Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 27, Number 2, 1959

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

April, 1959

ABOUT THE COVER

Pony Express Rider.

A WILLIAM H . JACKSON PAINTING REPRODUCED COURTESY OF CLARENCE S. JACKSON

CONTENTS ThePony

Express,Heroic

Effort—Tragic

End,BY RAYMOND w. SETTLE. . 103

Utah and the Coming of the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad,

BY ROBERT G. ATHEARN

129

The Utah Idaho Central Railroad, BY PHILIP E. SORENSEN

145'

The Apostasy of Samuel Brannan, BY EUGENE E. CAMPBELL

157

Selections from A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations Concerning Utah or the Mormons Written outside the State of Utah, BY IDA-MARIE CLARK LOGAN (conclusion)

Reviews and Recent Publications ARRINGTON, Great Basin Kingdom.

169

An Economic History of the

Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900, BY DALE L. MORGAN HAFEN AND HAFEN, The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858,

BY HAMILTON GARDNER

191

193

LAVENDER, Land of Giants: The Drive to the Pacific Northwest, 1750-1950,

BY PHILIP c. STURGES

194

BJORK, West of the Great Divide. Norwegian Migration to the Pacific Coast, 1847-1893, BY WILLIAM MULDER

196

SANDOZ, The Cattlemen from the Rio Grande Across the Far Marias,

BY W. TURRENTINE JACKSON

Other Publications

197

199

ILLUSTRATIONS William H. Russell, Alexander Majors, William B. Waddell

102

Pony Express letters

'"6

Russell, Majors & Waddell Bible

I 15

Pony Express Notice of Rate Reductions

117

Bill of the Kansas Valley Bank; Promissory note issued to W. B. Waddell 122 William Jackson Palmer

' "

D & RG single track lines in Utah

'32

D&RG

134

depot in Salt Lake City; Train crossing the Colorado River

David Eccles, M. S. Browning

'44

Collinston hill track; Freight train in Logan City

149 153

Birney model street car 156 Samuel Brannan Yerba Buena, 1846-47; Old Custom House Brannan s home in San Francisco

16' 00

WILLIAM H. RUSSELL (1812-1872)

Russell, a volatile New Englander, engaged in many successful and unsuccessful business ventures before he joined R.M.&W. Ii was he who insisted upon proving the practicability of the Central Route for the Pony Express, and at one time was hailed in the nation as the "Napoleon of the West."

Majors, born in Kentucky, engaged early in the freighting business. As a partner in R.M. & W. firm, he took responsibility for all the business on the road. He believed that orderly, sober, God-fearing men made the most efficient employees and would tolerate no other kind.

Waddell, born in Virginia, engaged in farming in his early years, operated a dry goods store in Kentucky, later moved to Lexington, Missouri, operated a store and engaged in other successful businesses before finally joining Russell and Majors.

WILLIAM BRADFORD WADDELL (1807-1872)

1857 Russell, Majors and Waddell had e government contract to carry supplies r the Army for Utah, which enterprise, as turned out, proved to be a financial ;bacle for all parties concerned.

THE HEROIC

PONY

EXPRESS

EFFORT — T R A G I C

END

By Raymond W. Settle*

Everyone connected with the Pony Express knew, from the very beginning, that it would operate only temporarily. On April 3, 1860, in a celebration commemorating the start of the first rider from St. Joseph, Missouri, Alexander Majors, partner in the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell, which founded, operated, and owned the Express, said in a speech that it was but the forerunner of "a more important and greater enterprise, which must soon reach its culmination, viz., the construction of a road upon which a tireless iron horse will start his overland journey."1 Mayor M. Jeff Thompson grew prophetic on the same occasion, and said, "Hardly will the cloud of dust which envelops the rider die away before the puff of steam will be seen upon the horizon."

That a railroad from the Missouri River to the Pacific Coast, which both speakers had in mind, would make the Pony Express unnecessary and terminate its service was both logical and inevitable. William H. Russell, another partner in the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell and president of the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company, who had helped promote several short railroads in Missouri * Mr. Settle is the author oÂŁ several articles and books on the Pony Express era, among them Empire on Wheels published in 1949 and Saddles and Spurs in 1955. Illustrations for this article not otherwise indicated are reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Waddell F. Smith and the Pony Express History and Art Gallery, San Rafael, California.

'Arthur Chapman, The Pony Express (New York, 1932), 105.

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a few years before, also knew this,2 and so did William B. Waddell, the third partner.

Public interest in a transcontinental railroad across the plains and mountains was keen, and mounting year by year. Mayor Thompson and the people of St. Joseph had been dreaming dreams and seeing visions about the proposition for a long time. The recent completion of the Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad, the first to be built across the state, and plans to push the Roseport & Palmetto line across the plains of Kansas to Denver, with the expectation of later extending it all the way to the Pacific Coast, made them believe their little city of St. Joseph was destined to be the gateway to the boundless West.3 Since the Pony Express constitutes an important segment of the story of transporting United States mail to the Pacific Coast, it is necessary to outline that broader narrative here. It all began with the discovery of gold at Sutter's mill in California on January 24,1848. During the following year 100,000 people rushed into that region seeking riches.

In 1850 the population was estimated to be about 300,000. By the time the Pony Express was started it numbered almost 400,000.4 The first agitation for mail service to the Pacific Coast was promoted by immigrants to Oregon. In March, 1847, a bill to provide this service, which included the building of five steamships under the supervision of the secretary of the navy, was passed by Congress. While the ships were being constructed, contracts for transporting the mail to Oregon via the Isthmus of Panama were let. The one for the Atlandc end of the line went to A. G. Sloo, of Ohio, and that for the Pacific to Arnold Harris, of Arkansas. In April, 1848, William Aspinwall formed the Pacific Steamship Company. Sloo transferred his contract to George Law, and that of Harris went to Aspinwall.5 The service was to be once a month, with a stop at the infant town of San Francisco. While the first steamer, the California, was en route to the Pacific around Cape Horn, gold was discovered at Sutter's mill. When the ship reached San Francisco she was left stranded in the bay by her entire crew, who stampeded off to the gold diggings.

From the beginning the once a month arrangement was unsatisfactory to the people of Oregon and California. The majority in both terri2

Lexington Weekly Express, October 2, December 22, 1852; April 6, 1853.

Contract Between Citizens of St. Joseph, Missouri, and William H. Russell and W. B, Waddell, representing the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company, March 2, 1860. Record Book X, Buchanan County, Missouri, 508-11. ' Chapman, op. cit., 30.

"Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Oregon (2 vols., San Francisco, 1886-88), II, 187. s

THE

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tories, having come overland from the Missouri River, were convinced that a mail line over the same road would render far better service than a sea route via Panama.

Thus, the stage was set for a long, bitter, sectional controversy between the advocates of the Central and Southern routes to the Pacific Coast. The dispute continued for about a dozen years but was abruptly terminated by the outbreak of the Civil War.6 The people of the west coast not only wanted more frequent, regular service, but also a speedier one. After several unsatisfactory attempts to establish a line on the Central Route by way of Salt Lake City, Congress, in 1857, authorized a semiweekly overland mail to California on a twenty-five day schedule, with pay of $600,000.00 per year.

The route, chosen by the postmaster general, ran from St. Louis through Little Rock, Arkansas, El Paso and Preston, Texas, Forts Fillmore and Yuma, Arizona, to San Diego and San Francisco— a distance of approximately 2,800 miles. In the East it became known as the "Horseshoe" or "Ox-bow Route."

The contract to carry the mail over this long route was given to the Overland Mail Company, whose president, John Butterfield, was also one of the organizers of the American Express Company. This concern, which had much to do with the Pony Express during the last four months of its existence, was organized and financed by representatives of the four principal express companies in the country, the American, Adams, National, and Wells Fargo.

Before service on this line began, a storm of protest over its length was raised in California and the East. In spite of complaints, however, Butterfield laid out his route, built stations, bought equipment, and stocked it with good horses. Service began on September 16, 1858. The criticisms continued in spite of the fact that the coaches ran with amazing regularity and on schedule time.

About the time the Overland Mail Company went into operation, gold was discovered in Colorado. The great number of people who flocked to the new El Dorado on Cherry Creek led William H. Russell and John S. Jones to organize the Leavenworth & Pike's Peak Express Company and run a line of stages from Leavenworth, Kansas, to the infant town of Denver.7 The organization of this company introduced B Raymond W. and Mary Lund Settle, Empire on Wheels (Stanford, California, 1949), 123- Roscoe P. and Margaret B. Conkling, The Butterfield Overland Mail 1857-1869 (3 vols., Glendale, 1947), II, 325 ff.

7 Settle, op. cit., 33.

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•;

*-ÂŁlJUr

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7

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The above letter written by General Mariano Vallejo, last Mexican military commandante in northern California, to his son Plato Vallejo in New York was posted in San Francisco, carried by boat to Sacramento, and from there was carried by Pony Express to St. Joseph, Missouri, a distance of 1,966 miles.

This letter, mailed in Denver on June 19, 1960, was canceled at St. Joseph, Missouri, seven days and approximately seven hundred miles later. At the time it was carried, the Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express Company operated a daily stage from the Missouri River to Denver, K. T. (then Kansas Territory), a semiweekly stage to Salt Lake City, and a semimonthly stage to California, in addition to running a semiweekly Pony Express from the Missouri River to California.

THE

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Russell to the stagecoach and express business and opened to him the possibilities of transporting the mail to California over the Central Route.

About a week before the line went into actual operation he bought J. M. Hockaday & Company's contract to carry mail from the Missouri River to Salt Lake City.8 The Leavenworth & Pike's Peak Express Company was destined for only a brief existence. Because of the firm's inability to pay running expenses and notes owing for equipment and stock, Russell, Majors & Waddell were compelled to take over the line on October 28, 1859. Instead of discontinuing the former, a new concern, the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company, was organized to absorb it.8 Without a doubt competition with the Overland Mail Company for the business of carrying the mail to the west coast was one of the primary reasons for organizing the new company. On May 11, 1860, the postmaster general annulled George Chorpenning's contract for carrying the mail from Salt Lake City to the west coast, and awarded it to the Central Overland California Pike's Peak Express Company. This put the company into the stagecoach, express, and mail business for the territory from the Missouri River to California over the Central Route and in a position to compete with the Overland Mail Company.

Although the Central Overland now had two mail contracts on that route, the combined pay was only $260,000.00 per year, less than half the amount the Overland Mail Company received. That, as experience quickly demonstrated, was not even enough to pay the actual expenses of operation. It did, however, encourage the friends and advocates of the Central Route to hope that a contract to carry all of the mail might be eventually secured.

In normal circumstances and with the Pony Express to dramatize and keep that route in the public mind, both in the East and West, the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell and their new company might have wrested the great mail contract away from its rival, the Overland Mail Company. The struggle between the giants, however, never progressed beyond the preliminary stage of jockeying for position. The probabilities are that had the threat of civil war been abated in 1860 there would have been two lines with profitable mail contracts covering them. The one could have served southern California, and the other the central and northern portion and the Northwest. Under this arrangement good 8 0

Ibid., 43.

Ibid., 57.

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service could have been provided and the sectional controversy over the routes satisfactorily compromised.

The situation in the nation as a whole, however, in the year 1860 was not normal. Following the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the presidency of the United States in June of that year, the bitterest campaign in American history got under way. While it was in progress, Governor Gist, of South Carolina, sent a circular letter to the chief executives of the other cotton states inquiring whether they were ready to secede from the Union in the event Lincoln was elected.

Although the response, as a whole, was not reassuring, the legislature of that state convened on November 5,1860, to choose presidential electors as usual. Instead of doing so it issued a call for a secession convention. This body assembled, adopted a "Declaration of Independence," and on December 20 voted unanimously to secede from the Union. During the next six months or so nine other states followed South Carolina's lead.10 When Congress convened in December, 1860, the hoary "battle of the routes" was resumed. In spite of the fact diat Southern influence and power declined daily by the secession of states and the resignation of members of both Houses, the struggle promised to be almost as bitter as ever.

On February 2,1861, the annual Post Route bill, which provided for a daily mail from the Missouri River to California with pay of $800,000.00 per year, was introduced. This did not designate the Central Route, but apparently its backers had it in mind. Senator William M. Gwin, of California, thought the pay should be $1,000,000.00 and that the contract should go to Russell, Majors & Waddell and their Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company.11 William H. Russell and William B. Dinsmore, president of Adams Express Company and also John Butterfield's successor as president of the Overland Mail Company, were both in Washington at this time.

Moreover, they were without doubt carrying on negotiations relative to the consolidation of the two routes. That this was so is indicated by the fact the Post Office and Roads Committee of the Senate was debating this very thing. What happened later regarding those routes and the plan adopted by the rival companies is further evidence of it. Therefore, it is plain that with the decline of Southern power in Congress a move to 10 Henry William Elston, History of the United States of America (New York, 1914), XXVI, 628-29.

"Settle, op. cit., 121-22.

THE

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settle the issue and at the same time conserve the interests of both great companies was being organized.

Unfortunately a common sense plan did not mature. While the Post Route bill was being debated in the Senate, and before the Post Office and Roads Committee of the same body had made a report, word reached Washington that the Overland Mail line had been "cut up by the roots" by the Confederates in Texas and all its stages stopped. This was all too true. The mail had been halted at Fort Smith, Arkansas, in the east and Tucson, Arizona, in the west. The stage station at Syracuse, Missouri, and the principal railroad bridges on the Missouri Pacific Railroad west of St. Louis had been burned. Service on the Southern Route was never resumed. For a period of approximately three months the only mail service the people of the west coast had was carried to them by Pony Express and the Russell, Majors & Waddell Company or by sea.

If this company ever received any extra pay for the added burden and expense it cheerfully bore during that interim, no record of it exists.

The Overland Mail Company, however, received full pay during the time its line was out of commission and $50,000.00 besides for losses in stock and equipment.12 With Texas out of the Union and Confederate forces being rapidly mobilized in Arkansas and Missouri, it was obviously impossible to continue the transportation of mail to California over the Southern Route.

For the time being the Overland Mail Company was out of business, a casualty of the war.

The breaking up of that company's line and the stopping of mail to California over it presented the government with as pretty a dilemma as one could hope to find. The Overland Mail Company had faithfully discharged its obligations under its contract, and the stoppage of the mail to California could in no manner be charged to it. The case was so simple and plain that everybody's sympathy was aroused, and no one thought of attempting to find grounds for annulling the contract and awarding it to the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company. Neither was there any complaint against the Central Overland's handling of the mail on the Central Route; nor was there any reason for annulling its two contracts and awarding them to the Overland Mail Company. To further complicate the situation, the financial condition of both companies, plus the shattered economic structure of the whole country, made it almost impossible for either of them to secure 12

Settle, op. cit., 121-22; Conkling, op. cit., II, 325-26.

MO

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large loans which would be necessary if one company were to attempt to carry the whole burden alone.

The truth of the matter was there was no simple, easy way out of the dilemma. The Overland Mail Company had the main contract for transporting mail to California, but no line over which to travel. The Russell, Majors & Waddell Company had two minor contracts and the only open, unexposed route. What to do ? Solution of the dilemma by the process of annullment and the certain ruin of one of the contractors was not considered.

And something had to be done, for the regular flow of mail to and from California had to be maintained at any cost. A movement to carry that state out of the Union, or divide it North and South, was already being promoted with some promise of success. If California seceded, her gold would be denied the hard-pressed Union. Furthermore, if that catastrophe occurred, the position of Oregon and Washington would be jeopardized.

Without a doubt the dilemma was solved by an understanding between William H. Russell, William B. Dinsmore, and Congressional leaders as to what could and should be done in the crisis. Five days after the news of the disaster to the Overland Mail Company reached Washington, the Senate Finance Committee reported the Post Office appropriation bill. This provided for the bodily removal of the Overland Mail Company from the Southern to the Central Route, letter mail on a twenty-day schedule eight months of the year and twenty-three days for the remaining time, and the continuation of the Pony Express semiweekly until the transcontinental telegraph line was completed. The pay was $1,000,000.00 per year.13 The swift, smooth progress of the bill through both branches of Congress, together with what happened immediately afterward, indicates previously considered plans, harmony, and understanding between all parties concerned.

The bill was approved by President Buchanan on March 2,1861, and became the law of the land immediately. On March 12, E. S. Childs, acting second assistant postmaster-general, officially notified Dinsmore that the postmaster-general had ordered service discontinued on the Southern Route by the Overland Mail Company and that a like service was to be performed on the Central Route.1'1 This service was to begin July 1,1861.

13 Settle, op. cit., 122; Conkling, op. cit., II, 336-38.

"Letter of E. S. Childs to W. B. Dinsmore and E. S. Alvord, March 12, 1861, MS. Copy in library of author.

THE

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III

Four days later, March 16, Russell and Dinsmore signed a contract in New York, under which the Central Route was divided into two sections with each assuming operation of one of them. Since it is of such vast importance it is given here in full.

This memorandum of contract—witnesseth—that whereas the last session of the 36th Congress a law was passed autiiorizing the Postmaster Gen'l to make certain modifications in the contract for mail service on route 12,518 — among others changing their route to what is known as the Central or Salt Lake Route — to be accepted by the contractors.

And whereas the Overland Mail Company now performing the service and the recognized contractors on said route have accepted said modifications, and entered into a contract with the Postmaster Gen'l for the performance of service under said act of Congress — a copy of which contract is hereto appended and made a part of this agreement. And whereas it has been agreed that "The Central Overland and Pike's Peak Express Company" shall perform a part of said service: now these presents witness — that the said Express Company acting by William H. Russell its president and duly authorized by its Board of Directors, party of the first part, and the said Overland Mail Company acting by William B. Dinsmore its president duly authorized by its Board of Directors, party of the second part, do mutually agree as follows.

1st — Said first party agree to perform the entire service between the eastern terminus and Salt Lake City and to furnish facilities to accomadate [sic] travel both "through" and "local."

The second party to perform the balance of the service and to afford like facilities and to pay over to the first party quarterly as it shall be received from the government and no sooner mail pay at the rate of Four Hundred and Seventy Thousand dollars per annum, after deducting therefrom one half the amount of sea service.

2nd — The passenger business and Express business to be divided as follows —the local passenger and express business of the first party to be divided seventy per cent to the first party and thirty per cent to the second party. And the local business of the second party to be retained by them entire. Settlements are to be made quarterly and all accounts balanced. Business going only part way on both divisions charged as local and price to be fixed by the parties.

3rd — Each party is to pay all fines occasioned by failures on their respective divisions. The division of time to be as fol-

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lows — on the 20 day schedule the first party has 12 days and the second party has 8 days. On the 23 day schedule the first party has 14 days and the second party 9 days — and a like ratio on the 35 day schedule.

4th —The receipts from Pony Express to be divided equally.

Each party as in carrying the mail paying their own expenses on their divisions.

5th — A general superintendent, to be appointed by the second party and paid equally by the two parties, shall have general charge and supervision of the eastern line, as far as to see that the service is properly performed, but is not to interfere with the management and detail of the first party's division.

6th — The Superintendent or other authorized agent of the second party shall have the right to examine the books of the first party in which are kept the accounts for this division — and an agent shall be kept at Fort Kearny, paid equally by both parties who shall copy way bills and attend to the business of both parties.

7th — The second party reserves the right and privilege of making an exclusive contract for the Express business with Wells Fargo & Co., for all business going from the East to any point west of Salt Lake City and for all business originating west of Salt Lake City going east — at a fair compensation — said business shall be called through business and divided as such.

8th — In case any change or modification by Congress or the Postmaster General of the said contract was to deprive second party of the mail pay then the second party are not to be held liable or responsible to the first party.

9th — Whenever either party reaches the common point of Salt Lake City the other party shall proceed with the mail without waiting for the schedule time and it is understood that the whole trip is to be made as rapidly and promptly as possible.

10th — It is further stipulated and agreed that in case the first party should fail to perform their contract and a serious interruption should take place and it should become necessary for said second party to assume the performance of the entire service then second party shall have the right to at once take possession of the entire stock and equipments of the first party, and use same in performing the service and they shall have the right to and shall purchase said stock and equipment at an appraised value each party selecting an appraiser, and the two an umpire

THE

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M3

(whose decision shall be final) if necessary. And it is further expressly stipulated that in case said first party shall pay the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to the second party, which sum shall be the liquidated damages and paid without deduction or offset.

In witness whereof the parties hereto have subscribed their names this 16th day of March, 1861, at New York.

Wm. H. Russell Pres. the C.O.C. & P.P. Ex. Co. W. B. Dinsmore Pres. Overland Mail Co. Interlineations on 2nd and 4th pages made before signing in presence of Milton S. Latham.15

Gentlemen:

Post Office Department Central Office March 12, 1861

The Postmaster General has this day signed an order of which the following is a copy, viz.: "Pursuant to act of Congress approved 2nd of March, 1861, and the acceptance of the terms thereof by the Overland Mail Company — modify the present contract with that company for route No. 12,518 executed the 16th of September, 1857, to take effect the 16th of September, 1858, so as to discontinue service on the present route and provide for the transportation of the entire letter mail six times a week on the Central Route; said letter mail to be carried through in twenty days time, eight months of the year, and in twenty-three days the remaining four months of the year from St. Joseph (or Atchison, Kansas) to Placerville, Cal., and also for the delivery of the entire mails three times a week, each way to Denver City, and Great Salt Lake City; and in case these mails do not amount to six hundred pounds per trip then other mail matter to make up that weight per trip to be conveyed. The contractors also to be required to convey the residue of all mail matter in a period not exceeding thirty-five days, with die privilege of sending the latter semi-monthly from New York to San Francisco in twenty-five days by sea, and the public documents in thirty-five days.

"And to be required also during the continuance of their contract, or until the completion of the Overland Telegraph, to run a Pony Express semi-weekly at a schedule time of ten days 15 Contract between William H. Russell, representing the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company and William B. Dinsmore, representing the Overland Mail Company March 16, 1861, MS. Copy in library of author.

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eight months of the year and twelve days four months of the year, and to convey for the government free of charge five pounds of mail matter; with the privilege of charging the public for transportation of letters by said Express not exceeding one dollar per half ounce. The compensation for the whole service to be $1,000,000.00 per annum to take effect on or before 1st July, 1861, and to expire 1st July, 1864.

"The number of the route to be changed to 10,773 and the service to be recorded in the route register for Missouri.

"Be pleased to state your acceptance of the terms of the foregoing and report the date of your commencement of the service on the Central Route. _ . ,.

Tr Very Respectfully Your obt. Servant E. S. Childs Acting Second Asst.

P.M. Gen'l."

Everybody concerned with this great contract was satisfied with its provisions. Russell wrote William B. Waddell that it was "all the Co. could ask, and as much as I ever encouraged diem to hope for, and with all an A No. 1 contract, one that will pay big money if well managed, I am content. We should get the thing up right, work it with energy, and with its results entirely relieve R M and W." 16 Russell's feeling of satisfaction with die contract was fully justified.

In the first place,he and his partners, Majors and Waddell, would receive $220,000.00 a year more for operating over approximately half the route from the Missouri River to Salt Lake City than they were then receiving for covering the whole line to Placerville, California. It is true that the cost would be greater, but with improved facilities an increase in passenger and express receipts was expected. Considering the precarious condition of the company, the new contract was a windfall indeed.

Dinsmore was also highly pleased with the contract. Hiram S. Rumfield, agent for the Overland Mail Company at St. Louis and later at Salt Lake City, said that after the service on the Soudiern Route was stopped the proposition of abandoning die business altogether was freely discussed by the officers of the company. He also said that the contract with Russell was "regarded as advantageous to the Overland Mail Company." 17 10 Letter of William H. Russell to William B. Waddell, March 20, 1861, MS. Copy in library of author. " Hiram Rumfield, Letters of an Overland Mail Agent, Archer Butler Hurlburt, (ed.)

(Worcester, Mass., 1928).

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Technically, and according to the provisions of the bill passed by Congress, the Overland Mail Company was the sole mail contractor on the Central Route. N o t only that, orders for service upon that route were delivered only to that company. Under a strict interpretation of the bill the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company would be put entirely out of the business of carrying the mail and operating the Pony Express over the Central Route.

It was not so intended and did not turn out that way. Under his contract with Russell, Dinsmore surrendered the Eastern Division, the best and easiest managed half of the line from the Missouri River to Salt Lake City. For his own company he retained the more difficult, hazardous Western Division. This was the obvious thing to do since Russell's company, being familiar with the Eastern Division and already established upon it, could carry on as usual during the critical period of change and readjustment. In addition the western end of the old Overland Mail line on the Southern Route, not having been raided as was its eastern sections, still retained intact its stock, equipment, and personnel. Therefore the simplest, easiest, and cheapest way to put the new line on the

The open Bible is inscribed "Mrs. M. E. Cloud, Great Salt Lake City, February 3rd, 1860." Few such copies are now known to exist. The firm had a payroll of over five thousand men strung out between the Missouri River and California, and every new employee was required to take the following oath: "I , do hereby swear, before the great and Living God, that during my engagement, and while I am an employee of Russell, Majors & Waddell, I will, under no circumstances, use profane language; that I will drink no intoxicating liquors; that I will not quarrel or fight with any other employee of the firm, and that in every respect I will conduct myself honestly, be faithful to my duties, and so direct all my acts as to win the confidence of my employers. So help me God." The new employee was then given a Bible imprinted in gold letters: "Presented by Russell, Majors & Waddell."

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Central Route into operation was to move it all north from southern California to Placerville.18 Convenience and economy probably account for making Placerville the western terminus of the Overland Mail Company line instead of Sacramento. The situation regarding that short fifty mile stretch was practically identical with diat on the Eastern Division. The Pioneer Stage Line was already successfully operating a line of daily stagecoaches between Virginia City and Sacramento. Arrangements were therefore made with that company whereby it assumed responsibility for the mail, express packages, and passengers from Placerville onward.19 Under the provisions of the bill passed by Congress, the Pony Express line also ended at Placerville. The arrangement with the Pioneer Stage Line and the fact that the telegraph line now extended eastward to Fort Churchill made it unnecessary, so far as the Overland Mail Company was concerned, for the Express to go farther.

In view of the oft-repeated statement that the Pony Express never had official government recognition or sanction, it is significant that the bill not only expressly stipulated tiiat the Express should be operated, but also fixed the fee to be charged. After July 1, 1861, and as long as it operated, it was a government authorized service running on a schedule included in the law.

It has been claimed that Wells Fargo Express Company made die reductions in Pony Express rates in 1861 — from $5.00 to $2.00 an ounce in April and to $1.00 on July 1. Wells Fargo had nothing whatever to do with these changes, although on April 15 William H. Russell appointed it temporary agent for the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company in San Francisco. Since the contract with Dinsmore was already signed, this appointment would expire on July 1. With these simple and relatively unimportant facts as a basis, the exaggerated claim has been made that Wells Fargo Express Company rendered a great public service by reducing Pony Express rates.20 The plain truth is that Wells Fargo Express Company was merely acting temporarily as agent for the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company during the interim between the passage of the bill providing for the removal of the Overland Mail Company to the 18 Oscar Osburn Winther, Via Western Express and Stagecoach (Stanford University, 1945), 138-39.

I0 LeRoy R. Hafen, The Overland Mail (Cincinnati, 1926), 211-12; Conkling, op. cit., II, 338.

20 See Scott's Catalogue of United Stales Stamps, 1953, p. 441; advertisement in San Francisco Daily Bulletin, April 15, 1861.

THE

PONY

EXPRESS

117

Central Route and the first of July, a period of a few weeks. D u r i n g that period Wells Fargo's duties and responsibilities were identical with those of other agents elsewhere—in St. Louis and Chicago, for instance, where activities consisted of handling express and passenger business, Pony Express letters, and carrying out instructions as agent from the company.

A m o n g those instructions was the reduction of Pony Express rates from $5.00 to $2.00 per ounce. T h u s whatever praise is due anyone for this reduction must go not to the agent but to the Russell, Majors and Waddell Company, who alone had exclusive authority to make it.

T h e second reduction, on July 1, was made by act of Congress, widi which the Overland Mail Company and the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company were obliged to conform. N o more need be said on this particular point. So far as the actual history of the Pony Express is concerned, and under normal historical circumstances, the reduction of rates in 1861 would be merely one of many minor points worthy of no more than brief mention. However, since the reduction has been made the basis for inflated claims and sweeping misstatements designed to elevate Wells Fargo to the detriment of the daring men, William H . Russell, Alexander Majors, and William B. Waddell, who founded, financed, and operated the Pony Express, a detailed analysis of the rate reductions is necessary here. vision was made in the Overland Mail bill, which transferred the Butterfield Overland Mail to the •tral Route, to ma\e the western terminus Placerville, California. That order also applied to the Pony tress. Accordingly, W. H. Russell, having no further need for the Sacramento office, appointed Wells %o Sr Company agents and ordered the local office turned over to them. The first third of this adver•nent has in the past been published separately, with a following statement that "the original manment had been ousted" and that Wells Fargo had tak.cn over the Pony Express. Such a construction ard to conceive when actually only a transfer of the agency office in Sacramento was made.

PONY EXPBESS AND MAIL.

PONY EXPRESS NOTICE. O R D E R S H A V I N G B M I N RK* J CEIVED from W. H. BTJSSELL, President Pony xpress Company, I hereby * ^ r * ^ ^ F T ¥ 5 ? rerytbtog appertaining thereto to Messrs. w*.id.s, ARGO * 00. All letters to be forwarded by Pony xpress most be delivered at their office, on Second sreet. between J and K, Sacramento.

J. W. COLEMAN, Agent Pony Express Co.

POKY EXPBESS NOTICE RATES !!

tEDUCBD

T U B RATES FOR 1BXTEBS, P e r P o n y Kxpresa, U N T I L F I R S T JUI.Tr N E X T , —-WIIX BH—

Letters must be enclosed in Ten Cent Government W e d n e s d a y a n d Saturday Nights, OF EACH WEEK, ... .v.. „„I-»I nt the Boat from San Franolsco.. " aPlt-ln?

FSSroTcOURTESY WELLS, BANCROFT FABGO LIBRARY,ABERKELEY, CO., Agente.

CALIFORNIA

ETT Kit rJtfJ by PONY are now rsduced to TITO UOLLARS per b * » ounce each way. four K x p f f s leave* SA1* FRANCISCO on W«|M«iUv« and Saturdays, at 4 p.m., U due in Salt JUU» tUty In toor a»vs, and St. Joseph In ten days.

Le»v*s St. Juseph en Sundays amiThursdays a t B a . m . arriving In Salt L»*e City on Satutrtsys and Wtdneadays, six day, and Sa» Franehteo in tun d a t s .

MAIL COA0SBS le**a Salt Lake CHy *ve»y Friday »t 8 a.m. until Stsl June, for St. J w e p h , H * Panaaga $116. After which Coaches wffl pass dally on «•«» «»»• tract, and earry pa**<"ne«t* at'educed r a ' » .

L

t*

tavixusrox, BXWL. * ««., *ww».

PHOTO, COURTESY L.D.S. CHURCH

The above announcement appeared in the Deseret News, April 24, 1861. The oft-repeated claim that Wells Fargo reduced the rates cannot be substantiated. Local agents along the route made the announcements at the personal direction of William H. Russell. Mr. William R. Parser, philatelist, of Oroville, California, has a personal letter written by Mr. Russell to the agent of the Express at Fort Bridger, Wyoming, advising him of the reduction from $5.00 to $2.00.

118

UTAH

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The question of why in April, 1861, Wells Fargo Express Company issued its first two adhesive franks, die so-called "Pony Express Stamps" with the likeness of a pony express rider upon them, when it had nothing of that kind of its own, is a rather intriguing one. One answer could be for its use as agent, and die other that it was preparing to inaugurate a pony express on the fifty mile section between Sacramento and Placerville on July 1 when the Overland Mail Company would take over die Western Division of the Central Route.

Without a doubt the starting of that line figured in the negotiations between Russell and Dinsmore, as did the arrangement widi the Pioneer Stage Line prior to the passage of the overland mail bill by Congress.

On June 26, 1861, Wells Fargo Company advertised that beginning July 1 it would "run a pony express from San Francisco to Placerville on Wednesdays and Saturdays . . . connecting with die Overland Mail Company's Pony Express from Placerville to St. Joseph." 21 The latter was, of course, the original Pony Express. In the meantime the Overland Mail Company appointed Wells Fargo its agent in San Francisco. Just here it should be borne in mind that the management and operation of these pony express lines were two separate, unrelated functions. Although the advertisements stated that the Wells Fargo line would run from San Francisco to Placerville, it was understood that letters from the former city would go to Sacramento by boat.

Philatelic journals indicate that on July 1 Wells Fargo Express Company issued three new adhesive franks. These consisted of a $1.00 red, a $2.00 green, and a $4.00 black, which complied with the rate stipulated in die overland mail bill. These were followed by odiers of ten and twenty-five cent values in 1862. In addition to diose bearing the likeness of a pony express rider, others of a different design were later issued.22 The idea for these adhesive franks was neither new nor unique.

Boyd's City Express, New York City, used them as early as 1844. The first of this type used in the United States, antedating the gummed postage stamp by about five years, was used by the City Dispatch Post, New York, in 1842.23 Adams & Company, which started in the express business in California in 1849, put out two of them in 1854. These were the earliest issued west of the Mississippi River.24 In 1861 scores of letter 21

Ibid., June 26, 1861, and following issues; advertisement in the San Francisco Alta California, June 28, 1861, and following issues.

"Scott's Catalogue, 441-42.

23 Ibid., 409-13.

21 Ibid., 403.

THE

PONY

EXPRESS

119

and newspaper city delivery concerns, called by various names, were in operation all over the United States, including California, most of them using adhesive franks.25 Neidier the fact that Wells Fargo issued these franks nor that letters bearing them were carried over the original Pony Express line is to be taken as proof that this company had anything whatever to do with the management and operation of either the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company or the Overland Mail Company. There was, of course, an arrangement whereby letters bearing these franks were honored, first by the Russell, Majors & Waddell Company and after July 1 by the Overland Mail Company, and their share of the fee collected. They prove nothing except that Wells Fargo Express Company advertised that they would run a fifty mile pony express of their own.

The contracts between Russell and Dinsmore having been signed, steps looking toward the beginning of service on July 1 were taken. In the East the Overland Mail Company stock and equipment, whatever remained of it, was sold to Russell's company. This was possibly in exchange for similar property of the latter on the Western Division, and doubtless included Pony Express horses, stations, and other apparatus.

E. S. Alvord was appointed general superintendent of the whole route, Hiram S. Rumfield was Overland Mail Company agent at Salt Lake City, and H . Montfort, agent for the Pioneer Stage Line at Sacramento, filled the same office there. Fred K. Cook, assistant treasurer of the company, had his headquarters at Salt Lake City.26 In southern California William Bulkley, superintendent of the Coast Route from Los Angeles to San Francisco, and his assistant, James G. Beggs, moved horses, stagecoaches, and other equipment north to Placerville.27 Some of the old Overland Mail Company employees went along, but most of the station keepers, stock tenders, and Pony Express riders in the employ of the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company retained their jobs.

It is indeed unfortunate that after almost a century the personalities of William H. Russell, Alexander Majors, and William B. Waddell, the men who founded die Pony Express and heroically bore the disastrous expense of it, should be obscured, and the name of Wells Fargo Express 25

Ibid., 403-43.

Contract between William H. Russell, William B. Dinsmore, and E. S. Alvord, March 16, 1861, MS. Copy in library of author. Rumfield, op. cit.; Conkling, op. cit., II, 329n.

"Ibid.,11, 261, 328-29.

20

120

UTAH

HISTORICAL

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Company, which was not responsible for it in any manner at anytime, be more prominently associated with it in die public mind. It is interesting to note that prior to the year 1930 there is nothing in documented history which even purports to connect Wells Fargo with the origin, management, or operation of the Pony Express. But following the lead of misinformed writers, publicity agents, and motion picture producers, vast numbers of Americans of all ages today believe this untruth.

On June 16, 1860, about ten weeks after the first Pony Express riders took off at both ends of die line, Congress authorized the enterprise that would terminate its career some eighteen months later. This was the passage of a bill instructing the secretary of the Treasury to subsidize the building of a transcontinental telegraph line to connect the Missouri River and the Pacific Coast, to an amount not to exceed $40,000.00 per year for ten years.28 The passage of the bill resulted in the incorporation of two companies to build the line â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Overland Telegraph Company, of California, and the Pacific Telegraph Company, of Nebraska. On July 4, 1861, Edward Creighton began building the latter company's line westward from Julesburg, Colorado, toward Salt Lake City. Twelve hundred miles to the west on the same day at Fort Churchill, James Gamble set the first pole in the Overland Telegraph Company's eastward reaching line, and a race to be the first to reach Salt Lake City was on.29 While the lines were under construction the Pony Express operated as usual. Letters and newspapers were carried the entire length of the line from St. Joseph to Sacramento, but telegrams only between the rapidly advancing wire ends. The Pony Express riders, who knew that the meeting of the lines in Salt Lake City would terminate their occupation, took a deep interest in the progress of the work. They carried news and reports from one construction crew to another and were able to forecast, almost to a day, when the job would be completed.

Creighton won the race by setting his last pole in Salt Lake on October 20,1861. Four days later Gamble's crew arrived. On the twentysixth the wires were joined, and San Francisco was in direct telegraphic connection with New York. On that day the Pony Express was officially terminated, but it was not until November that the last letters completed L "* Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Nevada, Colorado, and Wyoming (San Francisco, 1890), 230-31; Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California (7 vols., San Francisco, 189(1), VII, 154.

2 'Herbert Hamlin, "Westward H o Goes the Telegraph in 1861," The Pony Express, October, 1944; George A. Root and Russell Hickman, "Pike's Peak Express Companies," Kansas Historical Quarterly, XIV (February, 1946), 66-68.

THE

PONY

EXPRESS

(21

their journey over the route. Thus the telegraph, and not the transcontinental railroad as prophesied by Alexander Majors and Mayor M. Jeff Thompson in St. Joseph on April 3, 1860, brought an end to the Pony Express.

As a final salute to the Pony Express the following editorial written

by Mr. McClatchy of the Sacramento Bee appeared in his Daily Bee, Sacramento, California, October 26,1861.

FAREWELL PONY: Our little friend, the Pony, is to run no more. "Stop it" is the order that has been issued by those in authority. Farewell and forever, thou staunch, wilderness-overcoming, swift-footed messenger. For the good thou hast done we praise thee; and, having run thy race, and accomplished all that was hoped for and expected, we can part with thy services without regret, because, and only because, in the progress of die age, in the advance of science and by the enterprise of capital, thou hast been superseded by a more subtle, active, but no more faithful, public servant. Thou wert the pioneer of a continent in the rapid transmission of intelligence between its peoples, and have dragged in your train the lightning itself, which, in good time, will be followed by steam communication by rail. Rest upon your honors; be satisfied with them, your destiny has been fulfilled — a new and higher power has superseded you. Nothing that has blood and sinews was able to overcome your energy and ardor; but a senseless, soulless thing that eats not,sleeps not,tires not — a thing that cannot distinguish space — that knows not the difference between a rod of ground and the circumference of the globe itself, has encompassed, overthrown and routed you.

This is no disgrace, for flesh and blood cannot always war against the elements. Rest, then, in peace; for thou hast run thy race, thou hast followed thy course, thou hast done the work that was given thee to do.

The following notice of discontinuance of the Pony Express appeared as an advertisement in the Sacramento Union, Sacramento, California, page 2, column 6, October 26,1861.

Pony Express will be discontinued from date. WELLS, FARGO & CO., Agents.

Sacramento, Oct. 25th, 1861 o26-2t Through approximately eighteen months of variable weather, Indian disturbances, and almost insurmountable difficulties, the Express had faithfully discharged its responsibilities in such a manner as to win

UTAH

122

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

7

The bill issued by the Kansas Valley Bank °f Atchison, Kansas, bears the contemporary likeness of William Bradford Waddell who was its president.

William H. Russell was the bank's cashier. The side wheeler steamer pictured bears the name, W. H. Russell, on pennant and stern. It was built for and owned by the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell and was used in the Mississippi and Missouri River freight and passenger traffic.

The promissory note was issued by the Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express Company to W. B. Waddell. Six months prior to the close of the Pony Express, William H. Russell resigned as president and was succeeded by Bela M. Hughes, who signed the note. However, the company never ceased to be a"Russell,Majors and Waddell"company,and maintained control over the Pony Express until its end. The steel engraving pictures a Pony Express rider arriving in St. Joseph, with the terminal, the Missouri River, and the Hannibal and St. foseph Railroad in the background.

THE

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EXPRESS

123

unstinted, unanimous praise. During that time 308 runs were made, covering a total distance of 616,000 miles.30 On those runs 34,753 letters were carried, with the loss of only one mochila. Of the total, 23,356 letters originated in California and 11,397 in the East. Estimated receipts were $91,404.00, of which the West supplied about two-thirds, or $60,844.00.31 From the very start it was evident that the people of California prized the Pony Express more highly tiian did their countrymen in the East. Everybody on the Pacific Coast wanted rapid communication with the rest of the country, but most of the people east of the Missouri River, being preoccupied with the daily unfolding tragedy of the Civil War, were unconcerned. If they wrote to anyone in California at all, and die vast majority of them did not, they were content to send the missive by stagecoach or by sea, even though it took ten or twelve days longer for it to reach its destination.

The people in die East, however, were no more backward in their use of the Pony Express than the United States government. Prior to July 1, 1861, the various departments in Washington, including the War Department, mostly ignored it, although there were military establishments at Camp Floyd, Utah, Fort Churchill, Nevada, and at various points on the Pacific Coast. After that date the Pony Express carried five pounds of mail per run, thirty-two pounds per month, for the government free of charge.

About the time Russell and Dinsmore signed their contract, an undated "Estimate of Receipts and Disbursements" from May 1, 1861, to July 1, 1862, by the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company was prepared and a copy sent to William B. Waddell. This shows an expected 500 letters per trip each way, or 2,000 per mondi, with total receipts of $120,000.00 for the fourteen-month period.32 This estimate, as proved by actual subsequent experience, was far too optimistic, as were most of the other items in it. Alexander Majors sadly remarked many years later that the Pony Express cost him and his partners $100,000.00. This statement made without access to actual balance sheets is, without doubt, much too conservative. The probabilities are that it cost them approximately half a million dollars.

Early in the organizing of the Pony Express, Benjamin Holladay, an old friend and business associate of Russell, made loans and advanced 30 Chapman, op. cit., 303-4.

"Julius Loeb, "The Pony Express," The American Philatelist (November, 1930), 118-19.

32 "Estimate of Receipts and Disbursements," May 1, 1861 to July 1, 1862, MS. Copy in library of author.

124

UTAH

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money to the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company.33 By July 1,1861, when the Overland Mail Company moved onto the Central Route, these loans amounted to $200,000.00. On April 26 of that year at a meeting of the board of directors of the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company, Russell resigned as president, and Bela M. Hughes, his old friend and formerly agent for Russell, Majors & Waddell at St. Joseph, was elected to the office.34 On the following July 5 in another meeting of the board, Hughes was instructed to give Holladay a note and deed of trust upon the entire personal property of the company. For some reason this was not done until four months later.35 Since the financial status of the company showed no signs of improvement, Holladay asked for further protection of his loans and advances. Consequently, on November 22, 1861, almost a month after the Pony Express passed out of existence, Hughes and John W. Russell, secretary, were ordered to give him a bond in the amount of $100,000.00 and a mortgage upon all of its real estate.36 On the same day the deed of trust authorized the preceding July 5 was made to three trustees, with Holladay as beneficiary.

The progressive measures taken to protect Holladay constitute an index to the declining fortunes of the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company. Three weeks after the bond and mortgage were given, Holladay declared the bond forfeit and asked the trustees to sell the company under the deed of trust. They complied with his request, and advertised that it would be sold at auction in Leavenworth, Kansas, on December 31,1861. Other creditors, however, secured an injunction, the sale was not made, and the company went ahead as usual.

In spite of heroic measures to finance and rehabilitate the company it went from bad to worse. In derision its own employees dubbed it "Clean out of Cash and Poor Pay." After a hearing in court the injunction was dissolved, and on March 7, 1862, the company was again advertised for sale at auction. There being no interference this time, Holladay bid it in for $100,000.00. He said it owed him $208,000.00 and he would give it to anyone who would reimburse him for his bid and the loans he had made.

33 Settle, op. cit., 48; J. V. Frederick, Ben Holladay The Stagecoach King (Glendale, 1940), 63 fT. "'Settle, op. cit., 124. "'â&#x20AC;˘Ibid., 128.

"Ibid.; Frederick, op. cit., 65.

THE

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EXPRESS

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Holladay has been accused of "freezing out" Russell, Majors & Waddell, but such was not the case. Since the company was hopelessly in debt, not making operating expenses, and was being crowded by other creditors, there was nothing else for him to do. Any other businessman would have done the same under the circumstances.

It has also been said that Holladay acquired the Pony Express and operated it for some time. This could not be true, for that institution ceased operating four and one-half months before Holladay came into possession of the Central Overland & Pike's Peak Express Company.

The simple truth is that no one ever owned the Pony Express except the men who founded it. There is no record whatever that even the Overland Mail Company came into possession of the western half of it under the contract between Russell and Dinsmore. That company managed and operated the western section, but never owned it.

During those tragic closing days of the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company, apparently no help came from the Overland Mail Company. This was probably due to inability rather than to disinclination, for the latter company too was suffering from heavy expenses and lack of anticipated receipts.

Having taken over a nonproductive company with some 1,200 miles of stage lines, Holladay vigorously applied himself to a program of rehabilitating the line to Salt Lake City. He changed the lengthy name to Holladay Overland Mail and Express Company, added new coaches, built new stations, and made changes in the route. Within four years he had extended his lines from Salt Lake City into Idaho, Montana, Washington, and Oregon. As he reached out into new territories, he secured favorable contracts for transporting the United States mail.37 In 1866 he bought David Butterfield's Overland Dispatch line running from the Missouri River to Denver. Neither this line nor the owner are to be confused with John Butterfield and the Overland Mail Company. By this transaction Holladay became supreme in the stagecoach business east of Salt Lake City and in the Northwest.

In order to meet the growing threat of Holladay's competition in the West, Wells Fargo Express Company inaugurated a program of expansion. Prior to 1864 it was engaged exclusively in the express and banking business. Not having any stagecoaches of its own, Wells Fargo relied upon the Pioneer Stage Line, the California Stage Company, and others for its California business. Shipments of express packages to the 'Ibid., 71-129; see also Edward Hungerford, Wells Fargo (New York, 1949), 85-112.

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East went over the Overland Mail line, and gold was generally transported by sea.

In order to meet Holladay upon his own ground, the Wells Fargo people knew they had to expand eastward. The first step in this direction was taken in 1864 when they bought die Pioneer Stage Line from Charles and Louis McLane. Two years later they bought Holladay's empire, thus securing a monopoly upon the stagecoach, mail, and express business west of the Missouri River. Some two weeks later the Holladay lines, the Overland Mail Company, and die Pioneer Stage Line were all brought under the name of Wells, Fargo & Company.38 In writing this summarized account of great and involved events, the author is animated by two motives â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to give everyone concerned whatever credit is due him, and to correct certain widely believed errors and misstatements of fact. The story of Wells, Fargo Express Company is one of the most thrilling, most fascinating in the whole range of American history. Its contribution to the building of the West was incalculable, and the men who created and operated the business rank with the greatest organizers and promoters the country has produced. The measure of praise due them is exceedingly large.

On the other hand, to credit that company widi important things someone else did and lavish unearned praise upon it to the detriment of the ones who actually did those things is not right. Nevertheless, tiiat unworthy act has been committed by misinformed, careless, or selfish persons willing to profit by the misinterpretation or misstatement of thoroughly documented historical fact.

In 1960 the first Centennial of the Pony Express will be celebrated.

Already plans for a nation-wide observance are in the making. Therefore, it is to be hoped that the spotlight of unstinted praise will be turned upon the men, William H. Russell, Alexander Majors, and William B. Waddell, who conceived the Pony Express and possessed die daring to make it a reality.

' Ibid., 260.

WILLIAM JACKSON PALMER (1836-1909) William J. Palmer was born in Delaware. He was well educated, worked for the Hempfield Railroad, later was affiliated with the Westmoreland Coal Company, and still later was secretary to the president of the Pennsylvania Railroad. He served in the Civil War, emerging as a brevet brigadier-general, and in 1894 received the Congressional Medal of Honor. After the war he worked for the Union Pacific Railroad, leaving it in 1870 for the D. & R.G. In the eighties he promoted railroads in Mexico. He was a founder of Colorado Springs and Colorado College, was first president of the Colorado Coal and Iron Company, and laid out part of Pueblo.

UTAH

AND

THE

COMING

DENVER

AND

RIO

GRANDE

OF

THE

RAILROAD

By Robert G. Athearn*

As it was originally conceived, the Denver and Rio Grande had not the slightest interest in Utah. General William Jackson Palmer, former Civil War officer and promoter, set out to build a road from the Colorado capital to El Paso with the hope of tapping major transcontinental lines and of one day making a connection with Mexico City. The projected eight hundred and fifty mile road was to be strictly a north and south creation, designed to pick up local trade from a growing mountain community. By staying close to the Rockies it was presumed that the road would serve a large population of miners, a class of people quite dependent upon transportation for supplies. Palmer buttressed his arguments for such a route by pointing out that the Union Pacific, with a population of forty millions at its back, had no significant mining population along its tracks, and it was, therefore, not yet a particularly profitable venture.1 Ignoring the westward pattern in railroad building, he chose to look south toward a land of semitropical products, and along a strip of country populated by those who had passed over the Great American Desert to locate their new homes. * Dr. Athearn is professor of history at the University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

For other articles by him on the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad which have appeared in the Quarterly see "Railroad Renaissance in the Rockies," January, 1957, and "The Independence of the Denver and Rio Grande," January, 1958.

1 William J. Palmer, The Denver and Rio Grande Railway of Colorado and New Mexico (London, 1871), 10.

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From 1870, when the Denver and Rio Grande was incorporated, until 1878 die direction of the main fine was unswervingly southward.

By the fall of 1871 it had reached the new colony town of Colorado Springs, seventy-six miles out of Denver. Less than a year later Pueblo was receiving regular service. Here the first magnetic pull westward was experienced when a branch line was thrown out toward Canon City, a little town lying at the moudi of "Grand Canon" of the Arkansas.

Rather than follow this river course into the mountains before continuing southward, the directors decided to head straight for New Mexico by way of Trinidad, Colorado. But again the attraction of die mines was great, and as the Trinidad extension was nearing completion, a second branch was commenced, reaching out over La Veta Pass toward the San Luis and San Juan valleys.

The Panic of 1873 struck hard at die little narrow gauge road, having its most severe effect several years after that year. During 1875 Palmer and his wife visited Paris trying vainly to interest French financiers in the road. About this time the eastern banking house of Duncan, Sherman and Company, in which the road had considerable deposits, failed.

Then came more trouble. Early in the spring of 1876 the Atchison, Topeka and the Santa Fe Railroad reached Pueblo, bound for New Mexico where it would compete with the D. & R. G. Desperately, Palmer and his associates drove on, trying to shake off the effects of the panic, and to beat out die Atchison line. Even as they struggled widi this problem the Rio Grande men were struck from behind. The company's unhappy bondholders asked for a receivership, and while it was denied by a Denver court, the road's reputation in financial circles was further jeopardized.

The Rio Grande's time of trouble was just beginning. In die spring of 1878 it approached Raton Pass, the only feasible passageway into New Mexico within miles, confident diat no other road was near enough to pose a threat. To the utter dismay of Palmer's chief engineer, the Atchison men got there first and laid claim to the crucial site just thirty minutes before the appearance of their rivals. Quickly the scene shifted to the Grand Canon of the Arkansas, known also as the Royal Gorge, which was the only other practical pass through die mountains. Again, the Rio Grande management was negligent. As in die case of Raton Pass, Palmer had neglected to file a plan of proposed route widi die General Land Office, as required by law. For a second time the A. T. & S. F. moved in, determined to cut down its smaller rival. To the Rio Grande people this was the final aggression. Since there was room for just one

UTAH AND THE D & RG

131

track through the Gorge, it was either fight or give up. Desperate, the Rio Grande elected to fight.

The story of the "Royal Gorge War" has been so frequently repeated that it has become the railroad historian's "Custer's Last Stand." Even Hollywood has not overlooked its dramatic possibilities. While both sides did rush to arms and shots were fired, it was more of a cold war than one of bloodshed. There were exciting moments and tense episodes as the opposing camps sought to establish a prior right, but most of the fighting was done in court. For two years the tide of legal battle ebbed and flowed. During this time Jay Gould bought into die Rio Grande, and now Palmer had a powerful ally in his fight. Early in 1880 the pair threatened to form a new company called the Pueblo and St. Louis, designed to parallel the A. T. & S. F. eastward across Kansas. Then came a Supreme Court decision, unfavorable to the Atchison Company. It was time to talk terms, and at die "Treaty of Boston" in March, 1880, an out-of-court settlement was made.

The terms of the agreement changed the whole course of Rio Grande history. It was agreed that if the narrow gauge would pay the Atchison Company $1,400,000.00 for the work it had completed west of Canon City, the Rio Grande could have control of the Royal Gorge route. But in return for this surrender, the Rio Grande was obliged to abandon plans to build east of Pueblo or into Santa Fe, New Mexico. Palmer's road now had no odier way to go but west.2 By now this was die most desirable direction it could take. Originally the road's promoters had planned to follow the Arkansas, by way of Canon City, only to change their minds in 1872 when they decided die route south of Pueblo was the shortest way into New Mexico. Then, quite suddenly, the fabulous mining camp Leadville sprang into existence, and the whole transportation picture changed. Freight rates from diere down to Canon City, a distance of 120 miles, were four cents a pound. It is small wonder that both the Rio Grande and the Atchison people were ready to fight over so rich a plum.

Widi renewed enthusiasm Palmer proceeded, happy over the general revival of business activity and excited at the prospect of serving numberless new mining camps springing up throughout the central Rockies. During 1880 and 1881 his road made heavy purchases of new 2 A good brief account of the war is found in L. L. Waters, Steel Trails to Santa Fe (Lawrence, Kansas, 1950), 97-127; William S. Greever, "Railway Development in the Southwest," New Mexico Historical Review, XXXII (April, 1957), 151-204. For Gould's interest see Julius Grodinsky, fay Gould: His Business Career, 1867-1892 (Philadelphia, 1957).

The D.&R.G. single track cut through the Wasatch Mountains serving the mining districts of Utah. From an old stereoscope in the Utah State Historical Society files.

ii>, Passengers must have received a thrill! From an artist's sketch of the "Tramway in Little Cottonwood Canyon," in the Utah State Historical Society files.

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The Denver and Rio Grande line running through Castle Gate, Utah. From a W. H. Jackson photograph.

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UTAH AND THE D & RG

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equipment and pressed forward the construction program. In 1881 more than four hundred miles of track were laid as the railroad spread across western Colorado, threading its way through narrow defiles and across impossible mountain passes. Actually, the advance was a twin-headed thrust with one line moving northwestward from Salida, toward the Utah line, and the other running west of Cuchara to the San Juan mining country of southern Colorado with a branch projecting into New Mexico as far as the "treaty" agreement would permit.

Meanwhile, the new goal of the Rio Grande was revealed. Early in December of 1880, Dr. William A. Bell, who had been widi the road since its inception, quietly organized the Sevier Valley Railway Company in Utah. Its announced purpose was to build south from Ogden to the northern boundary of Arizona, with a branch stretching eastward toward Colorado. During the summer of 1881 the Sevier Valley Railway and the Salt Lake and Park City Railway combined with a new line to be called the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railway Company, popularly known as the "Western." 3 Toward the end of the year the Western acquired two more small roads: the Bingham Canyon and Camp Floyd and the Wasatch and Jordan Valley Railroad. Six months later the Utah and Pleasant Valley Railway Company was added.

The little railroads that die Western acquired in Utah were primarily mining roads. The Bingham Canyon and Camp Floyd and the Wasatch and Jordan Valley railways totalled less than diirty-five miles in length. Together they formed a line from the Little Cottonwood mining district, through the Salt Lake Valley, to the Bingham mining district on the west. The Utah and Pleasant Valley ran southeasterly from Springville over the Wasatch range. It was begun in 1878 by Milan Packard, an old-time Montana freighter. Many of his railroad workers received part of their pay in merchandise, and since they often asked for calico, the standard cotton material used for clothing at the time, the short narrow gauge was called the "Calico Line." * There was no doubt that the Rio Grande Western was another of Palmer's projects. Both he and Dr. Bell were on the board of directors; D. C. Dodge, general manager of the Rio Grande, was the new line's president. During August, 1882, the entire picture came into focus when the Denver and Rio Grande leased the Western for a period of thirty 3 For details of the organization, July 21, 1881, see Proofs of the Organization of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railway Company (Salt Lake, 1881). In Coburn Library, Colorado College, Colorado Springs.

4 Hannah M. Mendenhall, "The Calico Road," Kate B. Carter (ed.), Heart Throbs of the West (12 vols., Salt Lake City, 1936-51), II, 28.

I

A standard gauge train and the Denver and Rio Grande Western Depot in Salt Lake Ci years guaranteeing to pay the leased line 40 per cent of the gross receipts from its trackage and to pay all operating and maintenance expenses.5 With that agreement the whole Rio Grande axis officially was shifted from a north-south position to one lying east and west. A rich silver strike at Leadville and a war with the Santa Fe had thrown it into the arms of Utah. El Paso watched with disappointment as the world's longest narrow gauge took a new direction.

As early as March, 1881, residents of Salt Lake City were alerted to the possibility of increased railroad activity in their region. A local newspaper published a rumor that die Denver and Rio Grande had bought the Utah and Pleasant Valley with die idea of connecting Utah and Colorado. The rumor was properly denied, since the sale had not yet been made. However, the Mormons knew that something was afoot because a good deal of real estate was changing hands in die city. Thirty acres of land were reported purchased for die future site of a Rio Grande depot in Salt Lake City. Eastward, at Saline Pass in Colorado, three hundred men were busily grading and laying track. Utah business men guessed that they would soon enjoy a railroad boom.6 5 Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Railway Company, 1882, p. 9.

"Salt Lake Herald, March 28, 1881. Clipping in Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

The first passenger train to run over the Colorado River into Grand function, Colorado

UTAH AND THE D & RG

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Within a few months direct benefits of the Rio Grande's expansion began to be felt in Utah. Reports from Provo related that all available laborers were being put to work, grading, laying track and even boarding up the sides of flat cars for hauling coal. Farmers along the line used the opportunity for "putting their teams and boys to remunerative employment." Better yet, the promptness with which the Western paid its employees and the liberal prices offered for rights-of-way made a very favorable impression upon the Mormon community.7 Utah was delighted. The Herald, of Salt Lake City, said the narrow gauge was by no means narrow track in its plans. "The Denver and Rio Grande is one of the most enterprising, largest, best managed and most active railway corporations in the world. Its managers and chief stockholders are among the oldest, and most diorough-going, as well as wealthiest people in the world." To prove his point the editor explained that nearly thirty-three thousand men were at work, digging through cuts, putting in bridges, laying rails and driving spikes. The number of paid employees exceeded that of the entire United States Army. This corps of workmen was laying track or planning new routes in twentyseven different directions. Happily, said the journal, Utah was a part of this great project and it was well, for if Utah would need anything in the next five years, it was railroads. "If the Union Pacific was a blessing to this country, the Denver and Rio Grande will be no less so, in helping to develop resources, and its advent will be hailed widi delight." s Almost at once the Denver and Rio Grande was adopted as a "home" railroad by a good many people in Utah. They were convinced that one of its prime objects in entering southern Utah was to tap the rich iron and coal resources. This would give the users a chance to buy coal mined at home and by local men, "instead of being compelled to keep men at work in another and rival territory, and to burn foreign coal, while we have equally as good an article here." To them, the D. & R. G. meant a boost for home industry and lower coal prices.9 The road's construction was watched with great interest and there was continuous talk in the newspapers as to the probable date of connection with Colorado. Newsmen proudly reported that the road had already put new life into parts of Utah. Clear Creek, for example, had become a boom town. Hundreds of tons of coal arrived there every day from Pleasant Valley. So did immense quantities of supplies and freight 7

Ibid., October 22, November 10, 20, li Ibid., July 27, 1881.

"Ibid., April 22, October 26, 1881.

8

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shipped from Provo and Salt Lake City. Like the richest mining camps, Clear Creek was a spectacle of overcrowded hotels, of men sleeping on the ground, on flat cars, on depot platforms. Utah was experiencing a railroad bonanza.10 Local interest further heightened as Rio Grande tracklaying progressed. Farmers and merchants watched widi pleasure as the Union Pacific's Utah Central was goaded into action. When it began to move into Pleasant Valley in late 1882 to capture coal outlets, the Rio Grande at once transferred surveyors and graders from other construction and sent them into the endangered area. This delighted Salt Lake City newsmen who wrote that if such keen rivalry continued their city would certainly be a great railroad center. To them, the Rio Grande was becoming more meaningful every day. "The completion of this new route east will be of vast benefit to Utah in opening up competition in transportation, which will bring a reduction in prices," said the Tribuneâ&#x201E;˘ Soon the Rio Grande would provide an outlet to the Burlington and Santa Fe in Colorado, both of which were barred from the region by the Union Pacific's prohibitive rates. In addition the Rio Grande would provide an increased local traffic. Correspondent "A. Z.," revealed that his trip to the end of die line in November, 1882, had given such indications. "I hear that many settlements and towns are springing up between Utah and Colorado and diat Denver merchants are already sending their drummers 200 miles westward to catch the new trade," he told Utah readers.12 Excitement rose to a new high in the spring of 1883 as the east and west termini of the road neared each other. "The benefits of this new outlet for Utah will be very soon perceived," said the leading Mormon newspaper. "Leaving out all considerations of the competition which it may promote for the passenger and carrying trade to and from the East, there will be new fields opened for local enterprise. Between Salt Lake and Denver supplies will be needed by the settlers in new places, and our farmers and gardners will find a market for their produce all the way to the Colorado centre." 13 When the last spike was driven at the Colorado line on March 30, the event was rated as next in magnitude to the completion of the Pacific Railroad in 1869. Now the people of Salt Lake could go to Denver and points east by an alternative route. The 10 Territorial Enquirer (Provo), August 26, 1882. In Journal History. " Salt Lake Daily Tribune, October 11, 1882.

12 Ibid., November 15, 1882.

13 Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), March 28, 1883.

UTAH AND THE D & RG

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distance to Colorado's capital via the Rio Grande was 734 miles, a trip that could be made in thirty-five hours.14 Additional service meant more than added convenience. The completion of the new line, said a small town paper, meant Utah emancipation from "the throes of a monopoly." The editor agreed widi a Rio Grande official who said, "One day the Union Pacific and the Central Pacific people are like two chums in a bed, the next day they are like two cats hanging over a clothesline." The newspaper concluded that when two companies were so engaged other companies are liable to step in to take advantage of the quarreling. He was certain that the frequent ruptures between the two larger lines were really the prime movers that brought the Rio Grande westward to Salt Lake City.15 Certainly, other lines watched with jealousy as the Union Pacific and Central Pacific controlled through traffic by the original transcontinental route. But the Central Pacific, a partner in this monopoly, felt no concern at the appearance of the Rio Grande. Rather, it saw an opportunity to threaten its quarrelsome mate. The new mountain railroad, soon to be standard gauged, provided a link between the Central Pacific and roads east of the Rockies, such as the Burlington and Santa Fe lines.

With it they could hold a gun to the head of the Union Pacific. In die latter part of 1881 these four roads entered into an agreement to this end.

The Central Pacific agreed to make a traffic division with the Rio Grande on eastbound business, and it was promised similar favors on westbound traffic from Palmer's road.16 Utah showed little sympadiy for the Union Pacific. For years it had been in a position to act as capriciously as it chose. Now, with the completion of the Rio Grande, the older road showed its resentment. In May, 1883, Provo businessmen learned that the Utah Central, a Union Pacific subsidiary, would charge them the same rate to ship south of Provo that Salt Lake City houses had to pay. "In other words," said their newspaper, "it is the purpose of the Utah Central and the Union Pacific to discriminate unfairly against this city and in die interests of Salt Lake merchants." Overnight Provo became an all-out Denver and Rio Grande town. "Now is the time for the D. & R. G. Co, to do something and that very speedily," said the Territorial Enterprise. "They will find lots of warm friends and allies in the south who only await an opportunity to let the U. P. monopoly understand that they have not forgotten their "Bear Lake Democrat, April 21, 1883. In Journal History.

15 Bear Lake Democrat, April 28, 1883.

10 Ibid.

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oppressive treatment in the past." 17 At once businessmen in Payson and Spanish Fork called meetings asking the Rio Grande to offer them service. They talked of grain and other produce from their fields and of the necessity for a connection with Colorado markets. More than that, "the farmers and business men are naturally very desirous of having the facilities given them for making through shipments directly east without being under the necessity of looking to Salt Lake alone for a market, or the U. P. railway alone for transportation east." 18 The Union Pacific's undisguised resentment of the interloper became apparent as Rio Grande tracks neared Ogden in May, 1883. The depot site, upon which the Rio Grande intended to make a connection with the Central Pacific, was owned jointly by die Union Pacific and Central Pacific. The two larger lines had an agreement that no other road might approach this preserve without the consent of both parties.

The Union Pacific now objected and secured a temporary injunction that barred the newcomer's entrance. Rio Grande workmen, veterans of the great Royal Gorge war, had been threatened before. Once again they took matters into their own hands. On Saturday night, May 12, during a heavy rainstorm they nailed together sections of track, fishplates, and ties. Then, hoisting the units on their shoulders, they carried diem forward into enemy territory. When about two hundred feet of track had been laid the plot was discovered, and Union Pacific men rushed to dieir posts. A switch engine was at once dispatched to the battleground where a heavy chain was attached to die oncoming tracks. Steam was applied and away went part of the Rio Grande railroad. All during the remainder of the night Union Pacific cars were kept running across the contested ground to prevent further penetrations.

The Rio Grande got around legal and physical barriers by laying a third rail along the Central Pacific's standard gauge track and entering the depot grounds on that company's tracks. The Union Pacific then tried to freeze out its rival by reducing rates between Ogden and Salt Lake City. "Baby roads and giant corporations engross the public mind now," said the Ogden correspondent of the Salt Lake Daily Tribune as he described the bitter rivalry. The Rio Grande, always willing to fight, now offered free train rides between the two Utah cities. Immediately a rumor was spread to the effect that the Union Pacific would not only meet this challenge but would give a cash bonus to anyone patronizing its branch, the Utah Central.19 " Territorial Enterprise (Provo), May 8, 1883. In Journal History.

Ibid., May 25, 1883. " Salt Lake Daily Tribune, May 15, 18, 20, 1883.

18

UTAH AND THE D& RG

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During the preceding year as the Rio Grande neared completion, Salt Lake City journalists had talked about the grumbling of older railroads when new ones entered such places as Omaha and Denver. They anticipated a similar situation for Salt Lake City, and one of them wrote, ' Speed the time, for the people are able to stand that sort of thing right well." 20 The people of Utah were entirely familiar with the Union Pacific's power, and as they watched odier roads battling it in the Denver region, there was rejoicing over the probable benefits of competition.

A correspondent to the Tribune wrote: All Northern Colorado is under the sole rule of the Union Pacific. It owns all the railroads and all the railroads that are possible. Where it can't run a broad guage it runs a narrow gauge, and builds and builds aimlessly save to forestall others.

It owns the coal, the quarries, everything, but the soil. It is a pity the people couldn't find it to their advantage to move out of such a country and let the boss thief of the world do its own farming as well as hauling.21 By the summer of 1883, with the Rio Grande and Union Pacific battling for traffic between Ogden and the Utah capital, the fondest dreams of the users who wanted transportation competition apparently were realized.

As the new road went into operation, it was editorially welcomed to Salt Lake City. In a serious and well-balanced appraisal the Tribune editor said: We do not hail the Denver & Rio Grande expecting that it will revolutionize business or religion here; we expect nothing more from its management except that the owners will try to make money out of the road, and that they have already discovered that generous management is more profitable than a too severe one.

He saw the railroad correctly when he spoke of it as "a new outlet for Utah to the whole East; as a means of opening up a large and valuable new country; as a new artery of commerce " 22 Denver papers viewed the development in a different light. To them the Rio Grande was a knight in shining armor, come to save the Mor20

Ibid., August 24, 1882.

Ibid., September 30, 1882. The correspondent signed himself O. J. H. This probably is Ovando J. Hollister, a well-known Coloradoan, who was then working for the federal government in Salt Lake City. He was a great admirer of Palmer and openly prejudiced in favor of the general.

22 Ibid., March 29, 1883.

21

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mons from Union Pacific perfidy. "It is well known that the Union Pacific has never been very popular with the Mormons," said the Denver Times. It was with these people, not the Utah Gentiles, that the Rio Grande would trade. Already, by its generous contracts given them, the Rio Grande had gained the favor of the Mormons, "who naturally looked to it as an ally against the Union Pacific and the Gentiles." It was the Times' opinion that "had it not been for the Mormon friendship the Rio Grande perhaps never would have been built to Utah." The Salt Lake Daily Tribune called this piece of journalism "trash." The Union Pacific, it stated positively, had been suspected even of favoring the Utah Mormons rather than the Gentiles. Of course, the Rio Grande would do business with the Gentiles. It was built largely to tap mineral resources, and at least two-thirds of Utah's business fell into that category. In Utah mining was substantially Gentile in character.23 If Palmer's company aspired to the position of a Mormon pet, it was to be disappointed. While these people openly welcomed any and all new roads, they were not entertaining any ideas of permanent economic preference. As a matter of fact the Rio Grande's first official operational act was criticized. It announced its initial run for April 8, which it happened, was the Sabbath. On that day tiiere appeared in a Salt Lake paper a complaint against this violation of the Lord's day. Even before this, a Provo paper charged it with having little regard for its employees. But even if working conditions were undesirable, die Rio Grande was guilty of commiting a more serious offense: it was not hiring enough Mormons. The Colorado railroad was charged with the capricious firing of Mormon workers by superintendents who replaced them with imported favorites.24 During the fall of 1883 there were further complaints of Mormon boys returning to Utah from Colorado after having been discharged by the railroad because of their religion. The aggrieved men quoted their former boss as saying the Rio Grande intended to fire every d â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Mormon on the road. The Territorial Enquirer took the stories at face value and promptly advised its readers to boycott the Rio Grande. Suddenly the Utah Central returned to favor. The Enquirer's editor pointed to it as an example of a Mormon-run road and said that where it had one accident, the Rio Grande had scores of them.25 Obviously it was safer to ride with the faithful.

23

Ibid., April 18, 1883.

Territorial Enquirer (Provo), May 25, 1883. In Journal History.

-' Ibid., November 9, 1883.

24

UTAH AND THE D & RG

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From Castle Valley came more charges against the Rio Grande.

A correspondent told the Mormon Deseret News that the narrow gauge had appropriated lumber and other private property for its own use and had refused to pay for it. The railroad also was said to have run down stock, and instead of receiving compensation the owners were told they ought to be sued for being so neglectful. Worse yet, the railroad discriminated heavily against Utah in favor of Colorado. "We have also got papers to show where they charged us $62.00 for a car of freight 46 miles, while at the same time they were bringing cars of lumber from Montrose for $50.00," said the complainant.26 Another user, signing himself "Biz.," indicated that the brief honeymoon was over. Utah people, he said, were not blind to the benefits conferred by the Rio Grande, but its appearance had not changed the transportation picture very much.

We all know that when the D. and R. G. got through here it would open up a market for our produce in Colorado [he explained, in hurt puzzlement], but in this we have not realized quite what we expected. They have thus far [1884] brought produce from the east for a mere song, and charged at the same time the most extortionate express and freight rates, with few exceptions. . . . We find today that we are blocked out from all trade with the near towns of Colorado, from the fact that the rates are against us.27 Thus the Mormons discovered, that so far as railroads were concerned, there were no chosen people. Coloradoans could have told them that if freight rates were discriminatory, it was not the first time Palmer's railroad had imposed such conditions. He and his associates subscribed to the current principle of charging all the traffic would bear and that "nice guys" come in last. The Rio Grande was built to tap mining country, a trade that Palmer had described back in 1871 as being highly lucrative. It would be a long time before it looked upon bridge, or through traffic, as being more important than local, short haul business. While connections to the east and west were important, the Rio Grande could not hope to compete effectively with the Union Pacific, for the winding, tortuous way through the mountains was long and costly to operate.

Not until 1934 with the completion of the Dotsero Cutoff, which shortened the Rio Grande's distance between Denver and Salt Lake City ' Deseret News, February 16, 1884. '' Territorial Enquirer, February 19, 1884. In Journal History.

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by 175 miles, did it pose a serious threat to the Union Pacific. Fifteen years after that date with the institution of the Ogden Gateway suit, the Rio Grande made its bid for joint through rates from the Union Pacific. To date it has gained only a portion of die share it demanded.

Suits asking for the remainder are still pending.

In modern railroading the Denver and Rio Grande Western can match anything the Union Pacific may offer in die way of schedules, rates, and excellence of service between Salt Lake City and Denver. But during the eighties and for decades after tiiat time, it was a chronically bankrupt, second-rate railroad that provided little more than a species of rail service to parts of Utah and Colorado. Quite correctly it was then known in both places as the "Dangerous and Rapidly Growing Worse."

DAVID ECCLES (1849-1912) David Eccles was born in Glasgow, Scotland. At fourteen years of age he came with his family, converts to the Mormon Church, to Utah. The family settled in Huntsville. Though he had very little formal education, in his lifetime he built up an immense business empire, engaging in lumbering, banking, railroading, sugar, construction companies and various other enterprises.

M. S. BROWNING (1859-1923) After coming across the plains with the Saints, the Browning family settled in Ogden and opened a gunshop in 1851. A son, Matthew Sandefur Browning early displayed keen business ability in the handling of patents, contracts and investments. With his brother he organized the J.M. & M.S. Browning Company, the Browning Arms Company and the Browning Brothers Company, branching out from gun-making, to banking, mining, stock-raising, and railroad, sugar and coal industries.

â&#x20AC;˘Much of the civic growth and development >f Ogden and northern Utah was furthered ,oy the efforts of David Eccles and Matthew 3. Browning who were intimate business associates for a number of years.

THE

UTAH

IDAHO

CENTRAL

RAILROAD

By Philip E. Sorensen^

No history of Utah can be fairly written without repeated and emphatic mention of the railroads which wrought so great a transformation in the state, developing its economy, broadening its social base, and creating a large part of its folk-history. This paper presents only a tiny part of the story of Utah's railroads, but it is a colorful chapter and one which reflects, at least to some degree, the histories of the other small railroads whose lines once crossed die state.

The Utah Idaho Central Railroad was the longest electric railroad in the West at the time of its abandonment. It was die creation of one of Utah's important economic pioneers, David Eccles, whose family widi that of M. S. Browning, was associated with die enterprise throughout its history.

That history began with the creation of two local traction systems, the first, Ogden Rapid Transit Company which was organized May 16, 1900. This company took over the properties of the Ogden Electric Railroad, constructed other lines in the city of Ogden, and in 1909 built a line to The Hermitage in Ogden Canyon, which was extended to Idlewild * The above article is derived from the author's larger work, "A Corporate and Financial History of the Utah Idaho Central Railroad" (M.S., Utah State University, Logan, Utah).

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two years later. A second Eccles railroad, die Ogden and Northwestern, took over an existing line from Ogden to Hot Springs at the time of its formation in 1903 and extended this line to Brigham City in 1907. A separate branch from Five Points to Plain City was built in 1909 which, with the other properties of the Ogden and Northwestern, was conveyed to Ogden Rapid Transit Company on June 22, 1911, uniting the Eccles system.

Success greeted the Ogden Rapid Transit Company in its first years of operation and determined David Eccles to build a similar system in Cache Valley. This determination was strengthened by the appearance in Logan in the spring of 1909 of a stranger from the East, a Mr. Mahler, who presented the Logan Commissioners widi his proposition to build a local traction system, an idea greeted with such enthusiasm that an immediate franchise to build such a line was granted. Prompted to action, Mr. Eccles made his own application for a similar franchise but was turned down by die commissioners on the grounds that Mahler had precedence.

After several months passed without further developments, it became clear, at least to the Logan Journal, that Mahler intended only, "to hawk his franchise about the East in an attempt to make money." So on August 4, 1909, when David Eccles again applied for the Logan franchise, his request was granted. He immediately organized a construction team and ordered the rail, and on October 19, 1909, the first track was laid.

With the exception of Mahler's short-lived interruption, die city line of Logan Rapid Transit Company was built without interference; but the Eccles interests received considerable competition in dieir attempt to build an interurban line in Cache Valley. The history of this spirited battle is told most picturesquely in die pages of die Logan Journal in which the following facts were reported: On April 6, 1912, Logan Rapid Transit Company asked the county commissioners for a franchise to build a branch from Smithfield to Providence. Some three weeks later, on April 27, M. J. Golighdy and a group of Cache Valley citizens petitioned for a similar franchise which was conditionally granted. On May 1 diis action was rescinded in favor of David Eccles. Then on May 4 both franchises were granted.

The indecision of the commissioners aroused the ire of a group of local readers who fired a letter to the Journal on May 7, reading in part: The franchise of Mr. Golightly has been delayed to make room for the petition of David Eccles. The latter agreed to build five miles only, a proposition which was turned down flatly.

THE UTAH

IDAHO

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147

After Mr. Eccles was turned down . . . he took his doll and dishes and went home. Mr. Golightly, however, undaunted and fearless, looked about him for additional support.

David Eccles, expressing utmost scorn for his competitors, ordered the steel for his extension which, together with Japanese laborers, began arriving in the Valley on June 1. Robert Anderson, well-known Logan lumberman, was named manager of the new construction project. Purchase of the right-of-way proved the most difficult hurdle for the company as many landowners sought to gain exorbitant prices for their land.

One woman wanted $500.00 for a corner of a small tract and finally settled for $83.00. Numerous such incidents caused the Journal to comment on September 10, "It is evident that not all die grasping, greedy manipulating is done by die corporations."

On September 17, 1912, the Eccles interurban reached Hyde Park, and on September 26 was completed into Providence. October of 1912 was the first full month of operation of the branch between Smithfield and Providence.

Despite the completion of the Eccles interurban, promoters of the Golightly railroad continued their efforts to build a competitive line.

Rumors of the imminent construction of this second interurban appeared to have real basis when the Journal announced on September 6,1913: Attorney Fred Crockett has returned from Philadelphia with the news that the interurban will be constructed this fall and as soon as bonds can be printed and sent to Paris, France, where the money is to come from. . . . The road will run from Alexander in Gentile Valley, Idaho, to Ogden. Total cost will be between $5,000,000 and $6,000,000.

Then on November 20, 1913, a headline appeared in die Journal which seemed to settle, finally, the question of whether the road would indeed be built: "GOLIGHTLY FRANCHISE A WINNER AT LAST," it declared: Delivery of $6,000,000 in bonds for the construction of the new Ogden, Lewiston and Northern Railway will be made this week to French capitalists who purchased the securities. The bonds have all been sold and the money is available for immediate construction work. Right-of-way has been secured and construction is to begin in the near future.

The Ogden, Lewiston and Northern Railway never became a reality, however. Six months after the Journal report, on June 28,1914, the Arch-

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duke Francis Ferdinand and his wife, heirs to the Austrian throne, were assassinated at Sarajevo in Servia. This event, as everyone knows, unloosed the First World War. The $6,000,000.00 which was to come out of France evaporated, and the Golightly franchise quietly died.

There are no records available to die writer which state the financial makeup of the ill-fated Golightly railroad, and it is therefore impossible to report what financial support, if any, was lent the enterprise and how much was lost in its collapse. The company filed no articles of incorporation in Utah, and possibly not a share of stock was printed. No further mention of the railroad is to be found in the pages of the Journal, and it is therefore probable that die whole affair was believed to be better forgotten.

Less than two years after the death of David Eccles, an event of utmost significance in the history of the Utah Idaho Central took place, one which Mr. Eccles might never have permitted had he lived. On October 17, 1914, Ogden Rapid Transit Company and Logan Rapid Transit Company were merged to form a new corporation, the Ogden, Logan and Idaho Railway Company. The merger was prompted by the decision to connect the two systems and provide rail service between Logan and Ogden. This promised to be the greatest construction project in the history of the company, for not only was the Ogden-Logan connection to be built, but also a twenty-one mile extension from Smithfield to Preston, Idaho, and a five mile extension from Idlewild to Huntsville.

There were three possible routes for the road between Ogden and Logan: from Huntsville over the divide to Hyrum, a route which offered the easiest grades and the shortest mileage; the central route from Brigham City to Wellsville via Mantua, generally the present route of U.S. 91; and finally, the route north from Brigham City over Collinston hill and through Mendon to Wellsville, providing access to a greater agricultural area and more towns than either of the other prospects. The company "decided" upon the central route, originally; then, in February of 1915 announced it had reconsidered and determined to build over Collinston hill. This it finally did do. Work on die new lines proceeded at a rapid pace through the summer of 1915, and Logan and Ogden were finally joined on October 14 of diat year.

When regular passenger service on the new lines was inaugurated, October 27, 1915, a huge celebration was staged in Logan widi thousands of people streaming in from towns in Utah and Idaho to witness two parades, various sports events, speeches by Utah's Governor William H. Spry and other dignitaries, and in the evening a giant barbecue dinner

PHOTO, FRED FELLOW

Building the track over Collinston hill in 1915. and a masked dancing carnival. This celebration gave the O. L. and I. (or the "Ollie" as it was known) a strong beginning, which it truly deserved. But after this time the railroad was never again as popular or successful. Short years later traffic on the line began a slow decline which, with few recoveries, continued through all the years of operation.

On January 1, 1918, the articles of incorporation of the company were changed, and the Ogden, Logan and Idaho Railway Company became the Utah Idaho Central Railroad Company. The new name gave the line added prestige and lent credence to the report that the company planned to extend the rails further into the Gem State.

In terms of total revenue, 1919 was the best year the company ever had â&#x20AC;&#x201D; over a million dollars â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but profits at the end of the year were only $11,622.00, about 1 per cent of gross revenue. The directors of the railroad decided that the trouble was in Ogden, specifically the uneconomic Ogden Canyon branch. Accordingly, the decision was made to An early freight train on Logan City's Main Street.

PHOTO, FRED FELLO>

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separate the Ogden lines from the direct operation of the U. I. C. The Utah Rapid Transit Company was formed on September 29,1919. The U. I. C. transferred to the new company its rail properties in Ogden City and Ogden Canyon, receiving back the full issue of stock in Utah Rapid Transit. The latter company took over operations of the Ogden system on January 1,1920, and at this time local rail operations in Brigham City, which had begun in 1910, were ceased. In 1932 passenger service through Ogden Canyon was discontinued, and the line was operated solely for freight. On December 26, 1935, the Ogden Canyon branch was abandoned, and busses were substituted for rails in Ogden City. Continuing losses having been suffered from the beginning, Utah Rapid Transit Company entered receivership in 1936, and its properties were sold to Ogden Transit Company on December 5 of that year. Ogden Transit Company, also owned by the Eccles interests, operated the Ogden lines until May 19, 1952, when the system was abandoned and sold to Ogden City, which now operates the busses as a municipal utility.

Returning to the discussion of the Utah Idaho Central, the divorcement of the Ogden lines from the parent company did nodiing to cure the staggering economic deficit which the company suffered in the 1920's.

Although bondholders had forfeited or contributed most of the interest accrued to this time, after the July, 1926, cumulation die company found itself facing a matured interest of $443,905.00, which would somehow have to be erased if the company were to continue operations. Thus, on August 20, 1926, the Utah Idaho Central entered its first receivership and was subsequently purchased by a committee of its bondholders. A new corporation, the Utah Idaho Central Railroad Company, was organized on October 18, 1926. At this time an event of some importance took place, for control of the company was divested from the EcclesBrowning interests and fell into die hands of a group of promoters from St. Louis, headed by M. E. Singleton and A. B. Apperson, who operated the railroad for some eleven years.

This new directorship began its reign widi some significant changes in operation. Rails in Logan were abandoned in 1926 and busses were substituted. Two busses a day were placed in operation between Ogden and Logan over U.S. 91, conserving for time-conscious patrons the twenty-odd minutes lost on the rail schedule between these points. By reducing the size of its debt, die company cut interest charges to half their previous figure and paved the way for two profit-making years: in 1927, $42,477.00; and in 1928, $33,858.00. From 1927 to 1935, all interest charges were fully paid, in spite of falling revenue.

THE UTAH IDAHO CENTRAL

151

In 1932, $4,754.00 was expended in engineering expenses in regard to a proposed extension of the line to Idaho Falls. Although the extension was never built, this practical effort in that direction indicates a degree of optimism on the part of the new promoters and a belief diat one of the problems facing the railroad was the shortness of its line.

The company suffered continuing losses after 1929, however, and prospects for improvement were small. Early in 1939, therefore, the Singleton interests sold back tiieir holdings for an undisclosed sum to George S. Eccles, trustee for the Eccles-Browning bondholders, and the U. I. C. was again in its original hands. A reorganization was immediately decided upon, since the company faced a staggering figure of accrued interest, $557,777.00, at the time of the institution of the second U. I. C. receivership on July 1, 1939. On October 30, 1939, a new company, the Utah Idaho Central Railroad Corporation, was organized by the Eccles-Browning bondholders, and this new company took over operation of the railroad on November 30 of that year.

Before the 1939 receivership the properties of the Utah Idaho Central were carried on the books at a value of $5,644,162.00. After reorganization this value was realistically restated to be $1,630,945.00, which permitted the company to obtain a loan of $241,920.00 from the Reconstruction Finance Company and at the same time a loan of $192,000.00 from First Security Bank.

The new bond issue placed the company in the most favorable financial position in its history. Interest charges were reduced to a fraction of their original figure and were decreasing yearly. With the economy undergoing full-scale war mobilization, significant profits must have been expected.

But these profits never materialized, and this fact deserves some attention. Being a short line carrier and operating through a primarily agricultural district, the U. I. C. had little access to government shipments of freight or personnel. Too, the demand for tank cars to haul petroleum products was so critical on the major railroads that small lines were almost completely unable to consign them. This drove gasoline and fuel oil wholesalers, who had previously shipped their products over the interurban, to obtain their own trucks or seek other means of shipment. The U. I. C. was forced to rely to a greater and greater extent upon the carriage of low revenue freight such as coal and sugar beets, the latter a seasonal crop. The widespread strikes which crippled the coal industry in 1946 had a disastrous effect on the U. I. C ; indeed, diey sounded its death knell.

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On March 20, 1944, P. H. Mulcahy, who had managed the railroad during most of its history, including bodi receiverships, resigned as general manager and was replaced by R. E. Titus. A second change of managers came on January 1, 1945, when Amalgamated Sugar Company, an Eccles corporation, took over ownership and control of the U. I. C , and its president, H. A. Benning, became general manager of the railroad. In 1945, the U. I. C. registered its greatest loss since 1917, a whopping $215,667.00, and Mr. Benning, who had hoped to change the fortunes of the line in his year as manager, regretfully resigned on December 26. Amalgamated retained ownership of the company, however.

Total revenue for the railroad in 1945 was about $225,000.00 above the figure for 1939. During the same time, however, operating costs had increased by over $425,000.00. In 1944 and 1945 operating costs alone exceeded the total revenue figure, in the latter year by almost $150,000.00.

Without cash advances of $320,000.00 from Amalgamated, the U. I. C. could not have met its payroll in 1945. This increase in costs, together with a tremendous increase in automobile registrations, was die ultimate cause of the collapse of the U. I. C. In 1946, losses were kept to $45,448.00, a result accomplished largely by neglect of regular repair and maintenance of the road and equipment.

The coal strikes of this year were the final blow to hopes of recovering the mounting deficit. A receivership now would not solve anything, since operating costs alone were greater than total revenue. Furthermore, die railroad was badly in need of extensive repairs, and this would involve even greater expenditures.

This unhappy picture confronted the board of directors of the Utah Idaho Central at a meeting held November 25, 1946. Seeing no alternative, the board resignedly adopted resolutions of abandonment.

Since abandonment required the permission of both the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Utah Public Service Commission, an application was filed with the I. C. C. on December 18, 1946, which stated in part: The U. I. C. has sustained an operating loss for the years 1943, 1944,1945, and 1946 (10 months) in the aggregate amount of $237,664. Increased costs without a corresponding and commensurate increase in revenue has been and is responsible for the loss. There is no prospect that sufficient additional revenue can be obtained to meet the corporation's operating charges, which are increasing, taxes, and other costs and expenses.

THE UTAH IDAHO

CENTRAL

153

Upon court order, the railroad suspended operations on February 16, 1947. A hearing was conducted by the I. C. C. on May 5, 1947, and die commission issued its final order on June 20 of that year, which read in part, "Aside from operating losses, the line is in need of rehabilitation, for which large expenditures will be required. Its abandonment might inconvenience or damage some shippers . . . but continued operation at financial losses would impose an undue burden upon the applicant and upon interstate commerce." T h e order authorizing abandonment became effective July 5,1947.

Most Utah citizens had little reason for concern over the demise of the U. I. C , but a few, notably officials of the California Packing Company and Logan coal dealers, tried widi some desperation to keep the railroad operating. There was no avoiding the economic facts of life which had convinced the Eccles-Browning interests to abandon the A Birney model Ogden City street car in about 1918. At the time this model was used it was the salvation of the industry as the cars were small and comparatively economical to build and operate. When these trolleys were no longer to be seen on city streets, an era had come to an end.

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enterprise, however, and neither Union Pacific nor Denver and Rio Grande was interested in purchasing the line for these same reasons.

So it was that on March 18,1947, the last train of the U. I. C. clattered from Preston to Ogden with a single motorman aboard. Soon after, the Hyman-Michaels Company of Chicago, which had scrapped another Eccles railroad, die Salt Lake and Utah, a year earlier, began the task of tearing out the rails, routing the ties, and winding the miles of aluminum and copper wire into bales.

In spite of the abandonment of the U. I. C , some of its properties saw further service in transportation. Some ninety steel gondolas were sold to other railroads along with two electric locomotives. Certain rights-of-way in Ogden were sold to the Bamberger line, while the L. D. S. Church purchased the Ogden car barn and its adjacent rails.

Other buildings in Ogden, including a large repair shop, were sold to the Ogden Transit Company. Burlington Trailways purchased the U. I. C.'s bus franchise and much of its automotive stock. And Hyman-Michaels Company shipped some of the U. I. C. rails to Brazil for use in the construction of coffee plantation roads there. The remainder of the railroad's properties was sold to miscellaneous bidders or scrapped.

The reasons for the failure of the U. I. C. have already been suggested, the overwhelming cause being overexpansion: an investment of nearly eight million dollars in transportation facilities serving a total population of less than one hundred thousand, with more dian half of that number concentrated in Ogden. That the Utah Idaho Central was operating in a falling market after 1925 is a foregone conclusion. The almost precipitous decline in patronage corresponded, as might be presumed, with the increase in automobile registrations during the same period, a period which, notably, encompassed the Great Depression.

Indicating the magnitude of its operations, statistics submitted by the railroad to the Public Service Commission of Utah show that the U. I. C. during its history (from 1915 on), carried 33,320,823 paying passengers; transported 10,186,030 tons of freight; paid wages of $9,586,938.00; expended $7,242,841.00 for equipment and real estate; and paid taxes of $1,755,100.00 to state and local governments in Utah and Idaho and to the federal government. With the co-operation of the Amalgamated Sugar Company, the U. I. C. did a great deal to encourage development of the sugar industry in northern Utah and southern Idaho, and other food processing businesses. It provided inexpensive freight service for coal and oil dealers and other bulk shippers also. It was therefore a major economic agent in the agricultural area it served.

THE UTAH

IDAHO

CENTRAL

155

There are many who believe that the Eccles-Browning promoters profited greatly from the operation of the U. I. C , but such is not the case. A comprehensive audit of all company records would be necessary in order to exactly state the total losses suffered by the railroad. The records of the Public Service Commission of Utah show an investment by the railroad's owners and creditors of over eight million dollars, with a return of about three million dollars in interest, less than four hundred thousand in installments on the principal of the debt, and about one million dollars from the proceeds of the final sale of properties. Returns from the sale of Utah Rapid Transit Company and other interests, not specified, could not amount to over half a million dollars. These figures indicate a loss of over three million dollars by the railroad's investors.

Furthermore, dividends were never declared by the company, so stockholders received no> return on their equity either during the years of operation or at the abandonment. A consideration of the "opportunity" losses suffered gives an even more startling picture: accruing interest at 6 per cent, compounded semiannually, an investment of $8,000,000.00 in 1917 would have grown to over $47,000,000.00 by 1947.

Thus the once-proud Eccles interurban came to its end, bowing finally to the leveling forces of the new automotive economy. It declined with die passing of an old way of life, a simpler, slower, and kinder society which first found in a rumbling, ungainly electric gondola the key to an exciting outside world, which dimmed with familiarity. Not a few were saddened at the scrapping of the Utah Idaho Central, for it told them, as other events had done, that there is little in life which can resist the devastations of time.

SAMUEL BRANNAN (1818-1889) The epitaph on Brannan's grave fittingly sums up his tempestuous career. It reads: " 'Sam' Brannan, California Pioneer of '46. Dreamer â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Leader â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and Empire Builder." It does not mention that he died in poverty, and his body lay unclaimed in the San Diego receiving vault for over a year until a one-time friend donated a gravesite.

Picturesque Sam Brannan rated many "firsts" in early California history. He published the first newspaper in San Francisco, became the first millionaire, and also contributed valuable service in government, industry, and agriculture.

THE

APOSTASY

OF

SAMUEL

BRANNAN

By Eugene E. Campbell*

Samuel Brannan has become a legend in Mormon and California history. His activities in connection with the Brooklyn Mormon colony in San Francisco, die founding of New Hope, the announcement and exploitation of the discovery of gold in California, the first Vigilance Committee in San Francisco, and the development of Calistoga have been recorded in numerous books and articles. His alleged reply to L.D.S. Church leaders Lyman and Rich, when they requested that he give them tithing money that he had been collecting, to the effect that "when they could produce a receipt signed by the Lord, he would turn over the Lord's money to them" is a favorite quotation. Yet little has been written about his activities as the Mormon Church leader in California and of the steps that led to his apostasy and excommunication.

Following is an attempt to trace these developments in his life.

Apostasy is defined by Webster as "the abandonment of what one has voluntarily professed; a total desertion or departure from one's faith. . . ." It follows from this that if Brannan is to be classified as an apostate, it should be shown that he had once held the faith and had subsequently renounced it. Although there can be no question as to * Dr. Campbell is acting chairman of the Department of History, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.

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whether Brannan was a baptized, active member of the Mormon Church or not, there has been some conjecture as to whether he was a sincere convert. Sergeant William Coray, a member of the Mormon Battalion who knew Brannan in San Francisco, recorded in his journal that Brannan "would play billiards and drink grog with the greatest blacklegs in the place, saying that it was policy to do so. He said to me one time when he was intoxicated, 'every act of my life is through policy.' " 1 If this is true, there may be some basis for a question as to the sincerity of his espousal of the Mormon cause.

Whatever the state of his true convictions, Brannan joined die Mormon Church in 1833 in Kirtland, Ohio, and was an active member until his sudden defection in 1849. According to Bailey, he "paid his tithing, aided in building the Kirtland Temple, and was convinced that Joseph Smith was a prophet of God." 2 He became inactive during the troublesome times in Kirtland, but later returned and went on a short-term mission. Eventually he traveled to Nauvoo, where he received a call to go to the New England Mission to print a paper for the church. He became closely associated with William Smith, president of the mission and brother to the Prophet. In the struggle for control of the church after the death of Joseph Smith, Brannan supported William's claims, which resulted in his being disfellowshipped. Brannan seemed to be genuinely concerned about this turn of events, and made the long trip from New York to Nauvoo where he presented himself as a penitent sinner and begged for the restoration of his rights and standing in the church. He was successful in his quest for reinstatement and was sent back to New York to work with Apostles Orson and Parley P. Pratt in defending the faith tiirough publication.3 It was at this time that Brannan conceived the idea of leading a group of Mormons to California by sea, and received Apostle Orson Pratt's approval and appointment as presiding elder of the group. Thus, on February 4, 1846, the ship Brooklyn cleared the New York harbor with 238 Latter-day Saints aboard under the leadership of Elder Samuel Brannan.

Brannan, who was only twenty-seven years of age at this time, seemed to take his position seriously. A list of twenty-one rules was drawn up to govern the lives of the members and diese were strictly 1 Journal of William Coray, Journal History of the Return of the Mormon Battalion, MS, July 6, 1847, in L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

2 Paul Bailey, 5am Brannan and the California Mormons (Los Angeles, 1943), 16, 18.

3 B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), III, 38.

APOSTASY OF SAMUEL BRANNAN

159

enforced. Among these rules were requirements for participation in religious services. Speaking of this rule, Bailey says: Brannan was punctilious in his demands for proper religious devotion. Prayers were to be held every evening â&#x20AC;&#x201D; on deck when the weather was fair, in the mess hall when cold or storms made the deck untenable. Attendance was obligatory.

Sabbath was a day of rest and praise, during which the young elder loudly exhorted his pilgrims to a "true sense of duty." ' An article written in the Sacramento Daily Union, thought to have been written by Edwin Kcmble, a non-Mormon passenger, bears out Bailey's statement. It states that "every evening when the weather permitted, the company were assembled for prayers, and on Sunday, there was preaching, generally by the Elder in charge of the expedition."''

When the boat docked at Honolulu, the Saints were instructed to be careful about discussing their religion, and if anyone should ask them what their religion taught, they were to reply that it was "to mind one's own business." " This attitude was in sharp contrast to the usual aggressive willingness of Mormons to teach their beliefs to anyone who would listen to them. The friendly reception given them by the Honolulu press, and by the citizens in general, is credited by the author of the Sacramento Union article with changing this churlish attitude, and the Saints mingled freely with the citizenry. Brannan himself gave interviews to the press concerning the church. On July 1,1846, the Honolulu Friend carried the following article: The arrival of the Brooklyn has brought to our shores a hirge company of emmigrants on their passage from New York to California. Rumors are afloat, and numerous inquiries are made respecting the origins and sentiments of those people, and the desire has been expressed that we should furnish for the readers of the Friend, some information on the subject. It cannot be expected that an extended account would appear in our columns, but we offer the following summary of information gathered from various sources.

Then followed a fair account of the history of Joseph Smith and of the rise of the church, and then a statement of the basic beliefs. Commenting on this, the article continued: ' Bailey, op. cit., 32. " "After Twenty Years," Sacramento Daily Union, September 11, 1866. " Ibid.

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The following summary of their articles of belief, we publish upon the authority of Mr. Brannan, who is the leader of the company now bound for California. We would remark in regard to Mr. Brannan, that he is a young man, about 27 years of age, a native of Saco, Maine, a printer by trade, has resided for three years in the family of Joseph Smith, Jr., has been editor of a weekly newspaper in New York City called the New Yor\ Messenger, and is intending to establish another paper on his arrival in California.

Brannan also conducted public services while in Honolulu, for on July 27,1846,the Honolulu Polynesian published the following notice: "Elder S. Brannan will lecture at the seaman's chapel on Sabbadi afternoons, at three o'clock, upon the subject, 'Salvation to Eternal Life.' " The other religious activity of which we have record during die voyage had to do with the excommunication of four of the members.

According to Brannan's letter to the Millennial Star, these four were dropped from the church because they were "back-biters, evil-doers, and guilty of wicked and licentious conduct." 7 The trials were held after the Saints left Honolulu, and Brannan acted as judge in each case.

From the foregoing evidence, it would appear that Samuel Brannan took his position as a Mormon leader seriously, and, other than his initial reluctance to discuss his religion in Honolulu, there is little reason to question the sincerity of his convictions as he arrived in California.

Bancroft remarks that the arrival of the Brooklyn made San Francisco "very largely a Mormon town." 8 On the second day after dieir arrival, the usual Sunday service was held, this being the first L.D.S. Church service to be held in California. There is no record of die details of the service, but from the testimonies of those held on board the ship, as well as those subsequently held in San Francisco, it is safe to assume that Samuel Brannan conducted the meeting and did the preaching.

Bailey comments on the religious services as follows: Religious services were immediately instituted in the Portmaster's "Case Grande." Elder Brannan called his Saints to worship with a small handbell, conveniently hung in the Plaza.

Findla, who came to San Francisco in the fall of 1847, says that he heard Brannan preach, and that "he didn't preach very different than other men." 9 7 Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star (Liverpool, 1847), IX, 307.

"H. H. Bancroft, History of California (7 vols., San Francisco, 1886), V, 551. ° Bailey, op. cit., 46-47.

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'wm*mimm-7 PHOTO, COURTESY CALIFORNIA STATE LIBRARY

Yerba Buena (San Francisco) as it appeared in 1846-47 to the Saints of the Brooklyn. The sleepy little village in the cove of the surrounding sand hills numbered several Spanish families, a few Americans, about one hundred Indians, and the men from the ship Portsmouth.

This statement to the effect that Brannan's preaching was about the same as other m e n is an indication of Brannan's lack of sincere conviction, although it may be interpreted as a wise policy in their situation.

T h e fact that Brannan failed to organize a branch and hold Mormon services was almost fatal to the spirituality and cohesiveness of the little M o r m o n group. It was not long before they were "acting in the same manner as their neighbors . . . speculating in land, drinking, gambling, and giving their daughters in marriage to non-Mormons." 10 10 Letter from James Ferguson recorded in the Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, April 1, 1848, in Church Historian's Office.

The old Custom House, 1846. About sixteen of the Saints found shelter in this building.

Some pitched tents on a vacant lot, and others camped at the deserted Mission Dolores.

PHOTO, COURTESY CALIFORNIA STATE LIBRARY

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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Brannan's failure to promote the cause of the church in California, even though he was the appointed leader, may be seen in die policy he announced for his newspaper, the California Star, which first appeared on January 9,1847. In his editorial entitled "Prospectus of the California Star," he said among other things that, "it will eschew with the greatest caution, everything that stands to the propagation of sectarian dogma."

This policy was certainly followed, for a reader may look in vain to find a single mention of die church activities and attitudes in San Francisco.11 Apparently Brannan felt that it would be wise to avoid missionary activity, and try to appear die same as other religious groups.

Another factor which led to Brannan's apostasy was his visit with Brigham Young when the pioneers first entered Salt Lake Valley in July, 1847. Brannan, apparently feeling the need of advice and desiring to lead the church to California, made the trip through the Sierras in the spring of 1847 and met Brigham Young and die pioneer party at the Green River in present day Wyoming. He accompanied the pioneers into Salt Lake Valley and participated in the early exploration of the valley and lake as well as Tooele Valley. Roberts states that Brannan did not receive a very cordial reception because of die agreement he had signed with A. G. Benson and Company.12 He left the valley to return to California, on August 9, 1847, and when he met returning members of the Mormon Battalion at Donner Lake, he told them that Brigham Young had made a mistake in settling in Salt Lake Valley and expressed confidence that he would have to lead the Saints to California the next spring.13 On the day after his arrival in San Francisco, he wrote Brigham Young a letter in which he evidenced no bitterness, and on the seventeenth of October he wrote President Young another letter in which he said: On my return home I deemed it prudent to dissolve our company association for the fact that a great many were idle and indolent and would try to live upon the hard earnings of a few, and at the same time it would leave me less encumbered to perform the duties involved upon me in sustaining the cause of Zion.

11 Bancroft says that a few extras were printed from time to time which were devoted to church affairs. See Bancroft, op. cit., V, 552.

"Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 201-2. Brannan had committed the church leaders to deed every alternate section of land and city lot that the Mormons might acquire to A. G. Benson 8c Co. in exchange for promised protection on their movement out of Nauvoo.

13 Bailey, op. cit. (enlarged ed., Los Angeles, 1953), 111.

APOSTASY

OF SAMUEL BRANNAN

163

I hope, brethern, that you will not be prejudiced or doubt my loyalty from any rumor or report that may be circulated....

14 My whole soul is bent on laboring for you day and night To this letter Addison Pratt attached an appendix stating that he had returned from his mission in Tahiti in June (1847) and that the church was growing there, and many more elders were needed.15 Brannan seemed to feel that if he could convince die church leaders that there was no possibility of persecution he might be able to encourage them to come to California. In a letter on December 5 written to Brigham Young he said, "If two or three hundred families of our people be thrown into this town, within four years the wealth and influence of this place could be entirely secured to our interest." 1G In the same letter Brannan expressed his great desire for the growth of the Kingdom, and told of the influence of the Star and ended by saying, "I hope you will not forget my situation. I am surrounded by the allurements of the world and need your prayers and blessings." 17 Three days before writing this letter (December 2, 1847) Brannan called the Mormons in San Francisco and organized diem into a branch with Addison Pratt as branch president. Four months later he wrote to President Young including the comments about this development and said that he had a great desire to serve the church and to abide by her council, and then expressed the hope: . . . that another year would not pass until I have the pleasure and happiness of receiving one of the "12" in this place. I feel assured in saying that the good results that would arise from it would pay a thousand-fold the cause and interest of Zion Many wish to exhalt themselves, especially Brother Coray and Ferguson, who are now in this place; much confusion here exists from their teaching unmarried sisters the "spiritual wife" doctrine.18 On the latter point, Brannan said that tiiey were unsuccessful and that he was greatly opposed to it. Then speaking of Addison Pratt's leadership, he says: When Bro. Pratt took the presidency of the branch, I was in hopes of receiving better results than I have; he is one day car" Journal History, September 18, 1847.

Ibid.

"Ibid., December 5, 1847. " Ibid.

"Ibid., March 29, 1848.

15

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ried away with them [brethren complaining against Brannan] and the next day against them; and so it has been for three months. I do not say this with any feeling against Bro. Pratt, for I have none; it arises from the lack of a natural stableness of purpose and firmness in decision and character.18 Brannan concluded the letter by saying, "I am not carried away by the world." 20 Meanwhile, events were developing that were to carry Brannan and many others "away with the world." James Marshall, who was foreman over six Mormon Battalion boys at Coloma, made the discovery of gold that was to set the world aflame widi the desire for easy wealth. Sam Brannan made the public announcement of the discovery and dien began his energetic career that was to make him California's first millionaire.

Among other activities Brannan went to Mormon Island, where many of the Mormons were securing gold, and began collecting tithing.

Evidently he used a number of arguments in order to get die men to pay him some gold. It seems Azariah Smith understood it to be a tax because Brannan was securing the claim of Willis and Hudson; Pratt thought it was for tithing, widi an additional tax or contribution asked in order to buy cattle for the church;21 and John A. Sutter's account indicates another purpose for this collection. He says that he was under the impression that the "Mormons were being assessed to build a temple to the Lord. Now that God has given gold to the Church, the Church must build a temple." 22 Meanwhile Brannan continued to send letters to Brigham Young protesting his loyalty and whole-souled devotion to the cause, and requested that they not listen to complaints of the members in the region against him. Finally on April 5, 1849, Brigham Young sent him a letter that brought matters to a head and drove Brannan from his hypocritical position into the ranks of avowed apostasy. This letter informed Brannan that Amasa M. Lyman, of the Council of the Twelve, was coming to California bearing a general epistle to all the faithful saints, and that either the epistle or Lyman would answer the numerous questions he "â&#x20AC;˘Ibid.

"-" Ibid. " Eugene E. Campbell, "The History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in California, 1846-1946" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Southern California, 1952), 135.

12

John A. Sutter, New Helvetia Diary (San Francisco, 1939), 175.

APOSTASY

OF SAMUEL BRANNAN

165

had asked in his letters. He then made a very unusual request. After stating that no legal complaints had been filed, he said: The man who is always doing right has no occasion to fear any complaints that can be made against him, and I hope that you have no cause to fear.

I am glad to hear you say that I may rely on your "pushing every nerve to assist me and sustain me to the last," for I do not doubt that you have been blessed abundantly and now shall have it in your power to render most essential service. I shall expect ten thousand dollars, at least, your tithing, on the return of Elder Lyman, and if you have accumulated a million to tithe, so as to send $100,000.00, so much the better, and you may get two million next year. If you want to continue to prosper, do not forget the Lord's treasury, lest he forget you, and with the liberal, the Lord is liberal, and when you have settled widi the treasury, I want you to remember that Bro. Brigham has long been destitute of a home, and suffered heavy losses and incurred great expenses in searching out a location and in planting the Church in this place, and he wants you to send him $20,000 (a present) in gold dust to help him with his labors. This is but a trifle where gold is so plentiful but it will do me much good at this time.

I hope that Bro. Brannan will remember that when he has complied with my request, my council will not be equal with me unless you sent $20,000 more, to be divided between Brothers Kimball and Richards, who, like myself, are straightened; a hint to the wise is sufficient, so when this is accomplished you will have our united blessing, and our hearts will exclaim, "God bless Brother Brannan, and give him four fold for all diat he has given us."

Now Brother Brannan, if you will deal justly with your fellows, and deal out with a liberal heart and open hands, making a righteous use of your money, the Lord is willing that you should accumulate the treasures of the earth and good things in time of abundance, but should you withhold when the Lord says give, your hope and pleasing prospects will be blasted in an hour you diink not of, and no arm to save. But I am pursuaded better things of Brother Brannan. I expect all that I have asked when Brother Lyman returns and may God bless you to this end is die prayer of your brother in the new covenant.

B. Young23 'Journal History, April 5, 1849. See also Bailey, op. cit. (enlarged ed.), 173-74.

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QUARTERLY

One can imagine Brannan's feelings when he read this letter. His numerous protestations of loyalty were now put to the test, the most difficult test an avaricious man can face, that of parting with some of his wealth.

One might also wonder at Brigham Young's motives in sending such a letter. If he is taken literally, his use of the "Lord's desires and wishes" in order to entice Brannan into enriching him personally seems little different from Brannan's use of the same device to get gold from the miners. Since Brigham Young's record does not give evidence of such hypocritical, unethical practices, it seems more likely that he was putting Brannan to a test severe enough to make him take a stand one way or the other. This does not imply that Brigham Young would have refused the money if Brannan had proved loyal, for he and his counselors had great need of it after devoting almost all of their adult lives in the service of the church. It is quite certain that Brigham Young was aware of Brannan's activities and attitudes, for Addison Pratt, as well as many of the battalion men, had talked with Brigham Young before he wrote this letter.

By the time Lyman had arrived, Brannan had disclaimed all connection with the church,24 although there is no evidence that he "offered to turn the tithing over to Lyman if he could produce a receipt signed by the Lord." In fact, both Lyman and Charles C. Rich, who had been sent to aid Lyman, investigate Brannan, and collect tithing, tell of meeting Brannan in their journal accounts, but neither mentions any such statement by Brannan. Rich simply reported that on June 28, "We paid Mr. Samuel Brannan a visit and learned from him that he stood alone and knew no one only himself and his family. He agreed to turn over some 24 Letter from Amasa Lyman to the First Presidency recorded in Journal History, July 23, 1850.

Sam Brannan's

home in San Francisco in 1847.

APOSTASY

OF SAMUEL

BRANNAN

167

books." 25 Lyman's account is essentially the same, although he adds one item. He said, "Spent the day in San Francisco and we visited Samuel Brannan who made me a present of some $500.00. Made an arrangement for the books in his possession." 26 It appears that the celebrated story is the figment of some journalistic imagination that has come to be accepted as an historical incident. It is interesting to note that aldiough both Rich and Lyman reported that Brannan had apostatized, neither took any action to excommunicate him. This remained die task of Parley P. Pratt, who was called to preside over the Pacific Mission in 1851.

By the time Pratt arrived Brannan had acquired much of his great fortune and was one of the leading citizens of the city. Among his other activities, he had taken a leading part in the organization of the Vigilantes in 1851.27 This activity has been applauded as a sign of courageous citizenship by California historians, but Brannan's contemporaries in the little Mormon branch apparently viewed it in a different light, for on August 25, 1851, Brannan was disfellowshipped from the church by a unanimous vote for "a general course of unchristianlike conduct, neglect of duty, and for combining with lawless assemblies to commit murder and other crimes."28 Fanny Corwin, Brannan's mother-in-law, was probably in attendance at the meeting diat voted to disfellowship Brannan.29 Ironically, Samuel Brannan's relationship with die church was severed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; not for stealing the tithing, nor for his avowed apostasy â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but apparently for questionable conduct and especially because of his leadership in the Committee of Vigilance, 1851.

25

Journal of Charles C. Rich, MS, June 28, 1850, in Church Historian's Office.

Journal of Amasa Lyman, MS, June 28, 1850, in Church Historian's Office.

27 See Mary Floyd Williams, History of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851 (Berkeley, University of.California Press, 1929).

28 P. P. Pratt, "A Mormon Mission to California in 1851," Reva H . Stanley and Charles Camp (eds.), California Historical Society Quarterly, XIV (March, 1935).

20

"Ibid.

UTAH,

THE MORMONS, AND THE WEST: A BIBLIOGRAPHY SELECTIONS

FROM

"A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THESES AND DISSERTATIONS CONCERNING UTAH OR THE MORMONS WRITTEN OUTSIDE THE STATE OF UTAH'

By Ida-Marie Clar\ Logan

(conclusion) HAEFNER, JOHN H . " T h e West as Seen T h r o u g h Frontier Biography."

Ph.D. 1943, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

HAFEN, L E R O Y . " T h e Overland Mail to the Pacific Coast, 1848-1869."

Ph.D. 1924, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HAGELBARGER, ALFRED L. " T h e Admission of Utah as a State." M.A. 1951, Ohio University, Athens, Ohio.

HALTER, DORIS MARION. " M o r m o n Literature of die Nineteenth Cen-

tury." M.A. 1946, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

HAMERMAN, SAM. " T h e Mormon Missionaries in England, 1837-1852."

M.A. 1938, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HAMILTON, BERTHA. " T h e Utah Commission." M.A. 1921, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

170

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

HANCHETT, WILLIAM F., JR. "Religion and the Gold Rush, 1849-1854: T h e Christian Churches in the California Mines." P h . D . 1952, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HANDLEY, WILLIAM HAROLD.

"A Long-Range Building Program for

Weber College, Ogden, Utah." E d . D . 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

HANSEN, ASAEL T . " T h e Role of the Auxiliary Organizations in the Mormon System of Social Control." P h . D . 1930, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. â&#x20AC;¢ HANSEN, HAROLD IVAN.

"A History and Influence of the Mormon

Theatre from 1839-1869." P h . D . 1949, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

HANSEN, MERRILL CHRISTIAN. "Borah's Defense of M o r m o n Rights in

the Idaho Political Campaigns of 1904 to 1906." M.A. 1952, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

HANSEN, WILFORD L. "A Recreational Development Plan for Logan Canyon, Utah." M.F. 1934, State University of N e w York College of Forestry at Syracuse, N e w York.

HANSON, ALVIN M. "Geology of the Southern Malad Range and Vicinity in Northern Utah." P h . D . 1949, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

HARBURG, CHESTER W . "Mormon Polygamy: A Study of Change in a Group's Value System." M.A. 1950, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

HARDY, CECIL Ross. " T h e Influence of Soil Type and of Barriers on the Local Distribution of Some Mammals in Southwestern Utah."

Ph.D. 1944, University of Michigan, A n n Arbor, Michigan.

HARRIS, CHATJNCY DENNISON. "Salt Lake City, A Regional Capital."

Ph.D. 1940, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

HARRIS, MILTON H Y R U M . "Social Value of the M o r m o n Organization."

Master's Essay 1917, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

HASKINS, ARCHIE. " A Proposal for Student Body Organization in the L.D.S. Seminaries in Southern California." M.S. 1954, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

HATFIELD, JOSEPH TENNIS. "Congress, Polygamy, and the Mormons."

M A . 1954, Ohio University, Athens, Ohio.

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171

HAUGAARD, JUNE CAMBELL. "Some Aspects of Pioneer Life in Utah, 1846-1861." M.A. 1950, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

HAWKES, H . BOWMAN. "Mountain and Valley Winds — w i t h Special Reference to the Diurnal Mountain Winds of the Great Salt Lake Kegion." P h . D . 1947, Ohio University, Athens, Ohio.

H A W K I N S , CONRAD HAROLD. "Mormon Pioneering and Colonizing in

California." M.A. 1947, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

HAYWARD, CHARLES L Y N N .

"Biotic Communities of Mt. Timpanogos

and Wesiern Uinta Mountains, Utah." P h . D . 1942, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

HEAUNE, CARL RUSSELL. " T h e History of the Mormon Colony of Kel-

sey, Upshur County, Texas." M.S. 1949, East Texas State Teachers College, Commerce, Texas.

H E C K EL, CHARLES WILLARD.

"Mormonism and the Federal Govern-

ment in Utah, 1850-1896." Master's Essay 1936, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

HENDERSON, MYRTLE E. "A History of the Theatre in Salt Lake City from 1850 to 1870." M.S. 1934, Northwestern University, Evansion, Illinois.

HERRING, HUBERT CLINTON.

"An

Introduction to the Philosophy of

Mormonism." Master's Essay 1912, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

HiATT, JUNIOR LAFAYETTE. " T h e Health Program of the Church of

Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints — Theory and Practice." M.A. 1948, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

HICKMAN, JOSIAII EDWIN.

"A Critical Study of the Monogamic and

Polygamic Offspring of the Mormons." Master's Essay 1908, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

H I M E S , M. G. "Influence of the Mormons on Foreign Immigration."

M.A. 1(H8, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska.

HINTZE,

FERDINAND FRIIO.

"A

Contribution to the Geology of the

Wasatch Mountains, Utah."

N e w York, N e w York.

Ph.D. 1913, Columbia University,

H I P P L E , BYRON THOMAS. "An Analysis of the Administrative Costs of

the Utah Department of Public Welfare by Time Study." Master's Thesis 1942, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N e w York.

172

UTAH HISTORICAL

HOCK, CASSIE HYDE.

QUARTERLY

" T h e Mormons in Fiction." P h . D . 1941, Uni-

versity of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

HODGSON, MARION

ELLSWORTH.

"A Comparison of the Educational

Costs and Advantages of the Utah County Unit System and the Colorado District System." M.S. 1939, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

HOFFMAN, ALICE MARGARET. " T h e Evolution of the H i g h w a y from Salt

Lake City to Los Angeles." M.A. 1936, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

HOFFMEISTER, HAROLD ARTHUR. " T h e Uncompahgre Valley Irrigation

Project." P h . D . 1939, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

HOOPER, F . A . "Examination of a Portion of a Mine in Bingham Canyon, Utah." B.S. 1925, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

HOPKINS, JOHN ALFRED. "Economics of Western Range Resource Use."

Ph.D. 1954, Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

HOSTETLER, MARION STEWART. " T h e M o r m o n Doctrine of Deity." S.T.M.

1941, Western Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

HOUSTON, FLORA BELLE. " T h e Mormons in California, 1846-1857." M.A.

1929, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HOWAT, A . M. "Report on the Property of the Daly-Judge Mining Company, Park City, Utah." S.P. 1907, Colorado School of Mines, Golden, Colorado.

HOWES, EDWARD H . " T h e Employment of Indian Scouts by the U.S. Army in Arizona, 1865-1886." M.A. 1947, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HULETT, JAMES EDWARD.

" T h e Sociological and Social Psychological

Aspects of the Mormon Polygamous Family." P h . D . 1939, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

H U L L , IRVIN, "Life Insurance Lapsation in Utah. A Case Study of 5048 Households." Ph.D. 1938, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

H U N T , ALICE PAUKER. "Archaeological Survey of the La Sal Mountain

Area, Utah." M.A. 1952, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

H U N T , ROBERT ELTON. " T h e Geology of the Dry Canyon Region, Gun-

nison Plateau, Utah." M.S. 1948, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

173

. " T h e Geology of the Northern Part of the Gunnison Plateau, Utah." P h . D . 1950, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

HUNTER, MILTON R. "Brigham Young, the Colonizer." P h . D . 1936, University of California, Berkeley, California.

HYDE, STUART W . " T h e Representative of die West in American Drama, 1849-1917." P h . D . 1954, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

INGRAM, JOHN WESLEY AND PEARSON, H E N R Y ROSCOE.

"Administration

of Public Affairs in Utah County." M.S. 1941, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

IVES, RONALD LORENZ. "Climate of the Southern Salt Lake Desert, Utah."

M A . 1948, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

JACOBSON, ERNEST A. " T h e Determination of Some Elements of a State Program of Higher Education with Implications for the State of Utah." E d . D . 1938, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon.

JANOSIK, GABRIEL E. " T h e Political Theory of the Mormon Church."

Ph.D. 1951, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

JAY, G. P . " T h e State of Deseret." Master's Thesis 1941, Texas Technological College, Lubbock, Texas.

JENSEN, MILTON B. "Utah Secondary Education." M.A. 1925, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

JENSEN, THERALD N . "Mormon Theory of Church and State." P h . D .

1938, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

JOHNSON, ARLIN REX. "History and Analysis of the Utah Poultry Producers Cooperative Association." Master's Thesis 1930, George Washington University, Washington, D . C .

JOHNSON, ELEANOR MOLIERE. " T h e Gathering of the Mormons in Jack-

son County, Missouri." M.A. 1927, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska.

JOHNSON, M I K E SAM. "Geology of the Twelvemile Canyon Area, Central Utah." M.S. 1949, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

JONES, HARRY HARDEN. "Treatments of the Mining T h e m e in Western

Fiction." M.A. 1950, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

JONES, RAY L . " A Handbook for Teachers Entering the Los Angeles Latter-day Saints Seminaries." M.S. Project 1952, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

174

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

JORDAN, LUELLA KATHLEEN. "Joseph Smith, with an Introduction and

Notes." Master's Essay 1939, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

JORGENSEN, ROY H . "Safeguarding School Funds in the West Central and Rocky Mountain Regions of the United States." P h . D . 1955, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

KEDDINGTON, JOHN B. "Mormon Symphony." P h . D . 1948, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

KENNEDY, CHESTER BARRETT. "Newspapers of the California Northern

Mines, 1850-1860: A Record of Life, Letters, and Culture." Ph.D. 1950, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

KILBURN, H Y R U M PARLEY. " T h e Administration of a State Industrial

School." E d . D . 1950, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

KIMBALL, RAYMOND A. "Earmarking of State Revenues in Utah." M.S. 1947, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

KINNEY, DOUGLAS M. "Geology of the Uinta River-Brush Creek Area, Duchesne and Uintah Counties, Utah." P h . D . 1950, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

KIRBY, KEITH P. " T h e Mormon Search for a City of Zion." M.A. 1950, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

KIRK, GEORGE. "A History of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad." M.A. 1935, University of California, Berkeley, California.

KLEIN, EDITH M. " T h e Beginning of American Missionary W o r k in the Hawaiian Islands, 1820-1826." M.A. 1927, University of California, Berkeley, California.

KNIGHT, HATTIE M. "A Study of the Reference Collection and Service at Brigham Young University as it Fits the Teaching Program." B.S. in L.S. 1951, George Peabody College for Teachers, Nashville, Tennessee.

KNOWLTON, BRYANT SUTTON.

" T h e Early History of Agriculture in

Utah." M.A. 1941, University of California, Berkeley, California.

KNUDSEN, DARWIN COWLEY. "George Q. Cannon's Effectiveness as a

Speaker." M.A. 1951, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

KRANSDORFF, DAVID. " T h e Geology of the Eureka Standard Mine, Tintic, Utah." P h . D . 1934, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

175

KREUGER, G. S. "Report on the Property of the Daly-Judge Mining Company, Park City, Utah." S.P. 1907, Colorado School of Mines, Golden, Colorado.

KULL, DAVID J. "Geology of the Uinta Mountains." B.S. 1948, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

LAGO, N I L S HENDERSON. " T h e Utah Expedition, 1857-1858." M.A. 1939,

University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

LANDGRAF, JOHN LESLIE. " L a n d Use in the Ramah Navaho Area, N e w

Mexico." P h . D . 1950, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

LANGLOIS, F . E. " T h e History of Mormonism with Special Reference to the Influence of the Mormon Church on the Economic Development of the F a r West." Master's Thesis 1926, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho.

LANTIS, DAVID W I L L I A M .

" T h e San Luis Valley, Colorado:

Sequent

Rural Occupance in an Intermontane Basin." Ph.D. 1950, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

LANTZ, EVERETT D . " T h e Status of Head Athletic Coaches of the Secondary Schools in the Rocky Mountain States." M.A. 1939, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

LAUTENSCHLAGER, HERMAN KENNETH. " T h e Geology of the Central Part

of the Pavant Range, Utah." P h . D . 1952, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

LAW, REUBEN D E E M . "Content and Criteria Relating to Professional Teacher Education." E d . D . 1941, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

LEAVITT, FRANCIS H . "Influence of the Mormon People in the Settlement of Clark County." Master's Thesis 1934, University of Nevada, Reno, Nevada.

LEE, HECTOR. " T h e Three Nephites. T h e Substance and Significance of the Legend in Folklore." P h . D . 1947, University of N e w Mexico, Albuquerque, N e w Mexico.

LEWIS, W I L L I A M , JR. " A n Adaptation of the Book of Mormon for Radio."

M.A. 1948, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

LINFORD, VELMA. " T h e W o m e n of the Intermountain States in Literature." M.A. 1935, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

176

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

LLOYD, WESLEY PARKINSON. " T h e Rise and Development of Lay Leader-

ship in the Latter-day Saint Movement." P h . D . 1937, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

LOGAN, EVERETT EMERY. "Wool Growing and Tariff Policy with Particular Reference to the Rocky Mountain Region." M.A. 1936, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

LONGHORN, MILTON. " T h e Mormons and the Founding of Utah, 18471851." M.A. 1932, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

LOVELL, ADALINE. "History of Stockton to 1860." M.A. 1931, College of the Pacific, Stockton, California.

LOVENDAHL, AGNES. " T h e Mormons in Fiction." Master's Essay 1920, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

LUNDY, DALE RAYMOND. "Educational Opportunities at Selected Indus-

trial Schools for Boys." M.A. 1942, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

LYON, THOMAS EDGAR. "Orson Pratt â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Early Mormon Leader." M.A. 1932, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

MADSEN, BRIGHAM D . " T h e Bannock Indians in Northwest History, 1805-1900." P h . D . 1949, University of California, Berkeley, California.

-. "History of the Upper Snake River Valley, 1807-1825." M.A. 1940, University of California, Berkeley, California.

MALAN, VERNON D . " T h e Development of Irrigation Institutions in the Semi-Arid West." P h . D . 1955, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon.

MANGRES, GLEN V. "An Investigation of Safety Education in the Public Schools of the T e n Mountain States." M.S. 1953, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

MARCH, DAVID DEARMOND. "Cheyenne and Sioux Indian Relations Along the Oregon Trail, 1841-1858." Master's Thesis 1941, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.

MARGARET, HELENE. "Father DeSmet, Pioneer Priest of the Rockies."

Ph.D. 1941, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

MARGO, JOAN. " T h e Food Supply Problem of the California Gold Mines, 1848-1855." M.A. 1947, University of California, Berkeley, California.

MARSTON, RICHARD B. "Effects of Contour-Trenches and Vegetational Recovery upon the Hydrologic Characteristics of Parrish Basin, Utah." Thesis 1948, University of California, Berkeley, California.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

177

MARTNER, SAMUEL T . "Geology of the Manila-Linwood Area, Sweetwater County, Wyoming, and Daggett County, Utah." P h . D . (minor) 1949, California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, California.

MATTHEWS, MILTON P . " A n Analysis of D r u g Retailing in Utah." P h . D .

1955, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

MAXWELL, W I L L I A M LEGRAND. "Revision of the Music Study Program

of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." Ed.D. 1952, Columbia University Teachers College, N e w York, N e w York.

MCBRIDE, D O N WALLACE. " T h e Development of Higher Education in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." P h . D . 1952, Michigan State College, East Lansing, Michigan.

MCBRIDE, VEARL GORDON. " T h e Welfare Program in the Church of Jesus

Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1936-1946." Master's Thesis 1948, Arizona State College, Tempe, Arizona.

MCBRIEN, DEAN D . " T h e Influence of the Frontier on Joseph Smith."

Ph.D. 1929, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. MCDIVITT, JAMES FREDERICK. "Economic Aspects of Mineral Resource

Development in Southern Idaho." P h . D . 1954, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

MCFADDEN, MAUDE W I C K H A M .

" T h e History of the Colorado River,

1848-1879." M.A. 1931, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

M C H E N R Y , MAUDE. "Transportation Across the Great Plains." M A .

1926, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

M C K E A N , SHIRLEY N E A L . " N a u v o o of the M o r m o n Era." M.A. 1933,

State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

M C N I F F , W I L L I A M JOHN. " T h e Part Played by the Mormon Church in

the Cultural Development of Early Utah (1847-1879)." P h . D . 1929, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

MELVILLE, JAMES K E I T H . " T h e Political Philosophy of Brigham Young."

M.A. 1949, University of California, Berkeley, California.

MERKLEY, MARION GIBB. " T h e Student Product of Utah Public Schools, 1947 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a n Evaluation." E d . D . 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

MERRILL, HARRISON R. " T h e Latter Day Saint Press, 1830-1930." M.S. 1930, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

178

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

MERRILL, MILTON R. "Reed Smoot, Apostle in Politics." P h . D . 1951, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

MERRILL, RAY STODDARD. " A Proposed Plan of Junior Colleges for Utah."

M A . 1930, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

MERRISAY, RICHARD JOHN. "History of the Cattle Industry in Arizona."

M.A. 1941, University of California, Berkeley, California.

METTER, RAYMOND E. " T h e Geology of a Part of the Southern Wasatch Mountains, Utah." P h . D . 1955, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

MILLER, DAVID EUGENE. " T h e Great Salt Lake, Its History and Economic Development." P h . D . 1947, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

MILLER, ELBERT ERNEST. "Agricultural Geography of Cache Valley, UtahIdaho." P h . D . 1951, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

MILLER, WILLIAM PETER. "Developments in Public School Land Policies in Utah, 1935-1948." Ed.D. 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

MILLET, WILLIAM FLOYD. "An Evaluation of Recreational Programs in

Selected Communities in Utah." M.S. 1940, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

MILLIKIN, BRUCE EMANUEL. " T h e Junior College in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A Survey."

M.A. 1931, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

MILLS, ELIZABETH H O E L . " T h e M o r m o n Colonies in Chihuahua after

the 1912 Exodus." M.A. 1950, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.

MILTENBERGER, MAYOLA ROGERS. "Some Aspects of the Welfare Activi-

ties of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." Master of Social W o r k Thesis 1938, Tulane University, N e w Orleans, Louisiana.

MITCHELL, HAROLD GENTRY. "A Geological Report on the Dry Canyon

Division of the Ophir Mining District, Utah." M.A. 1925, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

MOFFITT, JOHN CLIFTON. " T h e Development of Centralizing Tendencies

in Educational Organization and Administration in Utah." Ph.D. 1940, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

MONSEN, RAYMOND JOSEPH, JR. " T h e Economic Plan of M o r m o n Coloni-

zation." M.A. 1954, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

THESES A N D D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

179

MORTENSEN, ARLINGTON RUSSELL. " T h e Deseret N e w s and Utah, 1850-

1867." P h . D . 1949, University of California, Los Angeles, California.

MORTENSEN, W I N N I E H . " T h e M o r m o n Contribution to Early Pioneer Education in Arizona." M.A. 1948, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.

MUESSIG, SIEGFRIED J. "Geology of a Part of Long Ridge, Utah." P h . D .

1951, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

MULDER, WILLIAM. "Mormons from Scandinavia, 1850-1905: T h e Story of a Religious Migration." P h . D . 1955, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

MYERS, CHESTER JAMES. " A Critical Analysis and Appraisal of the W o r k

of Brigham Young as a Public Speaker." P h . D . 1940, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

NEBELSICK, ALVIN Louis. " T h e Admission of Utah." M.A. 1924, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska.

N E F F , ANDREW LOVE. " T h e M o r m o n Migration to Utah." P h . D . 1918,

University of California, Berkeley, California.

N E I L , W I L L I A M MACFARLANE. " T h e Territorial Governor in the Rocky

Mountain West, 1861-1889." P h . D . 1951, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

NELSON, LOWRY. " T h e Mormon Village: A Study in Social Origins."

Ph.D. 1929, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

NOBLE, LEGRANDE. " A Personnel Study of the Teachers of Uintah County, Utah." M.S. 1939, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California. . " A Program of State Regulation of Teacher Supply and Dem a n d for Utah." P h . D . 1944, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

NORRINGTON, A N N I E . "Phycological Study of Some of the Mountain Lakes and Streams of the Wasatch and Uinta Ranges in Utah."

Ph.D. 1925, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

NUTTALL, DRAYTON BURNS. "State Aid for School Building Construction

in Utah." P h . D . 1951, University of California, Berkeley, California.

O ' D E A , THOMAS F . "Mormon Values: T h e Significance of a Religious Outlook for Social Action." P h . D . 1953, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

180

UTAH

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QUARTERLY

ODISHO, WILLIAM CHARLES. "Salt Lake to Oakland: T h e Western Pacific Link in the Continental Railroad System." P h . D . 1941, University of California, Berkeley, California.

OESTERLING, WILLIAM A. "Geological Studies of Aerial Photographs of the Uinta Mountains, Utah." B.S. 1943, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

OLIVER, LOUISE D . " T h e Mormons and Missouri, 1830-1839." M.A. 1943, University of Kansas City, Kansas City, Missouri.

OLLERTON, FAY. " T h e American Periodicals Treatment of Mormonism Since 1850." Master's Essay 1927, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

OLSEN, ARDEN BEAL. " T h e History of M o r m o n Mercantile Cooperation

in Utah." P h . D . 1935, University of California, Berkeley, California.

OLSEN, OLAF S. "A History of the Baptists of die Rocky Mountain Region, 1849-1890." P h . D . 1953, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

ORR, JOHN WILLIAM. "Federal Anti-Polygamy Legislation." M.A. 1951, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

ORTON, D O N ALFRED. "Appraisal of the Programs of Academic Specialization Of Utah's High-School Teachers." P h . D . 1950, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

PALMER, BELLE. " T h e Sojourn of the Mormons at Kanesville, Pottawattamie County, Iowa, 1846-1852." M.A. 1936, Colorado State College of Education, Greeley, Colorado.

PANCOAST, EVA L. "Mormons at Kirtland." M.A. 1929, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

PARKER, ISABEL M. "Apache Troubles in the Southwest." M.A. 1927, University of California, Berkeley, California.

PARSONS, F . N . "Report of the Property of the Daly-Judge Mining Company, Park City, Utah." S.P. 1907, Colorado School of Mines, Golden, Colorado.

PARSONS, PHYLLIS R. " T h e Trans-Mississippi West in Selected Popular Magazine Literature, 1820-1870. A n Annotated Bibliography." M.A. 1950, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

PAULES, CHARLOTTE. "Union Pacific Railroad Company: Promoter of Western Settlement." M.A. 1939, Mills College, Oakland, California.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

181

PEARSON, A N N E . " A Comparative Survey of Physical Education in State Industrial Schools with a Proposed Program for the Utah State Industrial School." M.S. 1938, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

PETERSEN, BRYAN LIND. "A Geographic Study of the M o r m o n Migra-

tion from Nauvoo, Illinois, to the Great Salt Lake Valley (18461847)." M.A. 1941, University of California, Los Angeles, California.

PETERSON, VICTOR EDWIN. " A Study of the Geology and Ore-Deposits of

the Ashbrook Silver Mining District, Utah." P h . D . 1941, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

PHILLIPS, KENNETH A. " T h e Mining Geology of the Mt. Nebo District, Utah." M.S. 1940, Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

PIERCE, JACK W . "Geology of the Uinta Mountains." M.S. 1949, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

-. "Structural History of the Uinta Mountains, Utah." M.S. 1950, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

PIERSON, GEORGE ARTHUR. "Procedures for Selecting and Guiding Pro-

spective Engineers." E d . D . 1944, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

PLATA, RICHARD ARTHUR. " T h e State of Deseret, A Political and Consti-

tutional History." M.A. 1938, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

POBORSKI, STANISLAW JOSEF. " T h e Virgin Formation of the St. George

Area, Southwestern, Utah." M.S. 1952, T h e Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland.

POLL, RICHARD DOUGLAS. " T h e M o r m o n Question, 1850-1865: A Study

in Politics and Public Opinion." P h . D . 1948, University of California, Berkeley, California. . " T h e T w i n Relic: A Study of Mormon Polygamy and the Campaign by the Government of the United States for Its Abolition 1852-1890." M.A. 1939, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, Texas.

POOLEY, W I L L I A M VIPOND.

" T h e Settlement of Illinois from 1830 to

1850." P h . D . 1905, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

POTTER, MARGARET SCHOW. " T h e History of Sericulture in Utah." Mas-

ter's Thesis 1949, Oregon State College, Corvallis, Oregon.

182

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POULSON, JENNIEV JORGENSEN. "Resources for Rural Living in the Eco-

nomic Areas of Utah." M.S. 1954, Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa.

POWER, JESSIE HAZEL. " T h e Dominguez-Escalante Expedition into the

Great Basin, 1776-1777." Master's Thesis 1920, University of California, Berkeley, California.

PRESTON, WILLIAM, JR. " T h e Watershed of Mormon History, 1890-1910."

Master's Essay 1950, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

PRICE, MILDRED MCCLELLAN. "Building the Union Pacific Railway."

M.A. 1930, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

PROCTOR, PAUL DEAN. " T h e Geology of the Bulley Boy Mine, Piute

County, Utah." M.A. 1943, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York. . "Geology of the Harrisburg (Silver Reef) Mining District, Washington County, Utah." P h . D . 1949, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

PUGH, BYRON GRANT. "History of Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; California Wagon Freighting." M.A. 1949, University of California, Berkeley, California.

RASMUSSEN, JEWELL JENS. "Severance Taxation in Utah." P h . D . 1948,

Stanford University, Stanford, California.

RAUZI, ERNEST.

" T h e F u r Men of the Missouri and Its Tributaries,

1822-1834." M.A. 1934, University of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming.

REED, RAYMOND J. " T h e Mormons in Chihuahua: Their Relations widi Villa and the Pershing Punitive Expedition, 1910-1917." M.A. 1938, University of N e w Mexico, Albuquerque, N e w Mexico.

REES, D O N MERRILL. "On the Biology of the Mosquitoes of Utah." Ph.D. 1936, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

REES, R U T H . " A Comparative Study of Utah Homes as a Basis for Curricula in H o m e Economics." M.S. 1937, Oregon State College, Corvallis, Oregon.

RENZETTI, BERT LIONEL. "Geology of the Scranton Mine Area, Tooele County, Utah." M.A. 1952, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

RICHARDS, WILFORD WOODRUFF. "A Study of the Contribution in Per-

sonal Guidance made by the Logan Latter-day Saints' Institute of Religion to the Students of the Utah State Agricultural College."

Ed.D. 1943, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

RICHARDSON, REED COLT. "Economic Security A m o n g the Mormons."

M.A. 1947, University of California, Berkeley, California.

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183

RICKS, ELDIN. " T h e Concept of Moral Freedom and Divine Justice in the Theology of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, with Special Reference to the Writing and Discourses of Joseph Smith." Master's Thesis 1949, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

RICKS, JOEL EDWARD. " T h e Early Land System of Utah, 1847-1870."

M.A. 1920, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

"Forms and Methods of Early Mormon Settlement in Utah and the Surrounding Region, 1847 to 1877." P h . D . 1930, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

RILEY, WOODBRIDGE. " A Psychological History of Joseph Smith, Jr., the Founder of Mormonism." P h . D . 1902, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

RIRIE, BOYD H . "Character Training T h r o u g h Religious Education, a Practical Program Produced in the Development of the Educational System of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.S. 1940, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho.

ROBERTS, F . A . "Origin and Development of the Idea of a Cooperative Community Based upon die Christian Idea of Stewardship in the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints." M.A. 1923, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

ROBINSON, VERNON GEORGE. " T h e Public Career of Reed Smoot, 1903-

1937." M A . 1937, University of California, Berkeley, California.

ROMNEY, ANTONE K. " T h e Development of a School Building Code for Utah." E d . D . 1947, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

ROMNEY', THOMAS COTTAM. " T h e State of Deseret." P h . D . 1930, Uni-

versity of California, Berkeley, California. " T h e State of Deseret . . . 1924." M.A. 1925, University of California, Berkeley, California.

ROSE, DELBERT R. " T h e Theology of Joseph H . Smith." P h . D . 1953, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

RUNKLE, ALETHA M A E . "A History of the Choirs of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints in Lamoni, Iowa."

M.A. 1942, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

RUTLEDGE, RALPH MERRILL. "Emigration-Inheritance-Mortgages

a Factor

in Rural and Urban Economic Inequality." P h . D . 1931, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

184

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

RYAN, KENNETH WALTER. "Evaluation of the Physical Education Pro-

gram for Boys in Twenty Utah Junior H i g h Schools." M.S. 1935, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

SALO, RONALD R. "A Study of the Establishment of an Audio-Visual Library in the Latter-day Saint Seminary Program in Southern California." M.S. 1955, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

SANBORN, JOHN BELL. "Congressional Grants of L a n d in Aid of Rail-

ways." P h . D . 1899, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

SCHOFF, STUART L. "Geology of the Cedar Hills, Utah." P h . D . 1937, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

SCHWARTING, PAUL M . "Extraclass Activities in Lutheran Elementary Schools of Eighteen Western and Mid-Western States." M.S. 1955, University of N e w Mexico, Albuquerque, N e w Mexico.

SEBOLD, CHARLES EARL. " T h e Mormon Idea of God." S.T.M. 1941, Hart-

ford Seminary Foundation, Hartford, Connecticut.

SELIM, IMAM MOHAMED.

"Planned Rural Community for the Nile

Valley." [Mormon villages studied.] P h . D . 1950, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

SHEFFIELD, SHERMAN BECK. " A Proposed System for the Selection, Pur-

chase, Storage, and Distribution of Supplies for the Southern California Seminaries of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints." M.S. 1954, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

SHEPPERSON, WILBUR S. "British Views of Emigration to North America, 1837-1860." Ph.D. 1952, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

SILVERSTEIN, SANFORD. " T h e Early Development of the Mormon Church: A Study of the Routinization of Charisma." M.A. 1953, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

SKIDMORE, REX AUSTEN. "Mormon Recreation in Theory and Practice: A Study of Social Change." Ph.D. 1941, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

SMEDLEY, DELBERT WADDOUPS. "An Investigation of Influences on Repre-

sentative Examples of Mormon Art." M.A. 1940, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

SMITH, CALVIN SCHWARTZ. "Public-School L a n d Policies of the State of

Utah." P h . D . 1928, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

185

SMITH, FRANKLIN ABBOTT. "Railroads in the Territory of Utah." M.A.

1943, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

SMITH, H U G H D . "History of the California Press 1834-1860." M.A. 1940, University of California, Berkeley, California.

SMITH, MAUDE E. "Reed Smoot, Senator from Utah." M.A. 1934, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

SMITH, THOMAS L Y N N . "A Sociological Analysis of Some of the Aspects

of Rural Religious Culture as Shown by Mormonism." Master's Thesis 1929, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.

SMITH, WILFRED EMERY. " A Comparative Study of Indulgence of Mor-

m o n and Non-Mormon Students in Certain Social Practices Which are Authoritatively Condemned by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints." P h . D . 1952, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

SNIDER, CECIL AUBREY. "Development of Attitudes in Sectarian Con-

flict: A Study of Mormonism in Illinois in Contemporary Newspaper Sources." M.A. 1933, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

SNIDER, H E L E N FULTON.

"Mormonism in Illinois: A n Analysis of the

Non-Mormon Press Materials, 1838-1848." M.A. 1933, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

SNOW, LORENZO H . "A Study of Mixed versus Non-Mixed Marriage among M o r m o n Groups." Master's Thesis 1954, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

SNOW, W I L L I A M JAMES. " T h e Great Basin Before the Coming of the

Mormons." P h . D . 1924, University of California, Berkeley, California.

SPENCER, JOSEPH EARLE. " T h e Middle Virgin River Valley, U t a h : A Study in Cultural Growth and Change." P h . D . 1936, University of California, Los Angeles, California.

STAGNER, LOWELL W . "Paleogeography of the Uinta Basin during the Uinta C T i m e . " M.S. 1939, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

STEELE, OLGA SHARP. " T h e Geography of the M o r m o n Trail Across

Nebraska." M.A. 1933, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska.

STEFFENSEN, KEARNEY K. " T h e Mormon Church Government in Relation to Its Financial Methods." Master's Essay 1912, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

186

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

STEGNER, WALLACE EARLE. "Clarence E d w a r d D u t t o n : A n Appraisal."

Ph.D. 1935, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

STILLMAN, FRANCIS BENEDICT. " A Reconnaissance of the Wasatch Front

Between Alpine and American Fork Canyons, Utah County, Utah."

M.S. 1927, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York.

STRINGHAM, BRONSON F . "Mineralization of the West Tintic Mining District, Utah." P h . D . 1942, Columbia University, N e w York, New York.

SUTTON, SUSIE. " T h e Historical Development of Utah, 1847-1850." M.A. 1925, University of California, Berkeley, California.

SWAIN, RALPH BROWNLEE. " T h e M o r m o n Cricket and Range Vegeta-

tion." Ph.D. 1940, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

SWENSEN, RUSSEL BROWN. " T h e Influence of the N e w Testament Upon

Latter-day Saints Eschatology from 1830-1846." M.A. 1931, University of Chicago, Chicago', Illinois.

SWENSON, REED KNUTE. " A Survey of die Organization and Adminis-

tration of Physical Education for Boys in the H i g h Schools of Utah."

M.S. 1935, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

SYMONS, JOSEPH NATHANIEL. "Utah Residence Types and Criminal Be-

havior." P h . D . 1944, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

TANNER, GEORGE SHEPHERD. " T h e Religious Environment in which Mor-

monism Arose." M.A. 1931, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

TAPPAN, PAUL WILBUR. "Mormon-Gentile Conflict: A Study of die In-

fluence of Public Opinion on In-Group versus Out-Group Interaction with Special Reference to Polygamy." P h . D . 1939, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

TAYLOR, DOROTHY A N N . " T h e Geology of die Gunnison Plateau Front in the Vicinity of Wales, Utah." M.S. 1948, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

TAYLOR, D U N N L. "A Comparison of Instructional Costs of Physical Education and Other Subjects in the Senior H i g h Schools of Utah."

M.S. 1935, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

TAYLOR, ETHELYN PETERSON.

" T h e Counseling Service at Brigham

Young University: A Developmental History." M.A. 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

187

TAYLOR, LORENE. " T h e Cook County Latter-day Saints Diaspora." M.A. 1948, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

TEARE, EDWARD W . " T h e Organization of Pupil Personnel Services in Cities Between 100,000 and 300,000 Population widi Special Reference to Salt Lake City." P h . D . 1954, University of Wyoming, Laramie, W y o m i n g .

TELLING, IRVING, JR. " N e w Mexican Frontiers: A Social History of the Gallup Area, 1881-1901." P h . D . 1953, Harvard, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

THATCHER, LIONEL W . "Development of Public Utility Regulation in Utah." P h . D . 1939, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.

THAYNE, MELVIN ERICKSON. "Smoot of Utah (United States Senator, 1903-1933)." M A . 1950, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

THICKENS, VIRGINIA E. "Pioneer Colonies of Fresno County." M.A. 1942, University of California, Berkeley, California.

THOMAS, HAROLD E. "Geology of Cedar City and Parowan Valleys, Iron County, Utah." P h . D . 1947, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

THOMPSON, A N N A M A Y . "Mormonism in Missouri, 1831-1932." M.A. 1932, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

THOMPSON, MARGARET ALICE. "Overland Travel and die Central Sierra

Nevada, 1827-1849." M.A. 1932, University of California, Berkeley, California.

THREET, RICHARD LOWELL. "Geology of the Red Hills Area, Iron County, Utah." P h . D . 1952, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.

THROPE, MALCOLM RUTHERFORD. " T h e Geology of the Abajo Mountains,

San Juan County, Utah." P h . D . 1916, Yale University, N e w Haven, Connecticut.

THROPE, W I L L I A M H E N R Y . " T h e Mormons and die D r a m a . " Master's

Essay 1921, Columbia University, N e w York, N e w York.

TILESTON, LAURENCE L . "Some Phases of the Establishment of L a w and Order in Southern California, 1846-1875." M A . 1940, University of California, Berkeley, California.

TILLSON, MERL W . " T h e Frontiersman in American D r a m a : A n Analytical Study of Characters and Plays Reflecting the Phenomenon of Westward Expansion." P h . D . 1951, University of Denver, Denver, Colorado.

188

UTAH

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TODD, EDGELEY W . "Literary Interest in the F u r Trade and F u r Trapper of the Trans-Mississippi West." P h . D . 1953, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

TODD, WALLACE. "Typical Lake Deposits of the Great Basin." M.A. 1931, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

TRAXLER, RALPH NEWTON.

" T h e L a n d Grants for the Thirty-Second

Parallel Railroad from the Missisippi to the Pacific." Thesis 1953, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

TRUE, CARROLL L. " T h e Doctrine of the Trinity in Mormonism."

Th.M. 1950, Dallas Theological Seminary, Dallas, Texas.

TUCKER, LEROY. "Geology of the Scipio Quadrangle, Utah." Ph.D. 1955, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

TUTTLE, ALBERT THEODORE. "Released T i m e Religious Education Program of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." M.A. 1949, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

TWEITO, THOMAS E. " T h e Correspondent in the West, 1850-1860." Ph.D. 1939, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

VEST, H Y R U M GRANT. "Capital Outlay and the Foundation Program

of Education in Utah School Districts." E d . D . 1950, Stanford University, Stanford, California.

WALL, CHARLES AUGUST. " A n Analysis of Courses of Study in Business

Education as a Basis for Revising Business Curricula in Junior Colleges of Utah." M.S. 1937, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

WALTER, ADOLPH W . "Geology of the East Flank of the San Rafael Swell near Black Dragon Canyon, Utah." B.S. 1943, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

WARD, ORLAND W H I T N E Y . " A Survey of Administrators' Opinions as to

Institutional Responsibility of Inter-Scholastic Athletics in the Secondary Schools of Utah." M.A. 1940, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

WASHBURN, D O N ELDEN. "Latter-Day Saint Church Welfare Plan."

M.S. 1941, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho.

WASHBURN, GEORGE R. "Geology of the Manti Canyon Area, Central Utah." M.S. 1948, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

WATKINS, NORMAN BOWRING. "Guidance Practices in Utah Secondary

Schools." M.S. 1950, Oregon State College, Corvallis, Oregon.

THESES AND D I S S E R T A T I O N S

ON MORMONS

189

WEAVER, ELLSWORTH ELIAS. " T h e Evolution of Political Institutions in

Utah." P h . D . 1953, N e w York University, N e w York, N e w York.

WELLS, MERLE W . " T h e Idaho Anti-Mormon Movement, 1872-1908."

Ph.D. 1951, University of California, Berkeley, California. . "Idaho: A Study in Statehood and Sectionalism, 1863-1890."

M.A. 1947, University of California, Berkeley, California WEST, EDD L E E . "Union Pacific Construction Irregularities." M.A. 1936, University of Oklahoma, N o r m a n , Oklahoma.

WEST, RAY B. "Rocky Mountain Reader, an Anthology of Contemporary Writing in the Rocky Mountain Region, Including a Critical Introduction and Summary." P h . D . 1945, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

WHEELWRIGHT, DAVID STERLING. " T h e Role of H y m n o d y in the De-

velopment of die Latter-day Saint Movement." P h . D . 1943, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland.

W H I T E , CHARLES LANGDON. " T h e Agricultural Geography of the Salt

Lake Oasis." P h . D . 1925, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts.

W H I T E , JOSEPH WELLES. " T h e Influence of Sidney Rigdon upon the Theology of Mormonism." M.A. 1947, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.

WHITLOCK, LOYD C. " A Survey of the Factors Influencing the Holding Power of Provo City Schools." P h . D . 1952, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado.

WHITLOCK, VIRGINIA (MARZOLF). "Music in the M o r m o n Church Dur-

ing the Sojourn in Nauvoo." M.A. 1940, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa.

WILEY, FRANCIS A. "Jedediah Smith in the West." P h . D . 1941, University of California, Berkeley, California.

WILLIAMS, ORAN A. "Settlement and Growth of the Gila Valley in G r a h a m County as a M o r m o n Colony, 1879 to 1900." M.A. 1937, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.

WILSON, MARK DALE. " T h e Geology of the Upper Sixmile Canyon Area, Central Utah." M.S. 1949, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

WILSON, O . MEREDITH. " A History of the Denver and Rio Grande Project, 1890-1901." P h . D . 1943, University of California, Berkeley, California.

190

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

WINHOLTZ, W . G. "A Project for a Community Study with a View Toward Integration of Church, Industry, and Society." M.S. 1943, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

WOODBURY, ANGUS M . "Biotic Relationships of Zion Canyon, Utah, widi Special Reference to Succession: A Survey of the Geological, Botanical and Zoological Interrelationships within a Part of Zion National Park." P h . D . 1931, University of California, Berkeley, California.

WOODWARD, VALLENA GIFFORD. "Early History of Stockton." M.A. 1925,

University of California, Berkeley, California.

WORMINGTON, HANNAH M. " T h e Archeology of Upper Colorado Plateau Area in the Northern Periphery of the Southwestern United States." P h . D . 1954, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

YOUNG, VERNON ALPHUS. "Some Chemical Factors of die Soil That Influence the Distribution of Desert Vegetation." P h . D . 1929, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.

ZELLER, HOWARD DAVIS. " T h e Geology of the West-Central Portion of

the Gunnison Plateau, Utah." M.S. 1949, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

ZINK, NORAH EVA. "Dry-Farming Adjustments in Utah." P h . D . 1937, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

ZINSER, RAYMOND DEWARD. " T h e Competitive Value of Sectarian Indoc-

trination." Master's Thesis 1947, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.

REVIEWS

AND R E C E N T

PUBLICATIONS

Great Basin Kingdom. An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900. By LEONARD J. ARRINGTON. (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1958,534 pp., $9.00) Few scholars working in the Mormon field have displayed an industry and energy comparable to that of Leonard J. Arrington. Frankly delighting in the wealth of documentation that has come forth in recent years, and with aid from various foundations, he has intensively explored the resources of most of the institutions having significant Mormon collections. We have seen fruits of these researches in many articles published in professional journals, including this Quarterly. He has also completed a Ph.D. dissertation on Mormon economic history, accepted at the University of North Carolina in 1952. Great Basin Kingdom, his first book, is not merely a compilation of previous publications and his thesis, but an entirely new work.

Because I have serious reservations concerning both the conception and the execution of this book, I stress initially some of its positive virtues. Dr. Arrington has dug into aspects of Mormon history which have attracted no previous scholar, not even those primarily concerned with economic history. I cannot imagine that anyone seriously interested in Mormon history, whedier as reader or practicing scholar, will be able to do without it, for Great Basin Kingdom is a massive ordering of data about the Mormons. Informative in itself, a source-book up to a point, it is also an effective index of sources; and its bibliography is one of the

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broadest surveys of Utah historiography yet attempted, by no means limited in its viewpoint to economic history. As is characteristic of so many of the books produced by university presses these days, Great Basin Kingdom is also beautifully designed and bound, and bountifully illustrated.

Its subtitle notwithstanding, Great Basin Kingdom is not "an economic history of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900." The period before the Mormon exodus to Utah is treated in only the most sketchy manner, and without much real comprehension of the operative economic factors.

The book is far more substantial as an economic history of the Mormons in Utah, 1847-1900, but in his preface Dr. Arrington specifically disclaims its adequacy as such, noting that he omits such developments as Utah's mining history after 1869 (which owed more to the Gentiles than to the Saints) to make possible "detailed treatments of die more unique and lesser known economic activities, institutions, and responses of the Mormons. The book is largely a study of Mormon concepts, and of the efforts of church leadership to develop an economy in harmony with those concepts."

Such an approach to a description of Mormon economic history seems analogous to the description of a pair of pliers with reference to one jaw only. I do not see how economic activity by the church can well be understood or evaluated without reference to the total economic situation, and in a book with ample space at his command we should expect Dr. Arrington to raise his sights beyond the narrow walls of the monograph.

In fact, Dr. Arrington's work is not quite the limited special study he declares it to be, for in the event he found himself unable to resist the wealth of information he had amassed, and he has taken it quite far along the road toward conversion into a general history of the Mormons in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; without, however, following through as he would have had to do had the writing of such a history been his announced purpose.

Great Basin Kingdom ends up as not a general history, not quite an economic history of either the Mormons or Utah, and somediing at once more and less than a special monograph. As a professedly economic historian, Dr. Arrington has had freer rein than many other recent workers in the field of Mormon scholarship, there not being quite the same degree of sensitivity in Mormon culture about economic fact-finding and conclusions as in other areas. In this general atmosphere of acquiescence and well-being, Dr. Arrington has not pressed on very often to judgments that would bring him into the realm of controversy. As a

REVIEWS

AND RECENT

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descriptive work, Great Basin Kingdom is an immense accomplishment, and can be consulted with pleasure and profit. But it stops short at the door of judgment, and the facts are not all in so that the reader can perform this final act of judgment on his own.

DALE L. MORGAN

Bancroft Library

The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858. By LEROY R. HAFEN AND ANN W. HAFEN. (Glendale, California, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1958,366 pp., $9.50) The contents of this volume are best described in the subtitle: "A Documentary Account" of the Utah Expedition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in short, a compilation of relevant source records. Such a book has long been needed. The pertinent documents are accessible only in such collections as the National Archives, Washington, D.C, the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office and similar accumulations scattered from the Pacific to the Atlantic.

Even the applicable printed government documents are in short supply in Utah.

The editors have exercised commendable discrimination in their selection of material. Equally meritorious are their concise and scholarly introductions and footnotes. These stand out in refreshingly marked contrast to the multisided religious prejudice and political partisanship of many earlier writers.

To students of military history the Letter of Instructions issued June 29, 1857, by General-in-Chief (not "General of the Army" as designated p. 30) Winfield Scott to Brevet Brigadier General William S. Harney deserves far more consideration than has yet been accorded it.

Here was the basic grant of authority to the commanding officer of the Expedition â&#x20AC;&#x201D; mission, jurisdiction, tactics. It points out clearly what proved to be the decisive factor in the campaign, "the lateness of the season" in starting. As to tactical dispositions some of Scott's directives were not heeded: "keeping the troops well massed," "the cavalry should be sent well forward," "you should anticipate resistance." Actual responsibility for the unfortunate results following these deviations should be placed squarely on the intervention of Washington politicians rather than on the Expedition's officers. For example, it was political expediency which delayed Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. George Cooke's 2d Dragoons in turbulent Kansas until September 17, almost at the same

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time Colonel Robert T . Burton's Utah Militia cavalry scouts, near the South Pass, encountered the head of the federal column, an unguarded wagon train.

In contrast to the Scott letter the editors might also well have printed the instructions of Secretary of State Lewis Cass to Governor Alfred Cumming.

T o add to the objective realism of their material, the editors wisely included an excellent map. O n e feature might well have been added to it, die "Timpanogos Road." This led from Fort Bridger to the headwaters of the Provo River, down that stream through the canyon, across Provo Bench to Lehi, over the Jordan River bridge, constructed in 1853, and so to Camp Floyd. All personnel and supplies to the camp were sent over this route, and Colonel Cooke used it in 1861 when he departed for the Civil W a r with the small remaining garrison. T h e chief purpose of the road was to keep teamsters and soldiers out of Great Salt Lake City.

It is to be regretted that the editors did not extend their research to the Indian W a r Veterans Collection. This was brought together beginning about 1917 by the adjutant general of Utah and is now in the archives of the Utah State Historical Society. A m o n g its several thousand items are literally scores of documents concerning the Utah Militia in the "Echo Canyon War." O n e most important Militia order deserved printing: "Head Quarters, Nauvoo Legion, G. S. L. City, A u g 13 th /57.

Special Order N o . 13." This directed the mobilization of a cavalry force of 310 men under Colonel Robert T . Burton "to go back upon the road to protect our immigration now en-route to this city." Oddly enough no mention was made of the oncoming United States troops.

T h e present book constitutes Volume VIII of The Far West and Rockies Historical Series, 1820-1875, issued by the same publisher.

HAMILTON GARDNER

Cambridge,

Massachusetts

Land of Giants: The Drive to the Pacific Northwest 1750-1950. By DAVID LAVENDER. ( N e w York, Doubleday and Company, 1958, x + 468 pp., $5.95) T h e Mainstream of America series enters the Pacific Northwest in David Lavender's recent work. Idaho, British Columbia, and even Montana receive some attention, although the heavy emphasis is naturally on the Oregon country.

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Bent's Fort demonstrated Lavender's ability to combine fascinating narrative with excellent scholarship: the present volume, despite its obligation to a popularly slanted series, manages to strike near the same mark, although its contribution is much smaller. Carefully plodding through the many historical societies' pertinent publications as well as most of the sources and monographs, the author works from a solid, up-to-date knowledge of his vast area.

Historians seem so prone to guilt feelings whenever the charge of aridity is hurled at them that perhaps an examination of the methods of an indubitably entertaining member of the profession is in order. Certainly Lavender can draw almost any literate person through a hundred of his pages with dazzling skill. Of few historical novelists can this be so surely said. It is at once obvious diat Lavender is gaining his end by die employment of the dramatist's method: he sketches characters with vivid lines, throws them into long, interconnected scenes, builds suspense widi intermittent droppings and resumptions of the "meanwhile, back at the ranch" variety. It is amazing what colorful phrases will do for, say, Narcissa Whitman's sex appeal. At times our craftsman gives us descriptions of the natural setting which are at once poetic and full of malevolent forces.

Yet somehow the story of the Pacific Northwest carries in itself all these elements. A string of variegated anomalies like John Kendrick, Hall J. Kelley, Sir George Simpson, Isaac Stevens, Jason Lee, of course the Whitmans, Dr. McLoughlin, James Douglas, and a hundred more is hard to weave into a sober tapestry. That "pig war" on San Juan Island will never be a mere statistic. When Chief Joseph surrenders because "the little children are freezing to death. . . . From where the sun now stands, I will fight no more, forever," he seems to deserve an epic. The Northwest was like that. Lavender, in the case of the last two subjects, enhances them by a beautiful job of underwriting â&#x20AC;&#x201D; surest sign of all that he is a crack writer.

With all its episodic character, the narrative is chronologically well balanced. The scholarly trappings do not deserve much praise: the maps are only fair; the index is inadequate.

PHILIP C. STURGES

University of Utah

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West of the Great Divide. Norwegian Migration to the Pacific Coast, 1847-1893. By KENNETH O. BJORK. (Northfield, Minnesota, Norwegian-American Historical Association, 1958, viii + 671 pp., $7.50) In his new work, Professor Bjork of St. Olaf College, author of an earlier immigrant history, Saga in Steel and Concrete: Norwegian Engineers in America, has made a valuable addition to the distinguished list of publications of the Norwegian-American Historical Association. He tells a surprising story, its magnitude not sufficiently appreciated until now, of the Norwegian push into the Far West. He considers this advance, this shift from region to region, analogous to the original migration from the Old World to die middle western frontiers of the New. In his introductory essay, "Migration in Microcosm," which is the kind of interpretation that illuminates as well as informs, he points to striking parallels in motivation, the role of immigrant letters, the immigrant's dual relationship to what he left behind and what he met, and his adjustment to the new, often involving profound changes in social and economic status and in church allegiance. Clergymen and farmers were familiar figures in both migrations, but a new and prominent element in the transition to the Far West was an enterprising middle class — craftsmen, businessmen, and professional people — in part the product of a social advance in the Middle West, in part a direct migration from Norway to the Pacific Coast. The emphasis on their activities is one of the book's major contributions.

Dr. Bjork opens his account with the Norwegian goldseekers of 1849, "Argonauts in California," but returns in his second chapter to an earlier date, 1847, a year sure to catch the eye of Utah readers. Dr. Bjork is fully aware of the role Scandinavians played among the Mormons.

Two of his fourteen chapters—110 pages, or one-sixth of his book — are devoted to them. "From Babylon to Zion" and "A Kingdom Built with Hands" draw heavily upon Mulder's Homeward to Zion and on Andrew Jenson's annals, but with supplements from Professor Bjork's own field work during a visit to Salt Lake City when he read rich sources like the Danish newspaper Bikuben in the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office. In Utah the Norwegian story merges inevitably with the larger story of the whole Scandinavian Mormon immigration, unique for its special motivation and accommodation to the ideals of Zion.

A reproduction of the first issue of Bikuben and a map showing Scandinavian settlement in Utah enhance the account. It is encouraging to see this chapter in Scandinavian migration receiving the proportionate atten-

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tion in the general histories it deserves. Mormon readers, now that an outside historian has acknowledged the findings of their own scholars, may appreciate it.

Professor Bjork's full and fair treatment of the Mormons is typical of the way he combines large perspective and revealing detail in the rest of his narrative as he describes in turn the Norwegian experience in California, with special attention to San Francisco; the activities of Norwegian farmers, seamen, fishermen, loggers, craftsmen, and businessmen in the Pacific Northwest and of goldseekers in the Rockies; immigrant involvement in the economics of railroads and lands; the conflicts and constructive efforts of the Norwegian churches; and the description of daily life among the newcomers. It is social history approaching the encyclopedic in its congestion of names and minute facts, but Professor Bjork imparts vitality and interest to whoever appears on his crowded stage, even momentarily. He succumbs to a fabled figure like Snowshoe Thompson for a whole chapter, carefully sifting fact and legend.

A final chapter, "Pattern of Settlement," is by way of a concluding survey, seeing the forest whose trees have been so fully described and bringing the history statistically and by regions down to 1893, a year of economic crisis which renewed interest in the Far West, but under changed conditions. Norwegian westward migration was by then but an aspect of widespread rural and urban discontent finding general expression in political, religious, and labor upheavals. The history closes as it began, with sensitivity to the larger economic, social, and political developments as they bear on the central theme.

One of the virtues of West of the Great Divide is the evidence of patient search among mountains of immigrant newspapers for the letters and firsthand accounts of the "simple folk who made history at the dirt and water levels." The book is a rewarding part of that grass roots history that Theodore Belgen, one of the scholars who inspired Professor Bjork, called for long ago.

WILLIAM MULDER

University of Utah

The Cattlemen from the Rio Grande Across the Far Marias. By MARI SANDOZ. (New York, Hastings House, 1958, xiv + 498 pp., $6.50) Fortunate are the men whose story Mari Sandoz elects to tell. In this most recent work she has turned her attention to those who worked with

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cattle. Although her account runs the full gamut from the days of Coronado to the contemporary rodeo, the emphasis is on die period of the open range industry of 1865-1890. The book is a synthesis of the findings of several dozen scholars â&#x20AC;&#x201D; historians, folklorists, and librarians. Therefore, much is a twice-told tale, but never has it been related in as superb a fashion. Moreover, Mari Sandoz writes with an understanding of the business equal to that of the participants. Her numerous readers will find the book informative, entertaining, and in some sections reliable and authentic.

Like all researchers who have preceded her, the author discovered a vast collection of published material on Plains' cattlemen. Quite obviously she had difficulty in getting it under control. Although some effort was made to approach the subject chronologically, the chapter organization is not immediately apparent. On completing the study, die reader is apt to conclude that readability of the subject matter was the dominant factor in establishing the pattern of the book's organization. Many explanations about the ranching industry, its locale, and the handling of cattle, a few of which are not generally known, are unfortunately repeated over and over again. Miss Sandoz is devoted to the use of the descriptive adjective and die overuse of some of these, like "stinking," in time becomes objectionable. The wind, the water, snakes, cattle wounds, among many other things, are so described.

Although many professional historians may secretly hope to write as valuable and readable a book, they are obligated to note its inadequacies by guild standards. The account of die Johnson County War in Wyoming is the most revealing that has appeared. Historians have only been able to surmise what happened; manuscript evidence has been burned, destroyed, secretly filed away, or generally unavailable for years.

Miss Sandoz has been the first to gain access to quantities of this material. Scholars turning to the notes with eagerness to find the sources will read with disappointment a general remark, "There is much manuscript and interview material in private hands, usually not open to researchers." A selective bibliography, chosen widi care, has been included in die volume. In contrast, the notes appear to have been hastily prepared, as an afterthought, when the book was completed. As an example, this reviewer's studies in book and article form are generously recognized as sources of information for chapters in Book Four, but the material is actually used more extensively in Chapter II, Book Three (p. 236, pp. 246-47) without reference or citation. Miss Sandoz is eitiier unfamiliar with, or underestimates the importance of, the work of several his-

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torians. In her dramatic accounts of the disaster to the cattle industry in the winters of 1886 and 1887, she apparently has overlooked the study of Wyoming's Professor T. A. Larson, which suggests that the disaster due to climatic conditions has been greatly exaggerated. Repeatedly the Hayes-Tilden presidential election is described as the "big steal" in spite of historical scholarship that has seriously questioned tins interpretation.

More disturbing is the continuous appearance of bias throughout the book. The author is anti-foreign, anti-British in particular, and antagonistic to the cattlemen's associations. In fact, nearly every personality emerges in a positive or a negative light. Nothing good can be said for John Clay; nothing too good for old Charlie Goodnight (p. 479). Miss Sandoz appears suspicious of big money, big organization, and big power.

Although the author suggests that the one enduring figure on die Great Plains has been "the man who works with cattle," one finishes her tribute to him feeling that although she admires his type, she does not like him and his ways very much. Perhaps this is explained by the fact that Miss Sandoz is, as she was in the beginning, a sympathizer with his adversary, the pioneer farmer-settler of the Plains, the little man.

W . TURRENTINE JACKSON

University of California Life and Adventures of Fran\ Grouard. By JOE DEBARTHE. Edited by EDGAR I. STEWART. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1958, 267 pp., $5.00) First published in 1894, Life and Adventures of Frank Grouard is an intimate and valuable book about the Sioux Indians, but it is also a very scarce one. Here published is a new edition, edited and annotated by Edgar I. Stewart.

The story of Frank's life is a fascinating one. In 1852 at the age of two he came with his parents and two younger brothers to San Francisco from his homeland in Tahiti. Circumstances forced the breaking up of his own family, and eventually he was taken into the family of Addison Pratt. The boy stayed with his benefactors, moving with them to Beaver, Utah, and living there until he was fifteen years old. At diis time he tired of the monotony of his life and ran away. At nineteen he was captured by the Sioux Indians and spent seven years in the camps of Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse where he acquired his uncanny knowledge

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of the Sioux, their habits, language, signs, and customs, and the country through which they roamed. Putting this knowledge to use, he became a scout, serving for some time under General Crook and leading several scouting expeditions through difficult situations. This book has distinct appeal for enthusiasts of Western Americana everywhere.

Facts About Utah. (Salt Lake City, Utah Tourist and Publicity Council, 1958,110 pp., $.25) This comprehensive little booklet on Utah is well done and contains, as the title indicates, facts about Utah. In capsule form it covers: I — Governors of Utah; II — Utah, Its Land and Its Life — General Topography, Climate, Plant Life, Animal Life, Population; III — Utah, Yesterday — Before Man, Indians, White Man, Trappers, and up to and including Utah Since Statehood; IV — Utah, Today — Government, Towns, Cities and Counties, Culture, Economy, and Recreational Assets.

The booklet is nicely illustrated and is a valuable pocket book for the student, Utah resident, or the tourist.

The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona, 1861-1862. By ROBERT LEE KERBY. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1958,159 pp., $7.50) Volume XIII of the Great West and Indian series was written by Mr. Kerby as his thesis at Notre Dame for a Master's Degree in history, and it covers a phase of American history of which heretofore there has been very little written or published — the Great West and its part in the Civil War. California, with its untold riches in gold and its precious seaports, was the immediate prize of Sibley's invasion of the West. If the Confederacy had succeeded in its bold plan to take and hold the strategic areas of New Mexico and Arizona as a preliminary to taking California, the campaign might have won for her the gold, men, shipping routes, and materiel necessary for victory in the war.

Included in this book is a roster of regiments, companies and officers participating in every battle and skirmish of the far western campaign, and includes battle statistics.

^v% 1860

^aÂťV^ Pony Express Centennial,

1860-1960.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY