Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 27, Number 1, 1959

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

January, 1959

• IN THIS ISSUE

Toward an Understanding Jg of the West

- sp * - \ •-». .-.

ABOUT THE COVER Glen Canyon Dam as it will appear when finally completed.

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•m •fe PHOTO COURTESY UTAH WATER AND POWER BOARD

Industry uses water. The Geneva Steel plant in Utah County.

PHOTO, HAL RUMEL

CONTENTS In This Issue, BY A. R. MORTENSEN Toward

an Understanding

History

of Irrigation

Reclamation,

of the West,

in Utah,

Its Influence

of the West, Reclamation

BY J O H N W . CAUGHEY

BY GEORGE D. CLYDE

and Impact

in American

The States Act to Conserve

51

BY WILLIAM MULDER

their Heritage,

BY S. K. STEVENS

Selections from A Bibliography of Theses and Concerning Utah or the Mormons Written of Utah,

27

39

BY PAUL JONES History,

7

on the History

BY MARSHALL N . DANA

and the Indian,

The Mormons

3

59

79

Dissertations outside the State

BY IDA-MARIE CLARK LOGAN

85

ILLUSTRATIONS The Crossing at Council Bluffs

2

John W. Caughey

6

The American

8

Zion Canyon

West area

12

George D. Clyde Ditches for fencing

26 and watering;

Logan-Hyde

Park-Smithfield

canal. . . 30

Virgin River

31

Marshall N. Dana

38

Reclaimed Grand

farmlands;

Recreational

Coulee Reservoir;

facilities

The water supply

45 fails

48

Paul Jones

50

Navajo

54

"The

Tribal Council Water Hole,"

William

by Paul Salisbury

Mulder

Box Elder Tabernacle

56 58

in Brigham

Salt Lake City in the early 1860's

City

68 74

i^#ws^<s8£

•-. £ 7.

*.

-

.*-••*

^tt*ioc2?? \i-''

JP^l1,

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The crossing at Council Bluffs on the overland trail to the Far West. Sketched

by Frederick Piercy and first printed in RoutejromLiverpool to Great Salt Lake }7alley, by Frederick Piercy, James LinfortJ^cj (TSvSrp

IN

THIS

ISSUE

By A. R. Mortensen, Editor

The many events of the joint convention of the American Association for State and Local History and the Society of American Archivists held in Salt Lake City this past August and cosponsored by the Utah State Historical Society have been reported on elsewhere. However, the high caliber of the official sessions and the reception given several of the papers and speeches warrant their preservation and circulation in a permanent printed form. It is for this reason that five of the papers given at the convention are printed in these pages; indeed, they constitute the bulk of die material in this issue of the Quarterly. It is expected that the major papers and speeches of special interest to the SAA will find publication in the organs of that society.

It was planned right from the outset that those portions of the program of particular concern to the AASLH should have a western bias. It had been suggested that if the convention were to go west "the participants should hear about the West." There was variety to suit the taste of all the delegates; yet from the opening remarks of greeting from Governor Clyde when he pictured this western land on the eve of settlement, this western theme was carried to the concluding address of the convention.

Professor William Mulder in his address at the opening dinner meeting gave a succinct, precise, and yet highly literary explanation of "The Mormons in American History." Too often the local historian, both amateur and professional, becomes antiquarian and provincial.

He loses or never obtains a frame of reference. He does not relate his field of interest to the larger stream of history. Mulder's essay con-

4

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

tributes greatly to an understanding of the place of the founders of Utah in American history both in time and space.

Utah is presently fortunate in having as governor a man sensitive to the history and culture of the state over which he presides as chief executive. His competency as an engineer and specialist in reclamation is matched by his understanding and knowledge of the history of irrigation in Utah and elsewhere in the West. Governor George D. Clyde was the first speaker in a panel devoted to the general subject, "Reclamationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Its Influence and Impact on the History of the West." His particular paper was entitled "History of Irrigation in Utah." The outstanding speaker and authority on reclamation, Marshall N. Dana, was the next performer on the panel. He drew a dramatic word picture of what water has done to transform large regions of the arid but otherwise fertile West into areas of useful and valuable productivity. Paul Jones, chairman of the Navajo Tribal Council, was the final speaker on the panel. Because of the aridity of most of Navajo country and the great need for the development of its water resources, his paper on "Reclamation and the Indian" was most appropriate.

The West is many things to many people. The various stereotypes publicized and perpetuated by our modern instruments of entertainment and communication only serve to confuse the true picture. It was appropriate, therefore, that the concluding paper of this western convention of specialists in various areas of American history should be addressed "Toward an Understanding of the West." The thoughtprovoking, excellently delivered remarks of John W. Caughey sent both visitor and native westerner home with an appreciation of the history and contemporary condition of that great area commonly designated the American West. If Turner's famous thesis contributed significantly to an understanding of the West as a movement and a process, Caughey's paper is a contribution to an understanding of the West as an area, a geographical entity with metes and bounds.

A word of explanation for the inclusion of the article by S. K. Stevens, "The States Act to Conserve Their Heritage," would seem appropriate, for while this piece was not delivered at the convention, it is an outstanding explanation and justification for the important work state historical agencies are doing in the preservation of a form of natural resource too often neglected. It has particular cogency for the relatively young states of the American West, where only now active steps are being taken to preserve the great historical traditions and heritage of the region.

JOHN W. CAUGHEY

John W. Caughey was born in Wichita, Kansas. He received his B.A. at the University of Texas, his M.A. and Ph.D. at the University of California. For many years he has resided in southern California, where for most of that period he has been a member of the history faculty of the University of California at Los Angeles. He has held all professorial ranks at that institution, and since 1946 has been full professor. For more than twenty years he has been on the editorial staff of the Pacific Historical Review, and at present is managing editor. In addition to his editorial work he is the author of at least a dozen books and innumerable articles and book reviews.

For the year 1958 he served as the president of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association.

TOWARD

AN OF

UNDERSTANDING

THE

WEST

By John W. Caughey

The West is not shown neatly bounded on any official map, but it is a geographical reality. It begins about halfway across the states that are piled up from Texas to the Dakotas. It extends on through a baker's dozen of states to the coast and Alaska, with one to grow on in Hawaii.

Even if Alaska and Hawaii are regarded as thrown in for good measure, this is a big area — half the United States.

Lots of people outside this area think they live in the West. There are all the youngsters everywhere who get into boots and stetsons and strap on their sixshooters. And there is the whole population from Ohio to Iowa who call their region the Midwest. In an antiquarian sense they are right, but of course in accuracy they should reckon that they live in the Middle East.

It is the legitimate West that I propose to deal with — the part of the United States beyond the halfway point on the road to the Pacific — the West of the Plains and Rockies, the Great Basin, and the Pacific Coast.

The outside world began to hear of this land in the sixteenth century with the reports of Coronado and Cabrillo and Drake. Late in the

UNDERSTANDING

THE WEST

9

eighteenth century another wave of reporting began, initiated by mariners who sailed to the Pacific Coast. Pike and Lewis and Clark made dramatic penetrations across country, and before long other visitors emerged with glowing reports â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Moses Austin from Texas, Josiah Gregg from Santa Fe, Marcus Whitman from Oregon, and Richard Henry Dana from California. To the fever and ague sufferers in Missouri, Antoine Robidoux carried tidings of California's healthgiving climate, while John C. Fremont waxed lyrical over the Eden-like valley of Bear River and the flower-bedecked plains of the San Joaquin.

A trifle later the West had promoters who were even more dedicated. Some, such as James M. Hutchings, the first worshipper of Yosemite, had no visible ulterior motive. Others had railroads in need of customers, towns to boom, or lands to sell. Successive mining strikes gave the West the aura of a great bonanza, and there were bonanzas also in wheat and cattle. The Mormons, meanwhile, found the most ulterior motive of all: they set it up as a religious duty to move west.

By 1890, through these channels and others, several million souls had been lured to the Plains and Rockies and beyond, and they were sufficiently distributed that the Director of the Census could announce that the frontier of free land was so much broken into that it had disappeared.

After 1890 the lure of the West became even more seductive and more scientific. Chambers of commerce and convention bureaus solicited tourists and businesses. The automobile put the open spaces within reach. Hollywood glamorized the appeal. During World War II draft boards saw to it that thousands of young men saw the West first. Now this same West has a population of forty or forty-five million.

With this growth in population an increasing number of persons knew something about the West just from living in it. As travel became easier, other millions paid it the honor of a visit. Some of these outsiders came specifically to make written report: this was true of Bayard Taylor in the Gold Rush, of Henry Villard in Colorado a decade later, of Horace Greeley another ten years later, and of many other journalists and sociologists. Fictionists by the score have also spread information about the West. Irving, Bennett, Twain, Helen Hunt Jackson, Hough, Norris, Wister, Vardis Fisher, Steinbeck, Stegn e r â&#x20AC;&#x201D; these and others worked in a great deal of the real West, and there is some of it in Ned Buntline, Zane Grey, and Raymond Chandler.

Historians also have helped to make some things about the West

10

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

common knowledge. Topics such as the Lewis and Clark expedition and the building of the Pacific Railroad are recognized as part of United States history and have been so treated; other episodes such as the Mormon exodus to Utah, the Santa Fe Trail, and the San Francisco fire have been so ably presented in state history that they are well known.

The most characteristic historical study of the West has been narrowed down to relatively small particulars. Thanks to Herbert Eugene Bolton we can follow Anza's marches from campsite to campsite.

Thanks to Dale Morgan we can go with Jedediah Smith almost step by step on his travels. LeRoy Hafen has done as much for the Old Spanish Trail. For many a town we can be told who opened the first store; who built the first house, and just where.

At the other end of the scale the West has tempted free-hand generalizers to offer interpretations or single themes upon which the whole history of the West could be strung. Hubert Howe Bancroft, for instance, though having to work with a foreshortened view because he was writing in the seventies and eighties, saw what had happened in the West as the last and most glorious chapter in the transit of civilization from Greece to Rome to western Europe, to the Atlantic seaboard, and at last to the edge of the Pacific. The Frederick Jackson Turner thesis on the significance of the frontier, though based almost entirely on studies of the Piedmont and trans-Appalachian frontiers, was extended by Turner and more especially by his disciples as the masterkey for comprehension of the farther West.

In 1931, with special reference to the Plains segment of the West, Walter Prescott Webb argued what amounted to a doctrine of geographical determinism. This new region, he held, was such a contrast to the land between the Atlantic and the ninety-eighth meridian that it blocked settlement for a generation and then forced radical change in institutions. This thesis was sharply contested by certain scholars, and James C. Malin offered a constructive amendment by applying the concept of possibilism, extending his view to the West at large. Henry Nash Smith, meanwhile, pointed out that Americans had habitually looked at the West through the rose-colored spectacles of great expectations. A footnote might add that a fair number of these myths and dreams came true.

In 1957 Webb extended his view to the West at large, seized upon aridity as the supreme fact west of 98° and, again with strong tinge of

UNDERSTANDING THE WEST

II

geographical determinism, concluded that the history of the region has comparable dryness and emptiness.

Before exploring theory, however, we might do better to explore the West and its history.

To begin with, it had better be stressed that this is a land where the environment has to be taken into account. It may be lavish in resources, but unlike a South Sea island with its coconuts and breadfruit, it does not automatically nourish. The mark of the land is strong on its history, and die facts of geography are these: First, it is a big country, a land of distances, of remoteness. The problem of transportation has always been uppermost for those who wanted to use or develop the West.

Second, it is a rugged land, a land of sharp uplifts, canyons, and gorges, a region complex in topography and with a great deal of exposed geology. The multiplicity of landforms â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the alternation of plains, mountains, basins, mesas, valleys â&#x20AC;&#x201D; complicates the transportation problem.

It also sets up a broad diversity of climates. The isothermal lines climb the mountains more rapidly than they do the degrees of latitude.

Zones of climate ranging from subtropical to arctic may be only a few miles apart, and the precipitation on one side of a mountain range often is much greater than on the other side.

The West is a land of extremes. It has the highest and the lowest points in the United States. From the scorched depths of Death Valley one used to be able to look up more than 15,000 feet to the highest point in the United States. This is no longer allowed, but one can stand there and imagine Mount McKinley towering another 5,000 feet above Mount Whitney. Day after day the West reports the highest and lowest temperatures. It has the highest and the lowest annual rainfalls. This diversity is also shown within many of its parts: in Alaska or Idaho or California, for example. Parts of the West fall all along the scale from hyperhumid to arid. The parts where it rains all the time and the parts where it never rains sort of balance each other off, and sometimes have been made to do precisely that. This is part of the secret of the existence of Los Angeles. At the downtown weather station the average annual rainfall is only fifteen inches, but within a forty-mile radius of the city hall there are locations where the average reaches forty inches. For the greater part of the West the classification that fits is subhumid or semiarid. And that of course spells a contrast to the humid East.

To the eye of a stranger the West often looks utterly desolate. Parts

12

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of it are bleak; yet on closer inspection the West repeatedly has proved ever so much richer than the first inventory showed. It has or had great deposits of gold, silver, copper, sulphur, petroleum, and uranium.

It offers nine-tenths of the nation's hydroelectric potential and now has the nation's best stand of timber. In variety of crops it surpasses the East. Two of its states consistently lead the other forty-seven in total value of agricultural output, though the East as a section continues to have a substantial over-all lead.

There was a time, nevertheless, when the West carried as large a population as the East. This was in the days when people lived closer to the land and were more directly dependent on the local resources.

That was before the coming of the white man, when the peak density of Indian population was in the upper Rio Grande Valley, along the northwest coast, and in California. Other factors such as the unwarlike character of some of the tribes were partly responsible, but the populaThis aerial view of the Kolob country, Zion Canyon area, illustrates the extremes in topography and land forms which complicate problems of man's adjustment to his environment in the great West. Photo, Hal Rumel.

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UNDERSTANDING

THE WEST

13

tion count is also a testimonial to the resources of the western half of the continent.

The West of our day also represents very clearly the interaction of man and society upon the land. The contemporary West, in other words, is also the product of its history. That history is long and varied.

It is characterized by drastic changes, period by period, and within it there are local peculiarities both of omission and commission. On closer scrutiny, however, an unmistakable regional unity shows through.

Throughout the West history begins with an Indian prologue (for Alaska and Hawaii add Eskimo and Polynesian). For lack of conventional records we lump this whole fifteen- or twenty-thousand-year period as prehistoric, but from the anthropologists we have learned a great deal about the patterns of living that evolved. We also have some awareness of the carry-over of influence on later developments.

Then followed what is often dismissed as a second prologue â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the opening of the West by agents of European imperialism. Throughout most of the West, it was these agents who were first on the scene: Spaniards working north from Mexico as far as Nebraska and Nootka, the French from Canada advancing west and southwest all the way to the Rockies, Drake to a Nova Albion (New England) in California, other Britishers leading the way to Hawaii and the Pacific Northwest, and Russians in the Aleutian Islands and southward.

Clearly these activities of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries were not prehistoric; many of them have been recorded much more meticulously than has the later American pioneering. These Europeans gave the American West an early start. Two of its states were named before any of the "original thirteen" and one, New Mexico, was colonized before Jamestown. These Europeans came to take possession and to settle as well as to explore. Especially in the belt from Louisiana and Missouri through Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California, they implanted customs and institutions that greatly influenced what followed. Through Mexico in the Greater Southwest, the Hudson's Bay Company and Russian-American Company in the Northwest, and the Hawaiian monarchy in its realm, these regimes that we call "foreign" had continuing importance in the nineteenth century.

With the nineteenth century, the people of the United States took over as the dynamic force. Ships from Boston had already touched along the Northwest Coast, and Lewis and Clark, Pike, Long, James, and Fremont entered from the east as official explorers. The fur men searched out every possible beaver stream. Traders opened shop in

14

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Santa Fe, Hawaii, and California, missionaries went to Hawaii and Oregon, and later a sprinkling of settlers moved into Oregon, California, and Utah. By 1848, with the military and the diplomats functioning in the final moves, the United States fulfilled its Manifest Destiny by taking possession all the way to die Pacific.

Even when these events are brought between die covers of a single book, there is a tendency to fragment this history by isolating the Oregon missions, or to treat the Santa Fe Trail as though it had no relation to the fur trade. On the other hand, a book on the fur trade necessarily ranges most of the West, and a biography of Kit Carson or John Marsh or James K. Polk has to have a wide spread.

As of about 1848, the West passed over a historical divide. The fur trade, the Santa Fe trade, the hide trade, the Oregon missions, and Manifest Destiny became closed chapters. Jim Marshall's gold discovery in the Sierra foothills ushered in a new era which would be characterized by the prospector for gold and silver, the cattleman of the open range, the farmer more gradually advancing the agricultural frontier, the stage driver and wagon freighter, their superior the railroad builder, the regular and volunteer Indian fighters, and the architects of state government. Here is an epoch readily distinguishable from the early nineteenth century, but again these are historical elements that are widely distributed over the West.

Once again western history hangs together as well as it did in the days of the mountain men and Manifest Destiny. Cattle raising on the open range flourished in California before it did in Texas and spread not only over the Plains but into the grasslands of the Rockies, Great Basin, and Northwestern Plateau. Rolvaag and Cather found prairie farmers in the Dakotas and Nebraska; Vardis Fisher found their counterparts in Idaho, Frank Norris in California, and Dorothy Scarborough in Texas. So it went with other components of the real West of the late nineteenth century.

And once again an epoch came to an abrupt end and gave way to a new one. The Director of the Census may have exaggerated the disappearance of the frontier, but as of 1890, give or take a few years, the era of the gold and silver rushes, the open range, the stage lines, the Indian wars, and the railroad builders did come to a close.

In the generation after 1890 the cattle industry stabilized with improved stock and closed range. Wool and wheat growing also solidified, but a more spectacular change was in agricultural specialty lines such as orange and apple growing in the Southwest and the Northwest.

UNDERSTANDING

THE WEST

15

Lumbering scored heavy gains. The West experienced a health rush and the tourist business boomed. These are elements in the picture, but a simpler description for the period from 1890 to the 1920's is to say that the West lived by the railroad.

The East in these years piled up many ton-miles and passengermiles on its railroads, but continued to have coastal shipping, lake steamers, and river barges as active competitors. There were ships plying the west coast, but everywhere else in the West the railroad was the one carrier. It determined where people should live and what they might produce for market. The railroad was the prime giver of value to land. It brought the tourists and the new settlers. A generation ago, to give one example, we all would have come to this Salt Lake City convention by rail.

The railroad clearly enriched the West of this generation, but it exacted a price. Many a westerner felt that he lived by the railroad, as a puppet of the railroad, and for the railroad. In a few eastern states an occasional politician might give major attention to railroad regulation as La Follette did in Wisconsin. In almost every western state or territory at the turn of the century it loomed up as the prime issue.

The West of later date has no single feature that so dominates the scene. Ours is the automobile age and also the air age, but not to the exclusion of the railroads and the pipelines. It also is the age of the engineer, with display performances in San Francisco's bay bridges, the causeway now building across Salt Lake, the elaborate highway systems, and the tremendous dams such as Boulder, Shasta, Bonneville, and Grand Coulee. The crop list bears close resemblance to that of a few decades ago, but agriculture is increasingly mechanized and scientific. And as the place names Geneva, Fontana, Hollywood, Hanford, and Los Alamos may suggest, the West at last has something to show in industrial capacity.

In resume, its sharply stratified character may be the most spectacular feature of the history of the West: the Indian period, followed by an epoch of European contact and limited occupation; then the early nineteenth century invasion by American explorers, traders, missionaries, and empire builders; another era dominated by miners, farmers, cattlemen, Indian fighters, and railroad builders; then a generation dedicated to making the most of the railroad, but with attention also to the tourist, the health seeker, real estate speculation, and developing the eastern markets; and next our own more sophisticated

16

UTAH H I S T O R I C A L

QUARTERLY

generation, with a more far-reaching application of science to the problems of production, processing, and transportation.

The history of the West has odier characteristics. It is full of adventure, of the haphazard violence so dear to the creators of "westerns." It includes many instances of suffering and endurance â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that is how we remember the women and children of the covered-wagon migrations. It has its sordid and lamentable parts â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Chinese massacres at Los Angeles, Tacoma, and Rock Springs; the harsh treatment of the Wobblies and the migratory farm laborers; the wartime concentration of the Japanese-Americans; and the misuse of the land that produced the Dust Bowl. Our history is full of accidents, some of which were happyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;among them the opening of the market for furs in China, most of the gold discoveries, and the introduction of the navel orange and Russian wheat.

For the eastern half of the nation, especially through the early stages, much of the history is written properly in terms of state and local development and state and local politics. That was how it was throughout the colonial period and the tendency persisted. In early nineteenth-century New York, for instance, the government that mattered most was certainly that of the state. Who built the Erie Canal?

And in the South to 1860 the addiction to states' rights was not just an argument for use in Washington, but was in line with the habit of looking more to state legislatures and executives than to those of the nation.

In contrast, westerners from the beginning have been acutely conscious of the federal government. The White Father in Washington has not always remembered them, but they have known that their regional interest as often as not would rise or fall by virtue of federal action or inaction. Parts of the West only now are reaching the point where state government has more prestige, and a shift from the United States Senate to a governorship is thought of as a step up.

Americans in the West before 1848 looked to the federal government to extend United States sovereignty to the Pacific. The West from 1850 to 1890 counted on Uncle Sam to underwrite transportation improvements, to quiet the Indians, to clarify land titles, and to admit to statehood. The federal government was beseeched to purchase silver or in other ways inflate the currency as a means of relieving western debtors. It was asked to bar oriental immigration, to regulate the railroads, to proceed with reclamation projects, to give federal aid for highway construction, to move more rapidly in flood control, to elimi-

UNDERSTANDING

THE WEST

17

nate the freight-rate differential against the West, and to give western industry a fair chance.

The stages in federal relations reflect the evolution of the West.

All told it is a more persistent thread and a bigger one in our regional history than in that of the East.

The West quite patently is a region that has depended heavily on imports. Throughout recorded time its most valuable import has been people: Spanish soldiers and settlers, French-Canadian voyageurs, Indians pushed out of the American East, pioneer settlers from the older states, Chinese and Japanese, other immigrants fresh from Europe, later comers from Canada and Mexico, and millions more from all the more easterly sections of the country.

All these people brought with them as much as they could of their institutions and culture. In this way and in others the history of the West is rooted outside its borders and particularly in the older part of the United States. Thus the West claims a share in die colonial heritage and sees the Founding Fadiers, the Bill of Rights, Jefferson and Marshall, the Fourteenth Amendment, and many other elements of the nation's history as components without which the history of the region would be incomplete.

From the beginning, Americans who came west have been consumed with the desire to make their new home a reasonable facsimile of the old one in the East. Some of the effects have been pathetic: only after repeated failures were the pioneers willing to concede that eastern methods of farming just would not work in western Dakota or eastern New Mexico or even in southern California. Some of the consequences are ridiculous. I cite but one: by enslaving ourselves to it, my wife and I manage to have a quarter-acre of green lawn where Nature strongly prefers chaparral and salvia. Some imported institutions are as obviously misfits.

To such an extent have we Americanized or "easternized" the West that most people from the East soon are able to feel at home.

Belatedly we have shown a little more wisdom about adjusting our ways to fit the peculiarities of the environment.

The West has been chided for various deficiencies, among them an alleged lack of wars and warfare. As a matter of fact, soldiers were the chief participants in many early western activities. Wars or threats of wars contributed to the Louisiana Purchase, the annexation of Texas, the Oregon Treaty, the Mexican Cession, and the annexation of Hawaii.

The American military were deployed in far-flung exercises in the

18

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Mexican, Mormon, and Civil wars, and from 1865 to 1890 the chief occupation of the United States Army was in the Indian wars in the West.

As it happened, many a military operation in the West ended up as an exhibition of "brinksmanship." Again and again westerners worked themselves up to a warlike pitch but stopped at the brink, or just over the brink. For example, in 1846 General Armijo in New Mexico prudently decided not to resist the entrance of General Kearny's Army of the West. That same year at San Pascual the southern California rebels showed their mettle, but as soon as they could they found a friendly general to whom they could capitulate with honor. Meanwhile, at Santa Clara the principal northern California battle was fought. Chronicler Pickett reports heavy cannonading that did "considerable damage" â&#x20AC;&#x201D;to the wild mustard stalks. He also reports two men wounded, but later in the same letter enters this correction: I am just informed that the wounded men on our were not touched by the enemy, as they at first supposed so reported, but hurt themselves in the oak bushes. And even doubted whether the Californians reed, any injury. fight lasted several hours. And the treaty which was made way between the Mission and the oaks, in sight of the armies, lasted nearly one whole day.1

side and it is The half two

In the Mormon War the Saints found that it was more effective to concentrate on burning Johnston's supply trains rather than on pitching into his troops. The Confederates who invaded the Mesilla Valley and Arizona countermarched rapidly enough to evade the California column, and at Glorieta in New Mexico, when Union and Rebel forces came face to face, Colonel Chivington executed a brilliant flanking movement and butchered six hundred mules. Such was the decisive action that turned Sibley's army back. The Indian wars of the next quarter century were much bloodier, even though the Indian habit insofar as it was possible was to avoid battle whenever it promised to be too costly. By 1890 those wars had run their course.

From the Spanish-American War through the first two World Wars and the Korean War, the West has been as much involved as any other part of the country and presumably would be also in a third World War. As in Civil War days the situation of westerners has been ' Q u o t e d in Lawrence Clark Powell, Philosopher

Pickett

(Berkeley, 1942), 144-45.

UNDERSTANDING

THE WEST

19

that they had to go away to do their fighting, which is awkward but certainly the lesser evil.

Alas, the West owes much to war. The Civil War made a number of San Franciscans rich, chiefly because they could buy in the East for currency and sell in the West for gold. The Civil War made possible the passage of the Pacific Railroad Bill. The two big booms in west coast shipbuilding were strictly wartime. That also is how the West got the bulk of its steel industry and most of its airplane, missile, and electronics industries. The uranium rush was triggered by defense demands, and so it has gone with many other features of the western economy.

All this may sound as if the West would have an impressive indebtedness to Mars, but on balance these war-generated profits probably were considerably below the national average. In steadily mounting federal taxes, most of which are for wars already fought or for wars that may come, the West has paid out considerably more than its grand total of war profits, and since 1898 it has suffered its share of the casualties. Perhaps it could be argued that the West has received whatever values a military past has to offer. No sane westerner would long for a greater military involvement for his region in the past or in the future.

The history of the American West, nevertheless, is not most effectively told in terms of officers and soldiers. Nor is it most effectively told in terms of politicians, although some of its elected representatives have been of utmost importance. I think, for instance, of Hiram Johnson of the Lincoln-Roosevelt League of political reformers in California and of George Norris, whose major monument, TV A, is not in the West but symbolizes a method of transcendent value to the region.

Our emphasis more characteristically goes to men such as Stephen F. Austin, who shepherded the early migration to Texas; Brigham Young, who directed the settlement and the early economic development of Utah; Theodore Judah and his successors, who built the Pacific Railroad; George Chaffey and his genius in water and power development; banker William Ralston, who built San Francisco, and A. P. Giannini, who created the Bank of Italy; to an industrialist like Henry J. Kaiser or Donald Douglas; to David Starr Jordan for the creation of Stanford University; to all those who planned and built Grand Coulee Dam; and to Oppenheimer and company for what they produced at Los Alamos.

The booster spirit has taught us to revere whatever can be registered on a rising graph or chart. At rare intervals we entertain doubts

20

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

whether more people, more production, more loans, more sales on credit are really good for the country. Yet it is hard to see how anyone can take stock of the American West since 1848 and not see growth and development as the dominant characteristic. More than for New England, more than for the Soudi, that has been die case, and if historians have so interpreted they are hardly to be criticized.

Sometimes the emphasis on colossal material growth is so great that it is assumed that the West has no culture. On every frontier the first necessity has been to solve the problem of making a living, and refinements could only be achieved a bit later. The homesteader's shack or the sheepherder's camp was not the most likely spot for artistic or intellectual flowering, nor was the mining camp, the tracklayer's camp, the logging camp, or the army post.

Yet the West does have a cultural history, some of it on the level of simplicity as in Mormon hymns and cowboy ballads, some of it reflecting a striving for improvement as in the early school systems and the initiation of the Hollywood Bowl concerts, some of it more ambitious as in the performances at Red Rock and the conferences at Aspen, some of it unmistakably topnotch as in the attainments of our physical scientists.

In things cultural we continue to take inspiration from the East — which may be why we show such enthusiasm for the San Francisco Forty-Niners and Giants and the Los Angeles Rams and Bums, and why in higher education we try to achieve an Amherst or Oberlin of the West, a western Columbia or Chicago. Perhaps we do not altogether measure up to the attainments of die schools in the Ivy League and the Big Ten, but much of the gap that once separated us has been closed, and the West is working vigorously to continue its improvement.

Throughout, the western economy has been mainly extractive.

The role of the West has been to supply raw products which, widi a minimum of processing, were sent off to market. First it was furs, then sandalwood from Hawaii and cowhides from California. Later it was gold and silver; wheat and beef; salmon from the west coast and Alaska; sugar from Hawaii, Utah, and Colorado; lumber; wool; wine; fruits and vegetables; oil and gas.

Many pioneer communities dabbled in manufacturing, essentially on a subsistence basis — wagon-making for local use; bricks or bread or harness — again for the locality. With cigar-making and printing and engraving, San Francisco became something of an emporium for the region. But manufacturing for export from the region is a phe-

U N D E R S T A N D I N G THE WEST

21

nomenon of no more than the present and the immediate past. The commodity list proves die recency: moving pictures, airplanes, oil machinery, Indian curios, sports attire, plywood, plastics, electronics.

Important though this industry is, the basic output of the region still is in raw products. It is, in other words, still the kind of colony that mercantilists before Adam Smith would have commended as ideal.

Not only has the economy of the West been persistently colonial, the plain truth is that the West is also a minority section. It always has been and it probably always will be. As such it naturally and inevitably has been discriminated against.

Political discrimination is easy to document. For a time the West may have had more "sons of the wild jackass" in die Senate than its population rated, but reapportionment of the House never has kept pace with the shift of population westward. The West was underrepresented when it consisted of the western townships of Massachusetts and later when it was in the western counties of Virginia. The later instances are as glaring; Congress, for example, sat out the whole decade of the twenties without reapportioning. Except for Nevada, which was rushed into the electoral college, and Texas, which was in position to strike a good bargain, every part of the West has had reason to complain about unreasonable delay in admission to statehood.

Utah had earned admission long before 1896. Hawaii is the current example; even with Alaska as an icebreaker her ship of state may not make port.

Economic discrimination has been and is more crippling. Much of it is applied without malice. There was a Wall Street before the American West as we know it took shape; eastern financial dominance grew of its own accord, and the subordinate position of the West in money matters thus came about in a way that seemed natural and inevitable. The industrial headstart of the New England-Middle Atlantic-Great Lakes axis likewise set the stage for the absentee ownership and out-of-area management of so much of western industry. A similar explanation holds for the concentration in the Northeast of ninety per cent or more of the wholesale drug business and the underwriting of insurance.

In part, however, the discrimination against the West has been more overt. It is written into our tariff law. It has been put into our code on patents and particularly on the licensing of patents. It appears in pricing systems, such as "slightly higher west of the Rockies," "F.O.B., Detroit," and "Pittsburgh plus." By these devices a trans-

22

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

portation charge often fictitious was and is collected from customers in the West.

Even more damagingly the discrimination is embedded in the freight schedules. These schedules are unbelievably complex. It would take a whole battery of electronic brains to calculate how much the West has been gouged, but the evidence is overwhelming that there is a differential. Take any manufactured item â&#x20AC;&#x201D; sugar, automobiles, shoeleather, or television sets. Spot a factory or a distributor in the Northeast and another in the West. Then spot a customer equidistant from these two suppliers. The freight rate from the West almost invariably will turn out to be appreciably higher than the rate from the East. This is not the whole story of discriminatory freight rates, but it will illustrate.

Curiously, westerners have shown relatively little awareness that they are cast in this subordinate role. In part, no doubt, the colonialism is not felt because it is concealed. A great deal of it comes in the form of indirect taxes and hidden charges. Western climate and scenery doubtless distract from the hard realities. And many a westerner is blissfully unaware that it is costing him politically and financially to live in the West.

Another good reason is that comparatively few westerners have much realization that the West is a region. The main lines of communication drain eastward instead of focussing on a regional metropolis. Several of the cities that mean most to the West are not in it: New York and Washington, but also Minneapolis, Omaha, St. Louis, New Orleans, and Chicago. The West has never been organized as a political unit, much less as an independent confederacy. It has no flag, no shibboleth such as states' rights, no feeling of cultural and intellectual mission like that of New England. It has never gone to war on its own account, much less had a great defeat to cherish as a lost cause.

When the history of our nation is being told, the western half of the continent gets very little space. In school histories Webb found that the average allotment was no more than six or seven pages in a hundred. He might have added that in standard college texts the percentage is even smaller. The West crops up in a chapter on Manifest Destiny and another on growth and problems, 1865-90, and 5 per cent of the total wordage is about the maximum. In Turner's writings the fraction devoted to the area west of 98° is even less. The general works on the American frontier give the area more space: Paxson 42 per cent, Branch 29 per cent, Riegel 46 per cent, Clark 36 per cent, Billington

UNDERSTANDING THE WEST

23

42 per cent. The striking thing is that all these writers seem to have felt that most of America's frontier history — most of its western history — took place short of the Mississippi in what is now the far-eastern and middle-eastern half of the country.

At the level of state and local history, however, the West has been very well served. The Pacific Northwest, for instance, in the works by Bancroft, Shafer, Fuller, Winther, Johansen, and Gates has a shelf of general surveys that compares favorably with those on the Old Northwest. With its long roster of distinguished historians from Castaneda and Villagra to Gregg and Garrard to Fergusson and Hammond, New Mexico can compete with any eastern state. And on Utah contributions in the last few years by Mortensen, Mulder, Brooks, West, O'Dea, Morgan, and Arrington are something of which any state would be proud.

Some corners of the West have less to show, but there is good news from Arizona, which is going to launch a new historical quarterly, from Idaho, which has just done so, and from Alaska, which is going to reward its best historian with a seat in the United States Senate.

But a history of the West as a region — a history geared toward explaining the West that is ours today — has not been achieved or even attempted. And the outline for such a history, the general contour of what it would include, seems to have eluded the grasp even of eminent historians who have dealt with the West.

Friends and foes agree that the West does differ from the eastern half of the United States. It is distinctive or possibly bizarre, and this quality arises partly from the geography and partly from its history.

The West offers a challenge which is a composite of problems and opportunities more or less peculiar to it.

For any such western problem our standard practice is to do one of two things: either we try to get the nation, perhaps through the federal government, to work out a solution, or in our particular subregion we try to get one state, perhaps through the state government, to tackle the problem. These are natural impulses. But the nation has other worries; the power center of that government is far away, and three-fourths of its citizens and voters are not of the West and cannot be expected to have full understanding or full sense of crises in its problems. The state to which we turn is western, but often is too small or too synthetic to be competent for the task. The authorities who subdivided this land are partly to blame. They did their work mostly at the drawing board by putting straight lines on the map, and all too

24

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

often the units they produced were artificial. We love these states and we will keep them, but that does not mean that they fill the bill in serving the region.

For the West challenges on a broader front. To make the most of the water that is available, to attain peak efficiency in hydroelectric power development and distribution, to achieve a viable reclamation program, to eliminate the discriminatory freight rates, to give western industry an even chance, and so on down the line, the regional approach has far more to recommend it than the alternatives of state or nation on which we have been depending.

In the light of the hardcore sectionalism that has flourished in one or two other parts of the United States, an appeal for that kind of westernism would seem unpatriotic. Regionalism, however, need not be antisocial; in fact, rightly channeled it can inure to the benefit of the nation as well as the region. To achieve it we need to rise above provincialism, cultivate an awareness of the essential unity of the West, and strive for at least a measure of solidarity.

Many a western pioneer operated notebook in hand because he was acutely aware that he was making history. Many later westerners have seen the light and realizing that there is such a thing as western history have devoted themselves unstintingly to its study â&#x20AC;&#x201D; usually, it is true, on topics that take in considerably less than the whole West.

The time is at least ripe for a discovery of the regional history. Such a discovery would be of the greatest possible assistance toward achieving throughout the West a sense of regional unity. Indeed, it may be a prerequisite.

Some things about such a history can be forecast. The whole is sure to be greater than the sum of its parts, the history of the West as a region something more and more significant than the totalling of the state histories. Also it should be simpler. In the history of the region, many of the purely local peccadillos would fall away and some of the nonentities who have to be noticed in lesser works would be eclipsed.

Other matters would fall into perspective; the relationship to the nation should become much more apparent; and the over-all importance ought to stand out more clearly. Such is the intriguing prospect that lies beyond frontier history of the conventional sort and western state and local history as it has been practiced.

GEORGE D. CLYDE

George D. Clyde, Utah's governor, grew up on a farm near Springville, Utah, early learning the problems of farming in an arid land.

He obtained a degree in Agricultural Engineering from the Utah State Agricultural College and a Master's degree in Civil Engineering at the University of California at Berkeley. For more than thirty years he has followed a career in engineering and water development, serving as dean of the School of Engineering, US AC; as chief engineer for the Soil Conservation Service; as advisor to two secretaries of Agriculture; and as director of the Utah Water and Power Board and the state's commissioner of Interstate Streams prior to his election as governor in 1956.

wpr-

HISTORY

OF

IRRIGATION

IN

UTAH

By George D. Clyde

Utahans take just pride in the fact that our desert literally has been made to bloom as the rose, and even our city-bred children who have no first-hand knowledge of farming can tell you that the miracle was performed by aid of irrigation, starting with the damming of City Creek on that hot July day in 1847.

