial house was opened around his painting studio. It has since housed many exhibitions and events, highlighting not only the Swabian heritage but also Jimbolia’s cultural ambitions, at large. Worth mentioning is the art symposium dedicated to raku pottery, a unique event in this part of the country. The museum houses a typical Swabian room built from everyday household objects and furniture from the late 19th century, an
ethnographic room, and the painter's original studio. With its incredible collection of images and original artefacts, it represents a gateway to Jimbolia’s predominantly Swabian past. Its continued existence for over 50 years is a remarkable thing for such a small town. It is a testament to a community that has been, even from afar, actively involved in its construction, preservation, restoration and promotion. Several of Stefan Jäger's paintings can be seen following this address: www.jaeger.banater-archiv.de
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Railway Museum Cristina Dema & Cristian Blidariu
Jimbolia's railway history goes hand in hand with the history of its industrial development. November 15, 2017 marked the 160th anniversary of the commissioning of the Timișoara - Jimbolia - Kikinda - Szeged railway. Being built only three decades after the first modern rail line in Europe (ManchesterLiverpool), it is one of the oldest rail lines in present day Romania. The current building is the design of the famous hungarian architect Pfaff Ferenc, who is responsible among others for designing the railway stations in Timisoara, Arad, Zagreb, Rijeka, Pécs, Győr, Debrecen and Szeged, to name just a few. It's carefully designed exposed brick facade emulates not only the local brick tradition but the spirit of its time, when train stations were buildings of immense symbolic value. After Banat’s partition following the Great War, the station became one of the main pathways between Romania and the West. The station in Jimbolia thus witnessed several important moments in the new country’s history, as it was used by the kings of Romania as 184
the main entry/exit point into their kingdom. Later on, as local legends say, important heads of state, such as Josip Broz Tito, were welcomed on its platforms. The Orient Express Simplon passed through it on its way to Constantinople. The main parts of the museum inaugurated in 2007 are represented by a railway crane and the tower for water supply of steam locomotives, but also by a tricycle used more than a century ago to revise the lines. In addition, the museum also houses fragments of this area: train tickets from different periods, photos, as well as a uniform specific to railway workers. A commemorative plaque was dedicated to Gábor Baross, who was Minister of Public Works and Transport in Hungary from 1886-1889.
Michael Vastag; Ein Streifzug durch sechs Museen; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 25, 2018; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G%C3%A1bor_Baross (accessed on 05.10.2021);
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"Saint Florian" Firefighters Cristina Dema & Cristian Blidariu
The extensive heat waves that regularly hit the Banat plains during summer, have sparked serious fires throughout Jimbolias history. Firefighting thus became not only a necessity but a compulsory activity for the men of the community. It is no coincidence that the patron saint of Jimbolia is in fact Saint Florian. His statue, placed in the center of the town, between the catholic church and the town hall, depicts a roman soldier pouring water on a flaming building. Speaking of this tradition, the “Saint Florian” Firefighters Museum is probably the museum that presents itself as the most attractive for children and students, mainly due to the nature of the exhibits. The museum has been managed by the Voluntary Service for Emergency Situations since 1993 and holds, annually, several events with social and cultural impact: May Tree, Firefighters Ball, Firefighters' Day. It is important to note that the volunteer firefighter brigade was established in Jimbolia on April 14, 1875. Its continuous activity thus spans more than 140 years.
The museum is currently open 24 hours a day. Inside its main garage and exhibition rooms, visitors will find equipment and objects used by firefighters since the inception of the brigade. Among these, worth mentioning, are a pre-1900 cart equipped with a manual pump, a Prague car specific to the 1950s, helmets, discharge pipes, gas and smoke masks, but also various other intervention vehicles. The identity of the brigade is also preserved through a collection of photographs, paintings and documents, depicting several generations of firefighters and commanders.
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Unfortunately the old firemans drill tower, built in the Marktplatz area, is no longer existing. The current 26 m high tower, built in 1928 as an attached to the brigade building, while not used for drills, was however used in the past as a vantage point for observing fires. Together with the catholic church's bell tower, the current tower dominates Jimbolia’s skyline, acting as a symbol for the local community.
Michael Vastag; Ein Streifzug durch sechs Museen; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 25, 2018; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; Walter Tonța; Hatzfelder Jubiläums- und Gedenktage 2003; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 2003, 10; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; Editing and Layout: Franz Quint, Walter Tonta; pp. 54;
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Memorial House "Dr. Karl Diel" Cristina Dema
Doctor Karl Diel was an illustrious personality in the field of medicine from the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, responsible for the erection of the municipal hospital at the turn of the century. The memorial house was established in August 2000 through donations and care of Mrs. Pia Brînzeu, the heiress of the Diel family. In 2020, the exhibition space was expanded.
“Through the memorial house dedicated to my great-grandfather, I tried to contribute to the unwritten history of Banat and to recover the atmosphere from the beginning of the 20th century. It is about that charm of the AustroHungarian Empire, of a multicultural, interethnic and interlinguistic area, where the inhabitants of Jimbolia lived elegantly, as in the great Central European capitals, spoke three or four languages and accepted mixed marriages, without no nationalist prejudices. Because the Jimbolians, like my family, crossed the borders of several countries and had to sign various certificates of membership, they learned to be flexible and tolerant.” (Pia Brînzeu)
Michael Vastag; Ein Streifzug durch sechs Museen; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 25, 2018; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; Information received from Mrs. Piav Brînzeu;
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Petre Stoica Memorial House Cristina Dema & Cristian Blidariu
Jimbolia’s recent cultural renaissance is the Stoica, upon his retirement in Jimbolia , brainchild of the poet Petre Stoica. As patron of requested that he receive for his collection a a complex cultural program, Petre Stoica typical Swabian dwelling . This transposes managed to reinvigorate the appetite for culture, visitors into a special “historic”atmosphere. organizing numerous events both in his present Among the many books, banknotes, coins, day memorial house as well as in the Press watches, photographs, the visitor is however Museum. The Romanian-German Cultural immersed not only in Swabian history but in Foundation "Petre Stoica" was based here Petre Stoica’s immense cultural mindset and throughout the ‘90s. In events such as the ones cultural aspirations, a true renaissance man. dedicated to Franz Schubert, Heinrich Heine, Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn, Georg Trakl, Queen Maria, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Johann Strauss, Ernst Junger, Mihai Eminescu, Veronica Micle etc. this entity has constantly explored the multicultural dimension of Jimbolia’s german Bibliography (1) Anton Schenk Bearbeitung und Ergänzung: Walter Tonţa; Fünfzig Jahre Arbeit zum Wohle des Menschen Dr. and romanian cultural communities. Karl Diel – Pionier der modernen Chirurgie im Banat, Heimatblatt Hatzfeld, 19, 2012; (2) A. P. Petri; Hatzfelder Persönlichkeiten în Heimatbuch des Heidestädtchens Hatzfeld im Banat; Hatzfeld,1991; After Heimatortsgemeinschaft his passing in 2009, the building in which (3) Irene van Dekker; Rote Dornen; Hartmann Verlag, Sersheim 2007; he lived and which is still organized even today (4) Walter Tonța; Die Große Mühle; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 6, 1999; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; as he has left it, became his memorial house.Juden; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 7, 2000; (5) Johann Vastag; Mosaik eines Untergangs: Die Hatzfelder Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld; Extensive numismatic, bibliophile and philatelic (6) Walter Tonța; „Exegi monumentum aere perennius...“; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld 17, 2010; Heimatortsgemeinschaft collections are to be found. But the spatial Hatzfeld; setting itself is ofZaicu; great symbolic value, asAnPetre (7) Dr. P. Ciobanu; Ioan Biserica și Școala, Nr. 10, 38, Arad, 22 martie 1914. (https://core.ac.uk/)
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Koch, Josef; Ein Stern am Hatzfelder Kulturhimmel. 5 years "Rumänisch-Deutsche Kulturstiftung Petre Stoica"; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld, Volume 6, 1999; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld, Redaktion und Layout: Franz Quint, Walter Tonta, p 47 Neuigkeiten und Kurznachrichten aus unserer Heimatortsgemeinschaft und aus Hatzfeld; Heimatblatt Hatzfeld, Volume 5, 1998; Heimatortsgemeinschaft Hatzfeld
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Population change 2011-2018, Romania Norbert Petrovici
— National Institute of Statistics, TEMPO Dataset POP104D and POP310D.
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Population Change 2011-2018, Jimbolia Area 25% 18.6% Periurban
20%
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5% -0.7%
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-15% 1992
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Employees in companies 2018
— National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2018.
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Employees based on residence 2018
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Employees in companies with foreign capital, 2018
— Data source: National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2011, 2018.
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Employees in companies with local capital, 2018
— Data source: National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2011, 2018.
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Employees working in commercial services, 2018
— Data source: National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2011, 2018.
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Employees working in manufacturing, 2018
— Data source: National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2011, 2018.
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Cluster analysis
— Data source: National Institute of Statistics, on request datasets: Employees at the level of the working location of a company, 2011, 2018.
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Land use cemetery
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Jimbolia land use map
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Natural Landscape of Jimbolia in relation with the green corridor Natural landscape of Jimbolia in relation with the green corridor
legend nat_lmark b_grcor nb_grcor leisure merged hydro
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Built Herritage of Jimbolia in relation with the green corridor
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The green corridor of Jimbolia The green corridor of Jimbolia
Legend blt_hrtg nat_lmark blt_lmark conf b_grcor nb_grcor usedn_plot usedp_plot leisure merged hydro difference brown_hydro ws_legend
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Brick Factories in Time & Territory
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Houses of the Futok Neighbourhood
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People of the Futok Neighbourhood 80 years, woman, str. Simion Bărnuțiu (nr. 15), 27.09.2021 The house where she lives is having 100 years and she was born in Jimbolia. She told me that before the lakes existed there were only quarries: stone quarries, sand quarries, after they closed, the remains started to be stolen by the locals until there was nothing left besides rubbish. Since then rainwater has collected in that area, forming the lakes. When the quarries existed, the Futok district was much more populated because of the jobs available at that time.
42 years, man, Str. Vasile Alecsandri (nr. 23), 27.09.2021 He came to Futok in 2002 for living with his grandparents. He told me that in the factory worked aproximately 1,700 or 1,800 employees, including his randparents and parents. This factory produced many types of bricks, concrete, terracotta, tiles and sent materials to many regions. During the communist regime the factory was institutionalised. Around 1992 it was closed, because the people stole it piece by piece. The locals' opinion about the closing of the factory is that it was demolished because of the European Union, because they did not want Romania to develop itself and sell materials, it wants to buy them from the West. He also claims that the church in Futok was built as a tribute to the owner's son, who died in the factory.
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80 years old, woman, Str. Vasile Alecsandri (nr. 23), 27.09.2021 The lady was born in Temeskeresztes/Cruceni in 1941. There, in 1952, many of the land belonging to farmers have been merged into a state collective. Afterwards, the younger gene ration started moving out and only the elderly was left in the town. They also moved away, to Jimbolia in 1969. All young people had a job back then in the Jimbolian brick factory. She also worked there. They bought the house where they live ever since in 1970. It was previously owned by a German lady, a grandmother. The house was originally built in 1924, by German soldiers who was returning from America after thefirst world war and worked in the Jimbolian brick factory. They managed to obtain ownership of the house, by having a smaller percentage of their salary deducted over a 10-year period. The building blocks of the house’s walls comefrom the factory. Since then they have renovated and altered the house's facade and interior. To this day thereare bricks and tiles demolished from the house. Many of the residents left the town to move abroad in 1989. Before that, in the 60’s, there were mostly Germans and Hungarians living in Jimbolia, and not so many Romanian families. The future of the younger generation in Jimbolia is quite uncertain, thus they are moving away and to abroad.
50 years, woman, Str. Calea Mărășești (Blocks made by brick), 27.09.2021 She told me that the brick blocks were made by the people who worked in the factory in the 1970s, not by the state, thefactory was right across the street from those blocks. She also told me that to the west of those blocks the landowners lived and to the east were only swamps and water. She also told me in that part of neighbourhood were only hungarian and german people who lived together.
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A.M., woman, 69 years old “When the factory closed I went to Germany to work because I had nothing to do here. It was a very painful moment and I still feel anger on "The Hunter(Vânătorul)" because of him the factory closed and so many people were left without jobs.I worked there for 30 years. We liked the neighborhood so much that it was full of life and everyone was happy, now there is no one, everyone is gone. When we had to receive the salaries, he pretended not to know and left us all without any money. And in lakes, as much as it was extracted, we had a lot of materials to make the tile and now we have nothing. Both my father and grandfather worked in the factory and I worked side by side with them unloading trucks, but I liked it. The factory was doing so well that people from agriculture came to work in the industry and we told them `fugarii`. It was better then…”
D.F., man, 66 years old “When I worked in the factory it was very good, I came here in ‘77 from Moldova and since then I only left when the factory closed, I went to Constanta to look for a job because I had nothing to do here and I had to support my family. My 7 children and I also worked in the factory, but now they are no longer interested in us and Jimbolia. The neighborhood was very beautiful before, the lakes were on this side, the factory in that place and now they are all closed. People went through Germany, through Hungary. If someone rebuilt the factory, I think there would be another life here. Thousands of people used to work in these factories. Now even children do not play on the street because it is dangerous.”
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E.B., woman, 80 years old “When Bohn made the factory, he bought land to provide housing for the people and gave each of them a piece of land to build their house. Many Hungarians and Germans stayed here and the factory maintained the whole area near Jimbolia. My husband worked in the factory and then there is quality tile, but now they are in a hurry to make them and it doesn't last long. From there they removed the land for production, but after the revolution no one was interested in them.”
E&E, husband and wife, 72 & 83 years old “I started working in the factory because I studied the metallurgical industry in Timisoara and then I came here and worked for 10 years. When the brick factory was still open, we did a lot of activities together, we went dancing, we sang, we played all kinds of board games and that united us, the inhabitants of Futok.”I worked at Cooperativa Viitorul where plastic objects and children's toys were made. And at work there was a friendly and full of life atmosphere and that's because of the people who lived in the neighborhood, now that no one is there, we stay in the yard most of the day and we take care of the garden. We liked to live here on the border because we had the opportunity to exchange with Serbs and Hungarians, we always had everything we needed. Some people came right from the ‘Abator’ area and cycled through the city. That was exactly one of the names of the city "Jimbolia, the city of bicycles". I don't know if you know, but right here next to the cemetery there was also a brick factory called “Fabrica Mica" but which of course they demolished.
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Csito Castle Materials Re-use
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Site exploration through design
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Thank you We are grateful that we were able to organise the Jimbolia Summer School in the havoc generated by the COVID-19 Pandemic across the world, and thankful to all our partners, teachers, guests, students and local stakeholders for their professionalism and commitment, but most of all for their warm heartedness - for making this project not only an inspiring professional endeavour, but also a euro-regional network of friends. Coordination and organising team: Cristian Blidariu, Oana Simionescu, Bogdan Isopescu (FAUT/UPT) Teachers: BME: Levente Szabó, Zsolt Vasáros, Gergely Sági, Zoltan Major DEB: Tamas Szentirmai, János Vági, Miklós János Boros FAUT: Ioan Andreescu, Bogdan Demetrescu, Mihai Danciu, Ștefana Bădescu SUSKO: Kaloyan Tsvetkov UAUIM: Irina Tulbure, Cristian Borcan, Cristian Bădescu, Irina Băncescu, Ilinca Păun Constantinescu, Alexandru Belenyi UBB: Norbert Petrovici, Cristian Pop, Rudolf Gräf UNS: Bojan Tepavcevic, Miloš Obradović, Jelena Kićanović, Marko Jovanović Guests: Andreea Palade Flondor (UVT), Renée Renard and Ciprian Chirileanu (Avantpost), Alexandru Ciobotă and Raluca Rusu (Studio Peisaj), Judith Sandmeier (BLFDP), Peter Kronavetter (BME), Oana Țiganea (DATSU Polimi)
Students: BME: Natália Ferenczi, Laszlo Bilak,Tamás Révész, Giovana Benvenuto DEB: Katalin Kitti Kiss, Diána Bodorkos, Julianna Skrabák, Marcell Korhán FAUT: Jacqueline Iancu, Laura Argeșeanu, Lucia Bolojan, Alexandru Naghiu SUSKO: Mihaela Petrova UBB: Vlad Bejinariu, Gorgan Robert-Andrei, Ionut-Lucian Cornea, Diana Alexandra Marțiș UAUIM: Oana Gabriela Stoian, Meda Cotei, Sebastian-Alexandru Balaci, Tudor Găvruș UNS: Milica Biorac, Andjela Jovanovic, Boris Gluščević, Gordana Savković Local Stakeholders: Sergiu Petru Dema – Director of the Jimbolia House of Culture Cristina Dema – Cultural Manager of the “Sever Bocu” Press Museum Darius Adrian Postelnicu – Mayor of Jimbolia Gabor Kaba - Vice-mayor of Jimbolia This program could not have been possible without the support of the European Union through the Erasmus+ Program and of our partners: Wienerberger România – Diana Buhlea, Florin Giuchic, George Lazarov, Ilinca Gavrilescu, Raluca Grigoriu, Stefan Cosuta Jimbolia House Of Culture – Sergiu Petru Dema and Cristina Dema TV JIMBOLIA – Silviu Stoian, Soltesz Theophil
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