Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 35, Number 1, 1967 by Utah Historical Society

UTA S T A T E H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1967 President J A C K GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt L a k e City Secretary

M R S . J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. G e o r g e , 1969

M R S . A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1967 CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of S t a t e

officio

H O W A R D c. P R I C E , J R . , Price, 1967 M I L T O N c ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1969 j . S T E R L I N G A N D E R S O N , G r a n t s v i l l e , 1967 DEAN R. B R I M H A L L , F r u i t a , 1969

M R S . E L I Z A B E T H S K A N C H Y , M i d v a l e , 1969

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City, 1967

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, D i r e c t o r

T. H . J A C O B S E N , State Archivist, Archives F. T. J O H N S O N , Records M a n a g e r , Archives

J O H N JAMES, JR., Librarian MARGERY W . WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, Business M a n a g e r

T h e U t a h State Historical Society is a n organization devoted to t h e collection, preservation, a n d publication of U t a h a n d related history. I t was organized by publicspirited U t a h n s in 1897 for this purpose. I n fulfillment of its objectives, t h e Society p u b lishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 a n n u a l membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilmSj newspapers, maps, a n d manuscripts. M a n y of these items have come to t h e library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only t h r o u g h such means can the U t a h State H i s t o r i c a l Society live u p to its responsibility of preserving t h e record of U t a h ' s past.

T h e primary purpose of t h e Quarterly is t h e publication of manuscripts, photographs, a n d documents which relate or give a new interpretation t o U t a h ' s unique story. Contributions of writers are solicited for t h e consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes n o responsibility for t h e ret u r n of manuscripts u n a c c o m p a n i e d by ret u r n postage. Manuscripts a n d material for publications should be sent to the editor. T h e U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors. T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid a t Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1967, U t a h State Historical Society, 6 0 3 East South T e m p l e Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.

WINTER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER I

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents SHOSHONI-BANNOCK MARAUDERS ON THE O R E G O N T R A I L , 1859-1863 BY BRIGHAM D. M A D S E N

T H E S K E L E T O N I N GANDPA'S BARN BY HERBERT Z. L U N D , J R .

WHAT REMAINS OF T H E WEST? BY EARL POMEROY

FACTORS IN T H E D E S T R U C T I O N OF THE M O R M O N PRESS I N M I S S O U R I , 1833 BY WARREN A. J E N N I N G S

R E V I E W S AND P U B L I C A T I O N S

The Cover ''Returning From the^ Battle of Bear River," an oil painting by Lynn Fausett. The original is hanging in the Fort Douglas Officers' Club. The prominent figure in civilian dress is Orrin Porter Rockwell, who served as scout for the Fort Douglas stationed troops commanded by Colonel Patrick Edward Connor. EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

EVERETT L. COOLEY

Margery W. Ward

SETTLE, RAYMOND W. AND MARY L U N D , War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell, BY CONWAY B. SONNE

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CAMP, CHARLES L., ED., George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative," BY w. N. DAVIS

G O O D M A N , DAVID MICHAEL, A Western Panorama 1849-1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast, and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China} BY w. TURRENTINE JACKSON

BOOKS REVIEWEB

HAYNES, BESSIE DOAK AND EDGAR, EDS., The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life, BY STEPHEN D. DURRANT

GRESSLEY, GENE M., Bankers and Cattlemen, BY GEORGE W . ROLLINS

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NEWCOMB, FRANC JOHNSON, Navaho Neighbors,

BY ALICE S. MASON

W I L K I N S , T H U R M A N , Thomas Artist of the Mountains, BY JAMES L. HASELTINE

Moran: -

—-

REYNOLDS, CHANG, Pioneer Circuses of the West, BY MERLE WELLS

CLARK, ELLA E., Indian Legends from the Northern

Rockies, BY ALTON B. OVIATT

H A M M O N D , GEORGE P. AND DALE L. MORGAN, Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library, BY DONALD C. GUTTER

SANDOZ, MARI, Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America, BY JAMES L. CLAYTON

D R U R Y , C L I F F O R D M E R R I L L , ED., First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838, BY ANN w. HAFEN

-v

MWMM

M â&#x20AC;˘

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Shoshoni-Bannock Marauders on the Oregon Trail 1859-1863 BY BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

^ _ J n the morning of January 29, 1863, in weather so cold that whiskey froze in their canteens, Colonel Patrick E. Connor's California Volunteers swam their horses and themselves across ice-choked Bear River to attack an entrenched encampment of several hundred Shoshoni Dr. Madsen is deputy academic vice-president, University of Utah. The material for much of this article was completed under a research grant from Utah State University Division of Research. The photographs of the three Indian braves and one squaw were furnished by the author.

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Indians. Fought just above the gorge through which Bear River debouches into the Valley of Great Salt Lake, this engagement was called the "severest and most bloody of any which has ever occurred with the Indians west of the Mississippi." 1 The battle was a natural and perhaps inevitable consequence of 15 years interaction between opportunistic and aggressive white pioneers and warlike and equally aggressive tribesmen of the plains and mountains. T h e first act had been staged along the Atlantic seaboard over two centuries before and uncounted succeeding performances had carried the drama overland to the Rocky Mountains. The scenes were the same: first, white settlements spread "like stains of raccoon grease on a new blanket" 2 and, in the process, irresponsible frontiersmen needlessly shot down natives; secondly, the Indians retaliated or sometimes initiated the attacks; then, to end the "savage warfare" a negligent government sent troops who became agents for further white conquest; and finally, a concerned government negotiated a treaty which directed the "removal" of the Indians to Oklahoma, or to a reservation, or to final extinction. In the region of the Great Salt Lake this familiar cycle was modified by two other factors. First, examine the area occupied by the Shoshoni people. If a student of geometry were to draw a line from South Pass, to Fort Hall, thence to the headwaters of the Humboldt River, then northeast to Salt Lake City, and back to South Pass, he would find the figure of a rhombus, within which, in pioneer days, there was a veritable maze of emigrant trails: Sublette's Cutoff, Kinney's Cutoff, Hudspeth's Cutoff, Lander's Cutoff, and 57 other varieties of shortcuts which have long since been forgotten. These wagon trails offered both provocation and opportunity to the Indians living in the area. Secondly, in the Mormon people the natives found white settlers who pursued a less belligerent course toward the original inhabitants of the land. The Mormon leader, Brigham Young, counseled that "it was manifestly more economical and less expensive to feed and clothe than to fight" 3 the Indians. As early as October of 1849, Brigham Young had deplored an attack on "Snake" Indians by an emigrant train on its way to California. He wrote to his members in the East that the miners had "shot two or three squaws, and stolen their horses" and regretted that "such a band of 1 U . S . , Office of I n d i a n Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1863 ( W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , 1 8 6 4 ) , 539â&#x20AC;&#x201D;40; hereafter referred to as Indian Affairs Report, w i t h t h e year a n d page n u m b e r . 2 Alvin M . Josephy, Jr., The Patriot Chiefs: A Chronicle of Indian Leadership ( N e w York, 1 9 6 1 ) , 215. 3 Deseret News (Salt L a k e C i t y ) , D e c e m b e r 14, 1854.

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desperadoes and murderers should roam at large, exciting the ignorant Indians to retaliation and revenge on our people." 4 Such wanton cruelty on the part of overland travelers prompted most of the Indian leaders to withdraw their people from the vicinity of the "Holy Road" during the emigrant season, but for the Shoshoni and Bannock this was difficult to do. The trails crisscrossed the very heart of their homeland and if they withdrew too far, they ran the risk of encroaching on Ute, Paiute, Crow, or Blackfeet territory with consequent retaliation and bloodshed. Wavering between friendship for the Mormon settlers and opposition to the grasshopper hordes of overland travelers, the Shoshoni and Bannock mounted a crescendo of attacks during the decade following the California gold rush. By 1859 the northernmost settlements of Utah in Cache Valley had to direct half their men to build forts while the other half risked annihilation to plant and harvest a crop, so changed had become their erstwhile friendly relations with the neighboring Shoshoni. 5 That there was justifiable incentive on the part of the Indians to strike back is evident even in the somewhat biased reports of the white inhabitants of the region. A Deseret News correspondent from the Humboldt area wrote in July of 1859 that: Many of the emigrants are perfectly reckless as to what they do or say. T h e other day some passed along, and, in the course of conversation, informed us that they had a lot of strychnine with them on purpose to give to the Indians. I thought it would only serve them right to make them take it themselves. Should they carry out their benevolent intentions and innocent men and women be massacred by the enraged savages in consequence our impartial and penetrating judges may, perhaps, discover "Mormon influence" at the bottom of it. 6

And apparently, some of the government Indian agents were convinced of the correctness of Mormon suspicions of Gentile influence arousing the Indians against the Utah people. F. W. Lander reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in February of 1860 that he had good reason "to believe that Gentiles stimulated the Pannacks and Snakes to attack Mormons and steal from them." 7 Judge D. R. Eckels wrote from Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, informing the Secretary of Interior that he was convinced that the frequent 4 "Second General Epistle, of the Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints . . . ," The Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, X I I (Liverpool, England, 1849), 121. 5 Peter Maughan, Cache Valley, Utah, to Deseret News, June 15, 1859. 6 Humboldt River correspondent to Deseret News, July 22, 1859. 7 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 131.

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attacks on emigrants were "planned and led by white men." A man named Nelson Miltimore testified that the "Indians" who attacked his wagon train on August 31 "spoke good English," "wore long beards," and were without doubt "whites in Indian disguise." 8 It is little wonder that the young Shoshoni or Bannock braves, steeped in the tradition that the highest good lay in stealing an enemy horse or taking an enemy scalp, should be emboldened by these examples of whites attacking other white men. Indiscriminate killing of peaceful Indians by reckless or fear-struck travelers did not improve Indian-white relations either. A Deseret News correspondent from Brigham City related an incident in which two Flathead Indians rode up to an emigrant camp in the Goose Creek Mountains "to swap some buckskins" and were immediately shot to death by the campers. Seeking revenge, the remaining Flatheads commandeered the help of some nearby Shoshoni and the combined war party attacked the wagon train, killed five men and two women, plundered the wagons, and took all the horses.9 Because of the Indian troubles during the summer of 1859, troops were dispatched from Camp Floyd to guard the emigrant trails. But the Mormon correspondent to the Deseret News, writing from the "Humboldt River Route," was of the opinion they did more harm than good. Recognizing the strong prejudice that most Mormons had against the federal troops at this time his report must be accepted with some reservations, but other observers with less bias reported similar incidents: T h e troops sent from your city to guard the emigrants to California . . . have done ten times more harm than good . . . they have beaten and abused the men, and violated their women in a most shameful and disgusting manner. They may think that poor Indians have no claim to humanity, but . . . the injured natives swear vengeance as soon as the soldiers leave. Who can blame them? These gallant protectors of emigrants have laid the foundation for the plunder and slaughter of hundreds. 10

Superintendent F. W. Lander reported additional vows of revenge on the part of Shoshoni Chief Pocatello and his band because of the "assaults of ignominy" by California emigrants on his people, including the killing of a subchief's squaw and children. Pocatello concluded that: T h e hearts of his people were very bad against the whites; that there were some things that he could not manage, and among them were the bad 8

Ibid., 111.

Jonathan C. Wright, Brigham City, Utah, to Deseret News, August 1, 1859. Humboldt River correspondent, Butte Valley, to Deseret News, July 30, 1859.

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thoughts of his young men towards the whites, on account of the deeds of the whites towards his tribe. Many of the relatives of his young men had been killed, and nothing but the death of a white man could atone for this;. . . " '

The death was soon achieved. When news came from Brigham City of the killing of five white men and two of their children near the junction of the Oregon and California trails, the military of Camp Floyd dispatched Major Isaac Lynde with a company of dragoons to establish a post near the Bear River crossing from which regular patrols were to be sent out to guard the emigrant parties. In addition Lieutenant E. Gay was ordered to investigate the massacre and arrest the marauders if they could be caught. Upon arriving at Brigham City, some of the settlers informed Gay that a large band of Indians was camped in Box Elder Valley on the road to Cache Valley. The settlers accused this band of stealing horses and cattle and of being the perpetrators of the massacre of seven emigrants. Gay decided on an attack and leaving Brigham City with 42 men he attacked the sleeping Indians just before dawn. The natives retreated up the steep mountainside, firing as they went, and after about an hour and a half of continuous battle Gay gave up the pursuit. He estimated the strength of the Indians at between 150 and 200 of which his command killed 20 with 6 of his men being wounded. Reports soon reached him that 200 Bannock had joined the hostiles in Cache Valley, and that an even larger encampment was located across the mountains on Bear Lake. 12 A tragic footnote to this sharp engagement was the killing of Abraham Hunsaker's adopted son, "a tame Indian boy," who was herding horses in Box Elder Valley. The troops shot him down on sight and then returned to Brigham City where the Deseret News correspondent reported they encamped in the "Big Field" outside of town "seemingly, having a disrelish for canyons." 13 A few days after this affair, Major Lynde's command met a wagon train led by a Mr. Shepherd who told them of an ambush which had resulted in the deaths of five men. The attack had occurred in a canyon where the party had stopped to attend to a sick horse. Besides those killed "one woman was shamefully abused and her leg broken, and a small child was thrown into the air and suffered to fall upon the ground, by which, its leg was broken." The attackers got away with 35 horses, "two gold 11

Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 134. Ibid., 22. 13 Deseret News, August 24, 1859; Archie Sims, "Early History of Mantua" (MS, Utah State University, 1935). 12

watches, one silver watch, and about one thousand dollars in money." An Indian boy, a member of Chief Pocatello's band, reported to Lynde that the Shoshoni leaders involved in the raid were: "Chief Jag-e-ah ('The M a n Who Carries the Arrows')" and subchiefs "Saw-wich ('The Steam From a Cow's Belly'), Ah-gutch ('The Salmon'), Jah-win-pooh ('The Water Goes in the P a t h ' ) , and Jag-en-up ('The Mist after the R a i n ' ) . " Major Lynde voiced his suspicions that the marauding bands were "stimulated" by the citizens of Utah to steal cattle and horses for the benefit of Mormondom. 14 As the sultry "dog days" of August steamed into September, Indian raids increased. Captain Daniel Beals's company of travelers was attacked, one man killed and another, Jacob Pollings, was found the following day lying among the debris of the plundered and burning wagons, having been wounded in both legs.15 Several days later Milton J. Harrington, a member of the "Buchanan Co." from Iowa, reported an attack on his train in which eight persons were killed, the dead being "horribly mangled and scalped": O n e little girl five years old h a d b o t h legs c u t off a t t h e k n e e s ; h e r ears were also c u t off a n d h e r eyes w e r e d u g o u t from t h e i r sockets, a n d to all a p p e a r a n c e t h e girl, after h a v i n g h e r legs c u t off, h a d b e e n c o m p e l l e d t o 14 15

F. W. Lander to Jacob Forney, August 16, 1859, Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 28. Deseret News, September 27, 1859.

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walk on t h e stumps â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for t h e sole purpose of gratifying t h e hellish p r o pensity of savage barbarity. 1 6

The list of Indian attacks lengthened â&#x20AC;&#x201D; some recorded at the time, a few known only to the perpetrators â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all attended with the ferocity of savage instincts unleashed. And the army faced the impossible task of patrolling 800 miles of intertwined emigrant roads from South Pass in Wyoming to the Humboldt in Nevada. F. W. Lander underscored the despair of the army trying to capture the will-o'-the-wisp Shoshoni and Bannock who "keep runners out" to "furnish intelligence to distant bands of the approach of troops. They are always ridiculing the attempts made to overtake them by the regular army." The common phrase found in the reports of the commanders of the punitive military expeditions was that they "saw no Indians." When friendly Indians did approach the soldier camps, there was always the danger that some frustrated dragoon would load and fire. When Chief Pocatello came into the camp of Lieutenant Gay and that officer placed him in irons, Major Lynde released the Indian leader despite the irate mutterings of the regulars. The troopers probably would have agreed with the editor of the Deseret News, "Why was he not securely kept? And through whose agency was he permitted to escape?" 17 The magnitude of defense was compounded by the enormity of the emigration across the plains in these years and by the inability or downright cussedness of the emigrants in refusing to provide adequately for their own protection. Lynde reported meeting as many as 300 wagons a day, averaging 4 persons per wagon, with "at least 7,000 head of stock." The travelers, although sometimes armed, kept their unloaded weapons in the wagons and laughed at the major when he warned them about the probability of instant attack. Such easy pickings were too tempting to the proud and independent Shoshoni and Bannock whose every means of sustenance was being destroyed by the concourse of people and cattle anyway.18

Ibid., September 21, 1859. Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 132; Deseret News, September 14, 1859. 18 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 38. 17

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And in the wake of the dust and debris of the westward-seeking pilgrims, the Mormons were left the worry and uncertainty of maintaining their settlements in the midst of a thoroughly aroused, often hungry, and bitterly emboldened tribe of Shoshoni-Bannock. The Indians began stealing horses from the northern farmers in Cache Valley and were reported "mad" that Mormons should lead soldiers into their camps. The plan of the military to keep troops stationed at Bear River crossing during the winter months so as to "starve out the Indians" was ridiculed by the Mormon press as "certainly a novel way of conducting an Indian war." The editor added sarcastically "The future will disclose how many officers will be promoted for 'gallant and meritorious conduct' during the campaign." 19 At the root of the Shoshoni troubles lay the indifference and inattention of the federal government toward these Indians. With a homeland lying on the extreme eastern edge of Washington and Oregon territories, occupying areas at the northern edge of Utah Territory, and extending to the eastern end of Nevada Territory, the Shoshoni were left to their own devices while Indian agents and superintendents quibbled exasperatingly over who had proper jurisdiction. The Nevada superintendent wrote the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asking whether these Indian people were "within the scope" of his superintendency. 20 Major John Owen, from Fort Owen in western Montana, received from his superior at Portland, Oregon, the disconcerting news that the Shoshoni-Bannock were to be placed under his temporary supervision, a grand council was to be held, and food supplies and clothing were to be issued to the Indians. Although hundreds of miles removed from them, Owen made numerous attempts to carry out his instructions which proved futile because the promised annuity goods never appeared. Indifferent and unscrupulous government agents farther east effectually stymied attempts to deliver the goods. Owen warned of reports which reached him of Shoshoni-Bannock attacks on emigrant trains: "From my present position you will see that it will not do to delay" the shipment of goods.21 Utah officials also appealed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs pointing out that as far as they knew Utah Territory was the only area 19

Ibid.; Deseret News, August 31, October 19, 1859. Indian Affairs Report, 1861, 109. 21 Edward R. Geary to John Owen, Portland, Oregon, May 23, 1860, U.S., Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Washington Superintendency, Letters Received (National Archives, Washington, D . C ) , Record Group No. 22, p. 209; hereafter referred to as Indian Affairs Records with the superintendency and page numbers. John Owen to Edward R. Geary, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, June 30, 1860, ibid., 216. 20

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thrown open to settlement without first adopting some measures "to extinguish the Indian title." They insisted that this neglect had resulted in the numerous depredations on overland wayfarers while other tribes in the West had received thousands of dollars in annuities and supplies. The Shoshoni and Bannock had "urged in justification of their course that their own country was taken possession of without their consent, their grass and water used, their game driven off, and they left to suffer and starve." Utah's territorial officials summed up the feelings of the ShoshoniBannock : It is sufficient for them to know that the Great Spirit gave this country to their fathers, sent the deer and the antelope here for their food, and that while all that remains of their fathers are their graves, the hunting grounds, as their descendents belongs to them. Already do they well understand, that treaties have been made with other Indians, by which their lands have been purchased, and they are becoming impatient and indeed hostile because the same course is not pursued by them. 22

All such entreaties availed little. It was left to a sanguinary engagement on Bear River to focus official attention on the need for treaties, annuity goods, and recognition for the Shoshoni and Bannock. Meanwhile, the Indian followed the age-old mores â&#x20AC;&#x201D; conducting the perennial search for food, stealing the horses necessary for livelihood and honor, and collecting the scalps essential for proof of one's manhood â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all of which was much easier since the guileless whites had appeared with covered wagons loaded with the necessities of life. The summer of 1861 in only lesser degree saw wagon train attacks similar to those of the preceding year. The center of gravity shifted somewhat to the west, and Ruby Valley, Deep Creek, Antelope Canyon, and Rush Valley were the names in the news. But this did not mean that other areas were exempt, and one party lost all of its wagons and supplies plus 140 "loose animals" to an Indian raid at the City of Rocks, about 90 miles west of Fort Hall. 23 Pony Express stations suffered their share of scares, burnings, and killings. In a pitched battle at Deep Creek Station, 19 troopers drove off 150 Indians with a loss of two men and 14 casualties to the Indians. The Deseret News informant reported the soldiers "found it anything but fun to fight well-armed Indians, when ensconced behind rocks and trees." Sometimes the warriors mounted to the tops of rocks and then would 22 "Petition of Governor and Judges, etc. of Utah Territory in Relation to the Indians," in "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), November 1, 1860. 23 Deseret News, September 27, 1860.

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"whoop and yell like fiends." At Shell Creek Station the agent and his two men drove off an attack and then, taking what supplies they could, made haste for Deep Creek and reinforcements. The returning party found the station in ashes. 24 West of Salt Lake conditions became so precarious that the settlers abandoned their homes in Rush Valley and reported in Salt Lake City that the presence of a few soldiers had transformed previously friendly Indians into hostiles who shot "at the whites whenever they saw them." Other Mormon settlers in Cache Valley also suffered when they attempted to force recognition of American law on an aboriginal people whose tribal customs were fundamentally different. The citizens of Smithfield arrested an Indian on suspicion of stealing a horse and held him for "legal investigation." Not understanding the fine points of this abstruse legal maneuver, 10 friends of the Shoshoni brave rode up and urged him to come out. When he did so, the white captain of the guard gave the necessary orders, and the guard fired and killed the would-be escapee. In revenge the warriors came upon a small group of whites and without warning killed one and wounded two. Then, meeting two brothers along the road, they killed one and wounded the other. A posse failed to apprehend the lawbreakers and the Deseret News thought that only by force of arms could the murderers be caught and that "should be a dernier resort." 25 With the coming of winter again, the Indians withdrew to their wickiups, the settlers gathered their stock close to home, the would-be emigrants in the Mississippi Valley attended their meetings and planned for next year's migrations, and peace settled down once more on the Wasatch province. The Indian agents now filed their yearly reports asking for the same things: annuity goods for the Shoshoni-Bannock, treaties to keep them away from the emigrant trails, and expostulations against renegade whites who continually stirred up the redskins. John Owen made a heartfelt plea for his "Snake" Indians: I do really think that with kind treatment and a prudent Expenditure of a few thousand Dollars Every Year that these Indians could be drawn from their predatory habits and Settled quietly in the Salmon River Country and be taught and induced to cultivate the soil. These Indians twelve years ago were the avowed friends of the White Man. I have had their Young Men in My Employment as Hunters Horse Guards Guides etc. etc. I have traversed the length & breadth of their Entire Country with large bands of Stock unmolested. Their present hostile attitude can in a great Measure be attributed to the treatment they have reed from unprincipled **Ibid., June 13, August 29, 1860. 25 Ibid., June 10, August 1, 1860.

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W h i t e M e n passing t h r o u g h their C o u n t r y . T h e y h a v e been robed M u r dered their W o m e n o u t r a g e d etc. etc. a n d in fact outrages h a v e been comm i t t e d by W h i t e M e n t h a t t h e h e a r t would S h u d d e r to record. T h o s e are incontrovertible facts. I d o N o t Wish to see these I n d i a n s Shielded from the p u n i s h m e n t they so justly deserve. Still these are paliating circumstances t h a t is N o M o r e t h a n just should be shown in their favor. T h e p i c t u r e is d a r k clothed in the M o s t E x t e n u a t i n g g a r b . . . , 26

The "dark clothed" picture did not brighten with the coming of the summer sun, and Owen again pleaded in September for provisions for the welfare of the "Wandering bands of Snakes and Bannocks." He insisted that the "increasing Scarcity of Game & the Constant Encroachments upon their lands by gold Miners" required some attention "on the Score of humanity" if nothing else.27 News accounts substantiated the destitute condition of many of the Indians. The Deseret News reported on February 20 that one Indian was found dead within a half mile of the Pony Express Roberts Creek Station apparently "having perished from cold and starvation while on his way there for food." Even in the few instances when government agents were able to distribute a little food and clothing, illegal white traders bartered their cheap liquor for the expensive goods, leaving the Indians drunk as well as destitute. 28 The Oregon superintendent reported to his superior in Washington, D . C , that the Shoshoni-Bannock complained that government agents had never talked with t h e m ; h a v e never given t h e m any presents; h a v e not even b r o k e tobacco with t h e m , or smoked w i t h t h e m , while t h e Blackfeet a n d o t h e r I n d i a n tribes h a v e h a d presents from o u r people for t h e privilege of m a k i n g roads t h r o u g h their country. 2 9

Despite the continual inattention of the federal authorities to their wants, the Shoshoni and Bannock did not mount as many attacks during the migration of 1861 as in the two years before. No little official correspondence occurred over 4 children taken prisoners the previous autumn as the result of a particularly vicious attack on a wagon train of 44 people near Salmon Falls on the Snake River. Major John Owen was deputized to spare no pains in attempting to recover the captives and was also informed that the military planned a concerted attack on the raiding bands 20 John Owen to Edward R. Geary, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, February 13, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Washington Superintendency, 243. 27 John Owen to B. F. Kendall, Fort Owen, Washington Territory, September 12 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Washington Superintendency, 263. 28 Deseret News, February 20, March 5, 1861. 29 Indian Affairs Report, 1860, 156.

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in the spring of 1862. But some Confederate raiding bands in Virginia upset those plans much earlier than that. 30 Continued troubles with Indians in the Grantsville area west of Salt Lake City kept the settlers on alert. They finally captured 11 "Shoshone" and "Gosh-Utes," released 3 of them to bring back some stolen stock, and held the remaining braves hostage to ensure the return of the stock. But the 8 warriors overpowered the guard and escaped. Reporting the incident, one of the leaders of the settlement wrote: "These Shoshones are so vicious, that the Gosh-Utes are afraid of them, and dare not attempt to drive them out of the land." Even close to the center of Mormon Zion, a Bishop Miller of Mill Creek Ward, just south of Salt Lake City, complained of an encampment of 20 lodges of Indians who had been living off the settlers for several weeks, incidentally cutting down fences and driving off stock. To keep them from helping themselves to what they wanted, the Mormons had supplied the Indians with food, "beef in particular, for which the natives have great proclivities." A Cache Valley group of 20 Shoshoni under Chief Bear Hunter trekked to Salt Lake City to visit the Superintendent of Indian Affairs and to gather some presents, including a "complete suit of citizens' clothing" for the chief which made him feel "first-rate." 31 Old charges of Mormon intrigue with the Indians cropped up again as the aftermath of a raid on an emigrant train at the City of Rocks. The Carson City Silver Age charged that the 40 attackers were whites disguised as Indians and that "some of the party were recognized as Mormons." 32 Perhaps the worst incident of the summer occurred below Salmon Falls on the Snake River when the Shoshoni and Bannock killed 11 members of an Oregon-bound party, drove the rest away, and plundered the wagons. The survivors stumbled into the Umatilla Indian Agency "perfectly exhausted, having had nothing to eat but a little dried horse meat for twenty-one days." 33 By the end of 1861, the Shoshoni and Bannock were becoming desperate as their foodstocks dwindled and their pasturage disappeared. One Indian agent, Benjamin Davis, had visited the Gosiute Shoshoni of northwestern Utah in January of 1861 and found them in the "lowest ebb of destitution, suffering and w a n t . . . their poverty, sufferings and distress 30

John Owen to L. L. Blake, Flathead Agency, Oregon Territory, February 18, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Oregon Superintendency, 247, 248. 31 Deseret News, February 10, March 6, April 1, 1861. S2 Ibid., September 18, 1861. 33 U.S., War Department, Report of Secretary of War, 36th Cong., 2d Sess., 1860-1861, Serial No. 1079, p. 143.

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are beyond description." When he asked them why there were so few children among them, they replied that since the white people came the buffalo and deer had all gone away, and they had nothing to feed them with; wherefore they laid them by the stones, which means that they laid them on the ground to die and be eaten by the wolves.

In Ruby Valley, Davis met with about 800 "Western Shoshones" and "Bannocks" and had difficulty persuading them that he was no Mormon and that the "Great Captain" in Washington was "no Mormon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but American." 34 Indian discontent with Utah settlers and, indeed all whites, reached tinderbox combustibility as 1862 appeared, and only a slight change of wind direction was needed to set the mountain valleys afire. T h a t change came when a "norther" blew in from Montana bringing news of the discovery of gold in the Beaverhead country. Miners and prospectors, prepared to risk all for the golden rainbow, poured into the last remaining hunting ground of the Shoshoniâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Upper Snake River Valley, bounded on the east by Yellowstone and the majestic Tetons and on the west by the Salmon River ranges. Salt Lake City and the northern Utah settlements became the base of supplies for the miners as they left the Oregon and California trails to travel northward. Canny Mormon farmers joined the mad gold rush, mining the shiny metal from the pouches of gold diggers who needed fresh vegetables, dairy supplies, and meats. Mormons and miners alike traveled the new road in small parties rather than in caravans and offered tempting targets to the hungry and disgruntled native population. As early as May 28, 1862, reports reached Salt Lake of the death of 8 out of a party of 14 people returning from Salmon River. 35 Emboldened and throwing all caution to the winds, the Shoshoni and Bannock soon were raiding horse and cattle herds from Fort Bridger in the south to Fort Owen in the north, paying especial attention to the Mormon settlements north of Salt Lake where Brigham Young's precept of feeding rather than fighting the Indians was fast becoming rapacious extortion. Afraid to venture any farther north, mining parties by June were stopped just beyond Fort Hall. Soon reports began to come in that the great Shoshoni peace chief, Washakie, had been set aside and the Bannock chief, Pashego, "a man of blood," had won over the malcontents. 34 Benjamin Davis to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Salt Lake City, Utah, January 20, 1861, Indian Affairs Records, Utah Superintendency (microfilm, Utah State Historical Society). 35 Deseret News, May 28, 1862.

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Both Shoshoni and Bannock warriors were taking their families to the Salmon River country to get them out of danger and "when the leaves turn yellow and begin to fall . . . they are to fall upon and exterminate all the settlers in the Territory." 3G The increasing ferocity of attacks in June of 1862 seemed to indicate to some observers that the Shoshoni-Bannock were not content to wait until autumn. A Smith-Kinkaid party, traveling from California to the states, was attacked; Smith was shot in the back with an arrow but managed to make it to a settlement on Bear River "with the arrow yet in him." Three emigrant trains were waylaid by the Shoshoni near Soda Springs and wiped out. Several wagon columns were attacked and many people killed during the month of July. James Doty of the Utah Indian superintendency concluded his mid-summer reports: A m a n r e t u r n e d from S a l m o n R i v e r informs m e t h a t a t t h e crossing of t h e Salt L a k e a n d California r o a d s h e saw t w o w a g o n s s t a n d i n g in t h e r o a d , a n d t h e d e a d bodies of t h r e e w h i t e m e n lying beside t h e m . T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e r e h a v e b e e n m a n y m u r d e r s c o m m i t t e d t h e r e of w h i c h n o a c c o u n t h a s b e e n given. 3 7

Even the old mountaineers, friends of the Indians for years, were now not exempt from attack as the 2,000 Indians of Doty's estimate raided outlying settlements. Old mountain man, Jack Robinson, living about six miles from Fort Bridger, lost over 200 head of horses and mules on the night of July 19. He gathered 62 men as a posse to pursue the renegade thieves but to no avail. 38 Indian tempers seemed to rise with the temperature, the hot days of August and September bringing so many attacks that the editor of the Deseret News exploded in frustration that "for the last few months the Red Skins, especially the Snakes and Bannocks, appear to have unreservedly seceded from 'the rest of mankind.' " Emigrant trains along the Oregon Trail were greeted by posted signs bearing the name of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: T O T H E P U B L I C : F r o m i n f o r m a t i o n received a t this d e p a r t m e n t d e e m e d sufficiently reliable to w a r r a n t m e in so d o i n g , I consider it m y d u t y t o w a r n all persons c o n t e m p l a t i n g t h e crossing of t h e plains this fall, to U t a h or t h e Pacific Coast, t h a t t h e r e is good r e a s o n t o a p p r e h e n d hostilities 38 Sacramento Daily Union, June 7, 1862; John Owen, "Journal XVI, Recording Life and Affairs at the Fort [Owen] from Jan. 1, 1862 to April 11, 1863" (MS, National Archives), June 28, 1862, p. 255; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 213. 37 Sacramento Daily Union, June 7, 1862; Owen, "Life and Affairs at the Fort," June 28, 1862, p. 255; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 211. 38 Deseret News, August 13, 1862.

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on the part of the Bannock and Shoshone or Snake Indians, as well as the Indians upon the plains and along the Platte River. The Indians referred to have, during the past summer, committed several robberies and murders: they are numerous, powerful, and warlike, and should they generally assume a hostile attitude are capable of rendering the emigrant routes across the plains extremely perilous; hence this warning. 39

Cataloguing the depredations of these months reveals a monotonous story repeated many times: an ambush; a short, sharp fight; wagons robbed, then set afire; and men, women, and children killed and horribly mutilated. July 8: a company of 6 men with two wagons attacked — 4 men killed. July 9: vicinity of Fort Hall — 5 emigrants killed and several others wounded — "cattle and horses lying around, perforated with balls, indicated that other depredations had been committed." 40 July 9: 12 packers attacked, 5 men wounded and 12 pack animals lost. July 9 again: as this day marked a veritable holocaust of murder and rapine — at Massacre Rocks below the American Flails of the Snake River, a train of 11 wagons was attacked by over 200 Indians and nearly all the emigrants killed, the rest of the travelers along the trail massing together until a cavalcade estimated at 200 wagons and over 700 people had gathered for mutual protection. The morning after the attack at Massacre Rocks 40 well-armed men set out to recover the stolen stock but upon meeting with 300 similarly well-armed Indians they quickly retired after suffering 3 killed and several wounded. After leaving the junction of the Oregon and California roads, the California-bound emigrants saw "the remains of several trains which had been destroyed by the savage foemen, and were attacked several times by them." 41 The Deseret News editorialized: "making due allowance for all misstatements and exaggerations, there is no doubt that a large number of persons have been killed by Indians during the present season on Sublette's Cut off." On August 26, an Iowa company fought off a war party but lost all its horses and mules, 11 of its 12 wagons, and then was attacked again before sundown losing 4 men in the last battle. The survivors straggled into the settlements on Bear River near Brigham City, Utah, and reported that "emigrants, ferrymen and mountaineers were abandoning the route entirely, afraid to continue longer in the country." Mas39

Ibid., August 6, 1862; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 215. R. H. Hewitt, Journey Across the Plains, May 7, to November 3, 1862 (Olympia, Washington, 1863),26. ^Deseret News, August 27, November 26, 1862; Alvin Zorring, ed., "Diary of Hamilton Scott," as quoted in Byron Defenbach, Idaho, the Place and Its People (New York, 1933), 406. 40

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sacre Rocks seemed to be a favorite haunt for one band of Indian raiders. The warriors soon rushed a group of 15 men from California. A running fight ensued covering an entire day and 20 miles. The 40 Indians engaged in the battle evidently had abandoned the traditional hit-and-run tactics of former times and savagely and stubbornly pursued their victims until after dark, killing 6 men and taking most of the horses. After 5 days without food, the remaining whites reached the Box Elder settlements and related that during the pursuit one "Indian had a magnificent new American flag, which he fluttered in the breeze, but for what purpose the pursued, of course, could not stop to learn." 42 In utter helplessness to control their thoroughly infuriated charges, the various Indian agents could only write long "I-told-you-so" letters to their superiors, asking for money with which to buy annuity goods so that when winter came there might be some possibility of treating with the Indians for a cessation of war. Reporting from San Francisco, Special Agent Henry Martin asked for $5,000 to make a treaty with the "Shosho-nee," the money to be used to buy blankets and other supplies. Agent 42 Deseret News, September 17, September 24, 1862; Sacramento Daily Union, September 22, October 2, 1862.

ITAH STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

Shoshoni

village â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the date and place of the picture are unknown.

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Luther Mann assailed the Shoshoni-Bannock for the "most brutal murders ever perpetrated upon this continent," and the Deseret News concluded that "the Indians have thrown off all restraint." But San Francisco and Salt Lake City were too many miles from Washington, D . C , where a Union government was more concerned with a general named George McClellan and his reluctance to follow up a partial victory at a place called Antietam. It would be another year before the slow wheels of bureaucratic government ground out the first of those treaties which eventually would settle the Shoshoni and Bannock on their various reservations. 43 Throughout the general conflagration of 1862, the northern fringe of Mormon settlements alternated between havens of safety for beleaguered emigrants and focal points of attack by their erstwhile "Lamanite" friends.44 And as overland travel abruptly ceased with the coming of winter, the Shoshoni-Bannock, flushed with booty and drunk with success, turned to the only area remaining which offered the opportunity to "count coup" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the villages of northern Utah. Even earlier, the Deseret News had reported that the Indians near Cache Valley are inclined of late to be saucy and belligerent in their deportment, and have committed some depredations, and threaten to do more. They are reported to be unusually fond of beef, which, if they cannot get in one way, they will take in another.

They shot at the citizens as the latter worked in the fields and exacted heavy tribute from the Mormons in flour and other goods. The first major attack on Cache Valley settlements occurred September 27 when some Shoshoni and Bannock warriors stole about 40 horses. The settlers, 30 strong, followed the trail until dark but recovered only a few of the stolen animals. The Deseret News editor summed up the melancholy failure: "In truth we cannot recollect a single instance within the last ten years in which a pursuit of Indians has been successful under such circumstances." Three days earlier the Box Elder people had lost 20 horses, probably to the same hostile group. It was reported also that a strong concentration of Indians had gathered at Bear Lake, that they were "mad, and determined to do as much injury as possible to the white race." 45 43 Deseret News, September 17, 1862; Indian Affairs Report, 1862, 204; Henry Martin to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 9, 1862, Indian Affairs Report, 1862. 44 Book of Mormon name for the American Indian. 45 Deseret News, September 10, October 8, December 31, 1862.

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Such Shoshoni-Bannock defiance was, of course, made easier in 1862 because of the withdrawal of many of the federal troops to the eastern seaboard and Civil War front. The tribes had gained a salutary respect for the "Black Coats" over the years, but the sudden vacuum occasioned by their departure had unleashed primitive instincts held in check during the pioneer migrations of the 1850's. To fill this void with other troopers the Union government authorized the governor of California to raise several regiments of volunteers to protect the Overland Mail route and incidentally to keep an eye on the Mormons in Utah. Colonel Patrick E. Connor was named commanding officer of the California Volunteers and left that state on July 12, 1862, for the march overland to Salt Lake City where he was to establish a military post. The Deseret News, suspicious and apprehensive, noted, "The Indians, of course, will be tremendously scared, and horse-thieves, gamblers, and other pests of community wondrously attracted by the gigantic demonstration." 46 Marching across the Nevada desert was probably anything but a "gigantic demonstration," but one incident did afford the Volunteers an opportunity to demonstrate their prowess as soldiers. At a place called Gravelly Ford on the Humboldt River a company of emigrants discovered 12 badly mutilated bodies thrown into a stream. T h e discovery led the Territorial Enterprise to say "It is quite time that something was done to teach the savages a severe lesson" and suggested that the following winter would be a good time for "Col. Connor's boys . . . to vent a little of their pent up fighting spirit" on the Indians. 47 Unwilling to wait, 80 of the Volunteers under Major Edward McGarry headed for Gravelly Ford in an attempt to arrest and punish the murderers. On October 9, McGarry reported that some of his command "enticed into camp three Indians" and then put the 3 under guard after taking their weapons. The 3 badly frightened Indians soon broke away and, said the major, "Fearing that they would escape, and not wishing to hazard the lives of my men in recapturing them alive, I ordered the guard to fire, and they were killed on the spot." Following this first battle, a patrol came upon 14 other Indians, captured them and then killed 9 as they attempted to flee. Soon, other captives were brought in: "three Indians and one child," "two squaws," "one Indian and one squaw," "one Indian," and finally "another Indian." McGarry then released two of the hostages with instructions to bring in those who were guilty of the 46 47

Ibid., June 25, 1862. Territorial Enterprise as quoted in the Deseret News, October 1, 1862.

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massacre. If they did not return by nightfall, the soldiers would kill all the prisoners in camp. When the two did not return (a futile request or have you guessed), the major put to death 4 of the prisoners and released the squaws and child. In a final action the next day, a patrol captured 8 natives, the usual escape attempt was made, and 8 more "redskins bit the dust." The first military action of the Volunteers did not augur well for any other Shoshoni-Bannock who might get in the way. 48 A hundred years after the event a reader might be permitted to agree with the editor of the Deseret News that the guilty had escaped long before and that the military had taken vengeance on the innocent left behind. The editor concluded that in Canada, Indian wars were relatively unknown because "the British system protects the aborigines from gross injustice; ours inflicts intolerable wrong upon them." But then, Gravelly Ford was a long way off â&#x20AC;&#x201D; almost as far as Canada. Later Indian depredations closer to home led the News to a much different conclusion. While McGarry's troops were "chastising the Indians" the rest of the Volunteer Corps lay encamped at Ruby Valley, bored and disgusted with "eating rations and freezing to death around sage brush fires." The glamour of the Civil War was a continent away and few medals or promotions awaited the valiant guarding of a Mormon prophet and a few post riders carrying the mail. In a desperate attempt to get to the battles of Virginia, the men subscribed $30,000 out of their savings and salaries to buy their way from San Francisco to Panama. The San Francisco Bulletin eagerly seconded the motion, declaring that Brigham Young could patrol the mail lines with 100 men and as far as keeping "Mormondom in order, . . . Brigham can thoroughly annihilate us with the 5,000 to 25,000 frontiersmen at his command." The editor commended the men for wanting "the privilege of going to the Potomac and agetting shot" and appealed to Lincoln's Chief of Staff: May General Halleck be in a good humor when our despatch reaches him; may he just have eaten the biggest kind of good dinner; may he just have lit the best Habana in all America; and may he say "Yes" to the Third; and then, may the Third have a chance to shoot seceshers, and pat Uncle Abe on his long back for that slavery proclamation! Amen ! 49

The "Habana" did not sway General Halleck from his duty, and Colonel Connor prepared to march his command to Salt Lake City on 48

Deseret News, November 19, 1862. Ibid., October 15, 1862.

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a very meager chance that there might be combat. The editor of the San Francisco Bulletin did his best to drum up a war, repeating rumors that the Danites or Destroying Angels intended to stop the troops at Jordan Narrows. Warming to this theme, the journalist declared that the chief of the Danites was riding through the streets of the City of Salt offering to bet $500.00 that the Volunteers would never get across the Jordan River, "the bet being untaken." In answer, Connor issued 30 rounds of ammunition to each man and warned the chief of the Danites that he would "cross the river Jordan if hell yawned below him" and that "the battlefields of Mexico testify that the Colonel has a habit of keeping his word." To the mild disappointment of the troops and perhaps the greater chagrin of the officers, they were hospitably received by the Mormons, were given a prosaic welcome by Governor Stephen S. Harding before his residence in the city, and were marched to the "mouth of Red Bute" where the colonel established "Camp Douglas." 50 Fortunately for some of the troops, the monotony of erecting a new camp was relieved when word came from Cache Valley that an emigrant white boy had been captured by the Indians. The redoubtable Major McGarry was given the assignment of recovering the boy and marched his cavalry to the vicinity of Providence, Utah. There, about 40 Shoshoni under Chief Bear Hunter were discovered in a nearby canyon, and McGarry ordered his men "to commence firing, and to kill every Indian they could see." Vastly outnumbered, Bear Hunter came out with a flag of truce and surrendered himself and 20 of his warriors after receiving a promise that the troops would not kill them. The major held the chief and 4 of his braves hostage until the boy was brought in and then released the Indians. Three Shoshoni warriors were killed during the battle. 51 T h e expedition brought back information about the great loss of stock suffered by the settlers of northern Utah, and Colonel Connor decided to despatch McGarry on a second trip to try to recover some of the cattle and horses and give the Indians "a little taste of the fighting qualities of the Volunteers." Hoping to surprise the Shoshoni into a battle, the cavalry marched at night, but reached Bear River ferry on December 6 to learn that the natives had been forewarned and were prepared for 50

Ibid., October 18, 22, 29, 1862. McGarry to adjutant general, Camp Douglas, Utah Territory, November 28, 1862, in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D . C , 1897), Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 182; Richard H. Orton, Record of California Men in the War of the Rebellion (San Francisco, 1890) ; Newell Hart, "Rescue of a Frontier Boy," Utah Historical Quarterly, 33 (Winter, 1965), 51-54. 51

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defense. The soldiers had been able to capture four Indians during the night march; and retaining them as hostages, McGarry sent an Indian boy to the Shoshoni encampment to warn the chiefs that if the stolen stock in their possession was not surrendered by noon of the next day, the four prisoners would be executed. Upon receipt of this threat the Shoshoni encampment immediately packed up, crossed the Malad River, and entered Bear River Canyon. The major just as promptly had the four hostages killed, and the Deseret News feared that the deaths would "tend to make them [Shoshoni] more hostile and vindictive." 52 The pen was not mightier than the sword in this instance but was certainly more prophetic. The Shoshoni had already announced their intention of killing "every white man they should meet with on the north side of Bear River, till they should be fully avenged for the Indian blood which had been shed." The Mormon settlers moved all their stock from the north side of the river, and the Indians met in a great council on Bear Lake and swore vengeance. It was opportune for the California Volunteers that the allies of the Shoshoni and their friends and neighbors, the warlike Bannock, had left for the buffalo country in Montana. The Battle of Bear River might have taken a different turn if Connor's troops had met the combined forces of the two tribes. The Bannock had already sent word that the Shoshoni "receive presents for killing the white men" and had concluded that Bannock warriors would be "rewarded in like manner if they do the same." But even without their neighbors, the Shoshoni were a formidable enemy as they gathered some 600 strong north of Bear River in Cache Valley and began to attack every Gentile or non-Mormon who appeared north of that stream. 53 The battle line was thus drawn and all that remained to induce Connor's troops to "cross the Rubicon" was the technicality of a crime committed by Shoshoni warriors. Several such provocations were soon reported. Two express riders, George Clayton and Henry Bean, were killed near the head of Marsh Valley. On January 8, eight men from the Montana mines were attacked as they crossed Bear River just west of Richmond, Utah. The wagons were robbed, some of the horses stolen, and one man, John Henry Smith, shot down. Despite the hostility of the Indians, several Mormons crossed the river and "had an interview with some of their chiefs and principal warriors." Apparently, the magic talis52

Deseret News, D e c e m b e r 10, 1862. Ibid., November 25, December 3 1 , 1862; James D o t y to Commissioner of I n d i a n Affairs, Salt Lake City, U t a h Territory, November 26, 1862, I n d i a n Affairs Records, U t a h Superintendency (microfilm). 53

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man of Brigham Young's Indian policy was effective if his Saints took courage and faith by the hand and marched boldly into the enemy's camp. The open strategy resulted in the recovery of some of the horses from the Indians although it was "with great difficulty that they were persuaded to give up as much of the property as they did." 54 The death of John Henry Smith furnished sufficient legal basis for an expedition against the Shoshoni camp, a foray that Colonel Connor had already decided upon anyway. O n the affidavit of William Bevins, Chief Justice John F. Kinney of the Utah territorial court, issued a warrant for the arrest of Chiefs Bear Hunter, Sanpitch, and Sagwitch for the murder of John Henry Smith. Marshal Isaac L. Gibbs was instructed to make the arrests, but in the quaint language of the Deseret News "anticipating . . . that no legal process could be served upon the chiefs named," the good marshal prudently requested military assistance from Colonel Connor. The colonel later reported, "I informed the Marshal that my arrangements were made, and that it was not my intention to take any prisoners, but that he could accompany me." 55 The Deseret News warned that the Shoshoni had 72 lodges and 600 warriors at their encampment on Bear River and another 40 lodges and 170 warriors only a few miles away. The editor derided the whole affair, suggesting that "it will result in catching some friendly Indians, murdering them" and letting the "guilty scamps" get away. Fearing that the Shoshoni would leave for the mountains and safety and so deprive him of the opportunity of a battle, Colonel Connor planned to move his troops at night to effect a surprise attack. Sixty-nine men of Company K, Third Infantry, left Camp Douglas on the night of January 22 and were accompanied by 15 wagons loaded with 12 days' supply and an escort of 12 cavalrymen. Two nights later, Companies A, H, K, and M of the Second Cavalry, 220 men in all, also started for Bear River. The entire force numbered slightly over 300 men. 56 The approach of the "Black Coats" could not be kept secret very long. On January 27, Chief Bear Hunter and some of his men visited the town of Franklin and did a war dance around the house of the Mormon bishop, Preston Thomas, in protest because they had not received all the wheat they had demanded. They were back the next day to collect more wheat and saw the infantry approaching town. When one of the citizens remarked, "Here come the soldiers. You may get killed," Bear Hunter 54

Deseret News, January 14, 21, 1863. Ibid., January 28, 1863; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, pp. 185, 187. 60 War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 185; Deseret News, February 11, 1863. 55

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replied, "May-be-so soldiers get killed too." But it was noted that as soon as he reached the outskirts of the village the seriousness of the situation apparently struck him with some force, and his warriors began to throw sacks of wheat to the ground to lighten their way to camp. 57 When the Volunteers reached Franklin, the people offered their homes and the town schoolhouse as quarters for the night, and to the frostbitten soldiers, after several nights of marching in sub-zero weather, the Mormons of Franklin were "Saints" indeed. But the rest was short. Their indefatigable commander was not going to allow the quarry to escape, and at 1:00 A.M. the infantrymen were routed out to march through the freezing night to Bear River 12 miles away. The more fortunate cavalrymen had two more hours sleep before they were dispatched at 3:00 A.M. The cavalry reached the river first, and Connor noted in his report, "as daylight was approaching I was apprehensive that the Indians would discover the strength of my force and make their escape." So, the colonel ordered a rapid march by the cavalry with instructions to "surround before attacking them." 58 Patrick Connor could have saved himself all the worry and uncertainty ; the Indians did not intend to run away. They were well prepared and eager for the chance to kill some soldiers. The Shoshoni leaders had chosen their spot well. Colonel Connor said: T h e position of the Indians was one of strong natural defenses, and almost inaccessible to the troops, being in a deep, dry ravine from six to twelve feet deep and from thirty to forty feet wide, with very abrupt banks and running across level table-land, along which they had constructed steps from which they could deliver their fire without being themselves exposed. Under the embankments they had constructed artificial covers of willows thickly woven together, from behind which they could fire without being observed.

The ravine, known today as Battle Creek, ran north from Bear River back into some low hills covered with sagebrush and juniper. To the Indian chieftains, their position looked impregnable. If the army attack over level ground in front of the ravine became too menacing, there were two avenues of escape, one by way of Bear River at the mouth of the gully and the other at the head leading into the hills. The women with their children could leave the tipis at the bottom of the ravine and escape first, 57 Franklin County [Idaho] Historical Society, The Passing of the Redman (Preston, Idaho, 1917), 70. 58 War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 185; Preston Citizen, July 22, 1954, article by Taylor Nelson whose father, William G. Nelson, was on the battlefield the day after the engagement.

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^Wte (>eek 'indicA'Pos^ion

^FlanKmg

Mover

B e a r Rt\

3l?*w'**

U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY (FRED B . ROGERS C O L L E C T I O N )

Bear River battlefield,

with a sketch

of the area of action

superimposed.

under protective fire, while their warrior-husbands fought a rear-guard action. That the battle did not end this way was melancholy proof that Shoshoni generals were no more capable of seeing a battleground from the enemy's point of view than many another military leader whose name has perhaps been writ more prominently in history. The main facts of the military action are soon recounted. T h e first cavalry units crossed the river and attacked the Indian redoubt across the open plain. As the troops formed a battle line "The Indians seemed to look upon the coming struggle with particularly good humor." One of the chiefs rode up and down in front of the ravine, "brandishing his spear in the face of the volunteers," while the warriors along the bank yelled, "Fours right, fours left; come on you California sons-of-bâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;hs!" The attacking force suffered most of its casualties in the initial action as an accurate fire from the Indian entrenchments cut down the troopers. 59 59

Deseret News, February 11, 1863; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, pp. 185-87.

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Colonel Connor sent flanking parties to each end of the ravine and the ensuing enfilading fire soon closed the supposedly prized avenues of escape, converting the entrenched gully into a death trap. Near the end of the four-hour engagement, the hand-to-hand fighting degenerated into a near-massacre as the troopers shot down men, women, and children without mercy. Comparisons of the fatalities suffered by both sides reveal the ruthlessness of Connor's troops. The California Volunteers suffered 22 killed, 49 wounded, and 79 with frozen feet. The Shoshoni losses varied from the 224 dead reported by Connor to nearly 400 accounted for by other observers. These figures included some women and children, a number as high as 90 according to one account. After the battle the troopers destroyed 70 tipis, captured 175 horses, collected over 1,000 bushels of wheat, and gathered many articles obviously plundered from emigrant trains. The Logan Mormons expressed the general feeling that despite the cruelty of the fight, the action of Colonel Connor was "the intervention of the Almighty, in subduing the Indians of the Bear River Area." 6 0 80 For more detailed accounts of the Battle of Bear River see: Fred B. Rogers, Soldiers of the Overland: Being Some Account of the Services of General Patrick Edward Connor and His Volunteers in the Old West (San Francisco, 1 9 3 8 ) ; E d w a r d W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1 8 8 6 ) ; War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, which contains General Connor's report of the b a t t l e ; Deseret News, February 11, 1 8 6 3 ; " J o u r n a l History" has accounts by William G. Nelson, Alexander Stalker, James H . M a r t i n e a u , S. Roskelley, and Wilford Woodruff (the Nelson a n d Stalker accounts are particularly good) ; Sacramento Daily Union, February 12, 1 8 6 3 ; San Francisco Bulletin, J u n e 27, 1863; a n d O r t o n , California Men in the War of the Rebellion.

U T A H STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY (CHARLES KELLY COLLECTION)

The scene of battle as it appeared some 70 years later. Colonel Connor's troops attacked from the slope overlooking the Indian camp in the ravine.

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Official government reaction to the battle was best expressed by Superintendent James Doty of the Utah Indian Office. "It struck terror into the hearts of the savages hundreds of miles away from the battlefield." He believed the defeat had "effectually checked them and justly punished them for the wanton acts of cruelty which they had committed." And it is true that later in the spring when Patrick Connor, as a new brigadier general, led his troops on a demonstration march into the Snake River country of Fort Hall he could find no Indians. The Shoshoni and Bannock had learned the bitter lesson that most Indian tribes had had to face at some time in their history â&#x20AC;&#x201D; against an effective force of armed troops pitched battles meant disaster. The Indians of the Oregon Trail complex, therefore, returned to the traditional hit-and-run strategy of former years â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to tactics which had been successful in the past and could be again. 61 Mormon settlers and emigrants alike felt the anger of the Shoshoni very soon. A friendly Indian reported that Chief Sagwitch had been wounded only in the hand during the battle and that now he was "very mad at the Mormons," that he had seen "Mormons help the soldiers to fight and that he will use all the influence he has with other Indians to steal from us [the Mormons]." 62 The Shoshoni chief, Pocatello, who had escaped the battle, sent word that he wanted "to fight" and wished to meet General Connor's troops "to gratify his greediness for glory" as the Deseret News put it. Later, when the California Volunteers accepted the dare, Pocatello discreetly "skedaddled" with his warriors. On April 22, the Salt Lake newspaper reported that the Indians along the trail to the northern mines were "far from being friendly to the whites, and intend to make good the losses they sustained at the battle of Bear River before the end of the year." 63 After three months of boasting, the Shoshoni and Bannock began to strike again as warm, dry weather brought increased mobility. O n May 4, a segment of General Connor's command had a fight with some Indians about 50 miles from Shell Creek, west of Salt Lake, and killed 29. Two days later, another battle resulted in the deaths of 23 warriors. The Deseret News passed on the rumor that Connor's troops had been ordered to shoot on sight any Indian, that the army had adopted the Indian philosophy of a "scalp for a scalp" but added "We do not believe the report, 61

Indian Affairs Report, 1863, 539. Alexander Stalker to Ezra Benson, "Journal History," February 8, 1863. 63 Deseret News, April 22, May 13, 1863. 62

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for we cannot think that any gentlemen wearing lace can be thus void of humanity." 64 Back near the site of the January battle, Chief Sagwitch, unrepentant, mistreated a boy herding cattle near Brigham City and drove off most of the herd. Eight or 10 "Danish men" working nearby pursued the Indians and recovered the stock. But before leaving the vicinity Sagwitch's warriors killed a "man burning coal in a side canyon." Perhaps the best summary of Indian depredations and the reaction of the Mormon settlers can be found in a letter written by Ezra T. Benson of Cache Valley to one of the church leaders and commanding officer of the territorial militia, Daniel H. Wells: Logan, May 9, 1863 T h e Indians are very hostile, they have been stealing all the horses they could get for some time past, at different times killing cattle, on Friday May 1st three Indians attacked 2 men in the Kanyon at Franklin shooting one of them in the breast with two arrows (we fear mortally) then cut the harness to pieces and took away both their spans of horses, they made their escape the brethren that pursued them not being able to overtake them, they now threaten to steal some of the Mormon women. Last Saturday evening they stole some horses from Millville . . . 15 men went to get them back, they found the Indian camp but they had sent the horses further into the mountains . . . we took the rest [of the Indians] prisoners and will keep them untill we hear from you as far as we can understand their intentions, it is not only steal but kill us, . . . the hostile Indians are the remains of the Bands that were in the fight at Bear River last winter and they say they intend having their pay out of the Mormons as they are afraid to tackle the soldiers . . . while they are doing these things they are eating the very flour that has been donated to them by the brethren . . . . We care little about the property they have got, but it is the killing of the Brethren and hostile movements against us and a word of advice from you will be gladly received as we do not wish to kill except we are justified, but do which way we will it seems to us that the ball is fairly open for they have forced it upon us, the Brethren feel tired of bearing their insults and it has been with much persuasion that we have thus far restrained them from wiping them out of existence. E. T. Benson Peter Maughan 6 5

Within two months of this letter, General Patrick Connor had also come to realize that it takes more than one battle to make a winner. After his discouraging trip to the Fort Hall area where he sighted no hostiles, some of the Oregon emigrants reported that "General Connor has been 04

Ibid., May 13, 1863. Ezra T. Benson to Daniel H. Wells, Logan, Utah, May 9, 1863 (MS, Military Records Section, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City). 65

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disappointed in his arrangements with the Indians; that one train had already been attacked some forty miles beyond Fort Hall." It is true that he met with bands of Indians who gave him "their earnest protestations of good conduct in the past and promise of the most lamb-like and angelic performances in the future" but such protestations did not mean much if the time, the place, and the emigrant train were right. 66 T h e Bureau of Indian Affairs had attempted to settle the various Shoshoni tribes, and Agent James Doty, with the aid of General Connor, did conclude three treaties during the summer of 1863: one with the eastern Shoshoni at Fort Bridger on July 2; one with the northwestern bands at Box Elder, July 30; and a final one with the western bands at Ruby Valley, on October 1. But as Doty pointed out in his report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: T h e scarcity of game in these territories, and the occupation of the most fertile portions thereof by our settlements, have reduced these Indians to a state of extreme destitution, and for several years past they have been almost literally compelled to resort to plunder in order to obtain the necessaries of life. It is not to be expected that wild and warlike people will tamely submit to the occupation of their country by another race, and to starvation as a consequence thereof... . 67

T h e Oregon and California trails were to witness many more attacks and killings until the coming of the railroad in 1869 reduced in number the covered wagon trains traversing the dusty trails. As a negligent government and indifferent or hostile settlers watched, the Shoshoni and Bannock continued to wander their mountains and deserts, desperately searching for sustenance until forced to accept a reservation life which took them forever from their age-old haunts along the Oregon Trail.

R. F. Maury to adjutant general of District of Oregon, War of the Rebellion, Series I, Vol. L, Pt. I, p. 216; San Francisco Bulletin, June 20, 1863. 67 Indian Affairs Report, 1863-64, 155.

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Herbert Z. Lund, Sr.

The Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn BY HERBERT Z. L U N D , J R .

the people of Salt Lake City continue to obliterate the charm of Temple Square with a growing ring of skyscrapers, it is probably inevitable that an office building will be erected near the corner of West Temple Dr. Lund is a practicing physician in Greensboro, North Carolina. All photographs used in the article were furnished by the author.

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and North Temple streets and a skeleton bedded down in old issues of the Improvement Era will be excavated. Explanations will be asked for this rather irregular disposal of human remains and they are hereby given. The man whose skeletal remains lie in the shadow of Temple Square was a murderer executed April 30, 1912, at Utah State Prison. He had concealed his true identity and died under the assumed name of J. J. Morris. 1 The Lund family spoke of the remains only as the "Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn," for it was stored there many years. My father, Herbert Z. Lund, Sr., was the physician on a part-time basis at the Utah State Penitentiary for several years after he started practice in Salt Lake City. He was very popular with the guards and officers under Warden Arthur Pratt and also with the prisoners. I can attest to this. Occasionally, as a child, I accompanied him on the Sugar 1

Salt Lake Tribune, May 1, 1912.

Author sketch of the scene of activities described in this article. The Anthon H. Lund property is in the extreme left of the sketch. This house still stands on the corner of Duplex Place and West Temple. The barn, where the skeleton resided for years, appears in the immediate foreground.

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House streetcar to the prison. The memories salvaged from young childhood are of high contrast, vivid or nothing. I do W, Axte remember the ride to the end of the line, the switching of the J "h.'.-i'i k _ direction of the trolley, the well-kept prison grounds, the complim *?«•«,» cated mechanism of opening the prison gate, the disciplined •« I a»t. hand on shoulder movement of prisoners, our happy reception by the prison personnel, the visits to the prison dairy where we were given cups of cold buttermilk, and most vivid of all, the exchange of jokes and stories between father and the guards and prisoners. Father was not only liked but admired. Shortly after his death, almost 40 years after he had resigned his job at the prison, a former convict came to see me at my home in Cleveland, Ohio, "Just to shake the hand of the eldest son and namesake of Dr. Herbert Z. Lund." My father had trained this man to be his surgical assistant and anesthetist at the prison and helped him obtain a parole from a life sentence. 1 believe it must have been a similar feeling of friendship and respect that led Morris to will his body to my father to be used for the purpose of anatomical dissection after he was sentenced to death. According to my father, Morris cynically chose to be hanged rather than shot because it would incur a greater expense to the State of Utah. Following the execution, the dissection was carried out (I believe at the old Judge Mercy Hospital) ,2 and the body was reduced to a skeleton. However, it was not a respectable skeleton, because my father never got around to cleaning and bleaching the bones. A story is prevalent in the Lund family that the skeleton was taken to the open country near Beck's Hot Springs by my father and William Willis, the druggist, and it was boiled in sulfur water and lime. To make the story more savory, it is said that a hobo chanced by and fled in terror at the awful sight. I have doubted this story because the bones as I saw them had not been well cleaned and maintained through the years a peculiar rancid odor. Evidence collected by my brother Paul J. Lund 3 suggests that the story may be 1

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2 This was the J u d g e Memorial School located between Sixth and Seventh South on Eleventh East until its demolition in the summer of 1966. 3 Personal communication with Paul J. L u n d , Salt L a k e City.

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true. T o explain the fact that the bones had not been properly prepared, it is said that father became acutely ill at the time, presumably from the noxious vapors, and the project was discontinued. 4 My father intended eventually to make the skeleton into a fine teaching speciman, but with the burden of a steadily increasing medical practice he never got around to finishing the job. In the meantime he nailed the skeleton up in a wooden box and stored it in the unused hayloft of my grandfather's barn on North West Temple Street. A skeleton in a barn cannot be kept secret, and the grandchildren of Apostle Anthon H. Lund found sinister excitement in opening the box and contemplating the remains. The loft was made "off limits" and barricaded. T h e trap door to the loft was padlocked, but there were other ways to get into it -â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- up the hay chute or through the boarded windows. T h e routes required considerable skill in climbing and frequently cautious carpenter work, but this only added to the adventure. My brother Richard and I, and cousins Alton, John, Robert, and Elmo Lund were mostly involved, but we conducted guided tours for outsiders. We had an immense respect for the remains of a murderer, and although the bones were handled they were always replaced. Typically, on our way to break and enter, we would go through grandpa's house to the kitchen to help ourselves to gooseberry pie or a bowl of red raspberries. Grandma (Sarah Ann Peterson Lund) kept not only an open house but an open kitchen. It was a large room furnished with chairs and a big square table, and it was stocked with pies, fruits, home-grown berries, cheese, milk, and occasionally (but not officially known by the grandchildren or grandfather) homemade beer. Grandma was fortunate in having most of her immediate family near her in Salt Lake, and this was not only a snack-bar for her six grown sons and stray grandchildren but an arena of wit and conversation, grandma setting the pace. We ate our pie or berries and after we got tired of the grownup fun we would leave by way of the back door, ostensibly to play in the barnyard. After completing our ulterior mission, we never returned by the same route because the characteristic odor we exuded would let the folks know we had been in the hayloft. It was best to go directly home to the bathroom and wash up. Washing at the faucet out in the barnyard was usually inadequate. After Grandpa Lund died in 1921, the skeleton remained in the barn another five or six years, but the grandchildren were growing up and mov4

Personal communication with Herbert J. Barnes, Kaysville, Utah.

Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn

ing away and a certain degree of custodial care was lost. Raids by outsiders were made on the barn, and after a raid by children from the nearby Monroe School, in which some of the bones were stolen, grandma decided to have the skeleton buried. I was the natural choice to do this. "Get Zack. He's going to go to medical school.'' At an arranged time I met grandma who was to supervise the proceedings and I sensed a note of anticipation, possibly mischief, but this was her usual air. I brought the rather depleted remains down from the hayloft, dug a grave in the seclusion of the barnyard, and laid out the bones in approximate anatomical order. Grandma had a large stack of old L.D.S. Church literature on the back porch, mostly issues of the Improvement Era that she wanted to get rid of, and she asked me to carry these out to the grave. She stood at the head of the grave, opened them, and slowly dropped them in, pausing intermittently to read and comment upon a selected pearl of wisdom or an exhortation to righteousness. She called attention to the benefits the deceased might obtain by perusing the contents of the literature being buried with him â&#x20AC;&#x201D; already conveniently opened to some of the best passages â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and hoped that by so doing he i

Mr. and Mrs. Anthon H. Lund, grandparents skeleton was buried.

of the author, on whose property

the

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would improve his chances in the Hereafter. After the Improvement Eras were distributed over the remains, I was instructed to shovel the dirt back. The ceremony was brief and simple. I have been asked exactly where the grave is, but it is hard to say. It is still an open piece of ground. If I could determine where the old barn stood and find the line of the old plank fence along the south side of the barnyard, I could locate it exactly, but these have been gone for many years. A service station encroaches on the grave site from one side and a row of houses looks out upon it from another. It already has lost the peace and dignity of the old barnyard and in time, I suppose, even this spot of ground will give way to steel and cement.

October 6, 1867 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The first conference held in the large Tabernacle, in G. S. L. City, was commenced. It continued until the 9th. This structure, which had just been completed, was 250 feet long and 150 feet wide, with its immense roof, arched without a pillar. Height of interior, 68 feet from floor to ceiling. (Church Chronology: A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, compiled by Andrew Jenson [Salt Lake City, 1914])

What remains of the West?

BY EARL POMEROY

eventy-two years ago the members of the American Historical Association moved 700 miles west from their usual meeting place to Chicago, which some historians wanted to see because it was having a fair, though one of them, the librarian at Harvard University, complained that the Association's program was "a pitiful show," of such quality as not to warrant "asking any reputable writer to take part. . . ." x What they heard Dr. Pomeroy is professor of history at the University of Oregon, Eugene. The original of this paper was presented by Dr. Pomeroy at the Thirteenth Annual Dinner of the Utah State Historical Society, September 17, 1965. _ J u s t i n Winsor to H. B. Adams, 22 March 1893, in W. Stull Holt, ed., Historical Scholarship in the United States, 1876â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1901: as Revealed in the Correspondence of Herbert B. Adams (Baltimore, 1938), 199.

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included probably the best-known paper ever read at a historical society meeting, so well known that, unlike most other academic doings, it became part of the standard subject matter of history itself, summarized in most of the college textbooks of American history. The speaker's message to them was twofold: first, that in coming west they had come to the most significant part of the United States and, second, that they had come too late, for its most significant experience was behind it. He quoted the words of the Superintendent of the Census, who reported that for the first time he had been unable to show on a m a p a continuous boundary between settled and unsettled land: "the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated bodies of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier line." 2 In later years historians and other Americans differed over how significant an influence the frontier had been in American history and in the development of American character more than they differed over the idea that the frontier and the processes it represented no longer existed. While Frederick Jackson Turner himself extended his course in the history of the West each year until he retired in 1924 and included lectures on the West during and after the first World War, most others in the field have stopped with the 1890's. His successor at the University of Wisconsin, Frederic L. Paxson, in the year of Turner's retirement published a textbook that for many years was standard, calling it the History of the American Frontier, 1763â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1893; and he concluded not only that the frontier was gone, but that the social process that the frontier dominated had reached its end in the 1880's, that the best farm lands of the public domain were gone by 1880. Some of the other textbooks start earlier than Paxson's, but as far as I know only one has ended significantly later â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the work of a member of this Association. 3 In the 1930's some of the economic historians who minimized western influences relative to eastern influences in American history suggested, in fact, that most of the land suitable for family farms and therefore capable of serving as a safety valve for supporting the democratic influences of the frontier as Turner described them was gone by the time Congress passed the Homestead Act in 1862. This was more of a rollback than most people will accept, whether economic historians themselves, members of graduate seminars in western history, members of historical societies, including the Western History Association which con2 Frederick J. Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1893 (Washington, D . C , 1894), 199. 3 LeRoy Hafen and Carl C. Rister, Western America (2nd ed., New York, 1950).

What Remains of the West?

centrates on the Far West of the second half of the nineteenth century, or the producers and consumers of westerns on television. It has long been clear enough, at least to far westerners, that the census definition of settled land as land having six inhabitants per square mile makes no sense in dry country some of which would not support that many coyotes comfortably. (It is true that large expanses of it are quite adequate for grazing cattle on government permits, and still other areas nearby support intensive irrigation agriculture beyond the dreams of middle western corn-and-hog men.) We commonly pay respects to John Wesley Powell, who in 1878 recommended developing small parts of the arid West as 80-acre irrigated farms, but much more of it in grazing units of 2,500 acres. Yet having noted all of that, we continue to measure the West by middle western yardsticks. Even one of the founders of the Western History Association, whose journal and meetings all but define the West as the cattle and mining country, applied these conventional criteria so broadly that a commentator protested against his looking for the virtues of the yeoman farmer on the Hispanic-American frontier. 4 No one who surveys western history in a textbook includes Alaska and Hawaii, whether because they are not contiguous with the 48 older states or, as I suspect, because they do not fit easily into the common stereotype of territories inhabited by pioneer farmers who came by Conestoga wagon and filled the land to middle western density, no less, no more. These two possible explanations are essentially one, for contiguity was decisive only for farmers who moved relatively short distances between similar kinds of farm lands, and who therefore might want to drive farm animals or float them on rafts or take bulky equipment and household goods in their own wagons. Long before Alaskans turned from dog-sled to airplane, westerners used means of transportation that enabled them to move long distances without stopping at settlements along the road to refresh themselves and their animals. Contiguity was of no importance for the large number of emigrants to the Pacific Coast who came by sea â&#x20AC;&#x201D; probably a majority between 1848 and 1869. As late as the first World War, a large amount of intercoastal passenger traffic into the Pacific Coast States still moved by steamship, and steamships competed with the railroad for passengers even between Los Angeles and Seattle. O n the plains railroads rapidly supplanted river boats, but early emigrants often compared travel over the transcontinental railroads to a maritime voyage â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the plains and desert 4

William R. Hogan commentary on Ray A. Billington, "The Frontier in American Thought and Character," in Archibald R. Lewis and Thomas F. McGann, eds., The New World Looks at its History: Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Historians of the United States and Mexico (Austin, 1963), 128.

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like the sea itself, the cars swaying like ships, the passengers bereft of other company for several days between the Missouri River and the coast. Once the railroads came, fewer emigrants moved by wagon than go by highway today into Alaska. Alaska and much of the rest of the West this side of the Rockies, moreover, seem to some persons to depart from the usual specifications for the frontier because government is so prominent there. Critics of the New Deal in the 1930's referred to the "synthetic frontier" of the Matanuska Valley, implying that government had not subsidized settlers on other frontiers. Such distinctions between the older and the newer Far Western States and Territories may be most significant for what they reveal of conventional versions of western history, and especially the common disposition to forget that over much of the West population was unstable (even outside the mining territories), that most western communities drew heavily on outside capital, and that agriculture often lagged behind commerce and mining. The Matanuska Valley project was, of course, synthetic in a sense that did not occur to most outsiders: in that it assumed the first step in economic development should be subsistence agriculture, although throughout the West subsistence as opposed to commercial agriculture was hopelessly out-of-date, and Alaska could not easily support either. The planners were not blind to the needs of Alaska alone in this respect: they talked also of the development of subsistence farms in the mountains of Appalachia and in the Tennessee Valley, where the proprietors would make their own shoes and perhaps sell picturesque peasant craft work to tourists and to buyers from New York department stores. T h e planners forgot that, with few exceptions, subsistence farming had been a significant stage in the development of only those parts of the West where natural watercourses could carry crops from farms to market, as along the tributaries of the Ohio River, where farmers floated corn and kegs of whiskey and pickled pork to Cincinnati. Until railroads opened up the wheat country of eastern Washington, the miners of Idaho and Montana ate bread made from flour milled thousands of miles away in the East and Middle West, butter from New York, and hams from Germany. T h e early settlers around Great Salt Lake could not so easily depend on imported food, nor did they wish to. But the pioneers of 1847 had not harvested their second crops before they began trading with emigrants to California and Oregon, anticipating Utah's services in distribution over twentieth-century truck and railroad lines, as the members of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War anticipated Utah's dependence on the twentieth-century military establishment. Meanwhile the first generation

What Remains of the West?

of settlers in Utah departed from the middle western agricultural tradition in a different direction, that of developing manufactures to fulfill the Mormon doctrine of self-sufficiency, and so instituted a kind of far western equivalent of Henry Clay's American System without a protective tariff, or of mercantilism without colonies. As Leonard Arrington has pointed out, in emphasizing industrialization they may have given inadequate attention to agriculture. 5 But they gave more than their neighbors. Agriculture languished also along the coast, where the early American inhabitants for many years devoted themselves primarily to commerce and mining â&#x20AC;&#x201D; first commerce in pelts, hides, and tallow, then commerce in the consumers' goods that miners and those serving miners bought. Such commercial and industrial economies demanded and received governmental services, arrangements for social encouragement and guidance or control, far beyond the experience of older agricultural frontiers, and in that respect closer to twentieth-century Alaska than to late-eighteenthcentury Ohio and Kentucky. In the 1930's the spectacle of government building great dams, extending credit, dispensing relief, and moving settlers about in the whole West, not merely in Alaska, seemed to reconfirm the impression that the old West was gone. If anyone doubted it, the further spectacle of farmers abandoning their homesteads in Arkansas and Oklahoma to move to the relief rolls of Los Angeles County dramatized the lesson. Yet the early Far West, especially from the 1840's, had depended heavily on governmental expenditures and other eastern and foreign contributions. The United States Treasury financed steamship and stagecoach service and ultimately railroad service; during the Mexican War it paid the New York Volunteers and the Mormon Battalion, who brought themselves as settlers in addition to spending their military pay; it paid salaries in territorial government; and it maintained military forces in peacetime that sometimes escorted settlers through Indian country and always stimulated the economy, even when, as in the expedition against the Mormons in 1857, their purpose was not to stimulate but to coerce. Legislation for railroads was the major demand of California and Oregon in the 1850's and 1860's, as it was to be for Alaska in much of the next century; and the first of the gold rushers, in 1849, arrived in ships that would not have been there but for a subsidy. Private investments by outsiders in the fur trade, mining, cattle, development of townsites, and railroads were probably no less 5 Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, 1958), 131.

An Economic History of the

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substantial than the government's contribution; and although western mines disgorged large returns, the West as a whole may have recaptured about as much from eastern miners and investors. In consequence of such contributions, the fastest-growing parts of the Far West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the mining frontiers of California, Colorado, and Nevada â&#x20AC;&#x201D; were able to live in cities while neglecting agriculture, and thus to anticipate the urban shape of the next century. Utah was the great exception, but more religiously and socially than economically; although until the development of hard-rock mining in the present century, it drew less risk capital than some of its neighbors. Nevertheless much of the Mormons' stock of dollar exchange came from outsiders, including immigrants, tithing members abroad and in the East, and Gentile transients, including those sent out to govern and harass. Pioneer Utah, like pioneer California, was significantly more urban than the contemporary territories and states of the Mississippi Valley. And although the pioneers raised more corn than Jim Bridger may have expected, still as a producer of corn, Utah, like most other Far Western States, has remained behind the rocky hillsides of Young's birthplace, Vermont. Economic historians, and particularly the historians of western cities, have established the urban dimensions of the frontier generally and the subsidiary role of agriculture in the early Far West. Yet, whether inside or outside a framework of the history of the westward movement, there have been few attempts to project past the 1890's the kinds of social analysis that Turner and his successors attempted for the frontiers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Some historians have looked to sociologists' studies of leadership and problem-solving in wartime housing developments for theories of behavior that they might apply to new communities on the frontier, but they have not themselves written the history of twentieth-century communities. 6 John C Parish, in a well-known article on "The Persistence of the Westward Movement," which he published in 1926, dissented from the idea that it had stopped, which must have seemed particularly unreasonable to him as a resident of Los Angeles, but he did not claim that very much had persisted: he saw a "distinct sl'ow6 One of many interesting opportunities appears in the theme of James B. Allen, The Company Town in the American West (Norman, 1966). As Martin Dubofsky has pointed out ("The Origins of Western Working Class Radicalism, 1890-1905," Labor History, V I I [Spring, 1966], 131â&#x20AC;&#x201D;54), the strife between western labor and capital that some have attributed to the individualism of the agricultural frontier took place in urban settings similar to those of contemporary strife in the mining and textile industries of the East. But Montana never had the agricultural base of North Carolina, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania; its company towns and labor troubles sprang forth from the raw wilderness.

What Remains of the West?

ing down" of migration into the West. 7 When the members of the American Historical Association went west 50 years ago, in July 1915, not merely to Chicago but to San Francisco, for a special or intercalary meeting in conjunction with the Panama-Pacific International Exposition, the dominant theme of the program was the Pacific Ocean. And no professional historian discussed the American frontier of the 60-odd years since the Mexican War, or suggested that what the members saw about them on the coast raised questions about commonly accepted interpretations of American development. In fact, taken as a whole, the Mountain and Pacific States and Territories had slowed down remarkably in the 1890's and thus seemed to illustrate the implications that Turner drew from the report of the Superintendent of the Census: two of them, New Mexico and California, the largest, grew only slightly more than the rest of the country, and a third, Nevada, lost population. The line of settlement at the next census, that of 1900, fell back, demonstrating, said one historian, that the migrations of the 1880's had been overlarge, that more farmer families had settled the western plains than the plains could hold. 8 But there has been a different story in the present century. In the first decade the Far West grew at a rate about three times faster than the rest of the country; it did nearly as well in the fifth decade, during and after the second World War. In only one decade of the century, the 1920's, have more than half of the 13 Mountain and Pacific States and Territories grown at less than the national rate, and this same decade was the one in which California grew faster than since the 1850's, increasing by nearly two-thirds. And California had as many people as 11 of the other 12 put together. In three decades of the twentieth century, the national center of population moved west an average distance almost as great as the average movement for the entire nineteenth century â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 46 against 47.7 milesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;, and in the 1950's the distance was nearly one-fifth greaterâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;-57 miles. The largest movements of population have been very different from the classic advances of farming families on the middle western frontier. In the 1950's the Mountain and Pacific States together increased at over twice the national rate. Like Florida, the non-Western State that grew the most absolutely and relatively, the Far Western States were heavily urban and non-agricultural, beyond the national average. Within the region, the states that grew the fastest were the most urbanized, and their 7 John Carl Parish, "The Persistence of the Westward Movement," The Yale Review, New Series, XV (April, 1926), 464. s Frederic L. Paxson, History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893 (Boston, 1924), 553.

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growth was chiefly in urban population. Thus in Arizona and Nevada, whose total populations increased by 73 per cent and 78 per cent, urban population increased by 119 per cent and 133 per cent. The one exception was Alaska, only 38 per cent urban, which increased by 76 per cent, but here the increase in urban population was greatest of all â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1 5 0 per cent. The population of Anchorage increased nearly three times. And although Alaska is less urban than most other Western States, it is also far less agricultural, with only about one-half of one per cent of its labor force employed on farms. It is clear that the great growth of the new West of the present century has been in cities rather than on family farms. Moreover, it does not consist chiefly, as one sometimes hears, of elderly pensioners and coupon-clippers, living in mobile homes that never move. (The only two Far Western States where the percentages of inhabitants over 65 years of age run over the national average are Washington and Oregon, which in turn are younger than the states of the upper Mississippi Valley.) The typical new westerner figures in processes of economic development that would require him to live in town even if that were not already his preference. They are processes that have more to do with manufacturing and distributing than with farming, though even the new agriculture absorbs far more capital than pioneer homesteading did, and requires urban management on a large scale. They are processes that have drawn heavily on capital investment from outside, including investment by the United States government, which has financed much of the development of both formerly prosperous states like California and formerly depressed states like Utah. Writing the economic history of Utah, Leonard Arrington has described the role of national expenditures for relief, reclamation, and military research and development in supporting the state's remarkable growth in recent years. 9 In Oregon, which like Utah seemed to face a bleak economic future after the last war, much of the prosperity of the last 10 years is attributable to the increase in expenditures by the national government; 10 and these two states are probably more nearly typical than atypical. 9 Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West: Defense Depot Ogden, 1941-1964," Utah Historical Quarterly, 32 (Spring, 1964), 99-121; Leonard J. Arrington, Thomas G. Alexander, and Eugene A. Erb, Jr., "Utah's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area . . . ," ibid., 33 (Winter, 1965), 9-33; Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant During World War I I , " Pacific Historical Review, X X X I V (May, 1965), 185â&#x20AC;&#x201D;96; and other articles. Cf. also James L. Clayton, "A Comparative Study of Defense Spending in California and Utah Since World War I I , " paper read at meeting of Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association, Los Angeles, August 26, 1964. 10 Paul B. Simpson and Edward Sienkiewicz, "Forecasting Personal Incomes in Oregon from U. S. Residential Construction," Oregon Business Review, X X I V (April, 1965), 1â&#x20AC;&#x201D;7.

What Remains of the West?

Alaskans complain of neglect, but an Alaskan newspaper explaining why Alaskans did not respond to Senator Barry Goldwater's indictments of big national government said recently that Alaska "is probably the top beneficiary from federal spending among all 50 states." 11 On different bases others have made similar comments on California, which has had the lion's share of contracts for research and development and for space and aircraft industries, and on Washington, where one aircraft manufacturer dominates employment in manufacturing and accounts for the state's shift from dependence on lumber. Incidentally, recent western elections tend to confirm the experience of the nineteenth-century West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that dependence on the government for economic assistance has not subverted the vitality and independence of western politics. The two newest states have proved no more predictable than the others, Republican Hawaii going Democratic in 1960 while Democratic Alaska went Republican; in 1964 all of the Far West supported the Democratic ticket nationally except Arizona, which elected a Democratic governor while Democratic California elected her second Republican senator and Democratic Washington elected a Republican governor. And Utah's dependence on the national government has not kept her from electing Republicans as well as Democrats in the 1950's and 1960's.12 Thus we may at least argue that the recent Far West, the contemporary Far West, resembles the early Far West in some significant respects. It is heavily urban and commercial and industrial rather than rural and agricultural; it depends heavily on government; it is fast-growing; it is young; it is politically heterodox or at least erratic. It has abandoned agriculture less decisively than the pioneer generation that farmed in more or less middle western style in the brief interval between the decline of the fur trade and the hide trade in the 1830's and the discovery of gold in 1848. And its economy seems dangerously unstable to critics who wonder what will happen to it after the first Americans land on the moon or when 11 Anchorage Daily Times, September 18, 1964, quoted in Herman E. Slotnick, "The 1964 Election in Alaska," Western Political Quarterly, X V I I I (June, 1965), 440. In 1964 Utah was the only Far Western State where Democrats won the governorship, senatorship, and both houses of the legislature, and cast a majority of votes for representatives. Yet her record to that time had been decidedly mixed, and she still has a Republican senator and a Republican representative. In 1964 Arizona also elected a Republican senator but gave the Democrats a larger majority in the upper house of the legislature than in any other Far "Western State. Ross R. Rice, "The 1964 Election in the West," Western Political Quarterly, X V I I I (Tune, 1965), 431-38. In 1956 Utah was the only Western State to elect the entire Republican slate for state and national office, although two years later the Democrats won all high offices. The mean Republican vote for governor 1936-58 was 49.4 per cent, above average in Western States though exceeded in California, Hawaii, Montana, Oregon, and Wyoming â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all states that depend heavily on governmental expenditures. As late as 1962 Utah elected a Republican legislature. Frank H. Jonas, ed., Western Politics (SaltLake City, 1961), 10,13.

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the supply of water becomes so short or the supply of smog so long that the rest of southern California's aircraft and missile factories move to Kansas. More than a century ago, other critics wondered what would happen to the far western economy when the beaver and longhorned cattle were gone, when the Mexican War ended, when the gold ran out, when the emigrant trains stopped. They warned westerners to stop relying on fortune and go back to the soil. In time they did. Especially from the 1880's to the first World War, much of the Far West moved into what Americans had come to regard as a more normal pattern of western development. Newly completed railroads had land to sell, and empty eastbound freight cars to fill. T h e goods they brought out from the East undersold and destroyed western factories, and although there was seldom a sustained absolute decline in manufacturing, except in Utah, which had had least to waste on luxuries in early days and had had about the highest freight charges to pay, yet the new competition temporarily discouraged further investment. In the 1880's and 1890's the railroads developed effective refrigerator cars, cut rates on agricultural produce, and extended their feeder lines into the farm lands. T h e results included the great booms in agricultural settlement that, especially in the 1880's and in the decade or so before the first World War, brought more farmers into some counties of the Mountain States and the eastern parts of Oregon and Washington than have been there since. Even then, most of them were farmers in the traditions of the western Mississippi Valley and the plains rather than in those of the Ohio Valley and New York and Pennsylvania. More came to raise wheat than orchard fruits, although the promoters stressed the more glamorous crops. There were never many Ohioans setting out peach trees in Montana along what Jay Cooke had advertised as the "banana belt." And the citrus lands of southern California attracted more speculators and dreamers than orchardists; the increase in California's population during the 1880's, decade of the great townsite boom in the southern counties, was less than that in the Pacific Northwest. But during the 1880's the percentage of employment in agriculture in the Far West as a whole rose significantly, whereas nationally it entered a rapid decline, as befitted a time of declining farm prices and expanding industry. Even in those Western States where the employment on the farm declined relative to employment in cities, it increased sharply in numbers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in Oregon by three-fourths, in Utah by one-half, in Washington over three times. In 1880 no Far Western State had as much as the national level of employment in agriculture, and the level in California, biggest producer of all, was less than half as high â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

What Remains of the West?

21.1 per cent against 49.5 per cent. By 1890 New Mexico was above the national level, by 1900 these two and Wyoming, with Montana tied, by 1920 these four and also, in ascending order, Colorado, Arizona, Oregon, and Utah, or 8 of 11. Yet in the nineties the retreat began. It was no novelty for homesteaders to sell out and move on in a few years: this had been a common practice in the Mississippi Valley, where, as James C. Malin has pointed out, taking out a mortgage on a farm was not unlike trading in futures on margin. 13 But by the middle 1890's large areas had not only exchanged farmers but lost them. Fifty counties in 10 states lost population. Although the percentage of employment in agriculture continued to increase in 8 states, against the national trend, the increases were small, averaging just over 3 per cent of total employment, whereas increases in the eighties had averaged 8.3 per cent. And the 3 states with relative decreases were states with larger-than-average populations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; California, New Mexico, and Oregon, which among them had more farm workers than all the other 8 together. The general histories of the West emphasize the increase in California's agricultural output in these years, when the nation was learning to eat her oranges, raisins, prunes, and canned peaches. And yet the value of agricultural production in California, which had increased at more than the national rate in the 1880's along with the percentage of employment in agriculture, increased at less than the national rate in the 1890's and in the 1900's. Production grew at barely more than the national rate in Oregon, then the second largest agricultural producer in the Far West. Soon settlers moved once more into new areas as prices recovered and hopes rose after the depression of 1893. Perhaps the most spectacular movement of farmers was across the Canadian boundary, where nearly 600,000 Americans entered Alberta and Saskatchewan between 1897 and 1914.14 Homesteading picked up markedly also in the states of the western Missisippi Valley, where, in fact, original entries reached an all-time peak in the early 1900's. But in the Mountain Territories and States, entries for the 17 years 1906-22 were nearly 5 times larger than total entries over the preceding 43 years, from the first entries under the Homestead Act. Idaho doubled in population between 1900 and 1910, thanks largely to irrigation; so did Nevada, which had lost population 10 years before though its growth was in mining as well as in farming. Then came another 13

181-82.

James C. Malin, "Mobility and History," Agricultural History, XVII (October, 1943).

14 Karel D. Bicha, "The Plains Farmer and the Prairie Province Frontier, 1897â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1914," Journal of Economic History, XXXV (June, 1965), 263â&#x20AC;&#x201D;67.

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retreat. By 1916, just before the boom in farm prices during the first World War, the American-born population of Saskatchewan and Alberta had fallen off by about 70 per cent. No one knows what happened to these more than 400,000 American farmers, but at least they did not take up farms just south of the border. Between 1910 and 1920 the number of far western counties losing population reached a record 81, over twice the number between 1900 and 1910. The percentage of employment in agriculture declined in 5 of 11 states, and these 5 had five-eighths of the farm workers. Perhaps more significantly still, despite the approving comments of the advocates of reclamation and of admirers of the traditional family farm, those states where agricultural employment was high tended to be less prosperous than those where it was low. Even the value of agricultural products per farm worker ran over twice as high, for instance, in California, with 18 per cent of employment in agriculture, as in New Mexico, with 45.1 per cent. Idaho with 47.5 per cent in agriculture, against 13.4 per cent in 1870, was doing considerably better by that test but remained one of the poorest of the Far Western States by the tests of per capita income, as she still is. Further, between 1910 and 1920 the total value of agricultural production increased at less than the national rate in Montana, another poor state, even while the percentage of population employed in agriculture increased much more there than in any other state. 15 The problems of far western farmers in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century are too complex for any one explanation. Competition overseas and the beginnings of decline in demand for animal power and animal fodder affected farmers everywhere. But westerners 15 Likewise, the values of farm land per acre were highest in California among Far Western States from 1890 (also above the national average), and on the average the lowest in New Mexico. The following figures on values per acre are from Thomas J. Pressly and William H. Scofield, eds., Farm Real Estate Values in the United States by Counties, 1850-1959 (Seattle, 1965). 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1959 United States 19 21 20 40 69 48 115 Arizona 8 6 7 38 30 18 49 California 16 33 25 52 105 112 353 Colorado 22 18 11 30 35 22 53 Idaho 9 13 13 46 69 45 112 Montana 8 13 5 19 22 12 35 Nevada 10 7 6 15 28 16 31 New Mexico 9 10 4 10 9 7 23 Oregon 14 17 13 39 50 38 87 Utah 21 21 12 35 48 39 60 Washington 10 20 14 49 69 57 131 Wyoming 7 8 3 11 20 9 26 In the Mountain Region, where the most pronounced shift from industrial (mining) to agricultural employment took place, relative per capita income (U.S. = 100) declined from 168 to 100, 1880â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1920. Richard A. Easterlin, "Interregional Differences in Per Capita Income, Population, and Total Income, 1840â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1950," Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century. Studies in Income and Wealth, X X I V (Princeton, 1960), 83-84.

What Remains of the West?

seemed to suffer particularly by trying to follow the examples of farmers in older parts of the country. By shipping to the Eastern States, they incurred charges for freight and handling that might easily consume their profits, and that exaggerated the effects of drops in sales. Moreover, to produce eastern-type crops for eastern markets they had to incur heavy costs for machinery and for water at a time when both machines and the techniques of large-scale irrigation were highly experimental, assuming that they could absorb these costs as well or persuade the eastern consumer to pay premium prices. He might be willing to pay a premium for western fruit out of season, but the seasons themselves varied with the weather in East and West, and his willingness varied with the business cycle. Moreover, there was no such premium for western grain, which had to compete simply on price. In the long run some of these new western farmers developed both successful techniques and profitable markets, including markets in the West itself as western population increased, and it would be too much to suggest that they would have done better by waiting till later. However, many of their attempts to extend an older agricultural frontier into the Far West corresponded less to geographical and economic reality than to a theory of history. The theory had appealed first to politicians most of whom had not seen the Far West and who, therefore, assumed that 160 acres would support a family as well there as in the Ohio Valley when they supported homestead bills; it appealed later in the nineteenth century to the railroads, territorial and state immigrant agencies, and other promoters who advertised western agricultural opportunities, and who thought of the urban economies of early years, resting on mining, trapping, stockraising, and lumbering, as essentially abnormal. Still later the theory appealed to politicians rationalizing their opposition to self-government or the development of transportation for Alaska, who could point to the slowness of agricultural development â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which, of course, was as irrelevant to Alaska's main opportunities as it had been to the opportunities of Nevada, Colorado, and Montana in their early years. Although in Alaska the government was slow to foster what agriculture was possible by surveying lands and building roads, in the older Western States public policy had its effects once gold and silver mining had fallen to the corporations and thus ceased to dominate popular visions of western opportunity. Tempted by extravagent subsidies into overbuilding, railroads sought to realize both capital gains and continuing revenues by selling land to farmer-immigrants, who came increasingly by railroad from the farming states of the Mississippi Valley rather than from the commercial and in-

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dustrial states that had furnished most of the earlier populations. Irrigation projects financed by both government and railroads attracted into farming many novices who supposed that on small irrigated plots they could enjoy the amenities of urban life and at once escape the rigors of eastern winters and realize profits from selling citrus fruit and citrus land at more than conventional agricultural rates. In the Southwest, any resemblance to traditional agriculture was slight and transitory, for while nostalgia for simpler ways advanced with the complexity of industrial society in older states and supported a new great migration far larger than that of the 1840's, nevertheless over much of the desert, family farms soon gave way to corporate agricultural assembly-lines and to suburban housing developments and freeways. The appeal of theory persisted even during the depression of the 1930's, when the troubles of western agriculture became disasters. The end of the frontier became apparent at the most unsophisticated levels â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in fiction, where Grandpa told Jody that there wasn't any more westerin', and in politics, where Franklin D. Roosevelt offered the largess of government as substitute for the opportunity of free land. Even most of the academic critics of traditional ideas of western opportunity limited themselves to minimizing the agricultural safety valve â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the possibility of absorbing the urban unemployment on frontier farm landsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;, while Walter Prescott Webb, who carried geographical determinism further than Turner had, defined his great frontier as "a vast and vacant land without culture," "without population," "as distinguished from . . . an occupied or civilized country," and specifically excluded Asia and tropical Africa because they were already well populated. 16 Advocates of the TVA and other projects for relieving poverty in the southern mountain country described the mountaineers as authentic frontier types perpetuating pioneer virtues past the pioneer era. The essential qualities of frontier life were little changed in the backwoods, wrote the author of an article on "The Surviving American Frontier" in 1931, who saw "the common environmental qualities of relative poverty and isolation" remaining as "an effective bulwark against the invasion of business system and business thought." 17 In fact, of course, the backwoods frontier of subsistence agriculture has little in common with the most essential qualities of frontier life. It 16 Walter Prescott Webb, "Ended: 400 Year Boom; Reflections on the Age of the Frontier," Harper's Magazine, CCIII (October, 1951), 26, 27, 28; Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Frontier (Boston, 1952), 284. 17 Charles M. Wilson, "The Surviving American Frontier," Current History, XXXIV (May, 1931). 191.

What Remains of the West?

supports only caricatures of commonly posited western traits â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in place of nationalism, xenophobia; in place of individualism, hookworm. In place of perhaps the most essential condition of frontier life, abundance, it offers an economic dead end. It does not depress standards of living temporarily, as a means to an end, but permanently; and there is no end. The backwoods are not even in a class with such fossil frontiers as much of the mining-town and dude-ranch country, which once were on the make but now subsist as three-dimensional, life-sized dioramas for tourists. Rather, the backwoods are the stagnant backwashes where those who could not keep up with the main stream of frontier advance found lodging after their wiser and more vigorous predecessors staked out the best opportunities. Far from embodying what we like to think of as western traits today, their descendants include the clay-eaters and rednecks of Alabama and Mississippi who are just now receiving news of the Declaration of Independence and of the Union's victory in the Civil War. To identify the frontier with the backwoods and with subsistence farming is not much more misleading than to identify it exclusively with the high mountains, the desert, and cattle raising. Over much of the duderanch country, in those parts where the cattle industry was not a growth stock for eastern and foreign speculators, there were neither cattle nor cowboys before the dude-ranchers brought them in to amuse paying guests. Tourist agencies now offer pioneer history where "high desert plateaus and air-conditioned facilities make heat no problem at any season" (to quote a recent advertisement for southeastern Utah, 18 an area that pioneers generally got out of before they could make much history). The differences between fossil frontiers or frontiers of failure and the real thing may explain why the parts of the West that look most like the frontiers of television and the pulps often prove least conspicuous for what we think of as western traits, such as democracy and willingness to try new ways. The recent voting records of some parts of southern California recall that there are great differences between social mobility and the movements of the monorail at Disneyland, the stagecoach at Knotts' Berry Farm, and the races at Arcadia, educational headquarters of the John Birch Society. Southern California, long the fastest-growing part of the West, has been slow, in fact, to establish itself as an exhibit of the frontier process, except on television. Bernard De Voto refused to call it western, repudiat1S

Sunset, CXXXV (August, 1965), 13.

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ing it with special emphasis, even horror. 19 Visiting the coast in 1914 and spending his winters at Pasadena after 1924, Frederick Jackson Turner had frequent occasion to describe again the closed frontier that he had traced at Chicago in 1893, and saw no exceptions about him. Being strongly committed to the spirit that he had described as springing from free land and abundant resources on earlier frontiers, he sought replacements for them as vital forces in American society, looking to the exploitation of coal and iron in the factories of Eastern States and to the extension of national power overseas, "in some respects the logical outcome of the nation's march to the Pacific. . . ." 20 He did not, however, describe in the far western landscape the stories of the succession of frontiers that had passed over it, some of them in his own lifetime, and that demonstrated the limitations of the old test of six inhabitants per square mile, of the old definition of the frontier as primarily agricultural. The grounds of the Huntington Library, where he worked, had been closed frontier, that is, fully occupied lands, successively for Indian hunters, Spanish missionaries, Mexican cattle ranchers, and American orange growers. On a clear day â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and most days in southern California were clear then â&#x20AC;&#x201D; he could see the resort hotels at Pasadena, ramparts of the frontiers of the healthseekers and tourists, the laboratories of the California Institute of Technology, and the derricks of Huntington Beach, outposts of the coming frontiers of petrochemistry and smog. In the census records of national development, he saw in the West nothing "so full of meaning as the figures which [told] of upleaping wealth and organization and concentration of industrial power in the East in the last decade" (this was in 1910) ; in fact, he saw the grim spectre of population increasing faster than the supply of food once drawn so bountifully from virgin land. 21 For him, virginity in natural resources seemed to have no more gradations than in biology. Nor has Turner stood alone in discounting the possibilities of new western frontiers. Frank Norris, who lamented the passing of the material for the American epic, saw the frontier "gone at last" with the United States Marines at Peking in the Boxer Rebellion, 22 where another Californian, Herbert Hoover, soon to become a millionaire overseas, was one of the besieged Americans. Sociologists agreed in principle that the en19

Bernard De Voto, "Footnote on the West," Harper's Monthly Magazine, C L V (November, 1 9 2 7 ) , 7 1 3 - 2 2 . 20 Frederick Jackson T u r n e r , "Social Forces in American History," American Historical Review, X V I ( J a n u a r y , 1 9 1 1 ) , 220. 21 Ibid., 218. 22 F r a n k Norris, " T h e Frontier Gone at Last," The Literary Criticism of Frank Norris, ed., D o n a l d Pizer (Austin, 1 9 6 4 ) , 114.

What Remains of the West?

vironment of people and things governs the development of personality more than the environment of land and climate. But David Riesman explained his other-directed man, by contrast, as man advancing himself by manipulating other men rather than by raiding nature 2 3 — as if the subjugation of nature were at an end, and as if those who had raided it before had done so alone and with their bare hands. We are on shaky ground when we talk of western traits, especially because for so long we have assumed that the most desirable or the most American traits were western. The fact is that many western traits and types have their close parallels in the East. The Mormon pioneer built Zion after social blueprints drawn or revealed in New York and Ohio. As W. O. Clough has pointed out, the western bad man was contemporary with the eastern robber baron, whose spirit no one enshrines in romantic novels or probes sympathetically for anomie.2i This pair and other pairs — salesmen and boomers, speculators in stocks and in real estate — appeared more than accidentally in the same generation, for the West of a century ago, like the West today, was closely associated with the East, and so similar to the East that westerners talked at length of similarities and for that matter of differences, which often seem most striking in communities that are halfway similar. The dweller in a large city, Robert S. Lynd has written, "tends to be a highly developed roving predatory animal. His culture resembles a frontier boom-town with everywhere the clatter of new buildings going up and disregard for the niceties of living in pursuit of the main chance." 25 The principal human predators in the West of the Pacific Slope and the Rocky Mountains resembled easterners still more because typically they came from the East. Their example may recall again the narrowness, the inadequacy of the agricultural base for society in the Far West. The promotional spirit of Americans who looked out to El Dorado on the western frontier and to Cathay beyond arose in large part from the industrial and financial forces that had transformed American society in the older states in the first half of the nineteenth century. Without vision sharpened in the counting houses of New York and Boston, they could not have seen the new opportunity so clearly; without steam engines, express companies, and newly tempered instruments of national government, they could not have seized it so firmly. 23 David Riesman, Reuel Denney, and Nathan Glazer, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven, 1950), 130—36. 24 Wilson O. Clough, The Necessary Earth: Nature and Solitude in American Literature (Austin, 1964), 53. 25 Robert S. Lynd, "The Patterns of American Culture," in Knowledge for What? The Place of Social Science in American Culture (Princeton, 1939), 79.

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But the West supports more advanced forms of patterns of behavior that in the East are only tendencies, in individualism, in dissidence, in democracy, in urban congestion. The evidences of physical mobility are fuller nearly everywhere in the Far West than in the older states except Florida, which of course is not old except in the most technical historical sense and where the high incidence of residents that were in a different house five years before has less to do with habits than with the processes of senescence and retirement. Nonpartisanship may be a function of urban growth, the specialized, nonpolitical needs of metropolitan communities, the visibility of nonpolitical personalities in a world of long-distance commuting, syndicated journalism, and television. Yet Hiram Johnson's progressives in California preceded Fiorello LaGuardia's Fusionists in New York, and had longer and wider impact. Whether the western progressive movement was simply successor to the movements of westerners led by Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, and Bryan, or instead, as Turner suggested, an effort "to find substitutes for that former safeguard of democracy, the disappearing frontier," there was no overlooking the vigor of its western roots. Far from being diluted and attenuated as the pioneer ancestry recedes, moreover, some traits inherited from pioneer times seem not only to persist but to find reinforcement in twentieth-century migration. Long ago, wrote Frank Norris (1901), the westerner "has put off the red shirt, he has even abandoned the revolver. . . . But scratch the surface ever so little and behold â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there is the Forty-niner." 26 The very mobility and adaptability of twentieth-century society, which finds it possible to live comfortably almost anywhere, seem sometimes to make it easier for emigrants from the older states to select the regional personalities that correspond to their own. Feeling free to leave, they also may feel more committed and converted than settlers of earlier years who cherished the memories of former homes at the other ends of roads too long and arduous to travel again. Who can deny that Salt Lake City continues to draw its saints, San Francisco its sinners, Anchorage its adventurers in the respective spirits of their pioneer days? Both westward migration and some Western States continue to grow with a continuing vitality that confounds those who saw it ending with the supply of free land arable by the standards of 1890. Within the last generation it has, in fact, recovered the dynamism, the optimism of the generation that followed the migrations to the New Zion in 1847 and to the 28 Frank Norris, "Literature of the West," in "Two Uncollected Essays by Frank Norris," ed., Willard E. Martin, Jr., American Literature, V I I I (May, 1936), 193.

What Remains of the West?

New Babylon in 1849; and it has achieved relationships to the rest of the country similar to those it had then, in rate of growth, in social patterns, in values. Somehow this Far West, which to many observers seemed to have badly overestimated the future more than a century ago and filled up with settlers beyond its capacity to support them, seems still to unfold new opportunities, whether because its human stock has so effectively dedicated itself to making the choices that lead to a richer life or because even the vast areas of it that once seemed useless have repeatedly afforded space for new technology to open new resources. Here in Salt Lake City, in a metropolitan area that by all ordinary calculations should never have appeared at all and that celebrated the beginning of its second century by growing 50 per cent in 10 years, it is especially hard to believe the announcement that the frontier was gone was not premature.

On November 21, 1867, the first number of the Deseret Evening News was issued in Great Salt Lake City. The News was originally started as a weekly, progressed to a semi-weekly in 1866, and became a daily in 1867. According to the Deseret News of January 20, 1875, "the News is not only the oldest weekly, but the oldest semi-weekly and daily in the Rocky Mountain Region. . . . It is the pioneer paper of the entire vast region spreading between the Missouri River and the Pacific Ocean, and the line of the British Possessions and Mexico, a stretch of country more than a thousand miles from North to South and nearly two thousand miles from East to West."

. . . ; • • ; " • \ MM--

* r"

'•"'"••

Factors in the Destruction of the Mormon Press in Missouri, 1833 BY WARREN A. J E N N I N G S

Mam Wines Phelps (1792-1872)

n July 20, 1833, a throng of western Missourians, acting in premeditated concert, demolished the Mormon printing establishment in Independence, Missouri. Two formally endorsed documents were released to the world in an effort to exonerate those who had participated field.

Dr. Jennings is assistant professor of history at Southwest Missouri State College, Spring-

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in this affray. Both statements declared that, among other factors, the Mormon attitude and conduct in relation to the Negro â&#x20AC;&#x201D; both bond and free â&#x20AC;&#x201D; justified such stringent action. But was this an authentic reason or an adroit rationalization? On August 2, 1831, Joseph Smith, the Mormon prophet, dedicated and consecrated Jackson County, Missouri, as the Land of Zion and as a gathering place for the Mormons. He then returned to Kirtland, Ohio, where in September a church conference was held. At this time the matter of a church newspaper was discussed. T h e Mormons were beginning to receive unfavorable coverage in the national press, and they wanted a paper of their own to counteract this invective. A paper would also serve as a means of keeping in contact with the membership which was expanding geographically as well as numerically. It was resolved, therefore, that William Wines Phelps, who had been editor of a partisan political paper in New York and who was a recent convert to Mormonism, should become editor of a church paper to be called the Evening and Morning Star.1 Phelps was instructed to stop at Cincinnati upon his return to Missouri and purchase a press and type. Soon thereafter this directive was carried out. To house the printing plant Edward Partridge, the first Mormon bishop, acquired a two-story brick house which was located on South Liberty Street in Independence. In the upper rooms of this structure the press was installed, and the Phelps family moved into the lower part of the house. Oliver Cowdery, the scribe to whom Smith had dictated much of the Book of Mormon, was appointed assistant editor. The prospectus of the new paper informed the potential subscriber: As t h e f o r e r u n n e r of t h e n i g h t of t h e e n d , a n d t h e messenger of t h e d a y of r e d e m p t i o n , t h e Star will b o r r o w its light from sacred sources, a n d be d e v o t e d to t h e revelations of G o d as m a d e k n o w n t o his servants by t h e H o l y G h o s t , a t s u n d r y times since t h e c r e a t i o n of m a n , b u t m o r e especially in these last days, for restoration of t h e house of Israel. 2

The monthly, royal quarto in size, had a subscription price of $1.00 per year. In June 1832 the first number was issued. It contained the following notation: "The Star office is situated within twelve miles of the west line of the state of Missouri; which at present is the western limits of the 1 "History of Joseph Smith," Times and Seasons (Nauvoo, Illinois), April 1, 1844; hereafter cited as "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons. 2 As quoted in Walter W. Smith, "The Periodical Literature of the Latter Day Saints," Journal of History, X I V (July, 1921), 257.

Evening and Morning Star

United States, . . . and about 120 miles west of any press in the state." Portentously, it carried an essay by Phelps on "Persecution." Another article, by the same author, was entitled "To Man" and informed its readers: "The Star comes in these last days as the friend of man, to persuade him to turn to God and live, before the great and terrible day of the Lord sweeps the earth of its wickedness." This issue, like those that followed, had some theological essays. The Star throughout its brief existence contained little general news that would be of interest to the Gentiles. What there was could usually be found under a heading of "Worldly Matters." There were some articles on self-improvement topics such as "Writing Letters," "On the Government of Thoughts," and "Cultivate the Mind." 3 There were also some reasonably well-written original poems, mostly composed by the editor. Some of these, like "Redeemer of Israel," 4 were set to music and became favorite Mormon hymns. Still others vividly expressed Mormon fears and expectations: W h e n t h e e a r t h begins to tremble, Bid our fearful t h o u g h t s b e still; W h e n T h y j u d g m e n t s spread destruction, K e e p us safe o n Zion's hill. 5

Or: T h e rays t h a t shine from Zion's hill Shall lighten every l a n d ; H e r K i n g shall reign a t h o u s a n d years, A n d all t h e world c o m m a n d . 6

The news that was reported in the paper tended to be concerned with the catastrophic, natural or man-made, as if to emphasize that the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse were riding hard. Every earthquake, every great storm, every plague, and every fire were recorded with care. At the end of such an item there would often be found an editorial comment to the effect: "It is a day of strange appearances. . . . The end is nigh." 7 One student of Mormon journalism has observed: T h r o u g h his eagerness t o s u p p o r t t h e missionary a r m of t h e C h u r c h , t h e Star's editor, W . W . Phelps, neglected from t h e beginning to represent t h e interests of t h e c o m m u n i t y in general. T h e Star's columns were largely limited to w h a t e v e r events or developments held a p a r t i c u l a r interest for L a t t e r D a y Saints. Phelps seldom essayed to write in detail a b o u t t h e 3

Evening and Morning Star, June and September, 1832. Ibid., June, 1832. 5 Ibid., October, 1832. 8 Ibid., June, 1832. 7 Ibid., July, 1832. 4

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n a t i o n a l scene. . . . Busy m o n i t o r i n g t h e activities of L a t t e r D a y Saints, [he] h a d n o t t r o u b l e d t o feel t h e pulse of t h e older i n h a b i t a n t s . T h e n e w religious m o v e m e n t w a s a n aggressive one, a n d Phelps as its editor-spokesm a n felt n o c o m p u l s i o n t o e x p l a i n its peculiarities or justify its excesses t o the unsympathetic.8

This was a doubly dangerous policy because the non-Mormon in Jackson County had only two choices: he could read the Star or he could go without a paper. Many, of course, chose to read it and were unhappy with its contents. Young Alexander Majors, a Gentile, recalled that the Star's material "was very distasteful to members and leaders of other religious denominations." 9 T h e press was too valuable a possession, moreover, to limit its use to the printing of a monthly newspaper. T h e church was in need of new publications if it were going to inform and educate its growing body of adherents. T h e first, almost imperative, need was to get Smith's revelations into the hands of the membership, especially the priesthood. Since these manifestations contained an important segment of the doctrine of the church, it was urgent that they be made accessible. Some were published from time to time in the Star, but this was, at best, a temporary expedient. At a church conference in Hiram, Ohio, on November 1, 1831, it was determined that the prophet would correct and prepare his revelations for publication in book form under the title of Book of Commandments.10 The care of the manuscript was entrusted to Oliver Cowdery and John Whitmer, who personally carried it to Missouri since it was felt that the mail was too uncertain. Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and several other Mormon leaders returned to Independence on April 24, 1832, bringing with them newsprint they had purchased in Wheeling, Virginia. At a conference held in Zion under their supervision, it was voted that 3,000 copies of the Book of Commandments should be printed and that Phelps, Cowdery, and John Whitmer should "review and prepare such revelations as shall be deemed proper for publication." n It was also directed that Phelps should correct and print the hymns which had been selected by Emma Smith, the wife of the prophet, in accordance with an earlier revelation. It was further decided that a store should be set up under the direction of Algernon S. Gilbert. This became known among the Mormons as the "storehouse." 8

Loy Otis Banks, "Latter Day Saint Journalism" (Master's thesis, University of Missouri, 1948), 1-2. 9 Colonel Prentiss Ingraham, ed., Seventy Years on the Frontier: Alexander Majors' Memoirs of a Lifetime on the Border (Chicago, 1893), 28. 10 "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, April 15, 1844. 11 Ibid., September 2, 1844.

Evening and Morning Star

Almost from the first it was there, a low, dark cloud rising on the horizon. Hardly visible in the beginning, it became more and more apparent that a storm was coming, threatening to engulf the religious-communitarians in their western paradise. Friction between Gentile and Mormon continually increased. Emily Austin, a young Mormon settler, recalled: On several occasions we received intelligence that the inhabitants of Jackson county were displeased at the idea of so many coming into the county. They said the range for their county would be taken by the Mormon cattle, and the "shuck" devoured by Mormon pigs; and they boldly declared they would not suffer this to be so.12

As the Mormons grew in numbers, so did the hostility. The Mormons later asserted in a memorial to the Missouri Legislature that "soon after the settlement began, persecution began, and as the society increased persecution also increased." 13 Josiah Gregg, the famous Santa Fe trader who resided in Independence, stated: In proportion as [the Mormons] grew strong in numbers, they also became more exacting and bold in their pretentions. In a little paper printed at Independence under their immediate auspices, everything was said that could provoke hostility between "saints" and their "worldly" neighbors, until at last they became so emboldened by impunity, as openly to boast of their determination to be the sole proprietors of the "Land of Zion." 14

The rapid influx of Mormon disciples (they eventually numbered 1,200) alarmed the Jackson Countians. John Corrill, who was to leave the church in 1838, wrote: The "old citizens" began to be highly displeased. They saw their county filling up with emigrants, principally poor. They disliked their religion, and saw also, that if let alone they would in short time become a majority, and of course, rule the county. The church kept increasing, and the old citizens became more and more dissatisfied, and from time to time offered to sell their farms and possessions, but the Mormons, though desirous, were too poor to purchase them. The feelings of the people became greatly exasperated, in consequence of the many false and evil reports that were in constant circulation against the church. 15

Overt acts against the Mormons began to be committed "and the uneasy, restless spirit of the people would occasionally manifest itself.",: 1 6 12

Emily Austin, Mormonism: or, Life Among the Mormons (Madison, Wisconsin, 1882), 68. Quoted in John P. Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, or Latter Day Saints from the State of Missouri, under the "Exterminating Order" (Cincinnati, 1839), 10. 14 Max L. Moorhead, ed., Commerce of the Prairies (Norman, 1954), 218. 15 John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter-day Saints (St. Louis, 1839), 19. ' * \ > 18 Scraps of Biography. Tenth Book of the Faith-Promoting Series. Designed for the Instruction and Encouragement of Young Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1883), 76. 13

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It should be noted that one of the irritants that produced friction originated in a misconception, first on the part of the Mormons themselves, and next on the part of their opponents. The Mormons had a problem : how were they to gain possession of Jackson County? They could not purchase it. They were too poor. But they believed it to be essential that only Saints reside in the New Jerusalem and that no Gentiles be found within its walls. In a revelation given on his first trip to Missouri, Smith had told his followers: T h e Lord willeth that the disciples, and the children of men, should open their hearts, even to purchase this whole region of country, as soon as time will permit. Behold here is wisdom; let them do this lest they receive none inheritance, save it be by the shedding of blood. 17

What had the prophet meant by this? Clearly this perturbed some of the Mormons because this theme was elaborated upon further in another revelation given in Kirtland a short time later: I the Lord willeth, that you should purchase the lands, that you may have claim on the world, that they may not be stirred up unto anger: For satan putteth it into their hearts to anger against you, and to the shedding of blood: Wherefore the land of Zion shall not be obtained but by purchase, or by blood, otherwise there is none inheritance for you. And if by purchase behold you are blessed: And if by blood, as you are forbidden to shed blood, lo, your enemies are upon you, and ye shall be scourged from city to city, and from synagogue to synagogue, and but few shall stand to receive an inheritance. 18

Though it is apparent that Smith at no time contemplated taking Jackson County by force, some of his more fanatical adherents (they were laboring under a millennial excitement) undoubtedly conceived the idea that strength might be employed. At least they taunted their neighbors along this line. Evidence for such an assertion is found in an article in the Star in that fateful issue of July 1833. But to suppose that we can come up here and take possession of this land by the shedding of blood, would be setting at naught the law of the glorious gospel, and also the word of our great Redeemer: And to suppose that we can take possession of this country, without making regular purchases of the same according to the laws of our nation, would be reproaching this great Republic. 17 A Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ. Organized According to Law, on the 6th of April 1830 (Zion [Independence, Missouri], 1833), chap. LIX, vss. 64â&#x20AC;&#x201D;65. 18 Ibid., chap. LXIV, vss. 26-32.

Evening and Morning Star

Aside from this article, however, the editors of the Star did little to correct the erroneous opinions of their readers. One issue â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that of June 1833 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; carried the observation that "the time is short for the Gentiles." In March 1832 the first concerted action by the Missourians was taken to rid Jackson County of what one later termed "this tribe of locusts t h a t . . . threaten [ed] to scorch and wither the herbage of a fair and goodly portion of Missouri." 19 John Whitmer, church historian by divine decree, recorded that "the enemies held a council in Independence . . . [as to] how they might destroy the Saints." 20 It appears that General Marston G. Clark, a subagent for the Indians in the area west of Missouri, on hearing of this council rode in from his agency a day or two before the meeting and let "certain influential mob characters" know that no unlawful action would be tolerated. 21 That same spring some persons, "in the deadly hours of the night, commenced stoning or brick-batting some of the [Mormons'] houses." 22 In the fall "some one, burned a large quantity of hay in the stack; and soon after commenced shooting into some of [the] houses, and at many times insult [ed] with abusive language." 23 Cowdery later commented on this conduct of the Missourians: M a n y threats were t h r o w n out by certain low, degraded, u n p r i n c i p l e d persons; b u t it was pretty satisfactorily ascertained, t h a t they were only p u t forward a n d excited to desperation by a still m o r e influential set, t h a t kept secreted behind t h e scene for fear of public censure a n d contempt. 2 4

Ordinarily one would tend to discount such a statement as the product of a paranoid personality. However, considering the organized manner in which anti-Mormon activity was coordinated and carried out, this charge by Cowdery appears to be true. In this connection John C McCoy, a young Gentile resident, years later asserted: O n e mile west of t h e Blue, o n t h e old r o a d from I n d e p e n d e n c e to t h e state line . . . there was a c o u n t r y store kept by one Moses G. Wilson, a brigadier general of militia, a restless p a r t i z a n , very p r o m i n e n t a n d influential w i t h a certain class. T h i s store was, d u r i n g 1833, t h e rendezvous for t h e a n t i M o r m o n s , w h e r e they were w a n t to m e e t to discuss t h e situation a n d form plans, a n d to organize raids u p o n t h e M o r m o n settlements u p t o w a r d t h e state line. 2 5 19 Alphonso Wetmore, ed., Gazetteer of the State of Missouri . . . . (St. Louis, 1837), 94. Samuel D. Lucas wrote the section on Jackson County. 20 "John Whitmer's Manuscript History" (MS, Office of the Historian of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Independence), 38. Whitmer was appointed church historian by revelation in March 1831 {Book of Commandments, chap. L ) . 21 Times and Seasons, December, 1839. 22 Star, December, 1833. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid., January, 1834. 25 Kansas City Journal, January 18, 1885.

T H E EVENING AND T H E MORNING STAR. Vol. 1.

I n d e p e n d e n c e , Mo. J u n e , 1 8 3 2 .

No.

The duty of the Elders, Priests, Teacher*, Deacons and members of the Church Revelations. of Christ. An Aposlle is an Elder, and it is his calling to baptize and «» —'• * ntlier Elders, Priests, Touchers end Deacons, and tn - T > " ' : - ' T H E A R T I C L E S A N D COVENANTS O F T H E C H U R C H O F C H R I S T of'Christ according to the Scrinl""*"- - ' watch over the •"'>••• ' ^HE H E rise of the Church of Christ Chnst in m these last days, being one thousand .,„., .. eight hundred and thirty years since the coming of our Lord »»<• " A K n i i t tVl 1<s J e w s Clirist, in the flesh; it being regularly organized * - J i T - U C / U L LJ.J.J..3 to the laws of our country, by the w ' " ~ " ' ,

menu, and on .u -" -

same time a report was spread that the Mormons were persuading the slaves to be disobedient, rebel, or run away from their masters. 26 Samuel D. Lucas, perennial opponent of the Mormons, commented in 1837: "But the Lord waxed wroth with the Mormons [in Jackson County], for they had communed with the men-servants and the maid-servants of the people in whose land they were sojourning, seducing them from the obedience and the duty they owed to those who gave them food and raiment?'21 A Protestant minister noted that "threats were occasionally made to throw down houses, &c; their printing office, and their store house in Independence were considered most in danger, but the Mormons were not much intimidated." 28 This type of activity ceased with the onset of winter. On April 6, 1833, the church members met together at the ferry one of them owned on the Big Blue River to celebrate the birthday of the church. Newel Knight observed: "This was the first celebration of the kind and the Saints felt their privilege and enjoyed themselves." 29 It was a day many of the participants were to remember with nostalgia, as occasions for celebration were to be few thereafter. Spring had come to Jackson County with its usual burst of splendor. The woods were aglow with redbud; the prairies were "covered with a profusion of pale pink flowers, rearing their delicate stalks among the rough blades of wild grass." 30 Elias Higbee, who had moved with his family from Cincinnati in March 1833, later sent an address to the Congress of the United States. He stated: T h o u g h often persecuted a n d vilified for their difference in religious opinions from their fellow citizens, still [the M o r m o n s ] were h a p p y . T h e y saw their society increasing in n u m b e r s ; their farms t e e m e d w i t h p l e n t y ; a n d they fondly looked forward to a future big with h o p e . T h a t t h e r e was prejudice existing against t h e m , they d e p l o r e d : yet they felt t h a t these things were u n m e r i t e d a n d unjust. 3 1 28

Star, January, 1834. Wetmore, Gazetteer, 97. 28 Isaac McCoy to editor, November 28, 1833, in Missouri Republican (St. Louis), December 20, 1833. 29 Scraps of Biography, 75. 80 John Treat Irving, Indian Sketches, Taken During an Expedition to the Pawnee Tribes, 1833, ed., John Francis McDermott (Norman, 1955), 22. 31 U.S., Congress, Memorialists, Elias Higbee and Robert B. Thompson, 26th Cong., 1st Sess., 1839-1840, Senate Ex. Doc. 22, p. 2; hereafter cited as Memorialists. 27

Evening and Morning Star

From the festivities the Mormons went back to hauling rails and planting crops â&#x20AC;&#x201D; crops they would never harvest. Before the month ended there were renewed evidences of hostility. A group of over 300 Missourians assembled in Independence "to consult upon a plan, for the removal, or immediate destruction, of the church in Jackson County." 32 They spent "the day in a fruitless endeavor, to unite upon a general scheme for 'moving the Mormons out of their diggins.' " 33 Joseph Smith, and others, later claimed that so much confusion was generated by several "knock-downs" after the participants had partaken of a plentiful supply of whiskey that this meeting "broke up in a regular Missouri 'row.' " 34 In June Phelps took notice of the malevolence. He chided the Missourians that "no coffins filled with arms and ammunition have arrived here since the gathering commenced." 35 The element that seeded the gathering clouds and unleashed the fury of the storm upon the Mormons was an item in the July 1833 issue of the Star entitled, "Free People of Color." What prompted Phelps to print such an article is something of an enigma. It has been asserted that soon after the Mormons had begun settlement in Missouri they had sent missionaries into the border slave states and that "among their early converts were a number of free Negroes, whom they invited to join them in Zion." 36 These missionaries, purportedly, were embarrassed to find that a Missouri statute forbade these social outcasts to move into the state without a certificate of citizenship from some other state. However, the evidence to support the contention that any free Negroes at this time had joined the church is slight. Parley P. Pratt subsequently claimed: " I n fact one dozen free negroes or mulattoes never have belonged to our Society in any part of the world, from its first organization to this day, 1839." 37 Perhaps some free Negroes had indicated an interest in removing to Zion. Certainly there would have been no objections on the part of the majority of the Mormons to their doing so; the Mormons were committed to an acceptance into Zion of all peoples. Their revelations told them: A n d t h e r e shall b e g a t h e r e d u n t o [Zion] o u t of every n a t i o n u n d e r h e a v e n : . . . A n d it shall c o m e to pass t h a t t h e r i g h t e o u s shall be g a t h e r e d o u t from 32

"H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, January 1, 1845. Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Star, June, 1833. 86 Ray B. West, Kingdom of the Saints: The Story of Brigham Young and the Mormons (New York, 1957), 46. 37 Parley Parker Pratt, Late Persecution of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (New York, 1840), 28. ss

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among all nations, and shall come to Zion singing, with songs of everlasting joy. 38

Phelps stated in the aforementioned article that his desire was "to prevent any misunderstanding among the churches abroad, respecting free people of color, who may think of coming to the western boundaries of Missouri, as members of the church." He proceeded then to quote two sections from the laws of Missouri. The first stipulated that any free Negro or mulatto moving into the state had to have with him a certificate "attested by the seal of some court of record in some one of the United States, evidencing that he is a citizen of such state." Failure to produce this certificate upon demand would lead to his expulsion from the state within 30 days or confinement to a common jail to await trial. T h e second section provided that any person bringing a free Negro or mulatto into Missouri without such a certificate could be fined $500.00. Phelps then editorialized: Slaves are real estate in this and other states, and wisdom would dictate great care among the branches of the church of Christ, on this subject. So long as we have no special rule in the church, as to people of color, let prudence guide; and while they, as well as we, are in the hands of a merciful God, we say: Shun every appearance of evil.

In another part of the same issue Phelps noted: Our brethren will find an extract of the law of this state, relative to free people of color, on another page of this paper. Great care should be taken on this point. T h e saints must shun every appearance of evil. As to slaves we have nothing to say. In connection with the wonderful events of this age, much is doing towards abolishing slavery, and colonizing the blacks, in Africa.

The reaction of the Missourians to this issue of the Star was prompt and vigorous. Being apprised of their adverse response, Phelps dashed off an Extra on July 16. In the form of a handbill this was distributed as rapidly as possible. The full text read as follows. Having learned with extreme regret, that an article entitled, "Free people of color," in the last number of the Star, has been misunderstood, we feel in duty bound to state, in this Extra, that our intention was not only to stop free people of color from emigrating to this state, but to prevent them from being admitted as members of the church. O n the second column of the hundred and eleventh page of the same paper, may be found this paragraph: "Our brethren will find an extract of the law of this state, relative to free people of color, on another page of this paper: great care should 38

Book of Commandments,

c h a p . X L V I I I , vss. 63â&#x20AC;&#x201D;67.

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be t a k e n on this point. T h e saints m u s t shun every a p p e a r a n c e of evil. As to slaves we h a v e n o t h i n g to say, in connection with t h e wonderful events of this age, m u c h is doing t o w a r d s abolishing slavery, a n d colonizing t h e blacks in Africa." W e often l a m e n t t h e situation of o u r sister states in the south, a n d w e fear, lest, as has been t h e case, t h e blacks should rise a n d spill innocent b l o o d : for they are i g n o r a n t a n d little m a y lead t h e m to disturb t h e peace of society. T o be short, we a r e opposed to h a v i n g free people of color a d m i t t e d into t h e state; a n d we say, t h a t n o n e will be a d m i t t e d i n t o t h e c h u r c h , for w e a r e d e t e r m i n e d to obey t h e laws a n d constitutions of o u r country, t h a t we m a y h a v e t h a t protection w h i c h t h e sons of liberty inherit from t h e legacy of W a s h i n g t o n , t h r o u g h t h e favorable auspices of a Jefferson a n d Jackson. 3 9

Phelps certainly did not have the authority to commit the church to such a position in regard to Negroes. He probably felt, however, that he was forced to extraordinary measures in order to deal with an extraordinary situation. But, the Extra had no discernible effect. The smoldering malignity of the Missourians had been fanned to a white heat. Some explanation of their attitude on the subject of the free Negro, therefore, is necessary. As early as 1820 the sentiment of the people of Missouri toward the free Negro was decidedly hostile.40 This is seen in Article I I I of the first constitution of Missouri which was adopted that year. It was designed to prevent free Negroes and mulattoes from settling in or even coming into the state under any pretext. This animosity was not due to their large numbers; there were only 347 in the state at that time. 41 It was predicated upon the fear that they would increase rapidly by immigration. Some Missourians felt that their mere presence in a community where slavery existed was apt to make slaves dissatisfied with their condition. Free Negroes, therefore, were held in suspicion and contempt even where few in number. This clause in the constitution had precipitated the second debate over the admission of Missouri into the Union. After a compromise worked out by Henry Clay was accepted by Congress, Missouri became a state with this clause still a part of her constitution. "Subsequent legislation regarding the free negro showed how she interpreted her rights under it." 42 In the next 10 years Missouri's population more than doubled, but 89

This Extra was reprinted in "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, March 1, 1845. See Harrison Anthony Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 1804â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1865 (Baltimore, 1914), and E. M. Violette, "The Black Code in Missouri," Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association for the Year 1912-1913, IV, 287-316. 41 Violette, "Black Code," Proceedings, IV, 287-316. 42 Ibid.. 311. 40

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the United States census of 1830 disclosed that there were only 569 free Negroes in the state. 43 In Jackson County there was a total of 5,071 inhabitants in 1832 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 360 of these being slaves, but there were no free people of color.44 The census of 1830 had revealed that there were 62 slave holders in the county. The largest was William Hudspeth, who had 25 slaves; the next was Roland Flourney with only 8.45 Typical, perhaps, of the attitude of the Jackson Countian toward free Negroes is that of James Aull, a trader of considerable prominence in western Missouri, with stores in Independence, Lexington, Liberty, and Richmond. He wrote a letter in 1835 to a Quaker firm in Philadelphia which had refused to trade with any business that owned or dealt in slaves. Aull noted: W e a r e t h e o w n e r s of Slaves. . . . I t w o u l d gratify m e exceedingly t o h a v e all o u r negroes r e m o v e d from a m o n g us, it w o u l d b e of i m m e n s e a d v a n t a g e to t h e State, b u t to free t h e m a n d suffer t h e m t o r e m a i n w i t h us I for o n e w o u l d never consent to. I once lived in a t o w n w h e r e o n e - t e n t h of t h e whole p o p u l a t i o n was free negroes a n d a worse p o p u l a t i o n I h a v e n e v e r seen. . . . A t o u r A u g u s t elections it will b e p r o p o s e d to o u r p e o p l e t h e p r o p r i e t y of calling a c o n v e n t i o n , if t h e c o n v e n t i o n meets o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t subjects t o b e b r o u g h t before it will be t h e g r a d u a l abolition of slavery. . . . M a n y of o u r Slave holders a r e t h e w a r m a d v o c a t e s of t h e d o c trine b u t I h a v e n o t conversed w i t h a m a n w h o w o u l d consent to let t h e m r e m a i n a m o n g s t us after they a r e free. 4 6

Phelps's articles in the Star had precipitated a crisis. The Missourians "arose in their fury." 47 A set of propositions, known as the "Secret Constitution," was covertly circulated in the county for signatures. Whitmer recorded that the citizens signed this document on July 15, the day before the Extra was issued.48 Among the nearly 80 signatures appended to it were those of most of the county officials including Samuel Owens, county clerk, who also managed for Aull a general merchandise store on the southwest corner of the square opposite the Mormons' "storehouse," and Samuel D. Lucas, a judge of the county court, who was later a general of the Missouri militia which drove the Mormons from the state in 1838-39. The "Secret Constitution" was a lawyer's brief. Russel Hicks, an attorney 43

"State of Missouri," American Annual Register, 1830-1831 (New York, 1832), 396. Missouri Republican, December 18, 1832. 45 H. E. Poppino, "Abstract of Record Group No. 29, Records of the Bureau of Census: Fifth Census (1830), Population Schedules, Missouri, Vol. 73, Jackson County, Sheets 299-318" (Jackson County Public Library, Independence, Missouri). 48 Quoted in Walter Williams and Floyd C. Shoemaker, Missouri: Mother of the West (Chicago, 1930), I, 283. 47 Corrill, Brief History, 19. 48 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 42. 44

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and deputy county clerk, later admitted that he was the author. 49 It is one of two lengthy documents that the Jackson Countians released to the public in an effort to justify their subsequent conduct. For this reason, one must be careful in accepting as truth all that it contains. But it comes as near as anything available to being a definitive statement of the Missourians' point of view. Among the catalogue of charges was the following. More than a year since it was ascertained that they had been tampering with our slaves, and endeavoring to sow dissentions and raise seditions amongst them. Of this their mormon leaders were informed, and they said they would deal with any of their members who should again, in like case offend, but how specious are appearances, in a late number of the Star, published in Independence by the leaders of the sect, there is an article inviting free negroes and mulattoes from other States to become mormons and remove and settle among us; this exhibits them in still more odious colors. It manifests a desire on the part of their society, to inflict on our society an injury that they know would be to us entirely insupportable, and one of the surest means of driving us from the county; for it would require none of the super-natural gifts that they pretend to, to see that the introduction of such a cast amongst us would corrupt our blacks and instigate them to bloodsheds. . . . We believe it a duty we owe ourselves, to our wives and children, to the cause of public morals, to remove them from among us, as we are not prepared to give up our pleasant places, and goodly possessions to them, or to receive into the bosom of our families, as fit companions for our wives and daughters the degraded & corrupt free negroes and mulattoes, that are now invited to settle among us. . . . We will meet at the court house at the town of Independence, on Saturday next, 20 Inst. to consult ulterior movements. 50

July 20, 1833, was hot under sunny skies. Out on the prairies "flowers of red, yellow, purple and crimson, were scattered in profusion among the grass, sometimes growing singly, and at others spreading out in beds of several acres in extent." 51 In Independence there was none of the usual Saturday activity in a farming community. A strange quiet prevailed when, unexpectedly -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "to the surprise and terror of the Mormons," 52 there gathered suddenly in the town "between four and five hundred persons." 53 One Protestant minister proudly reported that "they assembled . . . according to appointment without noise or riot, or drunkenness, but with a deliberate purpose." S4 This meeting, one of the participants later recalled, convened at the new, brick courthouse "to devise some means to 49

Missouri Republican, J a n u a r y 20, 1834. As quoted in the Star, December, 1833. 51 Irving, Indian Sketches, 23. ^Memorialists, 2. 53 Star, December, 1833. 54 National Intelligencer (Washington, D . C . ) , December 24, 1833. 30

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put a stop to [the Mormons'] seditious boasts as to what they proposed to do." 55 In democratic fashion â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this was the Jacksonian era -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the meeting was called to order and a chairman was chosen. A committee composed of Russel Hicks, Thomas Hudspeth, and five others was appointed to draft a set of resolutions. These resolutions were passed by the assembly and constitute the second document which the Missourians released to the general public. In part it read as follows. W e are told [by t h e M o r m o n s ] , a n d n o t by t h e i g n o r a n t alone, b u t by all classes of t h e m , t h a t w e ( t h e Gentiles) of this c o u n t r y are to b e c u t off, a n d o u r lands a p p r o p r i a t e d by t h e m for inheritances. . . . Some recent r e m a r k s in t h e " E v e n i n g a n d M o r n i n g Star," their organ, in this place, . . . show plainly t h a t m a n y of this deluded a n d infatuated people h a v e been t a u g h t to believe t h a t o u r lands a r e to be t a k e n from us by t h e sword. . . . O n e of t h e m e a n s resorted to by t h e m in order to drive us to emigrate, is a n indirect invitation to t h e free b r e t h r e n of color in Illinois to c o m e u p like t h e rest to t h e l a n d of Zion. T r u e , t h e M o r m o n s say this was n o t i n t e n d e d to invite b u t to prevent e m i g r a t i o n ; b u t this weak a t t e m p t t o quiet o u r a p p r e hension, is b u t a p o o r c o m p l i m e n t t o our understandings. T h e invitation alluded to, contained all t h e necessary directions a n d cautions to enable t h e free blacks, on their arrival here, to claim a n d exercise t h e rights of citizenship. C o n t e m p o r a n e o u s w i t h t h e a p p e a r a n c e of this article, was t h e general expectation a m o n g t h e b r e t h r e n here, t h a t a considerable n u m b e r of this d e g r a d e d class w e r e only waiting this information before they set o u t on their journey. W i t h t h e c o r r u p t i n g influence of these o n our slaves a n d the stench b o t h physical a n d m o r a l , t h a t their i n t r o d u c t i o n w o u l d set off in our social a t m o s p h e r e , a n d t h e vexation t h a t w o u l d a t t e n d t h e civil rule of these fanatics, it w o u l d require neither a visit from t h e destroying angel, nor t h e j u d g m e n t s of a n offended God, to r e n d e r our situation here insupportable. 5 6

The resolutions required the Mormons to cease publication of the Star, to stop immigrating into the county, and to agree that those already residing therein would remove "within a reasonable time." A committee of 13 was delegated to call upon the Mormon leaders to ascertain their response to these proposals. They approached Phelps, Partridge, Gilbert, John Whitmer, Corrill, and Isaac Morley. The citizens' committee demanded to know, "Will you leave the County or not?" 5 7 It also required of the Mormons that they "shut up [the] printing office store, mechanical shops &c. immediately." 58 "The message was so terri55

Interview of Thomas Pitcher in Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. Known as the "Propositions of the Mob," these resolutions were first published in the Western Monitor (Fayette, Missouri), August 9, 1833, and the Missouri Republican, August 9, 1833. They were widely reprinted: National Intelligencer, August 21, 1833, and Niles' Weekly Register (Baltimore), September 14, 1833. 57 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 42. 38 Ibid., 42-43. 58

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ble, so unexpected, the 'saints' asked time for deliberation, for consultation." 59 The elders, one of them remembered, "asked for three months, for consideration — They would not grant it — We asked for ten days — They would not grant it but said fifteen minutes was the longest, and refused to hear any reasons." 60 When the Mormons then declined to comply with the proposals, the conversation was broken off immediately. The committee quickly returned to the assembly which had been waiting for almost two hours. The citizens were informed that the Mormon leaders refused "giving any direct answer, to the requisitions made of them, and wished an unreasonable time for consultation, not only with the brethren here, but the prophet in Ohio." 61 When this answer was given to those at the courthouse, they unanimously "voted to raze the printing [office] to the ground." 62 The printing establishment was assailed by a group of men under the leadership of Gan Johnson and John King, who "knocked the door in." 63 "Mrs. Phelps, with a sick infant child and the rest of her children, together with the furniture in the house, were thrown out doors." 64 "The press was thrown from the upper story, and the apparatus, book work, paper, type, &c, scattered through the streets." 65 The press was broken by the fall and lay in the street until the following February. The type was scattered "there in the street for years," a plaything for little boys.66 The roof was pulled off and the walls razed. There were approximately 100 men employed at this task and in an hour the project was finished.67 The destruction of the printing office brought a permanent end to the publica59

Memorialists, 2. Star, December, 1833. 61 E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed: or, A Faithful Account of that Singular Imposition and Delusion, From Its Rise to the Present Time (Painesville, Ohio, 1834), 142. 82 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 43. 63 Testimony of Robert Weston, In the Circuit Court of the United States, Western District of Missouri, Western Division, at Kansas City. (Complainant's Abstract of Pleading and Evidence) in Equity. The Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. Complainant vs. The Church of Christ at Independence, Missouri (Lamoni, Iowa, 1893), 249—50; hereafter cited as Temple Lot Suit. Jacob Gregg, sheriff of Jackson County at the time, testified: "John King succeeded me as sheriff of this county; he is the same man who was the leader of the mob here at the time the printing office was destroyed. He held the office four years; it is very likely that his connection with, and the part he played in driving the Mormons out of this county made him sheriff, — that is the reason he was elected. The part he took in that transaction against the Mormons, I have no doubt made him sheriff." Temple Lot Suit, 288—89. 64 Star, December, 1833. 80 Times and Seasons, December, 1839. 88 Testimony of Robert Weston, Temple Lot Suit, 249. 87 Interview of Pitcher, Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. 00

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tion of the Book of Commandments', in type read:

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the last verses which had been set

T h e willing a n d o b e d i e n t shall e a t t h e g o o d of t h e l a n d of Z i o n i n these last d a y s ; A n d t h e rebellious shall be c u t off o u t of t h e l a n d of Z i o n , a n d shall b e sent a w a y a n d shall n o t i n h e r i t t h e l a n d : F o r verily I say t h e rebellious a r e n o t of t h e b l o o d of E p h r a i m . 6 8

The Star was transferred to Kirtland, Ohio, for publication where Oliver Cowdery assumed the editorship. T h e remaining 10 issues of the second volume were published and then a new paper, the Messenger and Advocate, was launched. After demolishing the printing establishment, the Jackson Countians turned their attention to the storehouse. It was broken into and some of the goods tossed into the street. Men took the bolts of cloth by the end and ran off with them until they were unwound. " T h e streets were almost covered with these pieces of cloth that were unrolled in that manner, and other goods scattered around." 69 Gilbert finally persuaded them to cease this destruction and promised that he would pack the goods and close the store by the following Tuesday. 70 Robert Rathbun's blacksmith shop was also raided and his tools strewn in the street. While this was taking place, some of the Jackson Countians under the leadership of George Simpson took Partridge and Charles Allen to the public square. There, in the presence of a numerous crowd, they were partially stripped and smeared with a quantity of tar from head to foot. This first coat was followed by a second of feathers. 71 It was now late in the day, and no doubt many were tired from the strenuous activity under a July sun. It was formally proposed that the citizens adjourn until the 23rd, at which time they would reconvene to determine whether or not Gilbert had carried out his promise. The motion passed and the weary citizens departed for their homes. Where was that traditional western guardian of justice, the sheriff, while these events were taking place? Arrangements had been made in advance to remove him from the scene of action. Whether this was done in concert with the official himself, or whether it came as a complete sur68 The Book of Commandments was in an unfinished condition when the press was destroyed and the sheets were scattered in the streets. Some of these were gathered up by private parties and bound, thus becoming "the first book printed in that immense territory between St. Louis and the Pacific coast." Missouri Historical Review, X L I V (October, 1949), 94. 69 Testimony of Hiram Rathbun, Temple Lot Suit, 217. 70 "Whitmer's Manuscript History," 43. 71 See Edward Partridge's "Autobiography," in "H.J.S.," Times and Seasons, March 1, 1845.

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prise to him probably will remain unknown. Sheriff Jacob Gregg was to testify 60 years later: I was not in t h a t affair in any w a y ; t h e first m o v e m e n t t h a t was m a d e was w h e n they tore d o w n t h e p r i n t i n g office of the M o r m o n people. W h e n I came in town one m o r n i n g I saw a crowd of m e n standing by t h e courth o u s e ; saw t h a t one of t h e m h a d a rope in his h a n d , w h e n I got u p a b o u t half way to t h e m , two m e n c a m e u p to m e e t m e ; said they h a d some business back at t h e tavern. T h e y took m e back in a r o o m there, a n d one of t h e m went out a n d locked t h e door after him, a n d left m e w i t h t h e other one, a n d I k n o w n o t h i n g a b o u t w h a t was going on outside until I got o u t of there. T h e y h a d t o r n d o w n t h e p r i n t i n g office, a n d dispersed before I got out to see w h a t was being done. After I was let out of t h e house all was quiet. 7 2

On July 23 the citizens congregated again in Independence and this time extorted a pledge from the Mormon leaders that they and all their followers would be out of the county by April 1, 1834. Before then, however, a new eruption of violence occurred, even more severe than the first, and the Mormons were forcibly expelled from the county in November 1833. Any student seeking the causes of conflict between Mormon and Missourian in Jackson County in 1833 soon comes to realize that these were manifold. Considering the number of persons involved — each with his own motive — this was inevitable. But clearly a primary cause was the relationship of the Mormons to a group the Missourians held in contempt, the Negro — free and slave. It has already been shown how "free people of color" played a part in this tragic affair. But what role did slavery play? One historian has stated that "the unpardonable sin of the Mormons in Jackson County was opposition to slavery." 73 Samuel D. Lucas alleged in 1837 that the eviction of the Mormons, "although a strong and violent [measure], was fully justified, and indispensable, in consequence of the impertinent and mischievous interference of the Mormons with the slaves in the county." 74 However, the difficulty with a ready acceptance of this as an explanation is that there is no concrete evidence that the Mormons ever incited, conspired, or tampered with the slaves. Thomas Pitcher, who was court-martialed by the state in 1834 for his conduct as commander of the Jackson County militia when the Mormons were expelled from the county, admitted years later that the Mormons "did not inter72

Temple Lot Suit, 287. Walter B. Stevens, Centennial History of Missouri (St. Louis, 1921), II, 95. Others have claimed this was the primary cause of the expulsion. See, for example, Heman C. Smith, "Causes of Trouble in Jackson County, Missouri, in 1833," Journal of History, II (July, 1909), 267-80. 74 Wetmore, Gazetteer, 93. 73

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fere with the negroes." 75 Certainly there would have been evidence if they had done so. T h e "black codes" which regulated the institution of slavery would have been used against them. Alexander Majors remembered : All the offices of the county being in the hands of [the Mormons'] enemies, . . . if one [of the Mormons] had stolen a chicken he could and would have been brought to grief for doing so; but it is my opinion there is nothing in the county records to show where a Mormon was ever charged with a misdemeanor in the way of violation of the laws. 76

Certainly none of the surviving documentary material written prior to the troubles in July makes reference to Mormon involvement with the slaves. While this type of material is scarce, the absence of any such references therein is significant. This is not to contend, however, that none of the Jackson Countians believed the accusation. Unquestionably some had been convinced â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or had convinced themselves â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that it was true. It should be noted that those who took the leadership in arousing opposition to the Mormons could not have found a more effective dart than antislavery activity to hurl at their opponents, one more calculated to wound fatally. Nat Turner's rebellion, the most sanguinary slave uprising in American history, had occurred in Virginia only two summers previously. An almost irrational fear of slave revolts had swept over the areas of slavery, a fear that had not completely subsided by July 1833. It is true (as Cowdery claimed) that there were only a small number of slaves in Jackson County, 77 but fear has never been predicated solely upon numbers. O n no occasion did the Mormon leaders appear to have contemplated using the slaves against the Missourians, though some fanatics may have talked of it. These charges were most likely a shibboleth, used by the instigators of the violence to win the support of the ignorant within the county and to secure favor with public opinion elsewhere. An evaluation of the testimony and an analysis of the facts, therefore, lead one to the conclusion that the Mormons did not constitute a "clear and present danger" to slavery in Jackson County in 1833. However, they probably did represent a potential threat. T h e distinction may be a fine one, but it is, nevertheless, an important one. T h e majority of the Mormons definitely "had some sentiments that were antislavery," 78 and a few 75

Kansas City Journal, June 17, 1881. Ingraham, Majors' Memoirs, 49â&#x20AC;&#x201D;50. 77 Star, January, 1834. 78 Testimony of Hiram Rathbun, Temple Lot Suit, 216. 76

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were foolish enough to let these sentiments be known. Alexander W. Doniphan, western lawyer and military leader, recalled: [The M o r m o n s ] were n o r t h e r n people, w h o , on a c c o u n t of their declining to own slaves a n d their denunciation of t h e system of slavery, were t e r m e d "free soilers." T h e majority of t h e m were intelligent, industrious a n d law abiding citizens, b u t t h e r e were some ignorant, simple m i n d e d fanatics a m o n g them. . . . T h e y established a newspaper at I n d e p e n d e n c e , . . . in which they set forth t h a t they h a d been sent to Jackson county by divine Providence, a n d t h a t they, as a c h u r c h were to possess t h e whole of t h e county, which t h e n e m b r a c e d w h a t is n o w Jackson, Cass a n d Bates counties. These assumptions were evidently m a d e use of for t h e p u r p o s e of exciting the m o r e i g n o r a n t portions of t h e c o m m u n i t y . . . . B u t I think t h e real objections to t h e M o r m o n s were their d e n u n c i a t i o n of slavery, a n d the objections slave holders h a d to h a v i n g so large a settlement of antislavery people in their midst. 7 9

David Whitmer, a Mormon resident of the county, agreed: W h a t first occasioned these difficulties I a m u n a b l e to say, except t h a t t h e c h u r c h was composed principally of Eastern a n d N o r t h e r n people, w h o were opposed to slavery, a n d t h a t there were a m o n g us a few i g n o r a n t a n d simple-minded persons w h o were continually m a k i n g boasts to t h e Jackson county people, t h a t they intended to possess t h e entire county. 8 0

Most of the Mormons in the early years of the- church were from the same stock and from those same areas which supplied the abolition movement with its drive and many of its adherents. The Jackson Countians, in turn, "were of the same class, and in some cases the same families, who were to participate in the bloody raids against Kansas." 81 It is probable that the pro-slavery element in Jackson County felt that extensive immigration from the North and East â&#x20AC;&#x201D; such as that of the Mormons â&#x20AC;&#x201D; might eventually carry the day for abolition in Missouri. But in a sense, the truth or falsity of the allegations does not matter. "Whether real or alleged, activity relative to slavery on the part of the Mormons was used by the western Missouri people during the thirties as a campaign slogan, and the issue must therefore have been vital and important." 82 In 1836 Missouri Governor Daniel Dunklin, who at first had been sympathetic toward the Mormons, wrote Phelps: T h e time was w h e n t h e people (except those in Jackson county) were divided, a n d t h e m a j o r p a r t in your favour; t h a t does n o t n o w seem to be t h e case. W h y is this so? Does your c o n d u c t m e r i t such censures as exist 79

Kansas City Journal, June 24, 1881. Ibid., June 5, 1881. 81 West, Kingdom of the Saints, 45. 82 Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 124. 80

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against you? It is not necessary for me to give my opinion. Your neighbours accuse your people, of holding illicit communications with the Indians, and of being opposed to slavery. You deny. Whether the charge, or the denial, is true, I cannot tell. The fact exists, and your neighbours seem to believe it true; and whether true, or false, the consequences will be the same. . . : 83

The consequences were certainly the same that July day in Independence when the printing establishment was razed to the ground. 83

Quoted in The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, XV (Liverpool, England, 1853), 821.

W I L L I A M WINES PHELPS William W. Phelps, editor of the Evening and Morning Star, had a checkered career as a Mormon, being twice excommunicated and twice reinstated. Born February 17, 1792, he was baptized in 1831, after a special revelation to Joseph Smith. In 1838 Phelps was excommunicated from the Mormon Church, but by 1841 the differences were resolved, and Phelps was reinstated. In Nauvoo Phelps became a member of the city council and Council of Fifty, and following the death of Joseph Smith supported Brigham Young. He came to Utah in 1848 in Brigham Young's company and became very active in public affairs. Phelps accompanied Parley P. Pratt in his explorations of southern Utah. He served as a justice of the peace, a notary public, and.a legislator â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for a time he was a senator in the State of Deseret. He died in Salt Lake City, March 7, 1872. Phelps will be remembered as the writer of many Mormon songs and hymns, 19 of which are still in the Hymns, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1961).

R EyiEWSand PUBLICATIONS War Drums and Wagon Wheels: The Story of Russell, Majors and Waddell. By RAYMOND W. AND MARY L U N D SETTLE. (Lincoln: University of Ne-

braska Press, 1966. x + 268 pp. $5.95) For six brief years the West's most famous freighters—Russell, Majors, and Waddell —• spread transportation tentacles across the continent. This enterprising trio not only moved mountains of supplies vast distances, but also helped transform the nation itself. I t is ironical that their names are most widely known for perhaps their least successful venture, the Pony Express. This experiment in mail service hastened their bankruptcy. This chronicle describes the rise and fall of a freighting monopoly. It is essentially an economic history with the emphasis on business methods, financial transactions, and governmental relationships. The personalities of the partners are submerged in the details of their business dealings, and for that reason the book may not make popular reading. Yet it is an excellent case study of a business that expanded too fast, involved itself carelessly —• and to some extent innocently —• in political intrigue and unethical practices, and suffered from bad financial planning. The result was the failure of the greatest freighting concern in the country and, more tragically, the ruin of its three brilliant founders. There were many fascinating episodes in the firm's history. Among them were the employment of teamsters w h o pledged themselves neither to drink nor swear, the unfortunate embezzlement of

Indian Trust Fund bonds, the scope of an enterprise that employed thousands of men and tens of thousands of oxen and horses, the assignment of the partners' personal holdings to satisfy creditors, and the short but romantic saga of the Pony Express. The authors treat the Utah War too thinly. Not all readers will agree with the interpretations of the events that led to President Buchanan's decision to send an army to Utah nor the easy dismissal of the Mormons and Brigham Young as fanatics. Nevertheless, this critical adventure became a military embarrassment to the army, a political liability to the President, and a financial disaster to Russell, Majors, and Waddell. As a whole, the book is a commendable history of a great business — one that rose brilliantly and then faded into economic oblivion. It is generally well documented with excellent Appendices and Index. It is the type of history that is too seldom written. CONWAY B. SONNE

Palo Alto,

Author California

George C. Yount and his Chronicles of the West. Comprising Extracts from his "Memoirs" and from the Osage Clark "Narrative." Edited by CHARLES L. CAMP. (Denver: Old West Publishing Company, 1966. xviii+ 280 pp. $20.00) George Yount was an American frontiersman of the classic mold. Born in

78 the mountains of North Carolina in 1794, he was reared in Missouri in "a wilderness teeming with Indians" where boyhood duties included standing guard in the fields with one's "trusty rifle." During the War of 1812, with rifle, tomahawk, and scalping knife, he led a Missouri militia company against neighboring pro-British Indians. In 1826 he drove a team to Santa Fe and for five years pursued a career of trapping in the Southwest. Hostile Indians; uncharted, often difficult terrain; weather treacherous to men from eastern woodlands; the Gila, the Colorado, the Green; Salt Lake, Bear Valley; the Old Spanish Trail â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Yount's southwestern odyssey embraced and surmounted all of them. Yount moved to California in 1831, and for a couple of seasons hunted sea otter along the off-shore islands with his rifle. Then Vallejo employed him at Sonoma. In 1836 he secured a land grant to become the first white settler of Napa Valley. Living in a Kentuckytype blockhouse, he engaged in many an Indian fight before pacifying that California frontier. Editor Camp writes of Yount, "Even in his own day he was sui generis â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a curious and remarkable product of the great frontier." The Chronicles presented in this book are taken from Yount's dictation to the Reverend Osage Clark in 1855 and from his earlier dictated "Memoirs." Editor Camp has freely excerpted and arranged the passages and added material developed on his own account to form a connected, chronological narrative. Clark was a Harvard graduate and an Episcopal minister who, when he first met Yount, "thought he had found a new specimine of life." Although he dressed up what Yount told him in a somewhat wordy style, his narrative is eminently readable. Yount's keen memory and his forthright manner of expressing himself gave Clark an abundance of material. The old pioneer's adventures, of course, receive the major attention, but the nar-

Utah Historical Quarterly rative also includes Yount's account of the almost incredible physical ordeals of Hugh Glass, many of the details of which Yount had from Glass himself. Remarking on Yount's veracity, Camp says that, "His basic information is sound enough; he does not invent situations but he elaborates and expands." Whatever exaggerations may have crept into Yount's narrative, the much superior fact is that Yount was one of the few participants in the Southwest fur trade who left a substantial record of his experiences. Charles Camp, who edited a portion of the Yount narrative for the California Historical Society Quarterly in 1923, demonstrates what an old master, allowed the freedom to construct his book imaginatively, can do in this field. He has enhanced the value of the work by many additions: a highly informative Introduction; interpretive notes; passages of his own which fill gaps in the narrative or give depth; an excellent map of Yount's travels; a chapter on "Trapping and Trading in the Southwest, 18151830" which catalogs the various expeditions and personnel involved; and a chapter on Peg Leg Smith which rounds up the scattered materials on that colorful character, including the details of Milt Sublette's amputation of Smith's broken leg in the wilderness with a pair of hunting knives ("as soon as the leg d r o p p e d , " Smith recalled, someone handed Sublette "the red hot gun barrel and he rubbed it over the stump till it fizzled and smoked worse nor a venison steak!"). In Yount Charles Camp has made another major contribution to the field of published western history sources. Lawton and Alfred Kennedy designed and printed the book. Fred A. Rosenstock's Old West Publishing Company in Denver has given the work a quality publication. W. N. DAVIS, JR.

Historian California State Archives

Reviews and Publications A Western Panorama 1849-1875: the travels, writings and influence of J. Ross Browne on the Pacific Coast} and in Texas, Nevada, Arizona and Baja California, as the first Mining Commissioner, and Minister to China. By DAVID M I C H A E L GOODMAN. (Glendale : T h e Arthur H. Clark Company, 1966. 328 pp. $11.00) Californians associate the name of J. Ross Browne with the state constitutional convention of 1849 where he recorded the debates in shorthand and was responsible for the publication of the official journal. Historians and mining men have long been familiar with his published reports on the mining resources west of the Rocky Mountains as United States mining commissioner. Less well known is his career as a special agent for the Treasury Department and investigator for the Bureau of Indian Affairs from 1853 to 1860, whereby he perhaps rendered his greatest public service. His conscientious investigations and candid reports on conditions in the federal agencies along the Pacific Slope, particularly the San Francisco Branch Mint, resulted in significant reductions in expenditures. He worked continuously for efficiency and economy. Browne also exposed fraud and abuses in the Indian service, b o t h in California a n d the Northwest. The Indian Bureau was less responsive to his recommendations than the Treasury Department, chiefly because he demonstrated a basic understanding of race conflict and reservation administration that was in advance of his time. Many of his specific recommendations later became the law of the land. As a result of his work as mining commissioner, Browne became a spokesman for the industry and campaigned vigorously, but futilely, for a national school of mining. Browne's lifelong ambition was an appointment in the diplomatic service, and in 1868 his years of labor

79 for the government in the West led to his selection as minister to China. His reports on China and the duplicity within the Chinese government were as frank as those documenting the malfeasance of federal officials on the Pacific Slope. Such honesty destroyed his effectiveness as a diplomat and he resigned to avoid recall. Browne's first b i o g r a p h e r , F a t h e r Francis Rock, writing in 1929, traced the pattern of his life, but did not have access to his unpublished reports to the g o v e r n m e n t . After years of neglect, Browne's varied contributions to the development of the Far West and the nation have recently been highlighted by the appearance of two biographies: Richard Dillon's / . Ross Browne: Confidential Agent in Old California and Goodman's A Western Panorama 18491875. Both biographers have relied heavily upon Browne's communications and reports to the Secretary of the Treasury and to the Office of Indian Affairs, recently made available by the National Archives. Here all similarity ceases. Dillon has largely confined his book to the "lost chapter" of Browne's life, as special agent for the federal government; Goodman has emphasized the same chapter but has written a full-length biography. Dillon writes with dramatic flare to appeal to the general reader; Goodman writes with the scholarly restraint characteristic of doctoral dissertations. With rigorous precision he presents the evidence, thoroughly documented, always explaining its importance and searching for interpretation. O n occasions his methodology overwhelms the narrative when he discusses the absence, or the nature, of the source material in the text (p. 47 and p. 137). Such information, valuable as it may be, can more effectively be handled in the notes. Goodman's biography, however, is a worthy tribute to a man of distinction as public servant, traveler, reformer, author and artist. In addition to a worth-

Utah Historical

80 while text, Goodman's book contains several informative maps, profuse illustrations (many of which were sketched by Browne to accompany his articles), and a chronological bibliography of Browne's writings. The Arthur H. Clark Company has maintained the high standards for its Western Frontiersman Series with the addition of this volume. W . TURRENTINE J A C K S O N

Professor of History University of California The Grizzly Bear: Portraits from Life. Edited and with introduction by BESSIE DOAK HAYNES AND EDGAR H A Y N E S . Drawings by MARY BAKER.

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. x x i + 3 8 6 p p . $5.00) Except for short introductions to each of the stories and the notes concerning the individual authors, the only original writings of the above editors are the sections on Acknowledgments and Introduction. These are followed by main sections headed "With the Map Makers," "Fur Trappers and Mountain Men," "California Grizzlies," "Some Pet Grizzly Cubs," "Grizzly Hunters of the Old West," "With the Naturalists," "Cattlemen and Bear Hunters," "Los Osos Mexicanos," "The Big Bears of Alaska," "Grizzlies in Folklore and Legend," and "Yellowstone Park Grizzly Bears." These accounts are followed by a "Special Incident Report" by E. L. Robinson, a section "About the Authors," a Bibliography, and an Index. The Introduction is perhaps the most valuable scientific section of the book. It begins with a succinct early history of these bears followed by accounts of their present status and distribution throughout the western half of North America. Grizzlies still exist in small numbers in Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Idaho, and Washington. Elsewhere, within their former range in the United States,

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they are not thought to occur. Canada and Alaska still possess fairly large numbers. Also, for each state there is a general account of the last known date of occurrence. Aside from the Introduction, to me the chief value of the book is the extraction of the better accounts of grizzlies from many sources and their arrangement within one cover. Actually, there is little new information that has not been read or recounted before. Each of the above mentioned main sections consists of short stories and accounts of grizzly bears extracted from the writings of the several authors. With the exception of the section "Grizzlies in Folklore and Legend" and one or two other separate accounts, the remainder smacks of much the same content, and as far as I am able to ascertain, actually has no need to be grouped into separate sections. These stories bear upon each individual author's experiences with grizzlies and his interpretations of their behavior, occurrence, and ecology. Depending upon the author, the bears had some different behavioral characteristics. I found the first 100-odd pages to be quite interesting reading despite some exaggerations and scientific inaccuracies. Following that, I became somewhat bored with the stories that, in essence, were all somewhat repetitious. No more than approximately one-half of the stories are required to adequately inform the reader of the ferocity, sagacity, tenacity, inquisitiveness, indestructibility, food habits, reproduction, history, and general ecology of these great bears. I was somewhat surprised to learn that all Alaskan grizzly and big brown bears are now placed in the same species. I know of no scientific report upon this subject. I do know that in Alaska there was a move to call all big bears west of a certain meridian brown bears, and all on the other side grizzly bears. At present, there is a study in progress on the taxonomic status of the grizzly and brown bears, but to date nothing has appeared.

Reviews and Publications Also, I know of no authentic records of grizzly bears weighing 2,000 pounds. Despite my criticisms and others inherent in this type of book, it is a good report and should be on the shelves of all professional and amateur biologists, especially those interested in these great carnivores. The format is good; I found few typographical errors, and the printing is excellent. S T E P H E N D. DURRANT

Professor of Zoology University of Utah

Bankers and Cattlemen. By G E N E M. GRESSLEY. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. xix + 320 + viii pp. $6.95) By combining skill in research with a pleasing and effective style of presentation, Professor Gressley has produced a much needed addition to the history of the cattle kingdom. Dr. Gressley has effectively utilized the valuable manuscript materials in the Western History Research Center at the University of Wyoming, as well as much other business and financial data. T h e rewards for his efforts will be apparent to the reader of his volume. This study of the financial aspects of the western livestock industry will help to dispel many myths and legends. The much written about cowboys are here displaced by the men who furnished the money and business direction. This book thus joins the company of such valuable works as Osgood's The Day of the Cattleman and Atherton's The Cattle Kings. While the growth of the cattle industry was conditioned by many factors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; hostile Indians, buffalo herds, lack of transportation facilities, uncertain land tenure, and marketing problems â&#x20AC;&#x201D; none was more vexing than the need for adequate capital. Dr. Gressley, by his adroit and patient research in countless business records, has chronicled this transfer

81 of eastern capital to the West. This accomplishment in a volume of such modest size is a notable achievement. The title may be somewhat misleading. Many figures other than those mentioned in the title are considered. Investors, managers, commission brokers, insurance company agents, and politicians all played a role. Professor Gressley has confined his treatment, regardless of who was concerned, however, to the problems of financing and managing of the livestock industry. But the book achieves even more. It integrates the treatment of cattle industry finances into the broader matter of western and even national economic history. This has been accomplished by the insistence of the author that eastern investment in western livestock ventures was only one aspect of the many financial undertakings of the period covered by this treatment, 1870 to 1900. Mining ventures, railroad building and consolidation, mercantile establishments, and agricultural developments all attracted the attention of eastern financiers. Two qualities of the book deserve further mention. One of its best features is the use of specific companies and individuals as illustrations of problems, solutions, or principles. By concentrating upon such companies as the Lea Cattle Company, T h e Day Company, and the Lance Creek Company, Dr. Gressley demonstrates the importance of individual solutions to financial and organizational matters. The struggles of Mrs. Mabel Day to keep her company in operation is an episode as interesting as any western tale. T h e other commendable feature is the final chapter, "The Balance Sheet!" It is here that the author masterfully summarizes the financial story of the ranges. His conclusions concerning the profits derived from cattle investments and the value of the western experience to eastern investors help to place the times and the participants in the proper perspective.

Utah Historical

Dr. Gressley has done an unusually fine job of documentation. It is refreshing, at least to those who like to know the exact sources of information, to find such detailed and careful footnotes. The Bibliography will also prove of value to those who may wish to inquire into other aspects of western history which Dr. Gressley has called to the attention of scholars and laymen. GEORGE W.

ROLLINS

Professor of History Eastern Montana College Navaho Neighbors. By FRANC J O H N S O N N E W C O M B . (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. 236 pp. $5.95) Few people have had the years of living with Navajo neighbors, or the avid interest in them as people and friends, that Mrs. Newcomb has had. When but a child she lived near a Winnebago settlement in Wisconsin. In her Introduction she says, "I had played with Indian children during my earliest play days, and thought of them simply as people who spoke a different language." Shortly after she had finished her education in an eastern college, she taught the primary grades in an Indian school in northern Wisconsin. Here, during the last part of the winter, she developed a persistent cough and, thinking that a dry climate would be good for her, accepted an appointment from the Indian Office in Washington, D . C , to teach the first grades in an Indian boarding school at Fort Defiance, Arizona. It was here that she met the nearby trader, Arthur Newcomb. Because of their mutual interest in the Navajo people, their dreams materialized in a wedding and a trading post of their own. For more than 30 years, Mrs. Newcomb studied the Navajo people, not only from books, but firsthand in the friendships she formed with her neighbors and customers. She has a depth of knowledge of their ceremonies and religious

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beliefs about which she has written several books and lectured extensively. Because the Newcombs were "one with the people," it led them to many strange, almost unbelievable experiences. Gus, the rattlesnake and his progeny, they kept to kill the mice and rats that carried away their corn and pine nuts. Hosteen Beaal, who sang the Eagle Chant and could "see anything anywhere," they hired many times to recover stolen goods. At one time he helped them to recover over $3,000 worth of their customers' Navajo pawn jewelry. She recounts the murder trial of two Navajo men who, according to their law, killed a Chindeeman or a practitioner of black magic. T h e stories come to life — not only in words, but through the excellent pictures of the very people in the stories. T h e author has plainly stated that her book is not another statistical, historical, or ethnological volume about the Navajo tribe. In her recollections of episodes and characteristics in the lives of her individual neighbors, she invites her readers to "visit the Navajo Reservation and become acquainted with the country, the climate, the products, and — most important of all — to become acquainted with the Navajo people who are our friends and neighbors." T h e book does just that, if you accept her invitation. ALICE S. M A S O N

Monument

Thomas tains. man: 1966.

Author Valley Mission and Hospital

Moran: Artist of the MounBy T H U R M A N W I L K I N S . (NorUniversity of Oklahoma Press, xvi + 315 pp. $7.95)

An obvious labor of love, this book is a valuable addition to the literature of artists of the Old West. An Appendix listing holdings of Moran's art by media, and an extensive Bibliography add to its usefulness.

Reviews and Publications For the most part Wilkins wisely avoids the role of personal apologist for Moran, who cannot be considered in the top rank of artists of his time. The author carefully presents the life, thoughts, and work of a solid citizen of the art community. Recently there has been a flourish of "rediscovery" of certain nineteenth century American artists, such as Albert Bierstadt, Moran's contemporary, whose small oil sketches, done quickly in the field, strike our eyes with their brilliant abstract composition. Moran's best work certainly lies in the body of rapidly executed field watercolors and drawings; their evocative and spontaneous qualities are largely lost in the transformation into large-scale oils. More often than not the drama he sought through alternating contrasts of light and dark turns to an irritating spottiness. Color is frequently trite. The demands of color composition cannot be explained away, as the author attempts, by remarking that "for several years after 1833, when the explosion of Krakatod in the South Pacific had spewed volcanic dust into the stratosphere, sunsets flamed the world over with a glory unexcelled in modern times. Those who later claimed that Moran's Long Island sunsets were exaggerated in their radiant glow had merely forgotten the splendors that had daily burst upon the world in the middle 1880's." Moran, though primarily an excellent illustrator, idealist, and propagandist of natural wonders, was not without a streak of the experimenter. Wilkins cites his transfiguration of newspaper pictures in which "a society dowager might become a mountain range" and his occasional practice of making blot drawings. One wishes this adventuresomeness had carried over into his more serious work. Not specifically covered in the artist's life is the influence he had on a number of isolated artists of Western States. In Utah, H. L. A. Culmer (1854-1914) met Moran on one of his several trips to the

83 state and frankly imitated his grandiose style. Alfred Lambourne (1850-1926) is said to have "received instruction and criticism" from Moran. John H. Stansfield (1878-1953) called on the aged Moran in Santa Barbara and drew inspiration from reproductions of the artist's paintings. Some of the most delightful passages in the book involve Moran's friendship with J o h n Ruskin. " W h e n M o r a n showed him a sketch of the Bad Lands of Utah, he exclaimed naively: 'What a horrible place to live in!' 'Oh, we don't live there,' Moran answered with a straight face. 'Our country is so vast that we keep such places for scenic purposes only.'" JAMES L. HASELTINE

Director Salt Lake City Art Center Pioneer Circuses of the West. By CHANG REYNOLDS. (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1966. 212 pp. $7.50) Circus entertainment came to the Pacific Coast with the California gold rush in 1849. Imaginative description, especially of the original California circus which diverted a Peruvian and Central American tour northward to benefit from the mining prosperity, lends interest to the opening of the story. Travel naturally presented a serious problem to early circus men in the West, particularly the first 20 years before a transcontinental railroad joined California with the Eastern States. Then as transportation improved, more accessible parts of the Far West were incorporated into national expeditions of the major touring companies. Very few companies performed along the Pacific Coast during the earlier years, and their stories are recounted in considerable detail in this general presentation of nineteenth century western circus entertainment. As more and more showTs entered the region, their operations are summarized or outlined. Trends in circus

Utah Historical

development are shown through careful attention to detail in numerous accounts of performances all over the West. Then a concluding chapter presents a general circus history of the United States from the eighteenth century down to the present. Much useful information finds its way into this compendium of circus facts. During many years of experience drawing pictures of circus animals â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a generous number of which appear in the book â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and of dealing with circus trainers, the author has assembled a wealth of material, even including biographies of a thousand American elephants. His biographical dictionary of circus elephants is omitted from this account. Yet in some chapters the broad story tends to get buried in a mass of minor detail. Extensive portions of the book are overburdened with names of places and performers and with inventories of interesting menageries. Catalogues of tours, some of them complete with street routes of parades in different towns, appear along with weather reports and assorted data. Miscellaneous local historical information, some of which is related not too closely to the circus theme, is interspersed with delightful accounts of circus incidents. Although temporal sequence often is random, precise dates and locations greatly enhance the reference value of the book. While much of this information naturally concerns California, Utah gets more than passing reference, especially in relation to circus activity that came with the transcontinental railroad. Yet because the Index refers only to 69 major companies that toured the West, about the only way to get at the abundance of detailed information which applies to different parts of the region is to go through most of the book. A general index would be a real help. MERLE WELLS

Historian and Archivist Idaho State Historical Society

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Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies. By ELLA E. CLARK. (Norm a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1966. x x v + 3 5 0 pp. $6.95) Indian Legends from the Northern Rockies is Volume 82 in The Civilization of American Indians Series. It recounts the myths, legends, and folklore of the Indians who inhabit the areas presently encompassed in the states of Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming. "Here two fairly distinct patterns of culture developed, each pattern adapted to the geographical environment" (p. 3 ) . The "Plateau culture" of the tribes living west of the Rocky Mountains was salmon based, and that of those tribes dwelling east of these mountains was, to a large extent, determined by the movements and habits of the buffalo. Despite their different economic bases, the reviewer found a definite and basic similarity in the myths and legends of the two groups. This similarity is attributable not just to the acquisition of horses by the various tribes which made for greater mobility and increased trade and culture contacts between the two groups but, "basic is the fact that Indians were animists; that is they believed that there were spirits everywhere in nature." "Spirits make the grass and plants grow," said a very old Plains Indian. "Spirits cause the winds to blow and the clouds to float across the sky. Every animal and bird has a spirit" (p. 17). Thus the legends and sagas of both groups are replete with tales of powerful spirits of all varieties from sun, moon, stars, thunder, wind, lake, and stream to coyote, eagle, buffalo, and of the Little People. Despite the fact that many of the tales are paralleled in tribe after tribe, the book is interesting to read. Its chief significance, in the opinion of this reviewer, is in the fact that it preserves an important, and less well known, aspect of Indian Americana. It is a timely book in that many of the tales it recounts undoubtedly would have been lost had they

Reviews and Publications not been recorded when they were. As a missionary among the Blackfeet wrote about 1890: " I have listened to some of these legends as told, over and over again, for the past nine years, and I find that the young men are not able to relate them as accurately as the aged; besides, as the country is becoming settled with white people, they are less disposed to tell to others their native religious ideas, lest they be laughed at . . . . As the children grow up, they are forgetting these things, and the years are not far distant when the folklore of the Blackfeet will be greatly changed and many of their traditions forgotten" (p. x v ) . Since these myths and legends were passed orally from generation to generation, the prospect of their being forgotten or distorted increases as the attention of modern generations, both white and Indian, is increasingly forcused on the future rather than the past. This volume contains three sections of excellent pictures. T h e Index is quite adequate and the Bibliography extensive enough to be of great value to persons interested in the legends of the Indian tribes of the northern Rocky Mountains. A L T O N B. OVIATT

Professor of History Montana State University

Captain Charles M. Weber, Pioneer of the San Joaquin and founder of Stockton, California, with a description of his papers, maps, books, pictures and memorabilia now in the Bancroft Library. Prepared by GEORGE P. H A M MOND and DALE L. MORGAN.

(Berke-

ley: T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library, 1966. v i i i + 1 1 8 p p . $15.00) This work consists of a brief biography of a notable early Californian whose activities spanned a most critical period of that state's history, plus a description of the Weber Collection and its various components. Important as this collec-

tion may be to the greater understanding of regional history, one is immediately impressed more with the format of this book than with any other aspect. Designed and printed by Lawton and Alfred Kennedy, the book is certain to be an award winner for fine printing and for the clarity of the reproductions of maps and pictures. Collectors of Californiana will purchase the book on this single merit alone. However, a book should not be judged by its elegance, but by its contents and their utility. This particular work combines a very welldone biographical sketch, which is enriched by access to the Weber papers, with sections describing and cataloguing the contents of this notable and only recently available collection. T h e Weber papers consist primarily of general correspondence dating from 1832 until his death in 1881. These are supplemented by an intriguing map collection including several rare items which are reproduced in the book, a book section, and "pictures and memorabilia." An Index adds value to the work as a tool for regional research. The book is perhaps too elegant for a catalog, which is its principal characteristic; but it has the added value of containing the Weber biography. In this regard the biographers have brought vitality to the ever-present but shadowy figure of the German immigrant who had departed Europe early in life, had visited New Orleans and Texas, and finally had been attracted to the Golden State by the multitude of publicity then flooding the Mississippi Valley. Arriving as a member of the Bartleson-Bidwell party of overland immigrants in 1841, Weber was attracted to the Central Valley of California by John Sutter's success. Emulating the earlier pioneer, but settling somewhat to the south, Weber established the key city which was to become the gateway to the southern mines, Stockton. There his business activities prospered, he raised a family, and

Utah Historical

engaged in minor philanthropies. His later life was embittered by legal difficulties and in his old age he was considered to be antisocial. Hammond and Morgan, his sympathetic biographers, have presented the highlights of the life of this active adopted Californian of mid-nineteenth century. DONALD C. C U T T E R

Professor of History University of New Mexico Area of the Richer Beaver Harvest of North America. Some penetrations of the beaver men to the heart of the continent, their concentration on the upper Missouri, and the drive to the Western Sea, 1604-1834. T h e m a p and key drawn and prepared by Mari Sandoz for The Beaver Men, Spearheads of Empire. (New York: James F. Carr, 1966. M a p + 1 6 p p . $8.50) From widely scattered sources, Mari Sandoz has gathered together some of the main geographical data relating to the beaver trade of North America between 1604 and 1834. This she did in preparation for The Beaver Men, Spearheads of Empire. Sandoz's m a p is a concise, uncluttered, multi-colored, and highly attractive portrayal of the beaver trade devised for the average reader. Perhaps its greatest usefulness is the integration of the major posts of the French, British, Spanish, and United States into a meaningful whole. As such, it is a competent guide to general locations of the fur trade of North America and a helpful aid through the thicket of three centuries of wanderings over millions of square miles of territory. T h e m a p has a number of important limitations however. Despite its size (31 by 45 inches), only a few of the major posts are listed, and these are not located precisely. Little effort is made to determine the relative importance of the trade of various nations, nor of that between posts. Nor is there much new material

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here. T h e m a p presents what is generally already known but no more. There are also certain distortions upon careful study. T h e trade of the Far West is highlighted, but that of colonial America virtually omitted despite the fact that the latter was far more important than the former. Indeed, the major weakness of the m a p is that it portrays the fur trade of each nation and each area and each period as of equivalent importance. I n other words it is a one-dimensional m a p for readers with essentially one question in mind: "Where is it?" Still for answering this very limited question or for use as a visual aid, Sandoz's m a p is the best we have. J A M E S L. CLAYTON

Assistant Professor of History Dartmouth College First White Women Over the Rockies: Diaries, Letters, and Biographical Sketches of the Six Women of the Oregon Mission who made the Overland Journey in 1836 and 1838. Introductions and Editorial Notes by CLIFFORD MERRILL DRURY. Three Volumes. Northwest Historical Series, V I I I . (Glendale: T h e Arthur H. Clark Company, 1966. Vol. I l l , 332 pp. $11.00) Historians rejoice whenever a lost journal comes to light and finds an adequate editor and publisher. Such is the newly discovered diary of Sarah White Smith, recording her 1,900-mile journey on horseback to Oregon. It completes the picture of the 1838 re-enforcement of the Oregon Mission. Editor Drury states: "This volume, together with the seven preceding volumes on this subject, was written to keep alive the memory of thirteen intrepid men and women who, inspired by the high ideal of civilizing and Christianizing the natives, dared to venture across the Rocky Mountains into the Oregon

Reviews and Publications country where they established homes, schools, and churches." Besides the Sarah Smith diary and the numerous letters to New England written by her missionary husband, Asa Bowen Smith, this volume contains the journal of W. H. Gray, the diary of Elkanah Walker, a letter from Cornelius Rogers, reminiscences of Cushing Eels, and an unpublished letter of Marcus Whitman written to the Smiths in 1844. There is also a folding two-color map, numerous illustrations, illuminating footnotes, and an Index. In a final chapter, Editor Drury discussed the moot question: "First White Women Over the Rockies â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- Was it Wise?" The most absorbing feature of the book is the life story of beautiful, auburnhaired Sarah White Smith. It covers her early childhood, education for her life's work, her marriage, her arduous ride west, service to the Nez Perce Indians, threats of violence from the natives, her broken health and prolonged illness, the transfer of the Smiths to the Sandwich Islands where Sarah slowly recovered strength, and their final trip by boat around Africa to Massachusetts, her homeland, where she died from tuberculosis of the spine and was laid to rest in her native New England.

87 ence that often has been obscured by sectarian controversy. This book, available in a rather expensive hard-bound edition, is now available in paperback. The University of Nebraska Press is to be congratulated in reprinting Great Basin Kingdom. Hole-in-the-Rock. An Epic in the Colonization of the Great American West. By DAVID E. MILLER. Second Edition. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966) There is no better example of the pioneer spirit than that exhibited by the members of the Hole-in-the-Rock Expedition of 1879-80. This pioneer company built a wagon road through some of the wildest, roughest, most inhospitable country in a region that is littleknown in America today. This group of approximately 250 men, women, and children with some 80 wagons and hundreds of loose cattle and horses blasted a wagon passage through 200 miles of impenetrable country to establish settlements in Bluff, Blanding, and Montezuma. This book is now available in a second edition thanks to the University of Utah Press.

A N N W. H A F E N

Author Provo, Utah N E W BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900. By LEONARD J. ARRINGTON. Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966) Here is the dramatic story of the role the Mormon Church played in the economic development of the Mountain West. This book tells of the economic institutions and policies of the church and gives meaning to an American experi-

Sources of Mormon History in Illinois, 1839-48: An Annotated Catalog of the Microfilm Collection at Southern Illinois University. Compiled by STANLEY B. KIMBALL. Second Edition. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 1966) This new, revised, and enlarged catalog is to acquaint scholars and students of Mormon and Illinois history with the microfilm collection on these subjects in the possession of Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville. Contemporary newspapers and periodicals as well as letters, diaries, and journals have been collected.

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The Treaty of Medicine Lodge: The Story of the Great Treaty Council as Told by Eyewitnesses. By DOUGLAS C. J O N E S . (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966)

Holiday — 40, October 1966: "Saints and Symphonies: Within the highly structured society of Salt Lake City, a taste for the arts is developing," by JOEL N U G E N T , 66ff.

When the Eagle Screamed: The Romantic Horizon in American Diplomacy, 1800-1860. By WILLIAM H . GOETZMANN. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966)

The Huntington Library Quarterly — X X X , November 1966: " T h e Silliman Controversy [Emma Mine]," by GERALD T. W H I T E , 35-53; "Struc-

ture and Balance in Western Mining History," by L E W I S ATHERTON, 5 5 -

ARTICLES OF INTEREST American Heritage, The Magazine of History — X V I I I , December 1966: "Rebel in a Wing Collar [Coxey's Army]," by GEORGE A. GIPE, 25ff.;

"Ordeal in Hell's Canyon," by ALVIN

M. JOSEPHY, JR., 73ff. Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought —I, Autumn 1966: "Early Mormon Churches in Utah, A Photographic Essay," by DOUGLAS H I L L ,

13-20; " T h e Significance of Joseph Smith's 'First Vision' in Mormon Thought," by JAMES B. ALLEN, 2 9 -

45; "Writing on the Mormon Past," by ROBERT BRUCE FLANDERS, 47-61; "The Metamorphosis of the Kingdom of God: Toward a Reinterpretation of Mormon History," by KLAUS J. H A N S E N , 63-83; "Federal Authority Versus Polygamic Theocracy: James B. McKean and the Mormons, 18701875," by T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER,

8 5 - 1 0 0 ; " T h e Life of Brigham Young: A Biography Which Will Not Be Written," by P. A. M. TAYLOR,

101-10; "Anti-Intellectualism in Mormon History," by DAVIS BITTON, with a reply by JAMES B. ALLEN, 111-40; "Brigham Young and the American Economy [comments upon The Vital Few: American Economic Progress and Its Protagonists]," by R. J O S E P H

160-61; " T h e Availability of Information Concerning the M o r m o n s [essay]," by S. L Y M A N

MONSEN, JR.,

TYLER. 172-75

84 Idaho Yesterdays—10,

Summer 1966:

"Peg Leg Smith," by ALFRED G L E N H U M P H R E Y S , 28-32

The Journal of Arizona History —• V I I , Autumn 1966: "Campaigning in Mexico, 1916 [Mormons]," by JEROME W. H O W E , 123-38

The Journal of Southern History-—• X X X I I , November 1966: "Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories," by ROBERT R. RUSSEL,

466-86

Journal of the West — V, October 1966: "Grand Canyon National Park," by ROBERT H. M I T C H E L L , 477-92; "A Survey of Federal Escorts of the Santa Fe Trade, 1829-1843," by HENRY H. GOLDMAN, 504-16 The Masterkey — 40, October-December 1966: "The Sites at Vasey's Paradise [Colorado River, archaeology, and Russell G. Frazier]," by P. T . REILLY, 126-39; "The Discovery and Definition of Basketmaker: 1890 to 1914," by M. EDWARD MOSELEY, 14054 The Palimpsest —• X L V I I , September 1966: [entire issue devoted to "Mormon Trails in Iowa"]; "The Mormon Trail of 1846," by WILLIAM J. PETERSEN, 353-67; "The Handcart Expeditions: 1856," by WILLIAM J. PETERSEN, 368-84

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Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 35, Number 1, 1967

Articles inside

Shoshoni-Bannock Marauders on the Oregon Trail 1859-1863

The Skeleton in Grandpa's Barn

What Remains of the West?

Factors in the Destruction of the Mormon Press in Missouri, 1833