Camps as Seeds of Urbanism

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Camps as Seeds of Urbanism Towards Productive Ecologies

Solachi Ramanathan


Acknowledgments I would like to thank Jorge and Alex for their guidance and support in engaging with the complexities of the project and my research team for making it a collaborative and rich experience.


A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Architecture (Housing & Urbanism) at the Architectural Association, School of Architecture Solachi Ramanathan (Housing & Urbanism 2015)

Research Team: Sharmila Kamalakannan Piyush Makwana

Tutors: Jorge Fiori Alex Warnock-Smith



CAMPS AS SEEDS OF URBANISM

CONTENTS 01 Introduction

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02 Rethinking camps Problematic Speculating on the potentials of Transient Urbanism Camp as ‘A State of Exception’

...05

03 Spatial Strategy Dynamics of camps Relevence of the Construction Industry in India Construction Labour Camps in Bangalore - A growing Phenomenon Challenges of Camps & Urban Integration Examining Institutional Procedures

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3 Explorations:Augmenting Moments in the Urban Process

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Camps as an ‘Urban Event’

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Camps as ‘Spaces of Collaboration’

...47

Incorporating Camps in the Masterplanning Process Transforming the masterplan Negotiating planning processes Urban Strategy:Integrating a network of centralities, Introducing New Residential Opportunities Spatial Reasoning through Case Studies Creating mixed-use environments Incremental development of modules Evolving use-space relations Differentiated development patterns

...59

04 Towards Alternative forms of Planning Establishing a Framework Rethinking Productivity in Cities

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05 Conclusion

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Appendix Reference List Bibliograpphy

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01 INTRODUCTION The project is an individual exploration resulting from collective research that deals with the rethinking of construction labour camps in urban areas and their role in the development of cities. Construction labour camps support a substantial proportion of urban workforce and occupy a significant portion of land in the city. They are inextricably linked to the building of the city, forming crucial elements in the urban development process. They are a continuous and widespread phenomenon in rapidly developing cities across the world. Even though they are relevant to the productivity of the city, they are often neglected spaces devoid of urbanity, forming precarious living conditions for the workers. Camps are temporary spaces in the city, set up in areas undergoing development. This phenomenon creates opportunities to address camps as productive drivers of urban transformation through a speculation on temporary urbanism. Incorporating camps with the urban development treats building sites as a flexible and dynamic process. ‘Camps as Seeds of Urbanism’ uses the distribution, organization and design of camps as a tool 3

to articulate flexible processes in city building and development. The argument put forth through the investigation is that rethinking camps as legitimate parts of the city requires variation in the typology of camps based on urban conditions. Additionally, It necessitates rearrangements in the institutional procedures and the involvement of public sector along with market forces in the development of cities. The investigation explores the potential of camps as a driver of urban transformation in three different areas in the city of Bangalore, India - city core, inner periphery and urban fringe, in order to identify and respond to a different set of urban conditions and camps. The responses range from dealing with the failures of planning in the city core to participating in the growth of the city in the urban fringe. In the city core the failure of planning results in typical conditions of dereliction and saturation leading to problems of congestion and degra-


Camps as Seeds of Urbanism’ uses the distribution, organization and design of camps as a tool to articulate flexible processes in city building and development.

dation of the urban fabric. Simultaneously the deficit in key services adds to this degradation. The regularity in the urban form and similarity in the scale of the built fabric prevalent in the territory restricts the diversity in the scale of activities hindering their growth. The key design challenge is to rethink camps to enhance socioeconomic relations and open up spaces that support transformation of the area. Bangalore’s inner periphery consists of a patchwork of fragmented developments and unidentified interstitial fragments owing to the changing status of land. The condition creates problems in establishing an integrated system of infrastructure, services and activities. The key design challenge is to rethink camps to bring about collaboration amongst diverse activities and stakeholders by constructing new physical and economic relations in the territory.

patterns of growth characterized by large monofunctional areas, disconnected mobility patterns and a poor social mix. The key design challenge is to rethink camps to incorporate the finer grain elements such as diversity in scale of housing, civic services and economic activity currently overlooked by the masterplan, in order to support urban diversity in areas of growth. The 3 design explorations contribute towards developing a range of responses to the varying sets of conditions. The responses range from punctual interventions in the city core to linear connections in the inner periphery to the creation of new system of housing and infrastructure in the urban fringe. In order to implement these strategies, we need to think of a framework where the camp should always incorporate an element of permanence. What becomes permanent will vary and change based on the conditions in different parts of the city.

A combination of corridors and zoning strategies is used in the strategic masterplan for the development of new areas in the periphery of city. Shortcomings in the interpretation of the strategic development plan leads to imbalanced 4


“ These spaces are part of the interiority of cities, yet lie outside its organizaing, utlity driven logics and spatial frames “ Saskia Sassen

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02 RETHINKING CAMPS Problematic Speculating on the potentials of Transient Urbanism Camp as ‘‘A State of Exception’

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PROBLEMATIC

In the context of rapidly growing cities in the world, construction labour camps have become a widespread phenomenon. The construction industry provides employment to a large number of rural immigrants who move to cities for work. Through this phenomenon, the migrant workers increasingly form a significant proportion of the urban working population. While the construction industry contributes significantly to the rate of urbanization and countries’ GDP, as far as the workforce is concerned, these sectors of employment remain occupational ghettos, providing subsistence, but few opportunities for occupational and social mobility. There is an urgent need to address camps in the process of urban development, as a majority of the migrant workforce remain in cities living in these spaces. On the one hand, Camps play an important role in attracting and sustaining employment in its own rights1, while on the other it creates additional pressures on the socio economic mobility of migrant workers. The mobile nature of their work combined with the specific conditions of their housing restricts them from engaging with the city in multiple ways affecting their productivity. The policy discourse on labour protection and housing, predominantly on safety standards and provision of basic amenities, misses the crucial dimension of urban deprivation, which is rooted in the domain of livelihood, social and cultural engagement of the urban underclass.

1 Labour camps are central to fueling the capitalist logic of production in cities by supporting cheap labour. Surplus labour as a result of migration plays a role in attracting global capital in the construction industry

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Migrant workers build the city on the one hand, but live in precarious conditions of camps on the other.

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SPECULATING ON THE POTENTIALS OF TRANSIENT URBANISM

An understanding of camps in a global context indicates a paradoxical effect on the city making process. On the one hand, camps are inextricably linked with development in and of cities while on the other they are manifested as fragmented, isolated, unproductive territories in the city. In the case of Brazilia, the migrant workers who moved from rural areas to build the new city remained by claiming peripheral land. As a result, they formed the basis of an irregular city outside the new city. In Lisbon, the workers who built the expo 98, remained in the camp sites. The norm related to construction labour camps, has been that they remain in cities and in some cases they remain in the site. On the other hand, labour camps in places like Qatar, which are more permanent, raise humanitarian concerns as a result of remote locations and horrific living conditions in the camps. In the Indian context, the novelty lies in that camps are entirely temporary. As result masses of workers who remain in cities, form part of a highly mobile workforce. The highly transitory nature of camps specific to the India, opens up different possibilities of addressing camps. This opens up an opportunity to use it in ways that can be transitional or permanent, different from Brazilia. Camps in India are set up entirely by private developers as a form of temporary accommodation for workers. They are highly fragmented areas of low productivity with few networks in the city making it easy to be completely demolished after the required time. How9

ever, camps as a form of transitory urbanism are potentially very productive spaces. New temporal activities in the camp based on the economic relations and skill sets of the workers, can build social and cultural capital rapidly facilitating interdependencies between diverse activities and stakeholders through time. While camps open up temporary uses in unused territories, some of the activities can continue and take on increasingly permanent forms. ‘Camps as Seeds of Urbanism’ speculates on the potential of transitory nature of camps as the basis for a new type of productive territory in cities. In order to address camps as part of the urban process, I argue that we need to think of a longterm strategy for the design of camps in cities that involves varying levels of temporariness and permanence. However, Urban design and planning has traditionally been involved with the creation of permanent, static urban conditions. This research questions the notion of permanence as the basic condition of cities in rethinking of traditional urban planning tools to incorporate a flexible way of planning in cities along with new interfaces. Integrating camps with the city can help to address a significant proportion of the urban working population by actively engaging them in the urban processes in more than one scale and dimension.


Economies & Ecologies associated with a temporary population 10


CAMP AS ‘A STATE OF EXCEPTION’

Camps are part of the interiority of cities, yet lie outside its organizing, utility driven logics and spatial frames 1, as the state retreats in directly addressing the needs of the migrant labourers. This creates spaces with new forms of control and domination in the city. As a result of the spatial and political structures of the camps, Migrant workers employ informal networks and activities for better engagement and integration with the host city. The conditions of the labour camp result from a state of exception as described by Agamben, but also possess qualities of exceptionality illustrated in the concepts of Ananya Roy. Through both cases, the camp can seen as a paradigm of the contemporary city that needs to be addressed. According to Agamben, the camp can be seen as ‘a space in which normal order is de facto suspended’2 and a state of exception becomes the rule. In other words, in camps the exception becomes the rule as a form of domination and control when used by the rulers to defend the rule. In Homo Sacre, Agamben illustrates further how the state uses the ‘state of exception’ to deny individuals who defy the rule of their political and social status in society, thereby being reduced to bare life3. This often limits the mobility of people, their rights of expression, and their overall ability to make decisions regarding their own lives, disregarding the larger value of the individual related to the social, cultural, economic and political dimensions.

not exception as practiced by the oppressed. In cities of the global south, according to Ananya Roy, the livelihood or habitation of large groups of population involve violation of the law making them part of a ‘political society’ or the ‘subaltern’ rather than civil society4 . Subaltern politics is a form of rule that leads to a system of governance that has at its core a sense of exception as a way of dominating, but also where the exception becomes the rule. When the subaltern are given a distinct political identity, they can be associated with distinct territories and can be seen as agents of change rather than simply at the fault lines of established systems of governance. Subaltern urbanism calls into question the normative relationship between the state, cities and citizenship. Along the lines of Ananya Roy, James Holston argues that citizenship is ‘no longer an absolute or a static identity, given the dynamics of global migration and national ambitions’ 5. Traditional planning in cities does not attempt to address these dynamisms giving rise to spaces of conflict that result from what is planned and the reality. The question that then arises is, should one try to replicate the spaces of conflict or state of exception attempting to normalize it or use the exception to transform existing rules? Can we use the camp in reference to its state of exception, to transform existing rules of planning in cities through a negotiation between forms of appropriation and control? 1

Sassen S, Urban Catalyst Giorgio, A. (1998), Homo Sacer, Stanford University Press Giorgio, A. (1998), Homo Sacer, Stanford University Press 4 ROY, A. (2011). Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 5 Holston, J. (2008). Insurgent citizenship. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2 3

It is important to clarify that the state of exception, as illustrated by Agamben, is a reference to the exception as declared by the ruler and 11


The question that arises is, should one try to replicate the spaces of conflict or state of exception attempting to normalize it or use the exception to transform existing rules?

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03 SPATIAL STRATEGY: DYNAMICS OF CAMPS AND THE CITY Relevence of the Construction Industry in India Construction Labour Camps in Bangalore - A growing Phenomenon Challenges of Camps & Urban Integration Examining Institutional Procedures

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RELEVENCE OF THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN INDIA

The construction industry in India is the country’s second largest economic activity after agriculture. It currently provides employment to

33 million people, estimated to reach 83 million by 2022.

Migrant workers constitute 90% of the workforce. The industry

13% of the urban working population and

cities. Neither the migrants nor the spaces they occupy, are recognized in the planning process and in the various programmes of the government owing to the assumption that migrants are poor and therefore can be included with all those who are socioeconomically underprivileged.1

provides employment to

has the potential to provide employment for the increasing inflow of migrant workers, and have a positive impact on urbanization if utilized efficiently. A majority of the migrants, although considered as seasonal migrants, remain in cities or move between cities for most part of the year, seldom returning to the villages where they came from. They most often live in camps that are provided by the contractors being new to the city and urban life. Even though they are involved in building the city in one way, they contribute little in other ways to the development of the city owing to their precarious living conditions and social and economic segregation. The migrant workers constitute a highly mobile workforce. The labourers in India are employed through an informal network of contractors and sub contractors from different parts of the country. The exploitation of cheap labour, resulting in poor social and physical conditions of the workers, indirectly contributing to the growth of the construction industry and to the development of cities. The reconceptualising of camps is grounded in the reality of specific conditions associated with the manifestation of camps in 15

There is a need to recognize the component of migration independently in national development strategies, because migrants are diverse groups whose vulnerability is determined not only by economic factors but also by a large number of non-economic factors such as political power, ethnic, religious and linguistic identities and their social and cultural life in the city. It is important to address the spaces that the migrants occupy, even though they are temporary, in order to improve the livelihood of this mobile workforce. 1

Although the Inter-State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act of 1979 has been passed by the Government of India, the urban development programs and projects usually does not take into account for the migrant population, whereas the local authorities still considers migration as a problem to the city. Also the existing labour laws in The Building and Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act of 1996, aim to provide a comprehensive work environment for the migrant labourers if they are strictly enforced at the workplaces. However, there lack of any systematic planning and policy framework for internal labour migrants at the local authorities level.


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CONSTRUCTION LABOUR CAMPS IN BANGALORE A GROWING PHENOMENON

MIGRATION BASED ON TRADE FROM DIFFERENT REGIONS IN INDIA

Bangalore,India’s 5th largest metropolis, is currently experiencing a large boom in construction with the rapid growth of the IT Industry.1 Over

600,000 migrant workers service this construction industry2 residing in over

1000 camps spread across the city. The Comprehensive Development Plan 2015 of Bangalore is the main tool for development and transformation in the city. Dense inner city areas of Bangalore have been identified as areas of regeneration with new infrastructural proposals, such as the metro line extensions expected to trigger further development. New residential developments are widespread in inner peripheral areas with its proximity to the city centre and areas of employment in the periphery. New growth centres along the periphery based on the high tech industry contribute towards the rapidly expanding city. However, the current development policies are usually focused on the economic aspect alone resulting in logic of development that is largely based on speculation, which becomes exclusive to certain players. 17

State labour laws, specify criteria for the location of camps with respect to the construction site. As a result, labour camps are never located within the construction site but in available land nearest to it, to optimize on the transportation costs for the migrant workers and the ease of management. Currently, there are efforts to deal with the growing problem associated with labour camps in the city as a problem solving exercise, by addressing the needs of the communities that are left out. 1

Khandelwa Rajiv, Internal migration and labour market integration http:// www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/what-we-do/migration-policy-andresearch/migration-policy-1/migration-policy-practice/issues/august-september-2012/internal-migration-and-labour-ma.html, 26 January 2015 2 Bowers Becky, Building the Future http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/indiaatlse/2014/07/28/building-the-future-for-whom-migrant-female-construction-workers-and-the-capacity-to-aspire-in-bangalore/, 26 January 2015


Proliferation of camps across the city

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CHALLENGES OF CAMPS & URBAN INTEGRATION

Though camps are set up for a period of 2 to 10 years depending upon the nature and duration of construction work, their perceived impermanence undermines the need for better urban conditions making them hard to integrate with the neighbourhood. Contractors tend to choose the cheapest undeveloped land with limited access to infrastructure that is in close proximity to the construction sites to set up these camps. This minimizes the overhead cost in land investment as well as workers’ transport costs. The unwillingness of both the contactor and the migrants to invest in these perceived temporary housing makes the infrastructure and the services pertain to the basic minimum. The introverted nature of activities in the camp adds to their marginalization and isolation in the city. The rigid security surveillance for better security and management, in certain cases, exacerbates the insular nature of the camps. Workers who are hired by the labour contractor arrive in groups to the camp, each group specializing in particular trades such as scaffolding, masonry, plumbing, plastering etc. They remain in the camp as long as there if a requirement for their particular trade at the construction site; after which they move on to other projects within or outside their current city. Each camp houses an average of 700 male workers or 100 families at its maximum capacity. Male workers are generally preferred over families due to the unfavourable conditions in the camp. 19


Construction labour camps are inextricably linked with development in city. They are the first to be set up in areas that are undergoing transformation. They are quick and easy to construct, yet they remain poor urban environments providing substandard living conditions.

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COLLECTIVE SERVICES IN THE CAMP

CAMP 3

CAMP 1

CAMP 2

The camp is based on a model for collective living where certain services such as kitchens, dining and wash areas are shared within the camp. The common dining and kitchen areas provide food prepared by a contractor-hired cook and are seen more commonly in bachelor camps than in family camps where each family cooks their own meals. Recently, with the operation of certain foreign construction companies such as Singapore based L&W Pvt. Ltd., there has been an implementation of foreign standards improving the living conditions of workers. These camps provide additional facilities like TV room, separate urinals and toilets and micro infrastructure such as fan, bed, etc. 21

The large inflow of residents in a neighbourhood act as critical mass that set up new micro-economic activities based on commerce, production, entertainment and services. Due to the perceived impermanence of these camps, these activities are self-referential and remain at a micro-scale without much support or investment. However, opening out these services and different collective realm facilities, it becomes possible to integrate the camp with the urban area. Rethinking these new relationships forged between the camp and the neighbourhood gives them the potential to build social competence and institutional complexity quickly.


COLLECTIVE LIVING AROUND SHARED SERVICES

BASIC LIVING UNIT COLLECTIVE DINING/ KITCHEN

BASIC LIVING UNIT CRECHE

MALE WORKERS MALE - ACCOMMODATION

FAMILY - ACCOMMODATION

DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILIES AND MALE WORKERS IN THE CAMP

FAMILY

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COLLECTIVE SERVICES WITHIN A CAMP 23


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MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF CAMPS The deployment of modules is driven entirely by efficiency resulting in an oversimplified organizational pattern

The design of the camps is based on modular architecture making it flexible, quick and easy to construct. It also facilitates incremental growth where modules can be added and demounted as per requirement over time. The identical modules are arranged in long linear serialized rows achieve with no rationalization about numbers, grouping or hierarchy making it hard to urban integration. The current system of construction uses steel framework with metal sheeting over a light concrete pad. Improved models use FRP panels and thermocol lining for better insulation. The modules forming the collective realms are constructed first by the first few workers who arrive on site. The housing is then assembled incrementally according to the inflow of construction workers as required on-site during different periods of construction work. The housing modules are then dismounted as construction work ceases on site and the number of workers required decreases. The collective realm modules are the last to be dismounted with only remnants of the concrete grids left on the land. 25

The bachelor camps accommodate 4 -10 persons in one module depending on its size. Privacy is limited to the space of one’s bed and the storage space beneath it. Additional collective kitchens and wash facilities are housed in separate modules. Each collective kitchen is shared by a ‘gang’ of workers who specialize in a particular trade and are recruited by the same labour contractor. In family camps, each module is allotted to a family where the module becomes a multipurpose unit allowing for living, sleeping and cooking. However, by introducing variation and differentiation in the modules and their organization, the camp can respond to different urban conditions facilitating better integration not only for the workers but, also for the urban area. The variation in the modules can encourage different activities and also allow for opportunities to scale up the currently introverted activities. Introducing a system of hierarchy can help create different zones of private, semi-private and public realms for better integration with the neighborhood.


MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF CAMPS 26


EXAMINING INSTITUTIONAL PROCEDURES

An important aspect in the argument for rethinking camps is the institutional process of providing and managing camps in the city. Currently camps are organised and managed in totality by the private developer and their contractors who employ the migrant workers. The state institutions have minimal involvement in the process of organising camps in the city. They provide the basic framework of rules and regulations through the labour laws and policies, which often are generic and minimal. Thus the contractor gets away with bare minimum quality and facilities in the camp. However, many 3rd sector actors are now getting involved in the process through their initiatives to upgrade the conditions of the workers in the camps as well as of the camps. The initiatives of the 3rd sector are focussed on improving the physical and social conditions in the camps as they consider camps more as a social problem in the city. They work with the existing actors in the process like the developers and contractors with minimal support from the public sector (sometimes in terms of funding).

The initiatives can be grouped into 3 categories, viz.: 1.Providing institutional support Such initiatives involve setting up of livelihood centres and health camps for the workers along with upgrading infrastructure like lighting and water in the camps1 .They also are about facilitating access to benefits of different state sponsored schemes (i.e. construction workers welfare board, unorganized sector workers welfare board etc.) that provide benefits like better social security. Some initiatives also facilitate financial inclusion by opening bank accounts and educating workers about bank linked savings programs.2 These initiatives provide new opportunities for the workers to form networks and empower them by enabling them to build an identity. However, these initiatives are limited only to a few camps and actors. While local planning authorities support such initiatives, they face a lot of resistance in establishing permanent structures within the sites owing to insecurity in the tenure of the housing. 2.Improving cultural capital These initiatives focus on improving productivity through a process of continuous assessment and on-site and off-site skill training. A PPP project is created to provide the training to the workers for instance Kushal.3The training

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INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS OF CAMPS

pedagogy involves 80% on site training and only 20% classroom training. It is more effective as the migrants do not have the time and aspiration to engage in classroom training. This training programme is carried out in 6 trades, viz.: barbending, shuttering, masonry, tiling, plumbing & painting. Since the NSDC will provide funding for a limited period, the long-term objective is to be self-sustained by the project. 3.Upgrading physical infrastructure In these initiatives the focus is on improving the living conditions of the seasonal migrant workers in labour camps, by providing better housing and infrastructure.4It includes developing a new low cost housing prototype that fits within the housing scheme allowance with better materials and ventilation. However, they face difficulty in implementation, as this bottom up strategy requires larger investments by individual contractors.

housing limits the bearing of their interventions obscuring it to convince stakeholders (public and private) of long-term benefits. The approach of the 3rd sector to address the problems of camps as a social problem is not adequate to address the scale of the problem in cities. By rethinking the problem of camps as an urban problem,it provides an opportunity to address camps through an institutional framework thus encouraging more contribution by the public sector along with the 3rd sector. This makes it possible to bring together the initiatives of different actors to have a wider & long-term impact that can contribute towards better development of cities. Therefore the need for institutional rearrangements through involvement of other stakeholders and actors like the public sector, NGO’s and professionals becomes a crucial step in rethinking camps as a part of the urban process. 1

These initiatives that carried out by small nonprofit, non-governmental organisations do not have the capacity to reach the scale of camps in cities. Their involvement with limited number of camps and stakeholders weakens the impact of their attempts and with minimal funding provisions from public sector these initiatives find it difficult to scale up. Also, the perceived impermanence of the temporary infrastructure and

Urban Labs, a subsidiary of Selco foundation, is an NGO set up to improve the living conditions of the migrant workers in urban slums. Their work includes data collection through mapping and profiling of informal settlements to overcome the problem of insufficient data. 2 LabourNet is a not-for-profit organization that provides an integrated platform for unorganized sector workers to obtain services that are currently available and accessible by formal sector workers. National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) with many corporate and government partners fund them. 3 Kushal is a partnership project between CREDAI Pune and NSDC (National Skill Development Corporation) established to increase productivity of the labourers to compensate for the shortage of workers. 4 Nivasa, a Bangalore based non-profit organization, works towards improving the living conditions of the seasonal migrant workers in labour camps

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The research suggests a new imagination in addressing the problems associated with camps.By rethinking camps as an alternative way of providing services and housing in the city we can make camps part of the urban process. It requires typological variation based on the urban condition. It necessitates rearrangements in the institutional process of providing camps and the involvement of the public sector along with market forces in the development of cities.

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03 SPATIAL STRATEGY: 3 EXPLORATIONS : AUGMENTING MOMENTS IN THE URBAN PROCESS

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3 EXPLORATIONS : AUGMENTING MOMENTS IN THE URBAN PROCESS

We are testing the potential of camps as a driver of urban transformation in three different areas in the city of Bangalore - the city core, inner periphery and urban fringe, in order to identify and respond to a different set of urban conditions and camps. These different areas offer distinctive urban conditions in terms of temporality, pattern and nature of development, drivers of urban transformation, scale and territorial organisation of camps, to develop the spatial reasoning of camps. The 3 explorations aim to augment different moments in the urban process associated with the pattern of development in each area. Together they create an opportunity to establish a range that incorporates various conditions occurring in other areas in the city. This opportunity is used to develop a range of responses of the camps, which then can be abstracted and modified to develop responses for conditions in other areas in the city

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The 1st exploration dealing with the camps in the city core aims to requalify areas is the city core by enhancing socio-economic relations amongst local stakeholders. The ambition of the 2nd project in the inner periphery area is about rethinking the camps as spaces of collaboration to stitch different fragments to help form an integrated pattern of mobility. Lastly the 3rd project in the urban fringe aims to include camps in the masterplanning process in a way that it can reinforce or enhance the development plans. By planning the camps as an in between stage between the strategic masterplan and the private development, they can be used to address some of the shortcomings in the development plans. The projects escalate in terms of the scale and impact of the interventions from city core to urban fringe. The conditions addressed in the 3 projects range from dealing with the failures of planning in the city core to participating in the growth of the city in the urban fringe.


INVESTIGATION SITES IN BANGALORE

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03 SPATIAL STRATEGY: CAMPS AS AN ‘URBAN EVENT’ Project developed by Piyush Makwana

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CAMPS AS AN ‘URBAN EVENT’

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The first exploration, addresses camps related to the transformation in the city core. The transformation in the core is often through the redevelopment of the derelict industrial or urban land. The camps in the core area are located on the border between the new developments and the existing fabric. The scale and quantum of camps in the core are less due to the nature and pattern of the development. However each development being compressed in time demands greater dynamism in the demographics and spaces in the camps in a relatively shorter period of time. The failure of the planning in the core has resulted in typical conditions of dereliction and saturation leading to problems of congestion and degradation of the urban fabric. Simultaneously the deficit in basic services adds to the degradation. The regularity of the urban form and similarity in the scale of the built fabric prevalent in the territory restricts the diversity in the scale of activities impeding their growth. The challenge of integrating camps with the urban environment involves establishing a better relation with the existing fabric based on its relation with the developments. The idea of the lifecycle of camp as an urban event opens up a possibility to enhance the socio-economic relations that is based on the dynamics of the spaces in the camp. It calls for identifying opportunities in the area that help to shape the strategy and rethinking of spaces in the camp by understanding the layering of spaces and reinventing them to introduce new spatial qualities in the camp. The different stages of the urban event are based on the dynamics of the camps related to stages in the 39

new development. The requalification of camps is driven by creating a spatial hierarchy and opening up public spaces and services that create new centres of gravity in the territory. The evolution of the uses starting from needs of the workers and transforming based on the needs of the surrounding areas is a strategy to achieve better urban integration for the workers and also provide good public interface for the existing actors and activities to engage with the city. The two design tests exhibits how the temporality and dynamism of spaces in the camp can be articulated through design to incorporate public spaces and services along with establishing a spatial hierarchy in the territory. Together they create new centres of gravity through the temporal and dynamic transformation of uses in the camps. The strategy uses the dynamics and temporality of the camps to create permanent footprints and imprints that starts accommodating the temporal activities of the territory. The creation of flexible use spaces and larger public services offer new spaces for growth in the territory. The incorporation of local stakeholders and actors in the urban process intensify their interactions with the urban environment, therefore augmenting the socio-economic performance of the area. Consequently the notion of camp as an urban event achieves distinctive and multiple impacts that facilitates re-qualification of the area in a compressed time period.


Derelict mills Proposed new developments Institutional spaces Deep plan typology Industrial typology

RIGIDITY IN THE URBAN STRUCTURE

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Camp as Gateway Housing Event pace Educational Recreation ervices

Organising scattered local industries

SMOI as key actor - Skilling & Training rivate education institutions - expand their programs

Organising scattered local industries

Camp as local centre Housing + Production Institution Training ervices

State education institutions - key stakeholders

URBAN STRATEGY - ESTABLISHING A SPATIAL HEIRARCHY The camp along the ma or infrastructure line functions as a gateway for the existing dense fabric filtering movement into the morphology whereas the camp located away from major infrastructure lines, inside a neighbourhood functions as a local centre.

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CREATING A GATEWAY

Housing

Community Centre

Educational Services

Existing Institution

Event Space

Recreation Services

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Existing Fabric

TEMPORARY HOUSING Achieves urban integration through different temporal activities

Policy change design of camp creating elements of permanence

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Camp as an urban event

SERVICES FOR WORKERS Creates cross-cultural engagements amongst the workers and other people

COMMUNITY CENTRE Better integration of wo w local residents. New oppo social interactions


orkers and ortunities for

New developments

EVENT SPACES Distinct events taking place enhancing economic performance of the territory. Help the workers to build cultural capital.

PUBLIC SERVICES & SPACES Continuously adapting to changing needs of the area facilitating requalification of the core.

Modification in legislation to include NGO, architects & planners as mediating agency

REQUALIFICATION OF THE TERRITORY 44


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NETWORK OF POTENTIAL SPACES FOR GROWTH 46


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03 SPATIAL STRATEGY: CAMPS AS A ‘SPACE OF COLLABORATION’ Project developed by Sharmila Kamalakannan

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CAMPS AS A ‘SPACE OF COLLABORATION’

49


50


The second exploration rethinks the role of camps in the inner peripheral region. The land currently forming Bangalore’s inner periphery has adhered to different stages in the city development process. It constitutes land that has been undergoing development for over eight years and is still continuously developing. As a result, the territorial fabric appears as an incoherent patchwork of differently developed fragments interspersed with residual undeveloped land. Each fragment, with its own characteristic typologies and actors, behave independent of each other. As such, the residual space becomes difficult to develop in a coherent manner. It further becomes crucial to develop an integrated system that can bring together different activities, serve future development and increase the performance of the inner periphery of the city. The construction labour camps are usually located in the residual spaces awaiting development in the near future. They not only occur in between the developed and soon-to-be developed fabric but, also occur exactly at the moment in time when the territory is undergoing a rapid transition in status. This gives these camps the potential to play a significant role in the shaping of the territory. The linkages formed by the camps with the territory, along with the activities inside the camp, can be capitalized to transform them into spaces of collaboration and secondary economic activity that can bring together different actors and activities. Typological variation can achieve new flexible spaces for a diverse range of activities and act as a transition element between the different morphologies in the fabric. The urban strategy is to relocate the camps in a pre-planned sequence to form a series of collaborative spaces to create a new line of movement. The activities generated at each site can 51

perform together to intensify the line of movement. The collaborative spaces make it possible to combine the activities in the fragments and spread the activity towards the interiors of the interstitial space. The nature of these collaborative spaces will vary depending on the immediate context. In the first design test, the intervention brings together the activities in the industrial and residential fragments using a shared industrial workspace typology. The second design test encourages collaboration between the knowledge based industries, native residents and the new residents by introducing new live-work typologies along with a set of shared facilities. Initially occupying sites towards the edges of the interstitial space, the activity generated by the camp sites gradually extend into the residual interstitial space. Over time, the active public interfaces and secondary workspaces left behind as the permanent elements of the camps materialize collaboration between different activities and actors. This also creates transition between the diverse urban fabrics. This further adds value to the interstitial space and aids the formation of a new integrated system of mobility and services. This furthermore lays the base for future development of the territory with a diverse range of primary and secondary networks enhancing the performance of this urban territory. In the fragmented inner peripheral region that is caught in between different stages of development, rethinking the camps as collaborative spaces opens up new opportunities to introduce an intermediate stage in the development process. The strategy for this stage addresses the residual undeveloped spaces such that they form a new secondary network of activities complementing the current system that is driven largely by primary economic drivers.


ITPL

Main

Roa

d

a

b

ter

eld

itefi

Wh

Ou

c

Roa d

d

oa gR

Rin ORIENTATION OF DIFFERENT FRAGMENTS TOWARDS DIFFERENT INFRASTRUSTURAL LINES

52


New Residential Developments

Industries LIG/ MIG Housing LIG/ MIG Housing Relocating Camps

COLLABORATIVE SPACES AS PUBLIC INTERFACE

COLLABORATIVE SPACES FOR SECONDARY INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY

New Office pace

Industries

New Residential Developments

OVERCOMING FRAGMENTATION BY CREATING NEW LINES OF MOVEMENT 53


Modular Adaptibitiy to form Various Configurations

Live-Work Units Shared Facilities

Shared Kitchen and Dining

Units for Commerce

SHARED SPACES FORMING A PUBLIC INTERFACE 54


Service-Based Industries

Smaller Start-up Firms

New live-work Typologies

Live-work Units + Shared Facilities of Camp

SERVICE-BASED INDUSTRIES + Soft Skills Training Through Corporate Social Responsibility Program + New Opportunities to Expand and Collaborate with Start-up businesses

HIG RESIDENTS + New Communal Space and Services + New Live-Work Opportunities

CAMP AS PUBLIC INTERFACE + Shared Facilities and Public Interface for Collaboration + New Live-Work TYpologies

NEW LINES OF MOVEMENT TO OVERCOME FRAGMENTATION USING COLLABORATIVE SPACES OF THE LABOUR CAMPS

55


Villas

Shared Industrial Space + LIG/MIG Housing Training Institution

Industries

NATIVE RESIDENTS Benefits of Training and New ob Opportunities New paces for Communal articipation

NATIVE RESIDENTS Benefits of Training and New ob Opportunities New paces for Communal articipation

CAMP AS SECONDARY INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY Benefits of Training New hared Workshops for Collaboration

INDUSTRIES + Provide Vocational Training Through Corporate Social Responsibility Program + New Opportunities to Expand/ Collaborate with Other Workshops

56


CAMPS TO FORM INTEGRATED TERRITORIES IN THE INNER PERIPHERY 57


58


59


03 SPATIAL STRATEGY : INCORPORATING CAMPS IN THE MASTERPLANNING PROCESS Transforming the masterplan Negotiating planning processes Urban Strategy:Integrating a network of centralities, Introducing New Residential Opportunities Spatial Reasoning through Case Studies Creating mixed-use environments Incremental development of modules Evolving use-space relations Differentiated development patterns

60


INCORPORATING CAMPS IN THE MASTERPLANNING PROCESS

61


62


AREA FOR FUTURE DEVELOPMENT

63


TRANSFORMING THE MASTERPLAN

The third exploration, the focus of this thesis, addresses camps associated with new areas undergoing development in the urban fringe. Camps in the urban fringe are part of a process associated with urbanizing new land driven by the Masterplan. They are often located in areas with poor accessibility, lack of services, commerce, cultural and recreational facilities. However, due to the quantum and scale of camps associated with the scale and nature of development activity , it is possible to introduce a new logic of development based on camps that would not be possible otherwise. How can better integration with the urban development process be used to improve the conditions of the workers? The Bangalore Masterplan 2015 identifies areas in the periphery to be developed into new growth centres. As a result of the specific tools used by the master plan such as zoning and corridors, very large developments by individual developers are prevalent in the territory. They are often privatized, monofunctional and exclusive to a single user group. They create problems of micromobility in the area, resulting in additional pressure on the existing infrastructure. The nature of developments limit the use of the territory for other economic, social and cultural activities and user groups. The design exploration investigates tqo questions: Can we introduce the consideration of camps as a stage in between the conceptualization of the masterplan and the development of the plan, in order to address some of the shortcomings in the implementation of the masterplan? How can we use this process to transform the masterplan in order to incorpo-

rate the dynamisms associated with the development process? Camps are located in the periphery of new developments, opening up new lines of movement as they move between worksite and camp. However due to a lack of an integrated system of planning that addresses all the camps in the area through time, their impact on the territory is negligible. The project explores the potential of reorganizing the camps into a network of centralities in order to structure the movement and facilitate new relations in the territory. Ecologies that are created initially based on temporary activities can become more permanent over time, having an impact on the long-term development of the area. Rather than entirely dismantling the camps after the construction work is over, the workers housing can be transformed to create new residential opportunities in the area, different from the proposed high-end apartments or gated villa developments. The transformation of the camp to a form of housing becomes an effective strategy to improve the living conditions of the workers. The two design tests explore how the temporal environment of the camp can be designed in order to accommodate a new public interface and the evolution of the modular units suitable to be transformed into future housing.They form part of a network of interventions that qualify the role of camps in augmenting the development process. 1

Camps are larger in number and size as compared with other parts of the city

Previous Page: Camps are set up in areas before new developments begin reinforcing their potenital as drivers of urban growth There are 5 private developments spread over 400 hectares. There are 27 camps in the area with 21000 people, bachelor and families. 64


NEGOTIATING PLANNING PROCESSES

The periphery of Bangalore, along the east, has developed as a series of IT hubs resulting from certain policies and locational advantages of being a gateway to the neighboring metropolitan city. Following on from this pattern, the Bangalore Masterplan has identified additional areas along the eastern edge to be developed into new growth centres based on the IT Industry. The masterplan uses an over simplified combination of zoning and corridor strategies that attract large-scale investments to drive the rapid growth of the territory. As a result of a masterplan, which is generic and vague, many aspects of new developments are entirely dependent on its interpretation by private developers. The current process of development necessitates little collaboration between the developers and private developments in procedural and spatial terms, resulting in haphazard development. This condition makes it difficult to plan an integrated system of mobility, infrastructure and services for the territory. It results in additional pressure on the primary lines of infrastructure where all the public transport and services is concentrated. Note: Of the four main areas being developed as High Tech Zones, the Territory along the Outer Ring Road in Sarjapur being in the process of development makes an appropriate testing ground

BANGALORE MASTERPLAN DEVELOPMENT CORRIDORS 65


WHITEFIELD

BELLANDUR OUTER RING ROAD

DEVELOPMENT CORRIDOR

PROPOSED HIGH-TECH ZONE

ELECTRONIC CITY

PROPOSED RESIDENTIAL ZONE AGRICULTURAL LAND

66


PHASE I (2006-10)

KEY PLAN

OUTER RING ROAD

500m

EXPANSION AND GROWTH DRIVEN PREDOMINANTLY BY INFRASTRUCTURE This linear form of development results in over congestion along the main lines on the one hand and disconnected mobility systems at the micro scale 67


PHASE II (2010-15) There are 5 large gated developments spread over 400 hectares with 27 camps in the area and 21000 people, male workers and families. The majority of the development will span across a period of 15 years, with projects at different stages during the time. This requires workers of different skill sets in the area through a large part of the development process. Owing to the scale and timeframe of developments in the area, the variation in the demographics is more stable and opens up the potential to be addressed in a coherent manner.

CONSTRUCTION SITES LABOUR CAMPS AREA OF TRANSFORMATION EXISTING SETTLEMENT AREA OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT DEVELOPMENT CORRIDOR GATED DEVELOPMENTS

OUTER RING ROAD

500m

SIMILAR AND DETACHED NATURE OF DEVELOPMENTS Large areas developed as monofunctional gated developments also results in the lack of services. The residential opportunities provided in the private developments are limited which will lead to an area with a poor social mix. 68


PHASE III (2015- )

CONSTRUCTION SITES LABOUR CAMPS AREA OF TRANSFORMATION EXISTING SETTLEMENT AREA OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT DEVELOPMENT CORRIDOR

500m

69


Can we think of a strategy that addresses camps as an integrated system across various developments and timeframes?

70


While the new developments do not contradict the general masterplan, their manifestation results in several problems for the territory. This resulting development is predominantly based on short-term economic gains through land speculation and rapid construction and creates an urban fabric with no diversity in spatial, social and functional terms. The nature of housing is restricted to high-end residential facilities resulting in a lack of diversity of residential typologies. Most often the developments are in the form of isolated gated compounds making large areas inaccessible to other user groups.

Concentration of movement and services along the main infrastructure lines combined with poor micromobility in the area leads to over congestion

71


72


Monofunctional developments

Lack of Diversity in Housing Typology

73


NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE AREA

74


Camps in the area are located along the edges of the development sites and peripheral undeveloped land

75


76


PHASE II

PHASE I

PHASE III

CAMP -PROJECT D

CAMP - PROJECT A

CAMP - PROJECT B

CAMP - PROJECT C

CAMP - PROJECT B

CAMP - PROJECT C

SPECULATING ON THE POTENTIALS OF SCALE AND TIME FRAME OF DEVELOPMENT Camps are bound by a rigid association to each construction project and to each contractor. Despite their proximity to eachother, they are no relations in spatial and institutional terms. Through collaboration and between developers to form an integrated strategy, they can be addressd in a more coherent manner

Camps that are set up in the area are part of a linear system of decision-making that involves the conceptualization of the masterplan to development of the masterplan to the deployment of camps. This structure makes them invisible at the level of strategic planning of the city, limiting the possibilities of addressing camps through an institutional process, central to the project. The design of various aspects of the camp from location to spatial organization will involve planning them before the development of the masterlpan that could in turn augment the planning process. The idea behind the integration of camps in the fringe is to consolidate and redistribute various elements of the camp in a manner that can address the varying needs of different groups of migrant workers through the entire construction period. By planning the location of camps in relation to one another and to the territory, it can have a better relation with new development, thereby driving the growth of the territory in a complimentary manner. 77

CREATING AN OPEN SYSTEM OF CAMPS DISTRIBUTED IN THE TERRITORY


PLANNING OF CAMPS At an intermediate stage between the strategic masterplan and private developments

Introduce Public Space

Commerce

NEW ECONOMIC ACTIVITY

Day Care

ADDITIONAL INSTITUTIONS

Temporary Housing

Strategy to sustain new services

Collective Services

ADDITIONAL CIVIC SERVICES

CONSOLIDATION OF ELEMENTS IN THE CAMP 78


URBAN STRATEGY: INTEGRATING A NETWORK OF CENTRALITIES, INTRODUCING NEW RESIDENTIAL OPPORTUNITIES

A part of the strategy involves introducing new economic activity and institutional facilities like schools, healthcare, training institutions, cultural institutions and public space in the camps to cater to the entire population of migrant workers1 and existing settlements in the area. Organization of the collective activities in relation to a plan for the intensification of a mobility system is used to create a web of centralities that starts to structure the movement and new relations in the territory2.This will additionally contribute towards creating softer boundaries between the new developments and the surrounding areas. The system of semi public and public spaces can play a role in establishing multidimensional relations through time across different user groups as activities of the camp evolve from a temporary to a more permanent state. It involves planning at a strategic level on the one hand, and coordination between the developers, inbetween the masterplanning and the development of the individual plans, on the other.

79

The new developments are focused on providing workspaces for the IT Industry and High end residential developments to cater to a part of the population. The developments, resulting from limited interests of the developers predominantly based on economic gains, overlook the need for housing to support other user groups in the area. By transforming the camps into permanent housing for territory, it can generate alternative residential opportunities to support a different social group. This will enable a better integration of camps with the neighborhood through a form of incremental development.The transformation of camps to a form of housing for the area requires rethinking the role of the state in the provision and ownership of housing. 1

population of 21000 workers with mixed skillsets, with approximately 5000 children 2 Large isolated private developments built by different developers with the only element that connects them as the primary infrastructure line results in an urban fabric that lacks urban structure. The lack of structure is evident through the phases of development as the developers build different parts of the master plans at different times based on individual logics of economic feasibility again with no relation to the overall mobility structure and development in the territory. Phase wise development is driven purely by market logic without any spatial and urban reasoning. The poor legibility in the area creates additional pressure on the movement patterns and the livability of the area.


3 2 1

Relocate/redesign existing camps Housing Transformation of camp as affordable housing

CREATING CENTRALITIES INTRODUCING NEW RESIDENTIAL OPPORTUNI-

1-3 AREAS FOR NEW HOUSING

Traning Institute + Temporary Workers Housing Creating a Centrality Intensification of Secondary Mobility System Incorporating Mixed Use

PUBLIC SPACE

URBAN STRATEGY – DISTRIBUTION OF CENTRALITIES & CREATING NEW RESIDENTIAL OPPORTUNITIES 80


“Hitherto unused territory is at first temporarily appropriated by the simplest means and used in a transient manner. With the success of the temporary use, the activities continue indefinitely and take on increasingly permanent forms� Urban Catalyst

I LOCAL

STAGE I

I LOCAL

STAGE II

The deployment of camps to create new centres of gravity is planned in relation with the development phases. In the first stage, the camps are deployed in relation with an existing settlement in the area to optimize the use of the new infrastructure. In the next stage, the camps are established at the intersection of important roads opening up a new line of movement between the centres. In the 3rd stage the distribution of smaller nodes along secondary mobility lines is used to articulate the network of collective activities in order to have a regional impact. 81

STAGE III


II REGIONAL

1 Community Centre + Transport Hub 2 Health Facility + Day Care 3 Administration 4 Tranport hub 5 Sports Centre 6 Day Care 7 Livelihood Centre + Commerce 8 Health facility + Day Care 9 Health Facility + Commerce 10 Training Institute 11 Administration + Commerce 12 Informal Market + Cultural 13 Livelihood Centre + Market

I LOCAL

Collective Activity/Services Public Space

4

Construction Sites

3

Existing public transport route

2

Additional public transport route

5

6 7

8

1

9 12 10 11

I LOCAL

13

500

DISTRIBUTION OF CENTRALITIES – ENHANCING MOVEMENT LINKS 82


SPATIAL REASONING THROUGH CASE STUDIES POBLE NOU SCHOOL, BARCELONA DAVID OLIVA PRAT ARCHITECT Poble Nou School in Barcelona is designed based on modular architecture in order to construct a permanent structure in quick time. Through the grouping of school with a flexible use structure, the design shows the possibility of combining different typologies and different activities organized around open space to create mix use environment. The structure for the school uses the grouping of modules around a central open space creates a differentiated internal and external environment. While the Internal environment is collective but less public, external environment is open and more public. Varying the size of modules on the lower level can accommodate different scales of activity like a workshop and canteen.

SPATIAL SEQUENCING - COMBINING DIFFERENT TYPOLOGIES AND ACTIVITIES USING A SEQUENCE OF OPEN SPACES (STREETS, BACYARD, PLAY GROUND) 83


USING DIFFERENT CONSTRUCTION TECHNIQUES FOR VARYATION IN TYPOLOGY

STACKING MODULES AROUND CENTRAL OPEN SPACE CREATE A LIVELY INTERNAL ENVIRONMENT 84


SPATIAL REASONING THROUGH CASE STUDIES INCREMENTAL HOUSING, ELEMENTAL The design of the housing employs a linear distribution of modules to facilitate incremental development by adding intermediate modules. The organization of the units around streets and courtyards is used to create a spatial hierarchy and better integration with the surrounding fabric. The repetition of service and living space modules is used to create a system where, where the service modules are fixed and living modules can be developed incrementally. This arrangement shows how the entire site can be developed while accommodating incremental development of the individual units. The arrangement of modules is based on a single family dwelling while the design test explores how to adapt this arrangement to accommodate multifamily dwellings.

STREET BASED ORGANIZATION

85


SEQUENCE OF CONSTRUCTION - STRUCTURAL MODULES ARE BUILT FIRST, FLEXIBLE INFILL SPACES ARE DEVELOPED INCREMENTALLY 1500

3000

9000

FIXED SERVICE MODULES

MODULES ARE ARRANGED & DEVELOPED INTO A CONTINUOUS BUILT FORM 86


CREATING MIXED-USE ENVIRONMENTS

KEY PLAN

The activities and spatial arrangement of the camp is in important creating areas of urban intensity to anchoring new centres of gravity. The design involves creating an active mixed use environment, with differentiated public, semi public and domestic spaces. While combining temporary housing with a training institute for workers within a camp, the design uses a linear sequence of shared spaces on the ground plane associated with creating a semi public or collective realm. The arrangement of modules for the housing is based on stacking and grouping around a central internal space to create a different type of internal environment, suitable for less public or domestic activities. The design aims to create a lively semipublic space as part of a larger network of centralities in the area. The proposed network acts as a magnet for public transport that can start to intensify the mobility system in a developing area on the one hand and contribute towards improving movement patterns at the local scale on the longer term. 87


FUTURE DEVELOPMENT AREA

CONSTRUCTION ACTIVITY

TECHNICAL INNOVATION SCHOOL (EXISTING)

INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL (EXISTING)

TEMPORARY HOUSING + SKILL TRAINING INSTITUTE + PUBLIC SPACE (PROPOSED)

EXISTING SETTLEMENT

CREATING A EDUCATION HUB - RELEVENCE OF CONTEXT IN THE FORMING CENTRALITIES By locating the training institute and temporary housing next to existing institutions in the area, it can create a hub of educational services 88


COLLECTIVE ACTIVITY ON THE GROUND FLOOR 1 Workshop 2 Event Space 3 Community Dining + Kitchen 4 Residential Services

1

Open space - Entrance to Institutional Buildings

Workshop Building

Class

COMBINING ACTIVITIES AND BUILDING TYPOLOGIES THROUGH SPATIAL SEQUENCING & DIFFERENTIATED OPEN SPACES

DEFINING A NEW COLLECTIVE REALM 89


2

srooms/Studios

3

4

Backyard - Extention of collective spaces in housing

Main Street

Temporary Housing

WORKSHOP FACILITIES

SPACE FOR EVENTS/TRADE COLLECTIVE DINING DAY CARE

90


Temporary Housing for workers anchoring a new intersection by creating a differentiation in the more public external and more domestic internal environments

While the atrium is effective in creating a good quality environment for collective living by distributing the collective activities around it, it creates a single type of internal environment making it difficult to differentiate housing for families and male workers. However, by differentiating the access and stacking of the housing modules, it is possible to overcome the problem of separation while still maintaining common internal spaces. The design explores the use of different construction systems to create different levels of permanence in the camp. The construction systems used for the training institute are based on a portal system that allows for incremental upgradation of the finishes, while the more temporary housing uses a dismountable system.

CREATING SEPARATION WITHIN A CONTINUOUS INTERNAL ENVIRONMENT

3

3 2

3

3 1

CIRCULATION FOR MALE WORKER UNITS

2

91

2 1

2

2

CIRCULATION FOR FAMILY UNITS


92


INCREMENTAL DEVELOPMENT OF MODULES

Transforming the current design of camps into a form of housing for the area is difficult, as they have no relation with the new developments in terms of morphology, organizational patters or materiality. In order to create a system of organization that is adaptable and capable of better integration, the design uses the grouping of linear modules connected by a network of streets. Introducing a hierarchy of open spaces in the form of streets, backyards and courtyards can not only create a better living environment in the camp but also enable better integration with the surrounding movement patterns. Using camps as a basis for permanent housing, can be a tool to introduce a form of lowrise high density housing, adding diversity to the existing housing typologies. It is important to note however that location plays an important role in the transformation of the camps. The design strategy involves distribution of modules with a combination of fixed and temporary elements to facilitate incremental transformation of the housing.

93


INCORPORATING A STREET BASED SYSTEM

LINEAR MODULE WITH STREET BASED ACCESS

94


SERVICE MODULE COLLECTIVE DINING

REPETITION OF SERVICE MODULES TO CREATE SHARED RESIDENTIAL UNITS The housing uses repetition of two types of modules. Modules with rooms are alternated with service modules to create a sequence of shared residential units for the workers

Shared Residential Unit for Workers

Units with fixed service modules, flexible living modules

FLEXIBILITY OF MODULE TO ACCOMMODATE INCREMENTAL TRANSFORMATION Through flexible internal arrangement and addition of a floor, the residential units in the camp are adapted to suit the changing demographics 95

Multi Family Dwelling


HOUSING FOR UNSKILLED WORKERS

P

R

HOUSING FOR SKILLED WORKERS

L

P

R

Room Pantry Living Space Terrace

R T

R

R LEVEL 1

R P

P

R

R

R L

ADAPTABLE TYPOLOGY Modules adapted to suit skilled workers and supervisors based on varying requirements in the level of privacy

L R

R

R R

STREET LEVEL

3

5m

96


By regrouping services within the modules, the shared residential units in the camp can be transformed into multi family dwellings. The flexibility of the module combined with a street based organization contributes towards the adaptability of the type to accommodate other uses like small scale economic activity. Transformation of the camps to housing involves a change in the economic model of providing housing which necessitate a revision of housing policies and the involvement of the state.

MULTI FAMILY HOUSING

HOUSING WITH WORKSPACE

TRANSFORMATION INTO HOUSING THROUGH VERTICAL EXPANSION The structural system is planned for expansion both in the horizontal and vertical direction to accommodate higher densities.

2

LEVEL 2

2 1

3

LEVEL 1

1 WORKSPACE

3 BED FAMILY UNITS

STREET LEVEL 3

97

5m


Unit 2

Unit 3

Unit 1

FROM SHARED RESIDENTIAL UNITS TO MULTIFAMILY DWELLING

PERMANENT HOUSING BASED ON THE CAMP TYPOLOGY 98


EVOLVING USE-SPACE RELATIONS The design tests are based on the use of the flexible and temporal qualities of the camps to create new user space relations in an area of growth. It is driven by a strategy of using a combination of temporary and fixed elements in the design of camps. Owing to its temporary qualities, it can start to establish a new set of spatial, social, cultural, economic and procedural relations in the territory in quick time. The transformational capacity of camps allows for the evolution of these relations involving the interactions of different stakeholders across time, be it through the transformation of housing for the workers to housing for local residents or through the repurposing of institutions to suit the needs of the local residents.

0-12 Years

ENTIRE SITE DEVELOPED TO BE TRANSFORMED INCREMENTALLY

INFORMAL MARKET

NEW DEVELOPMENTS (IT OFFICES) SERVICES ADDED (DAYCARE)

NEW DEVELOPMENTS (HOUSING) CAMP TRANSFORMED INTO HOUSING FOR THE AREA

99

CONSTRUCTION SITES

CONSTRUCTION SITES SERVICES ADDED

NEW DEVELOPMENTS (IT OFFICES)

NEW DEVELOPMENTS (IT OFFICES)


Temporary housing for minimum number of workers to build collective services and institutions. workers provide the critical mass to drive new services State - main driver through subsidies Developer, Land Owner - main stakeholders

Informal Market for Workers Public Sector - main driver

STAGE I

Developments - Stage 1

Additional housing added to accommodate increase in workers. Transformation of housing to accommodate changing demographics of workers Developer drives this stage

Adapting market space to accommodate commerce catering to other residents Public Sector - main driver. Local residents and institutions play an important role

STAGE II

Private Developments Stage 2

STAGE III

Transformation of camp to affordable housing State - main driver through subsidies Developer, Land Owner - main stakeholders

TRANSFORMATION OF HOUSING & SERVICES

STAGE 1 - Structural STAGE II - Finishes STAGE III- Occupancy

In the first stage of the development process, temporary housing for the workers is part of a strategy to sustain new services and infrastructure. The housing is capable of transformation to accommodate the changing demographics of workers through the development process. As the population of migrant workers decrease, the housing and services are transformed or re-purposed in order to be integrated with the new developments. 100


Light Weight Construction for Permanent Structures

Concrete Modules - Structural element

Portal/Truss System with paneling

Demountable System for Temporary Housing

CONSTRUCTION SYSTEMS TO ACCOMMODATE VARYING LEVELS OF PERMANENCE 101

Interconnecting Panels


Flexible Internal walls

New Bud School, ZHU Jingxiang

Jean Prouve Videos Maison Aluminium Metropole

Finishes upgraded as activities become more permanent

102


DIFFERENTIATED PATTERNS OF DEVELOPMENT

BY INTRODUCING A FINER GRAIN IN THE URBAN FABRIC, CAMPS CAN DRIVE SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC DIVERSITY CENTRAL TO THE CREATION OF NEW URBAN AREAS BY SUPPORTING NEW ACTIVITIES AND USERGROUPS

NEW SPATIAL FORMS & ACTIVITIES OF CAMPS DRIVING URBAN DIVERSITY

103


THE ORIENTATION OF CAMPS ARTICULATING STREETS AND NEW OPEN SPACES CAN CREATE NEW POINTS OF INTENSITY, CONTRIBUTING TOWARDS A HIEARCHY OF MOVEMENT AND DISTRIBUTION OF SERVICES IN THE TERRITORY

THE TRANSFORMATION OF CAMPS FROM TEMPORARY TO MORE PERMANENT USES GENERATES A SPATIAL AND FUNCTIONAL LOGIC THAT STARTS TO STRUCTURE NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THE AREA

104


In conclusion, by adopting modular structures with varying levels of permanence, camps can be better integrated with the development process and the city. It utilizes the adaptibility of modular architecture as in the case of transforming camps to permanent housing. It also enables camp sites to be developed incrementally, by repurposing, transforming, dismantling parts of the site. It can play a role in establishing & sustaining new activity and relations in the territory through the development period. NEW CENTRALITIES

Incorporation of the camps in the masterplanning is based on a more spontaneous way of implementing the masterplans, which introduces a level collaboration between developers to provide an integrated system of housing, services and infrastructure for the workers. By superimposing a layer of finer grain elements like temporary housing, mixed use, civic services through the camps, it can add diversity and complexity in spatial and relational terms to the new developments through a more spontaneous development process. They leave behind new structural and movement links to create a more balanced system of growth in new urban areas. To a masterplan, which is generic and vague, the integration of camps forms the basis of generating a complimentary set of rules that gives more direction to the materialization of the plan. The redesign of camps enables better integration of the migrant worker with the city in multiple dimensions and at multiple scales. It is based on striking a balance between providing shared and relatively small private sphere with better integration with the city through new facilities that are provided in the camp. This is important in changing the status of a migrant worker from merely a biological beings or economic resources to an individual who enjoys rights and contributes towards the social, cultural and economic life of the city. 105


NEW CENTRALITIES STRENGTHENING SECONDARY MOVEMENT PATTERNS TRHOUGH A NETWORK OF NODES

TEMPORARY CAMPS AS THE BASIS FOR NEW URBAN PATTERNS

106


Intensification of Secondary Mobility System through Centralities Reinforce primary infrastructural lines

Collaboration between developers to provide services and other collective activities Mix Use, Diverse Residential Typologies Integration of finer grain elements in the masterplan

A SECONDARY NETWORK OF HOUSING & INFRASTRUCTURE ADDING COMPLEXITY TO THE MASTERPLAN 107


108


109


04 TOWARDS ALTERNATIVE FORMS OF PLANNING Establishing a Framework Rethinking Productivity in Cities

110


111


ESTABLISHING A FRAMEWORK

The three projects explore varied possibilities of rethinking the transitional spaces of camps to perform as a tool for urban transformation. A range of responses have been developed for three different urban conditions that can be seen in numerous rapidly expanding cities like Bangalore. In each condition the camps act as ‘seeds of urbanism’ to form punctual interventions in the inner city to linear connections in the inner periphery to the creation of new system of housing and infrastructure in the fringe. The camp, in each of the condition is seen as an “exceptional space” that holds the potential to form an emergent model of inclusive city development. Addressing the spaces of these camps, it becomes possible not only to integrate marginalized communities and temporary urban residents with the city but also, opens up new possibilities to provide public services and civic amenities in a quick and efficient way pertaining to the particularities of each urban condition - flexible event space and local squares in the city core; collaborative workspace and public interfaces in inner periphery; affordable housing and local centralities in the urban fringe..

each actor contributes in a meaningful way to urban transformation but, also reaps certain benefits in the process. The role played by each of these actors enables the participation of citizens from various backgrounds resulting in a holistic and comprehensive outcome. The public sector becomes instrumental in the procurement of land and in the provision of funds for the construction of public services and civic amenities for the neighbourhood. The private sector actors such as the developer and contractor, who aid the construction process by providing the required labour and materials, benefit from subsidies for labour housing and concessions for their development projects. The workers benefit from the improved quality of housing and better social, economic and political integration with their neighbourhoods and also with the urban process of development.

In order to implement the strategies to make them multi-scalar and multi-sectoral, it becomes essential to rethink the policy framework regarding camps. The projects advocate for a policy that enforces the need to incorporate various permanent elements in the design and layout of the camps. This enhances the performance of these transitional spaces and integrates them with the city. The programming and typology of these permanent elements will vary depending on the roles they assume to cater to the needs of that particular urban condition.

The third sector players, along with the architects and planners play the role of a mediating agency between multiple stakeholders and actors. The scope of their involvement includes the design of camps, management of funds and coordination. The participation of various institutions also plays a major role in facilitating the process. The Corporate Social Responsibility criteria for different private players in the territory like industries, service-based organisations could be leveraged for funding and volunteering participation in these public facilities. Involvement of the National Skill Development Centre for imparting skill development and vocational training, along with the management and construction of workspace could also improve the social mobility of the workers.

The construction of the permanent elements in the camps requires the involvement of multiple actors and stakeholders. The framework establishes a system of inter-dependencies such that

Overall, this framework delivers an alternative system of providing services and housing in urban areas in a quicker and more efficient manner by rethinking ‘Camps as Seeds of Urbanism’. 112


MINIMUM ADDITIONAL COSTS -Public Ownership of Land -Self Built by workers, only material costs to be provided by developers -Through design of reusable and incremental structures

REQUALIFICATION OF THE CITY CORE Facilitating socioeconomic relations for urban transformation + TEMPORARY HOUSING + PRODUCTION SPACE + PUBLIC SPACE

INTEGRATION IN THE INNER PERIPHERY Overcoming fragmentation through spaces of collaboration + TEMPORARY HOUSING + SHARED WORKSPACE

INSTITUTIONAL ORGANIZATION

DRIVING NEW DEVELOPMENT IN THE URBAN FRINGE Transforming the masterplanning process +INCREMENTAL HOUSING + CIVIC SERVICES

New Policies, Public Private Partnership

CITY FUNDING

PUBLIC INVESTMENT

PRIVATE INVESTMENT

Production & Workspace built by National Skill Development Centre

Land and construction of services and civic amenities

Corporate Social Responsibility of developers

Subsidies in land acquisition for housing

NGO’S, ARCHITECTS, PLANNERS As Mediating Agency

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VARYING LEVELS OF PERMANENCE

CITY CORE +Temporary Housing +Production Space +Public Space

INNER PERIPHERY + Temporary Housing +Shared Workspace

URBAN FRINGE +Incremental Housing +Civic Services

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RETHINKING PRODUCTIVITY IN CITIES

The impact of the camps on the urban process may vary with the condition, being more intangible in the centre to more tangible in the fringe. Camps associated with urban areas in a condition of dereliction and saturation can contribute towards regeneration of inner city areas. The temporary activities of the camp can play a role in retaining the productive base of the area by facilitating crossovers between a range of local stakeholders contributing towards re-qualification. The existing stakeholders are critical in anchoring new productive relations as the migrant workers are highly mobile associated with the timeframe and nature of developments in the inner city. In inner peripheral areas, camps can play a role in addressing conditions of fragmentation resulting from a development process spread across different time periods. The collective activities of the camp can facilitate collaboration between existing activities and usergroups contributing towards a more integrated neighborhood. The presence of different migrant groups associated with the different phases in the development process can play a role in the evolution of these relations between different stakeholders in the area contributing towards creating coherence through time.

Camps set up in the urban fringe can contribute towards areas of growth and expansion by facilitating the complexity of relations present in urban areas. Infrastructure and activities of the camp can be used to set up new social, cultural, economic and procedural relations affecting the future of the area. The presence of diverse groups of migrant workers associated with different stages of development at any given point in time help not only to sustain new activities and relations but also participate in the evolution of these relations with new usergroups contributing towards the complexity of urban life. When camps are treated as the first stage of the city, in addition to facilitating the interactions of multiple stakeholders and their environments, they also play a role in integrating certain marginalized sectors of the society. It can have a positive impact on the productivity of the city by enhancing relations and interdependencies by building social and cultural capital in addition to the economic dimensions, contributing towards a more wholistic understanding of productivity in the city.

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CONCLUSION

This research questions the notion of permanence as the basic condition of cities to develop strategies to address temporal spaces in cities. It also sheds light on the importance of ‘interim’, ‘provisional’, ‘exceptional’, ‘transitory’ spaces in cities. Rethinking such spaces as seeds of urbanism opens up new possibilities of urbanisation in cities with greater dynamism and inclusivity in the face of depleting resources and great economic and political uncertainty in an age of rapid change. The approach neither denies the current models of urban development nor does it claims to be a new and substitute model of urban development. Nevertheless it aims to include the important dimension of temporality in the urban process. The process of legitimizing the space of exception through integration of camps in the urban rules and structure rather than leaving them as spaces of exception allows additional rights accessible for the labourers. Consequently the labourers are no longer reduced to bare life and enjoy various dimensions of life even though they 119

are temporal in the city. However the scale and the potentials of the project go far beyond just construction labour camps in India. The research is a part examination of a much bigger problem at a global scale. The bigger question here is could one deal with camps all over the world under distinctive settings and circumstances by extracting some principles from the research? Also is there a possibility to think of similar strategies and principles to deal other exceptional and transitional spaces in the urban milieu today that manifests in different modes in cities - refugee camps, migrant camps, emergency housing and informal settlements in addition to construction labour camps? The approach to legitimize spaces of exception by integrating them in the urban process could be considered as a possible way to address other such exceptional spaces. Lastly this research offers a potential starting point for a new approach towards addressing such exceptional spaces in cities.


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APPENDIX

Bangalore Masterplan (2015)

The Draft Master Plan - 2015, prepared by Bangalore Development Authority (BDA) under the KTCP Act, covers a Local Planning Area of 1306 sq. kms in Bangalore. The issues and potentials regarding the development trends are set out in the development plan. The plan uses the land use mapping, zoning and transport infrastructure as main tools of development. The plan envisages the development to be organised in 3 concentric belts. 1st Ring - The core area consisting of the historic Petta, the Administrative Centre and the Central Business District; 2nd Ring - Peri-central area with older planned residential areas surrounding the core area; 3rd Ring - Recent extensions (2003) of the City flanking both sides of the Outer Ring Road, a portion of which lacks services and infrastructure facilities and is termed as a shadow area. The ambitions and goals set out by the masterplan are generic and vague in relation to the urban development in the city. In consequence, it is difficult to imagine how the development process achieves those goals. 1. Draft Master plan 2015. (2015). 1st ed. [ebook] Bangalore: Bangalore Development Authority. Available at: http://www.bdabangalore.org/brochure.pdf [Accessed 4 Feb. 2015].

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PROPOSED MASTERPLAN IN THE BELLANDUR (URBAN FRINGE) ADARSH PALM RETREAT

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PROPOSED MASTERPLAN IN BELLANDUR (URBAN FRINGE) ADARSH PALM RETREAT

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SCALE & STAGES OF CONSTRUCTION ACTIVITY IN BELLANDUR (URBAN FRINGE)

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