We like to tell tourists that modern irrigation began on that day, and to a large extent that is true. The use of irrigation by the Mormon pioneers was the beginning of the first irrigation-based economy in the Western Hemisphere in modern times. In our pardonable pride, however, sometimes we tend to overlook some important elements in the irrigation picture: that irrigation had been practiced for countless centuries; that the irrigation principles applied in Utah in 1847 were those handed down from the east; and that those ideas were primitive in the extreme â&#x20AC;&#x201D; they served to meet the exigencies of the moment, but they could not begin to serve us today.

We do not know when man first learned to apply water to the land in order to make crops grow. Irrigation is so ancient an art that it has no recorded beginning. We find references to it in the books of the Old Testament beginning with Genesis; i.e., "and a river came out of Eden to water the Garden." And there are paintings, sculp-

28

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tures, and records of ancient Egypt, Babylon, Iraq, and China which clearly prove that irrigation was known and practiced on an extensive scale. In fact, it is significant that our first great civilizations were founded on watercourses in arid lands where irrigation was a necessity.

I think we may draw a logical conclusion that this was not mere coincidence, but that it was a determining factor in shaping the course of history. The need for intelligent supply and planning in the use of scarce water, and the fact that artificial irrigation guarantees a better and more stable food supply than does natural precipitation unaided — even in humid areas — were major factors in the development of the world powers in the dawn of history.

In this Western Hemisphere, irrigation was known and practiced centuries before the coming of Columbus, and modern archeologists have found many evidences of these ancient developments.

When the first white men began to explore the western — and arid — lands of the North American Continent, they found the Indians using a primitive form of irrigation, and they adopted irrigation practices themselves. The early Spanish-Catholic missions in Arizona, New Mexico, and California were all built around small irrigation systems.

These were small individual ventures, however; there were no permanent community developments such as were later established by the Mormon pioneers in Utah. There was one organized effort to found an irrigation community made by the Spanish government about 1796 near the site of the present town of Santa Cruz, California, but it failed to survive for a variety of reasons, leaving the later Utahans clear title to the founding of Mormon community irrigation in this country.

The beginning of the Utah irrigation story virtually has become a legend in this western country, and I think every Utah school child knows at least something about it. The pioneers, arriving at their destination very late in the growing season and faced with the necessity of producing crops to see them through the coming winter, dammed the clear waters of what is now known as City Creek to soften and moisten the hard dry soil and made their first planting of potatoes.

This first community-irrigated garden was only the beginning.

Brigham Young directed that ditches be dug to serve the first pioneer fort, and a more or less complete irrigation system within the fort was ready for operation in the spring of 1848. The system was steadily enlarged. Waters from City and Red Butte creeks were brought inside the fort, and in 1849 a system of irrigation ditches was dug by community effort around each of the ten-acre city blocks. Later, a delivery

IRRIGATION IN UTAH

29

canal from the mouth of Big Cottonwood Creek to the city was dug, again by closely co-ordinated community effort. As a matter of practical convenience, supervision of the irrigation system was placed in the hands of the twelve ecclesiastical wards into which Salt Lake City had been divided; even after the establishment of a city government and the appointment (in 1853) of a general water master, it was found simplest to continue the supervisory administration of the bishops over the irrigation facilities in their wards.

As the early Utah pioneers spread out from their original settlement in the Salt Lake Valley to colonize the surrounding area, they took their irrigation practices with them. They had to, of sheer necessity, for the natural precipitation in this semiarid region was insufficient — and insufficient particularly in the growing season — to raise stable crops otherwise. The aim of the Utah pioneers, and they succeceded in achieving it, was to establish an enduring agricultural economy on the basis of irrigation. They were the first to do this in the modern western world.

By 1850 — just three years after the first permanent settlement was established — there were 926 improved farms in Utah, covering a total of 16,330 acres; by 1860 the number of farms had grown to 3,636 and the acreage to 77,219. By 1865 almost 150,000 acres were under cultivation, 1,000 miles of canals had been dug and there were approximately 65,000 people living in reasonable comfort on the reclaimed land.

The first phase or period of Utah irrigation development extended, roughly, from the 1847 beginning to the mid-1880's. This was the period of purely co-operative development, and it was remarkable for the degree of success it achieved. However, operations were necessarily confined to the comparatively easy projects, which involved the diversion of water from accessible streams to land reasonably close by. There was no major storage of water, and that meant that the capacity of any irrigation project was die capacity of the stream furnishing the water supply at the extreme low-flow period of the summer. The pioneers learned by hard experience that they could not expand their crop land to take advantage of the relatively abundant water supply in the spring and early summer. If they did so, diere would not be enough irrigation water to go around in the critical hot summer period, and many crops would die.

Nevertheless, the results obtained during this period of co-operative effort, with a minimum of tools and equipment, command our respect and admiration today. I shall have more to say in a moment of the

30

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

An artist's sketch, which appeared in an early magazine, showing how a network °f ditches was dug for the fencing and watering of farms.

Logan-Hyde Park-Smithfield canal, carved out of solid limestone by Mormon pioneers in 1861-62 and still in use. Each farmer contributed labor equivalent to enough water shares to irrigate ten acres. Photo, Carroll F. Wilcomb.

IRRIGATION IN UTAH

31

The wide but shallow Virgin River two miles below Atkinville, in Southern Utah's "Dixie" late in the spring, May 25,1902.

Dry bed of the Virgin River five miles below Atkinville on the same day.

The precious water had sunk into the dry bed of the lower narrows and the entire flow was lost. Such were the early water conservation problems.

32

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

development of tools and equipment and the effect this had on our irrigation enterprises.

The second period in Utah irrigation development came in the last two decades of the nineteenth century and was, comparatively, far less successful than had been the initial co-operative effort. Seeing the impressive results obtained by irrigation, private capital became interested in the construction of irrigation projects as an investment. Many private companies were formed to construct and operate irrigation projects, but most of them failed for a number of reasons. I have not the time to analyze the reasons in detail, but these factors are obvious: an irrigation project is basically unsuited to development by private capital because of the necessarily long time that must elapse between the making of the original investment and the realization of a substantial return. This is especially true in the construction of complicated and costly projects, and I have already noted that the obvious and easy projects had been constructed during the first period of co-operative enterprise. Perhaps the primary reason for die failure of the commercial enterprises of the 1880's and 1890's — not only in Utah but throughout the West — was the fact that their direction was in the hands of other than the actual water users. We have learned over the years that the success of any irrigation undertaking depends on the intelligent efforts of the people who apply the water to the land and who stand directly to benefit — or to lose — from the operation.

In 1894 Congress passed the Carey Act in an effort to assist in irrigation development. Without going into technical detail, die dieory behind the Carey Act was that the federal government would give title to the state to tracts of desert or otherwise valueless public domain on condition that the states would reclaim them and make them productive. The results were, in the main, very disappointing. Major reclamation projects were required, and this meant large investments of capital. The states themselves were unable to supply the large capital outlays that were needed, and private capital, as I have already noted, was not suited to the task. Here in Utah, nearly 142,000 acres of public domain were segregated under the Carey Act, but only a little more than 37,000 acres were finally patented to the state — the remaining acreages in excess of 104,000 were left in the hands of the federal government. The acreage actually irrigated was somewhat less dian the land patented under the act.

The era of modern irrigation opened with the passage of the Federal Reclamation Act on June 17, 1902. This act provided a logical

IRRIGATION IN UTAH

33

and workable plan for financing major reclamation projects and was the salvation of the West. The federal government supplies the capital for construction, and the costs are paid back, without interest, over an extended period of time. The federal government derives tremendous benefits in the form of direct tax returns on the new wealth created and in many less obvious ways, far in excess of the interest charges, which it waives. In recent times, when huge, complicated, multipleuse reclamation projects have been and are being constructed, it has been found necessary to allocate revenues derived from the production of hydroelectric power at the storage dams to the repayment of the over-all cost of the project, which would be far too great for the water users alone to repay. Total costs of a modern project are allocated to a number of uses — including flood control, fish and wildlife benefits, and municipal and industrial water uses in addition to irrigation and power production; and the repayment demanded of irrigators is limited to their ability to pay. Some people, particularly in the East where the principles of reclamation are not well understood, object to what they mislabel a subsidy to irrigation farmers. Full analysis proves that the government receives an unusually high return on its investment and that the water users pay for what they receive.

Some of the early projects constructed in Utah under the reclamation act, notably the Strawberry Valley Project, have been in operation long enough to demonstrate the full value of such undertakings. It has been shown that at the present time, the direct return to the government in taxes on new wealth created by the Strawberry project — and which could not have been brought into being without the development of an adequate stable water supply — is each year more than the total original cost of the construction.

The Strawberry, and other reasonably large projects built under the reclamation act, went far beyond the original pioneer irrigation projects which merely diverted flowing water from the streams. The larger projects were based on large dams, creating reservoirs to store the year-round flow of rivers and preserving the spring floodwaters, which formerly ran to waste, for use in the dry late summer when water is at a premium. Most recent and still larger projects, of which the Colorado River Storage Project now under construction is an excellent example, go still further. They not only store the year-round runoff, they store water in such quantity that they can regulate several years' supply and hold the water from long-term cycles of relatively abundant moisture for use in extended drought periods. Such projects

34

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

are costly in terms of dollar investment, but economical in the long run, for they represent the only feasible method of making maximum use of the water which flows dirough dry regions.

The development of tools and equipment has had a great influence on the shape of irrigation development. As I mentioned earlier, in pioneer days there were few tools and these were of the simplest.

As a result, the pioneer irrigation structures were also of the simplest.

Diversion dams were generally made of whatever materials were available on the site: rocks, brush and any odds and ends that were handy. Where a small diversion dam was put in to serve a single farm, it was not unusual for the farmer to haul wagonloads of barnyard manure to dump in the stream, replenishing with more of the same when the original dam began to erode away. Ditches were dug with the pick and shovel, the crowbar and occasional use of a little black powder for blasting large rocks. Water was turned over the land in the simplest and most obvious way, without regard to scientific practices.

The more modern and far more complicated dams and distribution systems of later times were made possible only by the tremendous advance in equipment and tools. The early rock-and-brush diversion structures and laboriously constructed masonry dams gave way to concrete structures, carefully designed and engineered. Some of our modern dams are earth fill structures more economical to build, under certain conditions, than dams of solid concrete, but practical only because of the fabulous power shovels and other modern earth-moving equipment that can handle twenty to thirty tons of eartii in a single operation.

The primitive, hand-hewn canals have been replaced by carefully engineered watercourses that are fully lined widi concrete, asphalt, glass fabric, or other twentieth-century materials. The water savings represented by the improvements in canal lining are immense. Where the old ditches sometimes lost as much as thirty-three per cent of their flowage in a single mile, loss by seepage through the walls of properly lined canals is negligible.

Modern farmers have made similar advancements over pioneer methods in the application of water to the land. The first Utah irrigators knew virtually nothing of the science of irrigation beyond the fact that it was necessary to have water in the soil to raise crops. They often operated on the fallacious theory that if a little water was good for crops a lot of water must be that much better, and much good land was ruined through the application of far too much water. This prac-

IRRIGATION IN UTAH

35

tice can ruin good soil through accumulation of excess of salinity or alkalinity if the subsoil does not provide proper drainage; or it can result in tremendous wastage of water and considerable erosion if porous gravel beds are directly under the surface.

A review of the history of irrigation in Utah would logically end at the present day, but I feel that it would be incomplete without at least a quick look into the future.

As of the 1950 census, Utah had 3,165 irrigation enterprises of all types serving a total of more than a million and a quarter acres. We are still proceeding with a number of major reclamation developments and quite a few smaller developments that are financed through the revolving fund administered by the Utah Water and Power Board.

However, when the Colorado River Storage Project, including the vast and fascinating central Utah project, is completed in another twenty years or so, the potential major developments on the old pattern will be virtually complete.

Does this mean irrigation expansion in the state will be at an end ?

I sincerely hope and believe it does not.

We regard Utah as a semiarid area, which indeed it is. Yet accurate measurements indicate that fifty million acre-feet of water â&#x20AC;&#x201D; twice the total capacity of Lake Mead â&#x20AC;&#x201D; falls on this state each year as rain or snow. But our total reservoir storage capacity holds only 5 per cent of this amount, and somediing less than 4 per cent is actually used each year in irrigation. I believe our future lies in better conservation practices that will enable us to use quantities of the water that is now going to waste. Let me outline just a few of the possibilities.

Some of our large water losses are due to evaporation. Evaporation is particularly heavy from large storage reservoirs and is one of the prices we have had to pay for water storage; and, in terms of the saving which the storage makes possible, the price is reasonable. However, experiments are continuing on the use of chemicals that spread a film only a single molecule tiiick over the surface of a lake or reservoir. This film retards evaporation to an amazing extent and may someday save the world millions of acre-feet of usable water each year. I think the day is not far off when the use of such a check on evaporation losses will be practical.

Losses in transportation through seepage and evaporation from canals have already been considerably checked, and still further progress can be expected in this line.

I have already touched on losses in the application of water to land.

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UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Further developments must be energetically pushed, for the loss of water through improper application practices is not only serious in itself but also usually involves serious loss of fertile farmland â&#x20AC;&#x201D; something we can ill afford as our population grows.

There is yet another source of future development that may be even more important to Utah's future than any of these already mentioned. That is the full scientific use of our "underground reservoirs" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the natural underground storage of water that is the basis of our springs and wells.

In some areas of the state, underground water sources are extensively used. But in many areas these underground reservoirs are neglected, and the water that drains into them each year is wasted through useless vegetation which develops over such a source of supply. In other places strategically located underground reservoirs may be ignored and the water allowed to follow underground channels and emerge at such low levels as to be virtually useless to agriculture.

Developing the full use of our underground water supplies will require careful study and intelligent development to preserve existing rights and still make use of the maximum amount of water that is surplus to them, but it can and must be done. It represents one of our greatest untapped sources of water for the future.

Irrigation and reclamation have played a large part in the development of Utah over the past 110 years. Some people say these factors will be less important in the future because we will be turning more and more from an agricultural to an industrial economy.

Let me point out that an industrial economy requires even more water than does an agricultural economy. Whatever form our future development takes, its final limiting factor will be our available water supply. Water developed now or in the past for irrigation may someday in the future be turned to municipal or industrial uses as conditions may demand. Indeed, such changes have already been made and have been an important part of our modern industrial development.

The establishment of the Geneva steel plant in Utah, for example, would have been impossible without the water rights, originally developed for irrigation, that were attached to the land acquired for the steel plant.

Water developed for irrigation purposes is "water in the bank" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; often far more valuable than money in the bank in this dry country.

Irrigation has been a key factor in shaping Utah's history in the past, and I am sure it will play an equally vital role in our future.

MARSHALL N . DANA Marshall N. Dana was born in Washington County, Ohio. He attended Denison University, Granville, Ohio. A newspaper editor by profession, he has lived and worked for many years in the Pacific Northwest, serving for forty-two years with the Oregon Journal.

He was the first president of the National Reclamation Association; regional advisor and regional chairman of the Public Works Administration, 1932-36; and has been active in forest management problems. He received the Department of the Interior's Conservation Service Award for devoted service to conservation and resource programs in 1958. Currently he is assistant to the president, United States National Bank of Portland, working in civic and business activities directed toward building the state and the region.

RECLAMATION, IMPACT

ITS

INFLUENCE

ON THE

OF THE

AND

HISTORY

WEST

By Marshall N. Dana

The sun rises upon a plain bounded by faraway purple-blue mountains. Through the sagebrush swings a pair of cowboy boots, their owner humming — as he rides — a song that in the dust of arid sand repeats over and over "cool, cool water." The steady clippety-clop of the bronco makes a rhythm with the song.

Under the same sun the scene changes. Where the bespurred cowboy boots swayed below the high-pommeled saddle, a pair of farmer boots trudges patiently behind the plow down the long furrow.

The morning sun — with its new welcome to meadowlarks — looks down upon other scenes that seem to dissolve one into the other.

The farmer boots become familiar with business shoes. The plow gives way to the tractor. The bulldozer and the tractor have been there.

Where the sagebrush grew is a home, with paint and flowers.

The tiny, summer-dried trickle gives way to a cemented canal in which, repeating the cowboy's song, "clear, cool water" flows.

40

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

The steep, high, rock walls of the mountain are linked by towering masses of masonry. The flood, that once in the melting of winter s snow and because of cloudbursts sometimes ripped away in accented erosion the mineralized volcanic soil, becomes a deep, long lake, ready to make the new fields green and fruitful and to send over copper cables the white dynamic electric power. Along its shores the hopeful cast their lures, and frequently its otherwise placid surface erupts into the rainbowed wake of small but energetic pleasure craft.

The sense of great and aching emptiness has departed from the wide valley. There are farms lush with alfalfa and rustling with corn.

There are roads in the successive stages of dust and gravel and pavement. All the evolution of the trail becomes the broad highway, and over the tops of the trees, which grow where trees never grew, rise the spires of churches. Even closer by, sound the voices and the laughter of children in the school playground.

The cow pony rounds up the sheep and the cattle only where irrigation's magic does not reach. But white-faced beeves and longwooled sheep graze contentedly on the swift-growing meadow grasses.

There is a congestion of traffic and some of it is in constant motion upon the highways. Some of it is signaled by die whistling of railroad trains, and some of it drones in the sky. There is a central meeting place, and that place is the city with its intriguing window displays, its meters to take toll of parking, its warehouses, railway stations and airports, and the skeleton towers of radio and TV. Regularly meeting are the luncheon clubs where people eat and listen patiently to speakers even as you and I. And there where the city rises, it glows as though Aladdin had rubbed the magic lamp, because the mountain has become a reservoir, and the current flows through aqueducts and over wires into the valley that once was dead with drought and now is splendidly productive.

There is another way to tell about "Reclamation — Its Influence and Impact on the History of the West." The statistics also are vivid.

In the sixteen states — Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming (later Texas and Alaska were added) —named in the first reclamation act signed

by President Roosevelt on June 17, 1902, there were then eleven million people. There are now some thirty-four million. Twenty-five million acres have been irrigated — six and a quarter million in federal reclamation projects.

RECLAMATION,

INFLUENCE AND I M P A C T

41

The federal investment in reclamation approximates two billion dollars, of which one billion has been invested since the 1930's. Reclamation was placed upon a pay-back basis without interest as the federal government's acknowledgment of stewardship, but called for repayment of principal as the honest debt of settlers. There are some additions to the reclamation fund through the disposal of public lands, but this too represents a genius inasmuch as the depleting areas and mineral assets could be converted into the nondepletive and living values of irrigated farms and prosperous communities.

There has been good faith. Water users have repaid almost one hundred million dollars. Power users have paid more than two hundred million dollars for more than four million kilowatts of developed electric current. Crop values are ascending toward one billion dollars a year. The products are vital essentials of public health and trade, such as fruit, dairy products, foods, feed, and fibers. But the profit to the nation is shown with greatest effect in the fact that taxes paid from the properties and income of federal reclamation projects have gone beyond two and one-half billion dollars.

Reclamation was not unknown before the act of 1902. The Indians in the American Southwest had discovered that they could subsist upon food produced from moistening the dry soil by means of small ditches.

Brigham Young and his fellow Mormons in 1847 took from the water of City Creek near Great Salt Lake enough of die current to prove the value of irrigation and to build in the desert the splendor of stone made into temples, clay molded into sculpture, and music converted through rippling water into the melody of the Salt Lake City choir.

Let it be noted, however, that the influence and impact of reclamation on the history of the West was felt first in the growth of a contentious idea. Two schools of thought were vociferous as the debate proceeded. Congressman Ray of New York echoed the doubt as to whether there was any value in the West, or anything save sagebrush and rattlesnakes. Said he: "An acre of arid land that a coyote can not live on is not a free home to any human being." Others ascribed ulterior motives. They called reclamation a railroad scheme, a scandal, and unconstitutional. Reclamation, they insisted, would be "a very dangerous power to put into die hands of the Secretary of the Interior."

The President, Theodore Roosevelt, with farther-reaching vision declared: It is as right for the national government to make the streams and the rivers of the arid region useful by engineering

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works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control, under which levees are built on the lower rivers of the same streams.

Debate became acrid on the question of federal versus private responsibility. But President Roosevelt again had the answer: These irrigation works should be built by die national government. The lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should, so far as possible, be repaid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of the water, the division of die streams among irrigators should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with state laws, and without interference with those laws or with vested rights.

The profit pointed to by this great American president was realized in a nation occupied as it never could have been without reclamation.

It was the conversion of wilderness into man-controlled civilization.

What do we mean by civilization? That very authoritative volume, Webster's Unabridged Dictionary, says that civilization is "A state of social culture." Civilization is "characterized by relative progress in the arts, science, and statecraft." All true! But the definition that comes closest to the dreams and vision of the settlers who moved out upon die western lands speaks simply and beautifully of the "aspirations of the human spirit."

Reclamation repudiated the errors of ancient times. Of Mesopotamia, traditional site of the Garden of Eden, W. C. Lowdermilk, noted authority, says: "At least eleven empires have risen and fallen in this tragic land in 7,000 years. It is a story of a precarious agriculture practiced by people who lived and grew up under the threat of raids and invasions from the denizens of grasslands and the desert, and of the failure of their irrigation canals because of silt."

Nebuchadnezzar boasted of works which he had built in Babylon such as "no king before had done," but, because the irrigation canals which he dug filled with silt, the palaces and temples were buried by desert sands, and Babylon became "a desolation, a dry land, and a wilderness, a land wherein no man dwelleth."

The American reclamation West is learning the secret which the

RECLAMATION,

INFLUENCE

AND I M P A C T

43

ancient and fallen civilizations failed to learn. That secret is the management of water to combine with the management of land and with the newer science of management of forests.

Water is the controlling factor of the American future. What has been done and is being done in the reclamation states in the development and use of water resources is an object lesson for the nation as a whole. The causes that reduced the vast domain of a Ghengis Khan to bitter aridity frequented only by small nomadic groups will not be repeated here if the western example becomes the basis of a national water policy. Within a ten-year period, the issue of water resource development will become as prominently acute as the missile program is today.

We have had, among others, the report of the President's Advisory Committee on Water Policy. The administration seems sluggish in presenting implementing legislation, but action cannot be long delayed in the face of a study made jointly by the Department of Agriculture and the Bureau of Reclamation. This is a study of the needs for food, feed, and fiber related to land resources fifty years hence. The forecast by these agencies is a population of 370 million in the United States by the year 2010, only fifty-two years from now. It is less time than has elapsed since the Reclamation Act of 1902.

Also forecast is 151 million persons in gainful employment, a gross national product of twenty-three billion dollars and a personal income of eighteen hundred billion. Such growth is inevitably premised upon the sound development of land and water resources. It could not come to pass odierwise.

In 1955 the daily estimated water use in the United States was 262 billion gallons. By 1975 the forecast is for a daily water use of 453 billion gallons. The increase in the consumption of water for irrigation and for industry has grown in the same proportion. It will not be enough to plan water use for irrigation alone, nor for power alone, nor for domestic and municipal supply, industry and recreation alone. All legitimate users must have their place in the planning of water use, in the planning of water storage, its protection against pollution, and its equitable distribution.

A national water policy is a mandate laid upon this generation in trust to generations unborn, in faith to the vital precept of leaving the land better dian we found it. We cannot dodge the duty of a national water policy. Equitable multiple use of water has its counterpart in

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another growing idea. This is the multiple-purpose river basin development.

In the total concept of river basin development, there is a policy that should dominate. All values appurtenant to natural resources should be listed and interrelated. Since all are interdependent, all should be reciprocally contributive. Specifically, power, which is the most saleable merchandise of water resource development, should help to pay those charges for irrigation which are beyond the settlers' ability to pay.

The basin account is a sound formula under which to operate. A productive agriculture is essential to a balanced economy which otherwise contains industry, business, mining, forestry, fishery, the professions, and recreation. When irrigation shares in the revenues of electric energy, it helps to animate all other enterprises and thus to broaden the markets in which the power is sold.

The National Reclamation Association is one of the first great conservation organizations to declare that the development of water resources must be programmed not for localities alone but for the multiple purposes of entire river basins and the people that dwell therein.

It is not a simple matter to define the most worthy claimants upon water supply. Nor is it a simple matter to make one program fit all geographic areas.

We must, as a nation, settle upon essential and fundamental principles. These include storage, flood control, protection from pollution, and prevention of erosion. Beyond this point lie necessities of distribution in accordance with the controlling factors of geographic areas, river basins, and localities. In the West the emphasis will be on reclamation, although growing industry will more and more exert its claims. In other sections of America it will be industry above reclamation. Whatever is paramount in need for water supply should be well served but without detriment to other worthy claimants.

As the water program expands, it will be urgently necessary to clarify the relative authority of the agencies which develop and administer wafer resources. It is traditional that when the federal government undertakes programs for the benefit of subnational areas and interests, it extends restrictive authority where federal money is spent.

In the reclamation West this has taken the form of disregard of state water laws. More, than a score of federal agencies concerned widi water administration have more and more, and by means of legal devices, sought to set aside state water laws in the expansion of their own activities. Thus we have the contests involving the licensing of

ABOVE: Fertile farmlands reclaimed from the desert by water made available by the construction of huge western irrigation projects. BELOW: Recreational facilities keeping pace with the great water conservation projects are contributing to the growth of a new industry. Photos, Courtesy Bureau of Reclamation.

^

~z?**ÂŤm

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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power developments. Thus we have the theory that the government is the over-all water master and will continue to supply and control water for irrigation even after districts have paid in full the price of the works. Thus we have the proposals for subnational and regional authorities standing between the states and the federal government, exercising power never established by any plebiscite, and setting up controls that extend not only to the general economy but to the earning and the living of every person.

It is to be hoped, if the administration does not soon submit clarifying legislation which will also implement national water policy, that the Congress will take its own initiative as the legislative representative of the American people, acting in their behalf to preserve popular free enterprise and initiative and the home rule, which are the genius of free America for free Americans.

A bright thread in reclamation and indeed in all our land and water development is the startling expansion of what we call recreation. An inventory of recreational resources in the Pacific Northwest conducted at the instance of the Columbia Basin Inter-Agency Committee showed that there were 10,750,000 visits to state parks, national forests, national parks, and federal reservoir areas in 1947. In 1954 total attendance was approximately thirty million, an increase in eight years of 300 per cent.

On the basis of these figures and the accompanying study the estimate is made that there will be over forty million visits in 1960.

Shorter hours of work, extension of highways and the big highway program, the allure of motorboats, and die deep human instinct for fun account for the amazingly swift growth of the recreation industry. The healdi and sanity increases among the millions who seek the play side of the great out-of-doors, and the several billions of annual expenditure make the industry one of the nation's top economic factors. In all of the planning and building of public works, recreation must have its co-ordinate place along with irrigation and power, flood control, and fishery.

Find the influence and impact of reclamation upon the history of the West in the vast works it has produced: for example, Grand Coulee Dam, the largest concrete mass in the world, and its adjacent millionacre irrigation project which is fed with water pumped from Lake Roosevelt behind the dam through enormous pipes, one of which could supply the daily needs of New York; Hoover Dam, which went far to solve the water supply problem of Los Angeles and the American Southwest; Shasta Dam, key of the great Central Valley Development

RECLAMATION, INFLUENCE AND IMPACT

47

in California; the Hungry Horse Dam in Montana; the Anderson Dam of Idaho; the Owyhee Dam in Oregon; and the innumerable smaller irrigation projects with their farms and their cities.

In a more simple and homely way let me find another example.

It is a report on the Moses Lake School District in the Columbia Basin Project. "Less than ten years ago the town of Moses Lake had wooden sidewalks, dirt streets, a handful of houses." Two hundred children comprised the total school census. But in ten years there was a growth of 1000 per cent. The school population rose to thirty-six hundred.

Preparations are being made for twelve thousand children by 1960.

In the Owyhee Project, the farmer planted sugar beets. A milliondollar sugar factory followed the water to the land.

Only sagebrush grew on a spot I visited before the water came, but, after the water began its flow, I found a home with every electrical facility. There were a living-room equipped with deep upholstery, a glassed-in porch with a fireplace, and shelves filled with intriguing books. A table was covered with magazines. It was a home equipped for living, sustained by the yield of the now fertile soil; and happiness did dwell therein.

The adventures in homemaking tiiat reclamation permits have for me as significant a historic value as the huge power and irrigation dams, and the skillfully-spread distribution systems. For here we meet the people who justify the immense structures. Here we meet the children who are to be the engineers and the scientists, the builders and leaders of the years to come.

Reclamation has its economic proof in the billions of dollars of value it represents and produces; reclamation with a fluid pen writes its history in soil and water productively combined; in the funds which advance the American standard of living and raise the level of public health; in the balanced economy of agriculture, industry, mining, and forestry; and in the great works of water conservation that have been built and will be built greater in die future.

But it is in the scientists who will solve this nation's complex problems of growth, in the engineers who master the combinations of structural material, in die production of leaders capable of guiding this nation through the atomic age, that we find not only the more lasting values but the promises of future security and the prophesies of human attainment beyond our present dreams.

The impact of reclamation upon Western civilization was felt when pioneers first led the water from the mountains to make green

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the desert. It is still felt by their successors, who are, in very practical ways, helping to write an epic of freedom.

The history of reclamation is a history of people. The effect of reclamation is to be recorded not only in the transformation of the sterile land into fruitful soil, but in the development of vivid and resourceful human personality.

In the unirrigated land there are wide spaces and large establishments such as ranch headquarters. When the water reaches the soil and it is possible to farm on twenty-acre tracts, not only are the line fences succeeded by nearer boundaries, but the people come closer to each other.

As the roots of food and fiber become more numerous and reach deeper into watered soil, the roots of people are sunk deeper in the love and nourishment of the soil that nourishes them. Then is introduced the community and its mutual interests which presuppose organization and co-operation.

Where there were in the sagebrush the isolated and highly individualistic few, in the irrigation districts there are the many who know that the word "neighbor" means the tie that binds and the neighborly interchange that is precious.

The successes of reclamation attract from far away the visits of engineers and technicians who are seeking to correct the fatal errors of land and water management in foreign and ancient lands. These visitors, experience shows, are impressed not only by great dams and mighty power plants and widely arrayed water distribution systems, but by the character and the quality of the people who live upon the land.

They prove not only the promise given to the food resources of the nation by their products, but the promise to the future of die nation Grand Coulee Reservoir.

Photo courtesy Bureau of Reclamation

When the water supply

fails!

RECLAMATION,

INFLUENCE

AND I M P A C T

49

represented by their children. I submit that here is a gain in international good will that even excels a Point Four Program.

The miracle of irrigation is also the miracle of the good life won by courage and vision and hard work by bringing water to the arid and semiarid land. There is the same contrast between the lives of people deprived of opportunity and those who enjoy the advantages derived from well-managed resources of nature upon the reclamation projects. It is the line which marks where the water stops that tells the story, on one side, emerald green and fragrant flowers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; on the other the desperate gravelike gray of the desert.

The values worthy of being recorded by history become also the fulfillments of the future. The writing of the history of reclamation is a continuous process. There is a way, profiting from experience and responding to clear necessity, by which the future history of reclamation may be reduced to a format of order and co-operation.

Let national administration first acknowledge that water resource development is a task so urgent that it must be met with the best plans and facilities at the command of American genius.

Let the agencies of government which deal with multiple-purpose developments get together and share their ideas and their plans. People who get together do not stay apart. Also, make national water policy a subject for the conferences of American governors as well as of action for the President and the Congress.

Dredge from many water resource reports their best ideas. Condense them into a coherent pattern. Let the great natural resource organizations of citizens participate not only in formulating a water management program but in informing the public. Let the great information media â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the newspapers, the magazines, the radio and TV â&#x20AC;&#x201D; tell the story well and fully.

America cannot be better defended by guns and bombs than by such a program with the action that follows wide understanding of necessity, and with the active support of public opinion.

Do this and our nation, a thousand years hence, will still be steering a course toward the greater prosperity and happiness of all its people.

PAUL JONES

Paul Jones was born on the Navajo Indian Reservation sixty-two years ago. When he was twenty-two years old, a kindly missionary doctor took him to New York. Mr. Jones enrolled in high school, and to pay for his board and room did janitorial work in a church.

When the doctor moved to Grand Rapids, Michigan, Mr. Jones went along, and while there attended Calvin College. In 1955 he was elected chairman of the Navajo Tribal Council at Window Rock, Arizona. Recently, under his leadership, the council approved a $9,000,000 development program, part of the $30,000,000 received as bonus from oil and gas leases on reservation land. Another $5,000,000 was earmarked for a scholarship fund.

RECLAMATION

AND

THE

INDIAN

By Paul Jones

My part of the discussion this afternoon has to do with "Reclamation and the Indian." Now I do not mean the reclamation law and the Indian, but the reclamation of arid lands and the Indian people, because we started reclaiming arid lands in this country thousands of years before there was a reclamation law and even many, many years before the Mormon settlers at Salt Lake City or the Spanish settlers in New Mexico started to build irrigation works in North America. Relics of irrigation works are to be found in many places in the Southwest.

Some of the irrigation ditches of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico have been in continuous use since before the coming of the whites. In the Salt River Valley close to Phoenix, I am told, some of the old canals of the ancient people can still be seen from an airplane. Along the San Juan River in our own Navajo Reservation there are still some irrigation works in use that were constructed by our Navajo people themselves in ancient times.

Undoubtedly the oldest as well as the most extensive of the prehistoric Indian agriculture in North America took place within the basin of the Colorado River. Many ruins of prehistoric civilization based upon irrigated farming are found in the San Juan Basin, which is now within the Navajo Indian Reservation. These ancient ruins were built

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by Pueblo Indians, who have since moved out of the country, but our ancestors moved to the area in the fourteenth or early fifteenth century and made use of some of die same irrigation works. Within the lifetime of some aged Navajos, our people cultivated lands on both sides of the San Juan River, using irrigation of course, as far upstream as the mouth of the Navajo River in New Mexico and well into the state of Utah downstream.

The modern era of Indian irrigation appears to have started in 1867 when Congress appropriated fifty thousand dollars for constructing an irrigation canal on the Colorado Indian Reservation near Parker, Arizona. It appears that this first attempt ended in failure because of lack of proper operation and maintenance.

As you probably know, the Navajo people were rounded up by die army in 1863 and taken to a reservation on the Pecos River in New Mexico, known as Bosque Redondo, near a place known as Fort Sumner. It is my impression that the government intended to make irrigation farmers out of, us Navajos on the Bosque Redondo Reservation; but looking over the old appropriation act for subsistence of Navajo Indians on the reservation, which we considered a concentration camp, I can find no mention of irrigation, but only of providing agricultural implements, seeds, and other articles necessary for breaking the ground. Apparently the government intended die Navajos to construct their own irrigation works. As you know, the Bosque Redondo experiment was a failure. Crop failures on the part of most of the Navajo captives required the government to support the Navajo people on issues of rations; and at the time the experiment was abandoned in 1868, over a million dollars had been expended by the government, and the Navajos were no closer to being self-sufficient as irrigation farmers than they were in 1863.

A somewhat similar experiment was started in 1945, under which the government planned to resettle Navajo and Hopi Indians on the Colorado River Reservation. One hundred forty-nine Navajo and Hopi families were removed to the Colorado River Reservation, voluntarily of course, since the government has abandoned its former harsh policies of forced removal of Indians. Of that number only sixty-seven families, fourteen of them Hopis, remained on the Colorado Indian Reservation as of the end of 1957. Most of the Navajo colonists on the Colorado River Reservation failed because they were taken there by the government without any training in irrigated farming and put down on a forty- or eighty-acre plot which had already been sowed to alfalfa. The

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AND THE I N D I A N

53

first year good cutting came up, the second year a poor cutting, the third year a poorer cutting, and the fourth year nothing came up at all.

At the end of this time the Navajos did not know what to do except go back to their own country. Some of the Navajos left simply because they could not stand the climate. On the Colorado River Indian Reservation the summer temperature sometimes goes up to 127 degrees, and we just are not used to that kind of heat. Political differences between the Colorado River Indian tribes and the Navajo Tribe have also contributed to the failure of the resettlement program.

The Fort Sumner experiment and the Colorado River Indian Reservation experiment, I think, show fairly conclusively that largescale resettlement of the Navajo people as farmers outside of their own country will not work. In a few minutes I shall discuss why a largescale irrigation project in our own country will work, and the steps we are taking to see that it does.

During the period between the Fort Sumner and Colorado River experiments, the government subjugated about 26,000 acres of land on the Navajo Reservation itself. All of this was not new land, however, because in some cases, along the San Juan River particularly, the government's work consisted in rebuilding or replacing primitive irrigation systems built by my own people themselves many years ago. Since 1950 under the Navajo-Hopi Rehabilitation Act, an additional 4,334 acres have been subjugated.

Irrigation on the Navajo Reservation to date has not been a failure, but it has not been a success either. The so-called farm units range in size from one acre up to ten acres. In some cases several members of a family have acquired units and have combined them into a single farm.

Thus Yellowman, a member of our Tribal Council, has managed to get together a forty-acre farm upstream from Shiprock, New Mexico.

He has been chosen the best farmer in San Juan County, although he has never been to school and does not speak English. He frankly admits, however, that he cannot make a living from his farm. He supplements his income by his fee as a member of the Tribal Council.

I know there is no need to labor the point before this audience that two and one-half, five, ten, or even forty acres is inadequate to make an economic farm unit. The government in times past tried to crowd the maximum number of Indians on each Indian irrigation project, with almost uniformly unsuccessful results.

Both the Navajo Tribe and the government have realized the futility of this policy. A bill is now pending before Congress to au-

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The seventy-four member Navajo Tribal Council meets in its modern building to put into action programs to improve the economic and cultural wellbeing of 80,000 Navajo people. Photo, courtesy David W. Evans. thorize the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project in New Mexico to include a gross area of 115,000 acres. This will be the largest Indian irrigation project ever undertaken. It is, of course, a participating project of the Upper Colorado River Storage Project.

The plans for the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project call for farm units of ninety acres; however, the Advisory Committee of the Navajo Tribal Council has requested that this figure be revised to 120 acres.

We know that this will mean fewer Navajos will get farms on the project, but we feel it will mean that the Navajos who do get farms will succeed and will have a fair chance.

To make sure that the Navajo people are ready for the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project, the Navajo Tribe at its own expense has set up a farm training school on twelve thousand acres of newly subjugated land. We hired an outstanding farm manager, Clifford Hansen, as manager of our farm school. We put up all the necessary buildings and bought all the necessary equipment for this farm. We also erected

RECLAMATION AND THE I N D I A N

55

sixteen houses for married trainees, consisting of two bedrooms, livingroom, kitchen, and bathroom. We have a dormitory for unmarried trainees.

Our training started off with twelve men in a two-year course.

We now have twenty-four men in training. The first six will graduate in February of 1959 and will be assigned to 120-acre farms recently developed under the Hogback Project below Fruitland, New Mexico.

We hope to have farms for every graduate of this school immediately upon his graduation. Existing projects will take care of the first few graduates, and after that the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project should be available.

The course of training at our school takes two years. The cost is about five thousand dollars per student, all of which is paid by the Navajo Tribe without government assistance. However, we believe eventually our training farm will be self-sustaining from the value of crops sold from it.

At our farm training school we not only teach the men to be farmers, but we have adult education to teach English to the farmers and their wives who do not speak the language. These classes are also open to persons who are not regular students at the training farm.

We also have a home economist on our payroll at the farm training school to teach the farmers' wives housekeeping, sanitation, child care, gardening, canning, nursing, first aid, and budgeting. We believe this training of Navajo women in modern housekeeping is just as important if the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project is to be a success as training the men in modern irrigated farming methods.

We expect to have about two hundred persons graduate from our training farm in ten years. According to the projected construction schedule of the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project, the first farms will be available about four years after the commencement of actual construction of the project. Additional farms will open up over a period of eight years. We estimate the project will be complete about thirteen years from now, and at that time we will have nearly enough trained farmers to take over all the farm units.

In spite of the fact that the present farm units on the Navajo Reservation are not of economic size, on one project â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Fruitland â&#x20AC;&#x201D; last year 93% per cent of the land was in use and 61/2 per cent was idle.

This compares with the usual experience on Bureau of Reclamation projects of 10 per cent idle land. On the Hogback Project a little over 20 per cent of the land was idle. The projects are in our own Navajo

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country where we can stand the climate and where the crops are those with which we are familiar. Of course the farmers on the Fruitland and Hogback projects must supplement their farm incomes in order to make a living. Nevertheless they have a remarkable record of attachment to the land and intensive effort to get the most they can out of inadequate acreage.

On the basis of the spirit of our people and our intensive farm training program, we believe the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project will not only be the most extensive Indian irrigation program ever constructed in this country but will be by far the most successful. Approximately eighteen thousand Navajo Indians will gain a living at the American standard from the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project. Under present conditions the lands proposed for inclusion in the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project support 5,116 sheep units the year long. The same land under irrigation will support about 436,000 sheep units.

I think you can see why we consider the Navajo Indian Irrigation Project a life and death matter.

When the modern water storage projects in their land are completed the Navajos of today will not find it necessary to replenish their water supply in the manner depicted in the painting, "The Water Hole',' by Paul Salisbury.

WILLIAM MULDER

William Mulder was born in Haarlem, Holland, in 1915. He is at present associate professor of English and director of the Institute of American Studies, University of Utah. He received his A.B. in 1940 and his A.M. in 1947 from that university. The Ph.D. in the History of American Civilization was taken at Harvard University in 1955. During the academic year 1957-58 Dr. Mulder was a visiting lecturer at Osmania University, Hyderabad, India. He is editor of the Western Humanities Review; a regular contributor to professional and historical journals; sometime contributor and staff member of the Improvement Era; author of Homeward to Zion, the story of the Mormon migration from Scandinavia, published in 1957; and coauthor of Among the Mormons: Historic Accounts by Contemporary Observers, published by A. A. Knopf in 1958.

THE

MORMONS

IN

AMERICAN

HISTORY

By William Mulder*

I bring you not history so much as an invitation to history, an invitation to take a fresh look at a familiar subject. As historians and keepers of history you know that a history of the world narrowly conceived and poorly written may be very parochial, whereas the history of a town or country written with insight and imagination and a sense of the humanly significant may be universal. All history is inescapably local history in the sense it happened in a particular place at a particular time. Yet a musket fired at Concord bridge may be the shot heard round the world, or a word spoken at Gettysburg find itself addressed to the ages. So I offer no apology for dwelling, especially on this occasion, on an eddy in the mainstream of American history. The eddy is part of the larger current. The waters of history originate in a thousand remote and local springs, but they issue in the same great sea that is the story of mankind.

I The formal separation of church and state, so dear to the American tradition, has not meant a separation of church and society, religion divorced from our national life. The story of religion in America is in * T h e article here printed is basically an abridgment of the Twenty-first Annual Frederick William Reynolds Lecture delivered at the University of Utah, January 14, 1957, by Dr. Mulder, and copyrighted by the University.

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many respects synonymous with the history of our country. From the Bible Commonwealth of colonial New England to the Bible Belt still with us both as a state of mind and as a region, the religious background of American culture deserves equal attention with the political, the social, and the economic. They are, in fact, inseparable. Piety consorted well with commerce in the very founding of our civilization.

The connection between religion and American life has remained organic and surprisingly vital, whether we think of Jehovah's Witnesses selling their Watchtowers on our street corners or of the revival of Harvard's Divinity School under Paul Tillich. Lift any of America's respective faiths out of the cocoon in which their limited denominational histories have wrapped them, and they take on new interest in the vivid light of this connection.

Mormonism seen in this perspective assumes an unusual identity with American history, all the more because it is as native to the United States as Indian corn and the buffalo nickel. We have to specify an American Judaism or an American Catholicism, but Mormonism is American by birth, although the United States was long reluctant to accept the honor. In its New England origins, its Utopian experiments and reforms, its westward drive, and its early expansion to Europe resulting in a great program of immigration and settlement, nineteenthcentury Mormonism expressed prominent traits and tendencies that were already shaping American society. It was not simply a colorful reflection of the times; it was a dynamic reworking of the diverse elements of American culture. Mormonism is unique primarily in the way it combined these elements, in what it added or neglected, making it now a perfect epitome of its time and place, and now a puzzling contradiction.

In early Mormon theology, for example, we get a fairly complete cross section of the American mind in the early nineteenth century.

In the current argument among scholars over the degree and nature of the nineteenth century's optimism and stress on progress, Mormon eschatology is especially pertinent. It embraced both the belief in progress and the underlying sense of doom and destruction in an era we have too simply thought of as a romantic Age of Jackson.

Other illustrations come easily to mind. The Mormons believed in universal salvation and perfectibility, the theological counterpart, perhaps, of the democratic faith in the common man and his natural goodness; but they also believed in blood atonement, suggesting a sense of man's guilt so deep that only the spilled blood of the wicked smok-

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ing up to heaven could save them. Implicit in the hope of millennium were the wrath and judgment which would first be poured out upon a wicked generation. The Utopian communities of the Rappites, the Moravians, the Shakers, the Fourierists, the Owenites, and the Mormons were at one and the same time an expression of optimism and of disillusionment, a radical rebuke of the imperfections of the existing social order.

Mormonism's social experiments are another illustration of the way it captured the spirit of the times. The Word of Wisdom was its version of the widespread temperance movement in a day when even bran had its prophets, water cures had become a fad, and Sylvester Graham, who also did not believe in using meat, tea, or coffee, gave his name to a health bread. The temperance movement gained enough momentum to become a political force, but the Word of Wisdom went in a moral direction: it reads like scripture rather than just another health platform, and it holds out a unique spiritual promise: all who do and keep its sayings shall not only run and not be weary and walk and not faint, but they shall furthermore gain treasures of great knowledge, even hidden treasures.

Again, the Order of Enoch, or the first United Order, tried briefly in Missouri from 1831 to 1833, was Mormonism's version of economic equality. Through its law of consecration and stewardship it hoped to preserve initiative and avoid the pitfalls of common stock that were ruining communal societies living like big families. In principle it tried to bring together the advantages of both private enterprise and cooperation. In the same way the blueprint for the ideal city of Zion tried to combine the advantages of town and country living, an anticipation of the garden cities of our own time. And in the same way Mormonism combined the advantages of lay leadership and central authority in giving the priesthood to every man subject to the direction of revelation from the president and prophet.

Again, polygamy was the Mormon version of the daring attempts by contemporaries to modify the basic structure of the family, attempts which ran from the celibacy of the Shakers at one extreme to the free love of the Oneida Community at the other. The Oneida people under Charles Humphrey Noyes, whose descendants today manufacture the famous Oneida Community Plate, called their system Complex Marriage. It shortly became a eugenics experiment in controlled mating to produce superior offspring. The Mormons argued the same selectivity for polygamy, with women better off with part of one good man than

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with all of a bad one. Sooner or later an expansive America had to produce its cult of fertility to match its own teeming natural abundance. But polygamy was not a pagan indulgence: a Puritan asceticism disciplined it in practice and an Old Testament sociology exalted it.

Only the image of Mormon clerks and farmers seeing themselves as Abrahams and girding themselves for godhood in the eternities to come can fully explain this most imaginative of all doctrines.

In its sociology Mormonism expressed the bold, experimental spirit of the times, on occasion moving far ahead of them. In its theology, however, it reacted strongly against the progressive religious liberalism of the day which made the mind its own church. Mormonism returned to the Puritan tradition which made church covenants as important as civil covenants. Again the Mormons combined elements: they combined dissent with authority; they restored the one true authoritative church, as they supposed, with a divinely ordained prophet to lead it but reserved to the membership at large the right of common consent to the nominations from on high. With Emerson and his Transcendentalists they claimed inspiration for every man, a priesthood of all believers, but they avoided the dangers of antinomianism by channeling revelation and putting approved interpretations on Scripture. Mormonism had no traffic with the wild revivalism of the times; Joseph Smith quickly disposed of the barks and the jerks and maverick revelation by branding them of the devil. In its insistence on the role of intelligence â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of "Scripture and right reason" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Mormonism expressed its New England intellectual tradition. Its School of the Prophets at Kirtland, Ohio, was a venture in adult education. "They are by no means men of weak minds," reported an early observer. The Mormons were confident that nothing science would discover would betray the revelations of living prophets or the Word of God in the Scriptures.

It remains a sublime belief among devout Mormons today.

Besides these topical connections, the Mormons had dramatic connections with American history in time and space. In their westward movement they were like the fine filament preceding the thread as it seeks the eye of the needle. They were part of the vanguard of settlement that was already making the Oregon and California Trail a dusty highway. The first company of Mormon pioneers, by the way, was not a ragged band of refugees but the best prepared of all western overlanders in terms of purpose, knowledge of the country, organization, and equipment. What made the Mormon participation the more dramatic was their three-fold commitment to the westward-running

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stream in 1846, the "year of decision": first, the main body of pioneers which evacuated Nauvoo in February and, after wintering over in Iowa and Nebraska, went on to the Salt Lake Valley in 1847; second, a company of Saints which left New York in the same month on the sailship Brooklyn and made its way around the Horn to Yerba Buena, now San Francisco, to become the first American settlers in the San Joaquin Valley and publishers of San Francisco's first newspaper; and finally, the Mormon Battalion, which was mustered in along the pioneer trail to march against Mexico, going by way of Santa Fe and taking the first wagons over the route later followed by the Southern Pacific. Several members of the Battalion, scattering for employment in California, were among the workmen who discovered flakes of gold in the mill race they were building for John Sutter on the American River. Ironically, they helped to start the great rush of Forty-Niners who converted Salt Lake Valley from a hoped-for isolated refuge into the Half-Way House in the Wilderness, a great crossroads of the West.

In national affairs the Mormons were at times like the small cloud on the horizon heralding the gathering storm. Their differences with Missouri, for example, were in part the differences of New Englanders with Southerners over slavery. The Mormons not only considered themselves the meek who should inherit the earth, which made old settlers uneasy, but the Mormons besides favored the "free people of color," a position they later repudiated. But at the time it was a touchy point in Missouri, for such a caste would set slaves a bad example.

"Mormonism, emancipation, and abolitionism must be driven from our State," cried one frontiersman. The anti-Mormon outrages in Missouri in 1833 and again in 1838 were the counterpart of the anti-abolitionist violence breaking out all over the country. In 1835 respectable Boston dragged the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison through the streets by a rope, intending to hang him. In 1837 Alton, Illinois, murdered Elijah Lovejoy after twice destroying his emancipationist press. "Is not this a free state?" Lovejoy had asked, echoing the Mormons. "Have I not a right to claim the protection of the laws?" The Mormons were not in fact abolitionists, but gradualists. Joseph Smith in 1844 advanced the progressive idea that the national government should purchase the slaves from their owners with money from the sale of public lands.

But the country paid instead the price of civil war.

The Mormons were involved in other touchy issues of the day.

Early in their career they encountered the same blind prejudice and mass hatred that greeted the Freemasons. Like Freemasonry, Mormon-

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ism bred suspicion because to nativists it seemed secret, undemocratic, and subversive of American institutions. Mormon rights as a religious minority tested the larger issue of states' rights. Mormon appeals to Congress and the President for redress after expulsion from Missouri in 1838 got no satisfaction because the national government felt it had no jurisdiction. "Your cause is just but I can do nothing for you," said Van Buren. Whereupon Joseph Smith, after a visit to Washington, declared, "He is not as fit as my dog for the chair of state," and vowed Van Buren would lose 100,000 Mormon votes throughout the country.

The Mormons bewailed what they felt was a betrayal of the Constitution, leaving them at the mercy of arrogant state governments. The Prophet was led to run for President because neither Clay nor Calhoun could give him satisfaction on the Mormon question. Nullification, secession, and finally the Civil War tested the whole issue of the relative jurisdiction of the federal government and the states.

Another "Mormon Question" to vex the nation was Utah's long struggle for statehood: Mormon theocracy, complicated by polygamy and the influx of thousands of supposedly ignorant and subservient immigrants, seemed a bad risk to the Union, and Utah had to be content with carpetbag government for forty years. Reverend John P. Newman in the 1870's called for General Sherman to march through Utah as he had marched through Georgia. It was all too reminiscent of Missouri, a period of conflict so bitter and prolonged that the Mormon-Gentile complex on occasion still divides the state.

II This rapid review of a few highlights â&#x20AC;&#x201D; theological, social, and political â&#x20AC;&#x201D; may suggest how Mormonism was at once traditional and different in American experience. As a movement making religion both the center and the circumference of daily life, it released energies that made it a wayward current in the mainstream of our history and earned it a lasting notoriety. In our own day a Mormon girl has been crowned Miss America, a Mormon apostle has been named to die President's cabinet, and the great Tabernacle Choir from Salt Lake City has received the applause of Europe in an unprecedented tour; but the news was at one time more sensational and on occasion the country's chief diversion.

In a letter now preserved in the Coe Collection at Yale, we have an early inkling of the excitement Mormonism was to create. On February 12, 1830, Lucius Fenn of Covert in upstate New York wrote an old

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neighbor in Connecticut about a curious book being published at Palmyra, some fifty miles away. It was said to be a bible which had been concealed in a stone chest in the earth for fourteen hundred years and which an angel had now revealed to a man named Joseph who could not read at all in English but who could read the book's gold leaves.

Along with Freemasonry, the temperance movement (which Fenn called "the cold sober societies"), and the considerable stir religion was making that winter in the lake country, the gold bible was the news of the day. "It is expected that it will come out soon," wrote Fenn, "so that we can see it. It speaks of the Millenniam [sic] day and tells when it is a going to take place. . . . Some people think that it is all a speculation and some think that something is a going to take place different from what has been. For my part," Fenn confided, "I do not know how it will be but it is something singular to me." He could only hope that in a time of "general solemnity upon the people in these parts" there would be "a greater outpouring of the spirit than ever."

In March, 1830, within a few weeks of Fenn's remarkable letter, the Boo{ of Mormon appeared and on April 6 Joseph Smith, the youtiiful Yankee seer whose visionary powers had already won him a local reputation, founded his Church of Christ.

Mormonism proved as singular as Lucius Fenn had speculated.

Its earliest years, from the miracle at Cumorah to the martyrdom at Carthage, were the lengthened shadow of Joseph Smith himself as he rose from village seer to American prophet. In his progress from Palmyra to Nauvoo he commanded attention in an age already full of the uncommon doings of common men. His unfolding theology seemed tuned to all the reform fiddles of the times, and he filled the breathless years of his brief but crowded career with expectations of the millennium and the Second Coming, with worldwide evangelism and practical programs of immigration and settlement and town planning, and with political aspirations and social nonconformities which the frontier, despite its vaunted individualism, could not abide. A powerful original mind, but untaught by the lessons of history, the Prophet came at length to regard himself, as Whittier put it, "a miracle and a marvel."

He aroused deep loyalties and rankling hatreds. The hatreds finally destroyed him; the loyalties kept alive his movement after him.

Mormonism was a movement in a very real sense. In their efforts to plant Zion the restless Mormons were constantly in motion. In less than a generation they crossed the continent in one tragic uprooting after another, leaving their houses unsold and their crops unharvested

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in a dozen communities hopefully begun in Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, and Iowa, until the final removal to the West. Mormon names still dot the map from Mormon Hill in New York to Mormon Island in California, with historic Mormon roads and trails and ferries in between. In the process the Mormons became a genuine people, a covenant folk like ancient Israel with a shared history and at last a homeland. They moved widiin a magnificent metaphor, the image of themselves as Latter-day Israel. The parallel sustained them, and events sustained the parallel. Persecution and martyrdom deepened the image.

Their exodus under Brigham Young, an American Moses, and their chronicles in early Deseret, the new Land of Promise â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with its Dead Sea and River Jordan, and with its patriarchal order of marriage and the ensuing struggle with the Philistines, or Gentiles â&#x20AC;&#x201D; completed the Old Testament likeness. Emerson, visiting Brigham Young in 1871, noted this Biblical imagination and called the Mormons "an afterclap of Puritanism."

It is all part of a highly usable past. The mind of even the backsliding Mormon today teems with the scenes and images of his heritage.

There is much in Mormonism that is merely curious, quaint, and picturesque, and much in the past that is lurid. But a leopard is more than his spots. There is much in Mormonism that is moving and significant as the history of a people earnestly seeking New Jerusalem on the American frontier and diligently preparing themselves to be its fit inhabitants.

As late as 1920 my father landed in Hoboken, New Jersey, a Dutch printer and his young family bound for Zion in the New World as die Pilgrim Fathers had once set out for New Canaan. Coming to America was still a religious experience. For six years we dwelt among die Gentiles, like Ruth amid the alien corn, earning enough to pay our immigration debt and helping other families to come over. Each year found us more eager to move on to Salt Lake, the saintly city of our dreams. As a ten-year-old, I had read the poem "Out Where the West Begins," and I could hardly wait for the handclasp that was a little stronger and the smile that lasted a little longer. At last, in 1926, the family packed its belongings into a sway-backed, seven-passenger, fourcylinder Willys-Knight and headed west along the newly completed Lincoln Highway. I remember how we shouted when we crossed the Utah line. We felt kin to Columbus kneeling on the blessed shores of the Bahamas and William Bradford praising God for safe arrival at Plymouth. My Uncle Bill, who was with us, I remember blew a long

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blast on his battered army bugle. It was an act of pure joy. We had at length, six years and six thousand miles after our departure from Rotterdam, come home. We were not unlike early wagon trains of Mormon immigrant-converts who used to pause in the mountains as they approached Zion's borders. After a prayer of thanksgiving, the pioneer men shaved and put on clean shirts, and the women donned their Sunday best for the final descent into the Valley, where they were often met by music and gifts of flowers and fruit and were promptly rebaptized in City Creek to wash away the sins of Babylon with the dust of the journey. They were renewing more than their covenants: they were renewing a characteristic American experience, an experience as old as the discovery of America and as new as the arrival of the latest refugees from Hungary.

America as a land of promise and destiny, where the ancient dream of a more abundant life could be realized, is a major theme in Mormon as in American history. It finds eloquent expression in "the gathering," long the heart of the whole Mormon movement. The gathering, not polygamy, is Mormonism's oldest and most influential doctrine. It looked back to the promises made to ancient Israel and forward to the Second Coming. It was Mormonism's way of channeling what the nineteenth century called the religious affections; it disciplined into action the fervor that in revival faiths was dissipated in an aimless love affair with Christ.

Mormonism, like other adventist faiths, was a millennial proclamation, a warning that a final judgment was at hand. But it was also a program designed to prepare for this eventuality. The gathering involved more than a trip to the sinner's bench. It was to be a roll call of Saints without halos, an assembling of a people not already saved but eager to create conditions under which salvation might be achieved.

This determination was the mainspring of Mormon social reform, whether it was a United Order or a Deseret Alphabet. Building the Kingdom meant providing an environment that would regenerate the adult and rear the young so that they would never know themselves otherwise than Saints. Salvation was an on-going process: "As man is, God once was; as God is, man may be," so runs the most quoted line in Mormon doctrine. To become like God required an eternity, an endless unfolding of regenerated powers by study, faith, experience, and the intelligence which is the glory of God. The immediate need before the trump sounded was to get out of Babylon and unite with God's people to await greater spiritual endowments.

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The quaint Box Elder tabernacle, an outstanding example of Mormon church architecture, typifies the buildings the Saints constructed in every community to create conditions necessary for salvation. Photo, Norman Van Pelt.

Inspiration for the gathering sprang from a literal interpretation of Scripture, from a providential reading of history, and from the circumstances of free-land society in early nineteenth-century America. Joseph Smith split the Biblical metaphor of Zion and Jerusalem: he saw Judah returning to Jerusalem, Israel to Zion. And America was Zion. While other millennialists set a time, the Mormons appointed a place. America was the preordained site of this stupendous homecoming of the Lord's scattered hosts. On this continental stage the last great dramas foretold in the Old and New Testaments would be enacted: Daniel's stone would roll forth, St. John's heavenly city come to earth, and Rachel would weep no more for her children. For this, all history had been mere prologue. The discovery of America by Columbus, the Reformation in Europe, the coming of the Pilgrim Fathers, the founding of the Republic, and the raising of "that glorious standard" as the Mormons called the Constitution, were all preliminary to this grand

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design. "The happiness of America," as George Washington himself believed, was in turn to be but "the first link in a series of universal victories."

The Mormons made this common Protestant view of Providence controlling America's destiny peculiarly their own. In Mormon sermons, the American eagle spread broad wings. In a Fourth of July oration in Salt Lake City in 1853, Parley P. Pratt, Mormon apostle, gave America and the latter-day gathering a central role in leading the world to seek deliverance from oppression, not by local revolutions, but by a "voluntary emerging into freedom." Providence, he said, opened the way whereby "the first and best spirits from all countries might liberate themselves." Though they could not master their tyrants at home, they could leave the Old World to crumble in its own decay and come to America. In time their influence would change the old cultures. It was to be a two-way passage of liberated peoples and liberating ideas in a day of unrestricted immigration and no iron curtains. Pratt echoed an earlier patriot. Thomas Paine in his famous tract The Rights of Man had already observed that America was the country best suited for the beginning of "universal reformation." Mormonism attempted it in miniature. Zion was to be model for America as America was to be model for the world.

Joseph Smith's vision of Zion, a holy commonwealth, was nothing new in his America. Everywhere, as we have seen, communitarian societies, secular and religious — backwoods Utopias as Bestor calls them — were springing up protesting a wicked and competitive world. What was different was the Mormon Prophet's continental imagination, the magnitude of his dream, and its adaptation of Biblical prophecies and events to the American scene. Mormon scriptures like the Book °f Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants assisted in this naturalization. Not only was America the promised land, and not only was Missouri, heart of the continent, to be the site of the New Jerusalem. It had in fact, said the Prophet, been the site of the Garden of Eden itself; not Mesopotamia, but the great valley of the Mississippi had been the cradle of mankind, and the Prophet pointed to the very spot where Adam, Ancient of Days, had once built an altar and where he would come again to preside over his righteous progeny.

Once more Mormon belief reflected a contemporary idea and went beyond it: America as the Garden of the World, an Arcadia of civilizations, was just then pleasing America's poets and painters, whose imaginations were being fired by a bountiful and still virgin land ex-

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tending from the Hudson to the Columbia. The Book of Mormon was part of that literature, as moral as it was romantic. With its grand refrain of the continent as a favored land providentially preserved for the gathering of a righteous people, it provided the American dream its own scripture and endowed it with sacred legend. Whatever else the Boo\ of Mormon may be, it is America's oldest immigration story, chronicling several folk wanderings. It gave the country the immemorial past it yearned for. Centuries before the Pilgrim Fathers, it said, America had sheltered refugee bands from the Old World. Their survivors were the Lamanites, America's Indians, who were to be won back to a knowledge of their forefathers and become a "white and delightsome people." The moral of the Book was unmistakable: only by serving Jesus Christ, the God of the land, had any civilization flourished in America. America on these terms, taught the Prophet, had been held in special remembrance for the righteous in ages past, was even now fulfilling its characteristic role as a sanctuary, and for the redeemed would provide an inheritance in eternity.

The doctrine of inheritance went hand in glove with the doctrine of the gathering, domesticating for the American freeholder the promises made to Abraham. The prospect of a stake in an agrarian Kingdom, a celestial homestead of forty acres on a renewed and redeemed earth, was long the lodestone of the Mormon convert. Joseph Smith's four-square plat of the City of Zion, an idealized New England town with adjacent farmlands, could have been conceived only in a freeland society. It was to serve as pattern for the communities with which he hoped to fill up the earth, just as his contemporary Charles Fourier, the French socialist whose idea influenced Brook Farm, hoped to fill up the earth with his phalanxes. Only Fourier would make Constantinople on the Golden Horn the archphalanx, his secular New Jerusalem, the natural capital of the world, whereas the Mormons would plant theirs on the American frontier. Fourier would adorn his capital as Joseph Smith would adorn Zion's chief city, with all the material and cultural splendors befitting a world seat.

In this respect the Mormons had extravagant hopes for Nauvoo, the beautiful city which they redeemed from a swamp on a great bend of the Mississippi in Illinois. By 1843 they were calling it "the great emporium of the west," confident it would take the lead in art, science, and literature as well as religion. The Saints emigrating to Zion from afar were urged to "snatch from the ruins of ancient greatness everything . . . interesting, great, valuable, and good" and bring it to Nauvoo

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to make it the city set upon a hill to which the whole world would look while kingdoms elsewhere were crumbling. "We must send kings and governors to Nauvoo," said Joseph Smith, "and we will do it."

What for other millennial faiths marked die end, for the Mormons was just the beginning. Their expectation of the Second Coming was momentary, but they planned for mansions on earth rather than in the sky. The Advent itself would bring no more than a change in administration, so to speak â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the benevolent monarchy of the King of Kings.

The Kingdom, already established, would go right on, and its yeomanry would keep their inheritances, tilling their fields and tending their shops as they had done the day before. If in America every man was king, in the Mormon Zion every man was to be king and priest. This breathtaking vision of Zion was Biblical, its ardor and materialism characteristically American. It could have been conceived only in the heady atmosphere of Jacksonian democracy, when, as Lowell put it, every man carried a blueprint for Utopia in his pocket.

Ill Zion, with the great heart of the gathering pumping converts and their resources into it, made history in two directions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in the west and in Europe. The Mormons planted approximations of the ideal on the frontier and took Zion's image abroad, where Mormonism became an influential American "ism" leading thousands of northern Europeans to try America's promise on Mormon terms. The ideal was tried briefly in its purest form in Jackson County, Missouri, in the early 1830's; in the city-state of Nauvoo in the 1840's; and in Deseret's theocracy, quickly modified after the arrival of the first federal officials in 1852 but a very lively and visible ghost for years afterward.

America rejected each of these attempts, and for the traditional American reason that the Mormons united the civil and religious order to an uncomfortable degree and posed a political threat. The Mormons interpreted the Biblical Kingdom all too realistically. Americans insisted that God must not dare unite what man and the Constitution had sundered. It was once possible to arouse the nation with the implications of Mormon power for American freedom, just as certain factions attempt today with the implications of Catholic power for American freedom, on the theory that both Mormon and Catholic allegiance is supranational, demanding loyalty to church first and only secondly to country.

From Missouri to Utah, Zion's changing fortunes described an arc

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of conflict growing out of this major issue. The root of the trouble was political, but it sprang from the religious principle of community.

Missouri in the 1830's, seeing Jackson County fill up with Mormons, offered to buy them out, but the doctrine of inheritance went so deep the Mormons could not be brought to part with their dedicated lands.

"To sell our land would amount to a denial of our faith," they said.

The old settlers mistakenly feared the Mormons as another Israel ready under Joseph Smith as Joshua to take Canaan by the sword. Vowing to drive them from Daviess to Caldwell and from Caldwell to hell, Missouri expelled them from one county after another in a series of civil wars. In Illinois in the 1840's, where once more the Mormons congregated in exclusive settlements, both Democrats and Whigs at first curried Mormon favor, for the Mormons held the balance of power in Hancock County. A backwoods lawyer named Abraham Lincoln was one of the state legislators to vote for a liberal charter which made Nauvoo a virtual city-state with a municipal court having wide powers of habeas corpus and with a Mormon arm of the state militia in the form of the Nauvoo Legion. Joseph Smith seemed at last safe from the snares of his enemies.

But Joseph Smith as prophet, mayor, and lieutenant general personified an un-American alliance. The Mormons might believe, as their Articles of Faith said they believed, in "being subject to kings, presidents, rulers, and magistrates, in obeying, honoring, and sustaining the law," until Christ came, whose right it was to reign; but meanwhile the country refused to accept Joseph Smith as Deity's vice-gerent.

Besides, in the name of religion he outraged one sacred American institution by introducing polygamy, and finally â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and fatally for him â&#x20AC;&#x201D; he assaulted another American untouchable, the freedom of the press.

His arbitrary seizure of the dissenting Expositor press in 1844 sealed his death warrant. But it was a mob that destroyed him rather than due process, and he died a martyr.

The longest trial of Mormon social and political nonconformity growing out of its religious collectivism came in Utah after an exodus from Nauvoo which rivaled the trek of the Boers in South Africa and the flight of Longfellow's Evangeline and her fellow Acadians from Nova Scotia. At the outset Zion in the West was the provisional State of Deseret, a regional empire bounded by the Rocky Mountains and the Sierras, the Oregon country and Mexico, with a corridor opening to San Diego on the Pacific as an eventual port of entry for immigrants expected to come the water route around the Horn. Congress clipped

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Deseret's wings in the Compromise of 1850 and caged it in as the territory of Utah. But it still challenged the imagination, for it included Nevada, western Colorado, and parts of Idaho, Wyoming, and Arizona.

Utah's present greatly altered boundaries, seemingly so arbitrary on the map, actually reflect political, social, and economic realities: as the silver mines opened in and around Carson City in the western and in the Colorado Rockies in the eastern extremes of the territory, attracting Gentile populations, separatist movements developed and Utah lost ribs in the creation of neighboring territories which soon outran her in achieving statehood. The Nevada and Colorado lines drawn down the approximate middles of the no man's lands between the Mormons and the Gentiles east and west of diem, preserved the social and political integrity of what geographers call the Salt Lake Oasis, the heartland of die Mormon Kingdom. Even today it is essentially intact, though modified by the inroads of other interests for nearly a century. The unity of daily life within the early Mormon Kingdom and the forces gradually giving Zion the face we know today are of course die-whole history of Utah, a colorful patch on the nation's garment.

Utah was a land where the Mormons at last could be the original settlers, keeping the outsider in the decided minority. Brigham Young at once sent out exploring parties to discover every habitable valley and preempt the Kingdom. If arable land was scarce and water the price of blood, the limitation proved an advantage: a federal commission in 1888 noted ruefully that the Mormons "have not only settled but have filled all of tillable Utah," and concluded that "those who hold the valleys and appropriate and own the waters capable of use for irrigation, own and hold Utah, and nature has fortified their position more strongly than it could be done by any Chinese wall or artificial defense."

Colonizing the drought-ridden, scattered valleys of Zion demanded co-operation both far-flung and intimate, with every new settlement part of the larger design and every settler a responsive part of the community in a life at once determined by desert conditions and overcoming them. The Mormon farm-village at the same time expressed an ideal â&#x20AC;&#x201D; it was the Kingdom in small, patterned after Joseph Smith's blueprint for the City of Zion. Isolation, Indians, irrigation, and a New England town tradition were merely immediate causes of what already had a final cause in the heavenly model.

As pioneers the Mormons differed little, perhaps, from Americans pioneering other frontiers. But as yeomen developing Zion they were

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significantly different. Desperate private struggle and life-saving cooperation were common enough on the American frontier, but on the Mormon frontier the idea of the Kingdom encouraged survival when lesser hopes failed, and the conditions of life "under the ditch" promoted co-operation not merely occasional like a house-raising or a harvesting bee but daily and endemic to the society. Their commitment to Zion's larger purposes was all that sustained the Mormon settlers through successive adversities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; mat and the unfaltering example of Brigham Young, whose annual visitations magnetized the commonwealth. His voice and his handshake were a living experience as he made his progress through the settlements. He was the President of the High Priesthood and Governor of the Territory, but also always "Brother Brigham," who knew his people intimately and their need of his homely advice.

The Mormon village was a state of mind framed by the Old Testament, with daily affairs constantly seen in the light of eternity. It was a snug cosmology for the believers, who worked out their civic and religious problems by common consent â&#x20AC;&#x201D; by motion, discussion, and vote â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whether it was to put down card-playing, to take an assignment to the "cotton mission," or to expel a member for sending his children to a Gentile school. It was expected, of course, that the outcome would always conform to the ideals of the Kingdom and uphold the hands of "those in authority" in whose inspiration they believed. Whoever was not content to exercise his influence always within the determined pattern, soon found himself numbered among the apostates. A closed society like Zion, where every social and civil difference amounted to a religious difference, could not brook dissenters. There was no room for what the British Parliament calls a loyal opposition. Who was not for the Kingdom was against it. The archetype lay in heaven itself, which had cast out the rebel angels.

The world outside, unaware of Zion's unique workings, saw in all this only an oppressive society made up largely of the ignorant and the superstitious. The cathedral builders of medieval Europe would have understood Zion's unity and devotion, but not a Protestant America, more at home among warring and freespoken sects and splinters.

Denominational crusaders bent on Christianizing Utah, and political carpetbaggers bent on wresting control from Mormon hands considered Utah alien and seditious and kept it a vassal territory for nearly half a century. The slanders of quarrelsome federal officials brought an army to Utah in 1857 to quell a supposed rebellion and replace

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Brigham Young with a new governor. After the Civil War, which the Saints considered God's judgment on the nation for their sufferings in Missouri, the country turned its undivided attention to the "Mormon Question." "We mean to put that business of the Mormons through," a New Englander told a British traveler in 1866. "We have done a bigger job in the South; and we shall now fix things up in Salt Lake City."

Extremists called for cannon of the biggest bore to thunder the seventh commandment into the Mormons; they wanted to dissolve the legislature and govern Utah by commission; they clamored for enforceable legislation that would disfranchise polygamists and prohibit Mormon immigration. On a rising tide of public feeling against the Mormons, one congressional bill after another and one presidential message after another sought the formula that would at last throttle Utah's unorthodoxies. Against a background of bitter enmity between the Mormon People's party and the Gentile Liberal party in Utah, Governor Eli Murray in 1883 warned the country that Utah beset them with "another irrepressible conflict." The Edmunds Act that year sent the cohabs, as polygamists were called, underground; and in 1887 the Edmunds-Tucker Act finally brought the Mormons to their knees: it disincorporated the church itself, disfranchised the women, dissolved the Perpetual Emigrating Fund, and led to the Manifesto of 1890 abandoning polygamy. The next year the United States added polygamists to the excluded classes in the Immigration Act, along with paupers and imbeciles.

But it was anticlimax. The legislation merely hastened what changing social and economic conditions were already accomplishing. By 1896 Utah was considered unspotted enough to be admitted to the Union. The conflict and crusade gave way to an era of good feeling, and the Mormons became in time eminently respected.

Zion, once preached with so much intensity and conviction, and expressed in the great program of gathering into Utopian communities on the frontier, was no longer a closed society. As the price of survival it had to accommodate itself to the times. Mormonism's millennial hope burned out, the great events which had seemed so imminent retreated into a future comfortably remote, and Mormonism settled down to an indefinite postponement of prophecy. It spiritualized its message and no longer frightened the nation as an imperium in imperio. Insisting less on building a literal Kingdom, it joined hands with eastern capital to build instead a greater Intermountain West.

MORMONS

IN A M E R I C A N

HISTORY

77

A visitor to Salt Lake City once observed that the angel Moroni on its temple spire seen at nightfall "seems to have very little to do with Mormon his father, or Joseph Smith his prophet, or the Hill Cumorah or the golden plates, but a great deal to do with human aspiration."

To Mormons, of course, he has everything to do widi all of these. But it is well that out of Mormonism and its history, at once so strange and so familiar in the American tradition, there should come the figure of the angel at sunset with something to say for all men. Among the Mormons, though perhaps not of them, it is today possible to foster a humanity broader tiian any dogma. Salt Lake City is the home, not of any single or singular people, but of every questing spirit who lives, or has lived, here deeply. If it is not yet the prophetic City of God, it is on occasion, as I hope you find it, certainly an hospitable City of Man.

THE

STATES THEIR

ACT

TO

CONSERVE

HERITAGE

By S. K. Stevens*

State action in the field of conservation of natural resources, including streams, forests, game and the land itself, has become a common feature of governmental policy in the last fifty years. It is only within the last decade or so that very much attention has been directed toward conservation of historical resources. These include letters, diaries and records, early newspaper files, archives of governments, both state and local, object materials such as tools, utensils and implements used by former generations, and historic sites and buildings which were the places with which notable persons had an association or where great events took place. The loss or destruction of such materials can be more permanent than the depletion of natural resources. The latter can be replaced. Forests can be replanted, streams purified and cleared, game supplies restocked, and land improved. Original historical resources, once lost or destroyed, can never be fully recovered. Historic * Dr. S. K. Stevens is executive director of the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. This article, which originally appeared in State Government, published by the Council of State Governments, April, 1958, is reprinted by permission.

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buildings, it is true, can be restored, but the accuracy of such restorations is almost entirely dependent upon documentary historical evidence. Even the adequate marking of historic sites and buildings must rest upon basic source materials for authentication.

Accurate and comparative figures are not available, but it is a considered judgment that fifty years ago no state spent more tiian a few thousand dollars which could be considered as devoted to conserving or restoring any of its historical resources. Pennsylvania, with its historical riches, did not create an official state historical commission until 1913. The principal early pattern of activity at the state level was that of the state historical society, so termed because it was chartered by the state and utilized the name of a state as the prefix to the words "historical society." New York, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Pennsylvania were leaders in establishing such societies early in the nineteenth century.

Actually, these societies were largely semiprivate institutions. As Americans moved westward, they took with them the idea of the state historical society. But there developed one very important difference.

While the eastern societies basically were both privately supported and controlled, many western states subscribed to the idea that the state government should have more responsibility. In return for aid to the society in preserving state historical records, the state itself was given representation on the governing board of the state historical society.

State funds were appropriated in small sums to aid in this work. In such typical midwestern states as Ohio and Wisconsin, die State Historical Society of Wisconsin and the Ohio Historical Society today receive an increased portion of their financial support from the state, and the state is represented on the board of trustees in each case, although the societies retain the idea of individual memberships and operate essentially as semiprivate associations.

PATTERNS OF ORGANIZATION Several states now combine the privately supported and directed society with a state department of history or historical commission which is an official unit in the state's governmental organization.

The Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission is the official state historical agency. It is concerned with research and publications; marking historic sites; preserving, administering, and interpret-

STATES CONSERVE THEIR HERITAGE

81

ing historic buildings and sites placed under it by act of the General Assembly; operating the State Museum and the Pennsylvania Farm Museum; caring for the state's public and historically important records, and carrying on a general program of informational and publication services in the field of Pennsylvania history. At Philadelphia, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania sits serenely as one of the nation's oldest privately endowed and managed state historical societies, with one of the largest and finest historical manuscript collections in America.

New York has the even older New York Historical Society, in New York City, with marvelous manuscript and other collections, and the New York State Historical Association, based at Cooperstown, has its nationally famous Farmer's Museum. Both are private rather than public institutions. In Albany, in the Department of Education, a state Division of Archives and History administers state historical markers, sites and museums, preserves state and local records, and promotes a program of statewide historical activity.

Michigan has both a privately functioning Michigan Historical Society and a Michigan Historical Commission â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the latter the official state agency, with archival, research, publication, historical marking and related functions under its official direction, and using state funds.

Other examples could be cited. Obviously there is today no fixed pattern of state-supported historical work in terms of the way this function is organized.

STATE ATTENTION RISES The more important point, however, is the fact that, whatever the pattern of organization may be, there is a noticeable increase in state attention to conservation of historical resources. More money is being spent out of state budgets to support this work. On the other hand, no taxpayer need yet be frightened at the size of the state historical agency budget in any state; it remains a mere drop in the bucket. Pennsylvania is a fair sample of the present trend. The biennial budget of the Pensylvania Historical Commission in its early years averaged a few thousand dollars; today it has climbed over the million mark. Wisconsin, New York, and Ohio are states with comparable budgets for this purpose.

Why are states turning more attention to state history, and spending more money in this area despite mounting pressures on total state budgets? One reason certainly is that Americans today are searching

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as never before for an understanding of their historical tradition. The search has been intensified by world events of the last few years and a realization that the American tradition needs to be revitalized more than once a year on the Fourth of July. As Americans reach out for this understanding of their heritage, there is a growing realization that it rests upon knowledge of the nation's history. A quick look at the dates when a majority of the national historic sites and monuments administered by the National Park Service were taken under the wing of the federal government will indicate that a majority were acquired less than thirty years ago.

T H E ROOTS OF HISTORY In part, at least, the growth of state activity in historical conservation may be attributed also to a growing recognition tiiat the roots of American history are in the soil of the states and the communities within the states. There is indeed an increased realization that the American heritage is best understood when it is examined at state and local levels, where it is closer to the life and experience of people, dian is possible at a national level. State shrines and state history implement basic appreciation and understanding of the American past.

Increased state attention to the problem may also be said to be a part of a revolt against national centralization. Half a century ago Josiah Royce in his The Philosophy of Loyalty wrote: "We need . . . in this country a new and wiser provincialism . . . which makes people want to idealize, to adorn, to ennoble, to educate their own province."

He went on to say, "Further centralization of power in national government, without a constantly enriched and diversified provincial consciousness, can only increase the estrangement of our national spirit from its own life."

The essence of this thought is that achieving a philosophy of loyalty to an abstract and general thing we know and think of as "America" is not enough. Indeed, it is the most difficult of all loyalties to cultivate in a land so broad and so diversified as ours. People tend more readily to understand and to idealize and venerate those things which are close to them than those which are remote. It is my considered opinion, based on twenty years of association with historical activity at the state level, not only in Pennsylvania but throughout the country, that the growing attention to conserving and emphasizing state and local his-

STATES

CONSERVE

THEIR

HERITAGE

83

tory on the part of our state government is in large measure a response to a realization that it is important as the very foundation for preserving our national heritage.

ATTRACTING TOURISTS Yet another important reason for cultivating the historical heritage of the states is that it is proving to be good business to do so. A recent survey by Redbook Magazine presents further striking evidence of the interest of Americans in America. More than 90 per cent of those queried indicated that their future vacation trips would be limited to the United States. Granted that much of this travel is purely recreational, who can deny that in its course increasing hundreds of thousands are being brought into contact with more recreational benefits?

The very scenery of America is an inspiring panorama which cannot help but create a new spirit of appreciation of the greatness of the nation. The American landscape is truly a vital part of the American heritage. Every person in charge of state historical shrines, as distinguished from those administered by the National Park Service, will testify that visits to these places are increasing by leaps and bounds, just as they are at the federally administered historical parks, buildings and monuments.

Recognition that there "is gold in them thar hills" in tourist travel is leading many states to take a new look at their history. Virginia went all out last year in celebrating the Jamestown tercentenary and with resulting economic benefits. Every tourist who can be attracted by a state's historical shrines into spending a few days in that state will spend on an average of $12.00 to $15.00 a day for food, lodging, gasoline, and odds and ends. National Park Service statistics show that national historical monuments, for the first time, are competing with and even running ahead of scenic areas in the percentage of increase in tourist visitation. Like figures are not available at the state level, but it is reasonable to believe that they represent a comparable trend.

To conclude and summarize, conservation of the history of our states is an increasingly important concern of state government. It is, and should be a concern, in terms of its very real place in the pattern of a rising consciousness of the need to translate the American heritage into terms which will lead Americans to become educated in the historical tradition of dieir own particular states. Provincialism is no

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longer a "dirty word" to those concerned with developing a truly national spirit. It is rather, perhaps, the indispensable means to that end.

At the same time, with increasing thousands of Americans milling about â&#x20AC;&#x201D; searching out the physical evidences of their past as preserved in museums and historical monuments and buildings, or as pointed out by increasing thousands of state historical markers alongside the highways, or as recorded by the landscape itself â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is a very practical aspect to increasing state budgets of the agencies entrusted with historical tasks. In most states conservation of our state historical heritage is at once a contribution to better citizenship and a sound business practice.

UTAH, THE MORMONS, AND THE WEST: A

BIBLIOGRAPHY SELECTIONS

FROM

"A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THESES AND DISSERTATIONS CONCERNING UTAH OR THE MORMONS WRITTEN OUTSIDE THE STATE OF UTAH"

By Ida-Marie Clar\ Logan*1

INTRODUCTION The bibliographical items here printed have been taken from a Master of Science thesis in English, Utah State Agricultural College, Logan, Utah, 1956. In the thesis the items were grouped under the following subject categories: Religion and Philosophy — Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints; the Earth Sciences — geography, geology, meteorology, and mining; the Biological Sciences — agriculture, botany, entomology, forestry, wildlife, and zoology; the Social Sciences — business and economics, education, history, home economics, political science, * Mrs. Logan is reference librarian at Utah State University, Logan, Utah. The above item constitutes the sixth article in the series, "Utah, the Mormons, and the West: A Bibliography." For other articles in the series see the Quarterly for July 1954, January 1955, July 1955, July 1956, and April 1957.

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sociology and anthropology; the Humanities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; art, journalism, literature, music, speech and drama, and supplementary titles. D u e to space limitations, as well as the fact that certain areas of study are not pertinent historically, the thesis is not here printed in its entirety. However, all items in each category which could be considered as within the area of interest of this magazine have been included and arranged in alphabetical order by author.

Mrs. Logan in the Introduction to her thesis points out that: "Knowledge of the existence and location of contributions to scholarship is important to all research workers in order to prevent duplication of study, to bring salient facts into focus, and otherwise to facilitate research." Furthermore, "A bibliograhy of such studies written outside the state of Utah but pertaining to Utah, to its natural resources, its culture (particularly that established by or pertaining to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) and those phases of interest that have been significant in the heritage of its development, has not been compiled previously into a single volume."

ALLEN, EDWARD JONES. " T h e Second United Order A m o n g die Mormons." P h . D . 1936, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

ANDERMAN, GEORGE G. "Geology of a Portion of the N o r t h Flank of the Uinta Mountains in the Vicinity of Manila, Summit and Daggett Counties, Utah, and Sweetwater County, Wyoming." P h . D .

1955, Princeton University, Princeton, N e w Jersey.

ANDERSON, C. ALBERT. " A Study of die Certification of Teachers in the Rocky Mountain States." M.A. 1931, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

ANDERSON, CHARLES BROOKS. " T h e Growth Pattern of Salt Lake City, Utah, and Its Determining Factors." P h . D . 1945, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

ANDRUS, H Y R U M L. "Joseph Smith, Social Philosopher, Theorist, and Prophet." P h . D . 1955, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N e w York.

ARBAUGI-I, GEORGE BARTHOLOMEW.

"Revelation

in M o r m o n i s m :

Its

Character and Changing Forms." P h . D . 1931, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

ARCHIBALD, ROBERT LAMBUTH.

" T h e Development of the Social and

Ethical Life of the Mormons During the Last Century." B.D. 1933, Emory University, Emory University, Georgia.

THESES A N D D I S S E R T A T I O N S ON MORMONS

87

ARRINGTON, LEONARD JAMES. "Mormon Economic Policies and Their

Implementation on the Western Frontier, 1847-1900." P h . D . 1952, University of N o r t h Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

ATWOOD, WALLACE WALTER.

" T h e Glaciation of the Wasatch Moun-

tains." P h . D . 1903, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

AXENFELD, SHELDON. "Geology of the North Scranton Area, Tooele County, Utah." M.L. 1953, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

BABISAK, JULIUS. " T h e Geology of the Southeastern Portion of the Gunnison Plateau, Utah." M.S. 1949, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

BACA, P H I L I P . " T h e Sheep Industry in the Rocky Mountain Area."

M.A. 1951, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BACON, DAVID CLARENCE. " T h e Teaching Problem of a Lay Church."

[Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.] E d . D . 1951, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

BADDLEY, ELMER R. " A Study of the Tintic Standard Ore Deposit, Dividend, Utah." M.A. 1924, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

BAILEY, WILFRID CHARLES. " T h e Social Organization of the Mormon

Village." P h . D . 1955, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

BAKER, ARTHUR A. "Geology of the Moab District, Grand and San Juan Counties, Utah." P h . D . 1931, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

BALLIF, ARIEL SMITH. " A n Analysis of the Behavior of Rural People on

Relief in Utah County, Utah, During the Years of 1932 to 1943."

Ph.D. 1946, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California. . " A Study of Social Security Planning and Organization in the M o r m o n Church." M.A. 1937, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BAMBERGER, CLARENCE GREENWALDE.

"Report on the Property of the

Daly West Mining Company, Park City, Utah." M.E. 1908, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York.

BANE, LAVERNE CLARENCE. " T h e Development of Education in Utah,

1870 to 1896." E d . D . 1940, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

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BANKS, L O Y OTIS. "Latter Day Saint Journalism." M.A. 1948, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.

BARIEAU, SALLY LAMBATH.

"Migration to California by W a y of the

Isthmus of Panama, 1848-1855." M.A. 1936, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BARKER, LINCOLN. "History of the State Junior Colleges of Utah."

Ph.D. 1945, University of N e w York, N e w York, N e w York.

BARNWELL, MYRTLE CARVER. "Polygamy A m o n g the M o r m o n s up to

1896: A Thesis." B.D. 1933, D u k e University, D u r h a m , North Carolina.

BARTON, W I L L I A M GEORGE.

" T h e Utah Indian W a r , K n o w n as the

Black H a w k W a r of 1865-6-7." Master's Essay 1919, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

BATEMAN, EDWARD ALLEN. "Development of the County-Unit School

District in Utah." P h . D . 1940, Columbia University Teachers College, N e w York, N e w York.

BATEMAN, JAMES LAVAR. " T h e Speaking in the M o r m o n Missionary

System." Ph.D. 1950, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. . " T h e Use of Public Speaking in Conducting the Mormon Church Welfare Plan." M.A. 1947, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

BATES, LOUIS A. "Contractual Relationships Between Teachers and School Officials in Utah." Master's Thesis 1938, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BAYLEY, RICHARD W I L L I A M . "A Heavy Mineral Study of the Morrison

Formation of South-Central Utah." M.S. 1950, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

BEAL, SAMUEL MERRILL. " T h e Salmon River Mission." M A . 1935, Uni-

versity of California, Berkeley, California.

BEAL, THOMAS ANDREW. " T h e Significance of Brigham Young's Lea-

dership in the Economy Development of Utah." Master's Essay 1910, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

BEARSON, JULIUS B. "Private and Public Relief in Utah with Special Reference to the Mormon Church Welfare Plan." P h . D . 1948, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia.

"Survey of the Utah Coal Industry." M.A. 1917, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

89

BELL, HAZEL ADA. "Federal Relations of the Territory of Arizona from 1863-1893." M.A. 1929, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BELNAP, BRYAN WEST. "Proposed Plan for Religious Education Courses to be Given at Brigham Young University." E d . D . Project 1951, Columbia University Teachers College, N e w York, N e w York.

BENNETT, LEEMAN BELL. " A Follow-Up Study of the Graduates of the

Parowan H i g h School." M.S. 1941, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BENNION, MILTON L Y N N . " T h e Origin, Growth, and Extension of the

Educational Program of the Mormon Church in Utah." P h . D .

1935, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BENTLEY, ANTHONY IVINS. "Social and Utopian T h o u g h t in the Writ-

ings of Joseph Smith and Other Mormons." M.A. 1940, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BERFORD, STUART R. "Intramural Athletics in the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast Conferences." M.S. 1933, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

BIDDULPH, LOWELL G. " T h e Status of Physical Education in the Schools of the Intermountain Junior College League." M.A. 1939, University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan.

BILDERBACK, JAMES CLIFFORD. "Masonry and Mormonism, Nauvoo, Illi-

nois, 1841-1847." M.A. 1937, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

BILLINGS, W . D . AND THOMPSON, JOHN H . "Vegetational Zonation in

the Great Basin of Western North America." M.S. 1950, University of Nevada, Reno, Nevada.

BISHOP, LEROY. " A Survey of the Tintic H i g h School, Eureka, Utah."

M.S. 1942, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California. . "Utah — A Study of Educational Resources." E d . D . 1947, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

"Utah — A Study of H u m a n Resources." Field Study 1946, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

BJORKLUND, ELAINE M. "Changing Occupance in Davis County, Utah."

M.A. 1951, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

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BLACK, THERAL R. "Child-Rearing Practices in Dragerton, U t a h : T h e Relation Between Social Status of Family and Restrictiveness in Child-Rearing Practices." P h . D . 1951, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

BLACK, WILFRED W . "Historians and die Tradition of Pioneer Hardships." P h . D . 1942, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

BLAIR, ALMA ROBERTS. " A n Analysis of Variations in Ideas in Certain

Religious Education Materials of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 1830 to 1945." M.A. 1955, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

BLANCH, GEORGE THOMAS. " A n Economic Analysis of Dairy Cash Crop Farms in the Market Area of Ogden, Utah, 1937 to 1939." P h . D .

1941, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York.

BLASE, FRED WOODWARD. "Political History of Idaho Territory." M.A.

1926, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BLOUNT, BERTHA. " T h e Apaches in United States History, 1846-1886."

M.A. 1919, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BLYTHIN, MARGARET A. " T h e Kern Diaries, 1848-1849: A Contribution to Western History." M.A. 1940, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BOCK, COMFORT MARGARET. " T h e Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day

Saints in the Hawaiian Islands." M.A. 1941, University of Hawaii, Honolulu.

BONAR, CHESTER M. "Geology of Ephraim Area, Utah." M.S. 1948, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

BOUQUET, FRANCIS LESTER. "A Compilation of the Original Documents

Concerning the Nauvoo, Illinois, Mormon Settlement." 5 volumes.

S.T.D. 1938, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

BOYLE, CLARENCE SIDNEY.

" A Survey of Business Education in the

Public H i g h Schools of the State of Utah." P h . D . 1942, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

BRADFORD, REED HOWARD.

"A M o r m o n Village: A Study in Rural

Social Organization." Master's Thesis 1939, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

BREW, JOHN OTIS.

" T h e Archaeology of Southeastern Utah and Its

Place in the History of the Southwest." P h . D . 1941, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

THESES A N D D I S S E R T A T I O N S ON MORMONS

91

BRIMHALL, WILLIS H . "Stratigraphy and Structural Geology of the N o r t h e r n Deer Creek Reservoir Area, Provo Canyon, Utah."

Master's Thesis 1951, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.

BRINLEY, ELDON DENZIL. " T h e Recreational Life of the M o r m o n Peo-

ple."

E d . D . 1943, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

BROOKER, RAYMOND L. " T h e Mormon Movement in Missouri." Master's Essay 1932, Kansas State Teachers College, Pittsburg, Kansas.

BROUGH, CHARLES H I L L M A N .

"Irrigation in Utah."

P h . D . 1898, T h e

Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland.

BROUGHTON, HAROLD EDWARD. " A Comparative Study of the Source of

Ideas of the Apostle Paul and Joseph Smith, with Reference to the Present Appeal to Youth." Master's Thesis 1933, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BROWN, ROYAL ALLEN. " T h e Social P r o g r a m of the Mormon Church."

M.S. 1938, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BURKE, CASEEL D . " A n Evaluative Study of Elementary Teacher Education in Utah." P h . D . 1954, University of California, Berkeley, California.

BURLINGAME, G. " T h e Role of Social Situations in the Origin and Development of Religious Attitudes of a Selected Group." Master's Thesis 1928, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

BURNETT, MYRTLE M I N N I E . " T h e Industries of the Mormons, 1847-1900."

M A . 1936, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

Buss, FRED EARLE. " T h e Physiography of the Southern Wasatch Mountains and Adjacent Valley Lands, with Special Reference to the Original Topographic Forms." Thesis 1924, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

BYRNE, LAURA L. " T h e Federal Indian Policy in Utah, 1848-1865."

M.A. 1920, University of California, Berkeley, California.

CALDEMEYER, R. H . " T h e Overland Mail and Stage to Salt Lake City, 1847-1861." Master's Thesis 1939, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri.

CALDWELL, GAYLON LORAY. " M o r m o n Conceptions of Individual Rights

and Political Obligation." P h . D . 1952, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

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CALEF, WESLEY CARR. "Land Associations and Occupance Problems in

Uinta Country."

Illinois.

Thesis 1948, University of Chicago, Chicago,

CAMPBELL, EUGENE E. "A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in California, 1846-1946." P h . D . 1952, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

CAMPBELL, R U T H JANE. "St. Joseph, Missouri: Gateway to the West."

M.A. 1946, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

CANNON, KENNETH L . "Changes in Divorce Rates for Selected Rural and Urban Areas in Utah and Iowa." M.S. 1948, Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

CANNON, M. H A M L I N . " T h e 'Gathering' of British Mormons to Western America: A Study in Religious Migration." P h . D . 1950, American University, Washington, D.C. . " T h e Mormon W a r : A Study in Territorial Rebellion."

M.A. 1938, George Washington University, Washington, D . C .

CARLSON, ELLEN O. " T h e Latter Day Saints as a Factor in Illinois History." M A . 1926, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

CARNAHAN, THOMAS SAMUEL.

" T h e Development of the Little Bell

Mine, Park City, Utah." Master's Essay 1905, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York. . "Underground Mining Methods of Utah Copper Company." E.Mi. 1916, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.

CARTER, D O N CURRY. " T h e Administration of Juvenile Detention in Utah." Master's Thesis 1948, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

CHASE, DARYL. "Sidney Rigdon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Early Mormon." M.A. 1931, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

CHEEL, CHESTER WALTER.

"Historic Development of Western Utah,

Between 118 to 120 Degrees West Longitude, 1827-1861." M.A. 1939, University of Nevada, Reno, Nevada.

CHERNISS, SHIRLEE BALABAN. " A Social Study of T w o Experiments in

Communal Living: T h e Mormon United Order and the Israeli Kibbutz." M.A. 1951, University of California, Berkeley, California.

CHEVILLE, ROY ARTHUR. " T h e Role of Religious Education in the Accommodation of a Sect." P h . D . 1942, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

93

CHILDERSTON, HARRY VERNE. "Relative Economy and Efficiency of the

County Unit System of Utah and the District System of Colorado."

M.S. 1939, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

CHOATE, JULIAN E. " T h e Myth of the American Cowboy: A Study of the Cattleman's Frontier in History and Fiction." P h . D . 1954, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee.

CHRISTENSEN, ANDREW L E E . "Geology and Physiography of Deer Creek and Silver Fork Tributaries of American Fork Canyon, Wasatch Mountain, Utah." M.A. 1928, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

CHRISTIANSEN, FRANCIS W . "Geology of the Canyon Range, Utah."

Ph.D. 1948, Princeton University, Princeton, N e w Jersey.

CHRISTOPHERSON, VICTOR A. "Family Life and Family Life Education in the Mormon Church from Early Times to the Present Day." Ed.D. 1953, Columbia University Teachers College, N e w York, N e w York.

CLARK, HERALD RAY. "A Study of Bank Failure." M.A. 1924, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

COFFMAN, W I L L I A M E L M O . " T h e Geography of the Utah Valley Cres-

cent." P h . D . 1944, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

CONRAD, WARREN D . "College Training for Vocational Teachers in the Rocky Mountain Area." Master's Report 1948, Colorado A. & M. College, Fort Collins, Colorado.

COOK, EARL FERGUSON. "Geology of the Pine Valley Mountains, Utah."

Ph.D. 1954, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

COOPER, LOIS LAIL. " A Study of Local News in the Missouri Weekly from 1831 to 1931." M.A. 1933, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.

CORAY, GEORGE. " T h e Mormon People." Master's Essay 1904, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

CORBIN, HARRY F I N C H , JR. " T h e Social Values of Modern Mormon-

ism." B.D. 1943, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

CORCORAN, JOHN D E N N I S . " A n Appraisal of the Governments of Ogden

City and Weber County, Utah." M.S. 1942, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

CORTEZ, H E L E N MAGDALENE. " T h e Rise of the Liberal Party in Utah."

M.A. 1929, University of California, Berkeley, California.

94

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HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

COTTAM, WALTER PACE. " A n Ecological Study of the Flora of Utah

Lake, Utah." P h . D . 1926, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

COULTER, HENRY W., JR. "Geology of the Southeast Portion of the Preston Quadrangle, Idaho-Utah." P h . D . 1954, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

COWAN, DORA. "St Joseph, Missouri, as a Starting Point for Western Emigration, Freight, and Mail." M.A. 1939, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.

COWLES, LEON L E R O Y .

" A n Investigation of the A t t a i n m e n t of the

Aims of Modern Language Teaching by the Pupils in the Secondary Schools of Utah." M.S. 1934, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

COWLES, LEROY EUGENE. " T h e Utah Educational P r o g r a m of 1919 and

Factors Conditioning Its Operation." P h . D . 1927, University of California, Berkeley, California.

Cox, DOROTHY JUNE. "Mormonism in Illinois." M.A. 1951, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Illinois.

CRANE, ALMA E. " T h e Participation of Young People in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.A. 1937, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

CRAWFORD, JACKE NEWTON. "Fort Supply, Wyoming's First Agricultural Settlement." M.A. 1939, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

CRAWFORD, THELMA. "Transportation Across the Great Plains, 18491865." M.A. 1921, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

CREER, LELAND HARGRAVE. "Utah and the Nation, 1846-1861." P h . D .

1926, University of California, Berkeley, California.

CROFT, EVAN M. " T h e Status of Teachers of Business Subjects in the Public H i g h Schools of Utah." M.S. 1941, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

CROY, HAZEL M. "A History of Education in San Bernardino during the Mormon Period." P h . D . 1955, University of California, Los Angeles, California.

CUMMINGS, CHARLES EDWIN. " T h e M o r m o n System of Colonization."

M.A. 1946, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

CUMMINS, DENSIL H . "Social and Economic History of Southwestern Colorado, 1860-1948." P h . D . 1951, University of Texas, Austin, Texas.

THESES A N D D I S S E R T A T I O N S ON M O R M O N S

95

CUSHMAN, R. B. "American Religious Societies in Norway." P h . D .

1942, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

CUTLER, HAROLD HARRIS. "Property T a x Levies in Utah." P h . D . 1949,

Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

DAHL, HARRY M. "Alteration in the Central Uranium Area, Marysvale, Utah." P h . D . 1954, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

DAHLQUIST, JOHN W . " A Comparison of the Salient Features of the Public School System of Utah and North Dakota." Master's Thesis 1932, N o r t h Dakota Agricultural College, Fargo, North Dakota.

DALY, WALTER K I R K .

" T h e Settling of Panguitch Valley, U t a h :

A

Study in M o r m o n Colonization." M.A. 1941, University of California, Berkeley, California.

DANE, CARLE H . "Geology of the Salt Valley Anticline and the Northwest Flank of the Uncompahgre Plateau, Utah." P h . D . 1932, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

DAVIES, GEORGE KALB. "A History of the Presbyterian Church in Utah."

Ph.D. 1952, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

DAVIES, MAURICE BROWN. "Some Factors Affecting Fertility Rates in the Intermountain Region: A Correlative Analysis." P h . D . 1940, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

DAY, W I L L I A M H . " T h e Marketing of Colorizer Paint (a Case Study of an Innovation Developed by Bennett's, a Regional Paint Manufacturer Located in Salt Lake City, U t a h ) . " P h . D . 1953, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

DAYTON, DELLO G. " T h e Mountain Rendez-vous, 1824-1839." M.A. 1939, University of California, Berkeley, California.

DEAN, W I L L I A M NELSON. " T h e Mormons of the El Dorado Stake and

the Valley City W a r d : A Study in Social Norms and Their Effectiveness." P h . D . 1954, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri.

DEBOER, RAY L . " A Historical Study of Mormon Education and the Influence of Its Philosophy on Public Education in Utah." E d . D .

1951, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

DEFORD, PLEASANT CLAY.

" T h e M o r m o n Occupation of Missouri."

M.A. 1919, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

96

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

D E H A R T , WILLIAM A. "Relation Between Religious Affiliation and Population Fertility in Selected Counties of Utah and Adjoining States." Master's Thesis 1941, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.

DENHALTER, WILSON CHARLES. " A Sociological Analysis of the Official

Literature of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints."

Master's Thesis 1954, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

DENNEN, W . L. " T h e Yampa Vein of Bingham, Utah." M.S. 1920, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

DIAL, J. H . " A Comparison of the County Unit System in Utah with the District System in Oklahoma." Master's Thesis 1937, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

DITMARS, R. MAUD. "History of Baptist Missions in Utah, 1871-1931."

M A . 1931, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

DIXON, HELEN. "Ecological Studies on the H i g h Plateaus of Utah."

Ph.D. 1933, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

DIXON, HENRY A. " T h e Management of Permanent School Funds as Illustrated by a Study of the Utah Endowment." P h . D . 1937, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

DONE, G. BYRON. " T h e Participation of the Latter-day Saints in the Community Life of Los Angeles." P h . D . 1939, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California. . " A Study of Mormon-Gentile Intermarriage in Los Angeles, California." M.A. 1937, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

DOTY, INA. " A Survey of Business Education in the Four-Year Colleges of Utah, 1940-41." Master's Thesis 1941, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

DUNLAP, FLORENCE M C L U R E . "Samuel Brannan." M.A. 1928, Univer-

sity of California, Berkeley, California.

D U N N , FRANK KUEHLE. " A Description and Evaluation of the Welfare

Plan of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.A. 1948, Colorado College, Colorado Springs, Colorado.

D U N N , PAUL M. " A Study of Some Forest Tree Plantings on Agricultural Land and Watershed Areas in Utah Showing Methods of Reforestation and First Results." Master's Thesis 1933, Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

THESES A N D D I S S E R T A T I O N S ON MORMONS

97

DURHAM, LOWELL M . " T h e Role and History of Music in the Mormon Church." M.A. 1942, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

DURRANT, STEPHEN D . " T h e Mammals of Utah, Taxonomy and Distribution." P h . D . 1950, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas.

DUSENBERRY, ROBERT B. "Attitude T o w a r d Religion in Representative Novels of the American Frontier, 1820 to 1890." P h . D . 1952, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

DUTTON, GRANVILLE WIDDOWS. "Travel and Transportation to Califor-

nia via Panama, 1848-1858." M.A. 1939, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

DWYER, REV. ROBERT JOSEPH. " T h e Gentile Comes to U t a h : A Study

in Religious and Social Conflict (1862-1890)." P h . D . 1941, Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. EARNSHAW, W I L L I A M ARNOLD. " T h e Employment Placement Program

of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.B.A. 1952, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

EGGERTSON, PAUL. " A Study of the Effect of Changing Economic Conditions on the Schools of Utah During the Decade 1930 to 1940."

Ed.D. 1942, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

ELLIOTT, H E L E N ELIZABETH. " A n Archeological Survey of Utah." M.A.

1942, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

ELLISON, LINCOLN. "Subalpine Vegetation of the Wasatch Plateau."

Ph.D. 1948, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.

ELLSWORTH, SAMUEL GEORGE. "History of Mormon Missionary Activi-

ties in the United States and Canada, 1830-1846." M.A. 1947, University of California, Berkeley, California. . " A History of Mormon Missions in the United States and Canada, 1830-1860." P h . D . 1951, University of California, Berkeley, California.

EMERSON, ETHEL M A E . " T h e Relation of the United States Government to the Mormon Church." M.A. 1933, Oklahoma A. & M. College, Stillwater, Oklahoma.

ENGLAND, ORVIL CHARLES.

"Comparative University Achievement of

Students H a v i n g 11-Year and 12-Year Elementary-Secondary School Preparation." E d . D . 1948, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

98

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

ERICKSEN, EPHRAIM EDWARD. " T h e Psychological and Ethical Aspects

of Mormon Group Life." P h . D . 1918, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

EVANS, EDMUND E M I L . "A Historical Study of die D r a m a of the Latter

Day Saints." P h . D . 1941, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

EVANS, PANSY ALICE (Mrs. S. R. I n c h ) . " A Plant Ecology Study in

Utah." P h . D . 1925, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

EYRING, ROSE. " T h e Portrayal of the California Gold-Rush Period in Imaginative Literature from 1848 to 1875." P h . D . 1944, University of California, Berkeley, California.

FACER, ELDEN JACKSON. "Trends in Financial Soundness of Utah Banks, 1929-1947." P h . D . 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

FAWCETT, HELEN. " T h e San Francisco Vigilance Committee of 1856."

M.A. 1929, University of California, Berkeley, California.

FITZGERALD, JOHN W I L L I A M . "One H u n d r e d Years of Education in a

Utah Community."

California.

FLANDERS, ROBERT BRUCE.

E d . D . 1948, Stanford University, Stanford, " T h e Mormons W h o D i d N o t Go West:

A Study of the Emergence of the Re-organized Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints." M.A. 1954, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

FLEMMING, JOHN ELLSWORTH. " T h e Political Relations of the Mormons

with the United States, 1849-1896, as Discovered in Government Documents." M.A. 1935, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w

York.

FLITTIE, EDWIN G. "Fertility and Mortality in the Rocky Mountain West: A Study in Demography and Ecology." P h . D . 1955, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

FORRESTER, JAMES DONALD. "Structure of the Uinta Mountains." Ph.D.

1935, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York.

FOSTER, H . M I N N I E . "History of Mormon Settlements in Mexico and N e w Mexico." Master's Thesis 1927, University of N e w Mexico, Albuquerque, N e w Mexico.

FOULGER, JAMES R. " T h e Public Junior College â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with Special Reference to the State of Utah." P h . D . 1947, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

THESES AND DISSERTATIONS ON MORMONS

99

Fox, FERRAMORZ YOUNG. " T h e Mormon Land System. A Study of the Settlement and Utilization of Land Under the Direction of the M o r m o n Church." P h . D . 1932, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

FREDERICK, JAMES VINCENT. " T h e Holladay Overland Mail and Express

Company." P h . D . 1937, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

FREECE, H A N S PETER.

" T h e M o r m o n Church and the Union Pacific

Railroad." Master's Essay 1909, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

FUHRIMAN, WALTER ULRICH. "Property T a x Delinquency in Utah with

Special Reference to Delinquency on F a r m Property Taxes." Thesis 1936, University of California, Berkeley, California.

F U N K , ROBERT AND HURST, HAROLD E. " A n Appraisal of Local Govern-

ment in Davis County, Utah." M.S. 1940, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

FURR, CARL JETHRO. " T h e Religious Philososphy of Brigham Young."

Ph.D. 1937, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

GAMETT, LAVELL CLARENCE. "Proposal for Reorganizing the Industrial

Arts Program at Brigham Young University." M.S. 1950, Oregon State College, Corvallis, Oregon.

GARWOOD, JOHN DELVERT. "Industrial Migration to the West: A n Analy-

sis of Post-War Location Policies of N e w Manufacturing Enterprises in Colorado and Utah." P h . D . 1951, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

GEDDES, JOSEPH ARCH. " T h e United Order A m o n g the Mormons (Missouri Phase)." P h . D . 1924, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

G E H M A N , HARRY MERRILL.

"Geology of the Notch Peak Intrusive,

Millard County, Utah." M.S. 1954, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York.

GILLIGAN, JAMES P . " T h e Development of Policy and Administration of Forest Service Primitive and Wilderness Areas in the Western United States." P h . D . 1954, University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan.

GILLILAND, W I L L I A M N . "Geology of the Gunnison Quadrangle, Utah."

P h . D . 1948, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

100

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

GILLULY, JAMES. "Geology of a Part of the San Rafael Swell, Utah."

Ph.D. 1926, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

GIRARD, EDWARD NELSON.

"Guidance Programs in Utah Secondary

Schools." E d . D . 1952, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

GLEDHILL, PRESTON R. "Mormon Dramatic Activities." P h . D . 1951, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

GOODRIDGE, RANDOLPH. "A Review of Rocky Mountain Structure." M.S. 1928, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

GOULD, LAURENCE M C K I N L E Y . " T h e Geology of the La Sal Mountains

of Utah." Sc.D. 1925, University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan.

Gow, P . A. "Report on the Property of the Daly-Judge Mining Company, Park City, Utah." S.P. 1907, Colorado School of Mines, Golden, Colorado.

GRANGER, ARTHUR E. "Geologic Aspects of Torrential Floods in Northern Utah." M.S. 1939, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

GRAY, CHARLES WENDELL. " T h e Growth of Manufacturing in the Moun-

tain States, 1939-1947, with Special Reference to Colorado and Utah." M A . 1949, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

GRAY, ROBERT MACK.

"A Study of the Personal Adjustment of the

Aged Members of the Mormon Church." P h . D . 1954, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

GREAVES, HALBERT SPENCER. "Public Speaking in Utah, 1847 to 1869."

Ph.D. 1941, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

GREEN, JACK. " T h e Marysvale Canyon Area, Marysvale, Utah." Ph.D. 1954, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

GROVER, ELIZE JEANETTE. " T h e Establishment of Territorial Govern-

ment in Utah and the Struggle for Statehood, 1849-1862." M. Letters 1913, University of California, Berkeley, California. (to be continued

in April

issue)

CROFUTT'S

NEW

OVERLAND TOURIST -AND-

I

PACIFIC COAST

GUIDE,

C O N T A I N I N G A C O N D E N S E D A N D Al THENT1C D E S C R I P T I O N O F OVER

I One Thousand Two H u n d r e d Cities, Towns, Villages, Stations, Government v

o r t and Camps, Mountains, Lakes, Rivers, Sulphur, Soda and Hot Springs, Scenen , "Watering Places, and Summer Resorts; AVHKKK

I To look for and hunt tlir Buffalo, Antelope, Deer and other game; Trout Fishing, etc., etc.

In fact, to tell yonivliat is worth seeing—-where to see it—where to go how to go—and whom to stof with while passing over the

UNION, CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN PACIFIC RAILROADS, Their Branches and Connections, by Rail, Water and Stage, FROM

S U N R I S E T O SUNSET, A N D P A R T T H E W A Y BACK; Through Nebraska, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, California and Arizona.

BY CEO. A. CROFUTT,

AUTHOR

OF " G R E A T

TRANS-CONTINENTAL RAILROAD GUIDE," A N D " CROFUTT's TRANS-CONTINENTAL TOURIST."

VOL.

1—1878-9.

CHICAGO,

ILLINOIS:

THE OVERLAND PUBLISHING COMPANY. Sold by News Agents on the Railroads, at News-stands, and at the Book Stores throughout the United States.

ELI S. DENISON, General News Agent Central and Southern Pacific railroadB, General Agent for th Pacific Coast, Sacramento and San Francisco.

Entered according to Act of Congress, In the year 187S, by A. M. CHOKLTT, In the office of the Librarian of Congress at Wellington, D . C

A title-page from an early travel "brochure!' Such publications served to advertise and disseminate much real as well as romantic information about the West while they lured the prospective tourist and homeseeker with grandiose descriptions.

UTAH

" I

STATE

I

I

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY