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A Review of Mormon Settlement Literature
A Review of Mormon Settlement Literature
BY WAYNE L. WAHLQJUIST
MORMON SETTLEMENT HAS ATTRACTED the attention of scholars from various fields, including history, sociology, and geography, partly because of the uniqueness and controversial nature of Mormon society, partly because Mormons dominated a large section of western America, and partly because of the Mormon penchant for keeping journals that provide an amazing amount of primary source material. Historians, particularly, have been interested in the establishment of a Mormon empire in the Great Basin. In the 130 years of Mormon settlement in the West, a wealth of general and specialized studies has been produced. A review of some of this literature seems timely.
GENERAL HISTORICAL WORKS
A number of general histories contain useful background material for anyone looking at Mormon settlement. The books discussed here are intended to be indicative of the types of studies available rather than an exhaustive listing, although an effort has been made to include major contributions.
A detailed economic history of Mormon settlement in the Great Basin is provided by Arlington's Great Basin Kingdom. As one would expect from an economic historian, he traces the close relationship of economic development to the total social, religious, and political conditions of the time. Economic determinism, although never labeled as such, is a recurring theme. Many of the political, social, and even religious programs of the church he interprets as responses to economic forces. The retrenchment program, for example, developed in response to the coming of the railroad to shore up the influence and control of the church against the anticipated intrusion of Gentiles.
Desert Saints, written by a prominent sociologist, is considered by some historians to be the best single volume on Mormon history. Although very general in coverage, it offers insights into the workings of Mormon society.
An early work, Bancroft's History of Utah, is one in a series of historical volumes from that historian's prolific pen. Published in 1890, it was written when anti-Mormon sentiment was strong. Nevertheless, it is remarkably objective. His primary sources are manuscripts provided by the LDS church, but he balances these with statements of federal officials and anti-Mormon writers when facts are disputed. He gives his own interpretation of the significance of polygamy and other controversial issues in the political and economic history of Utah.
The Founding of an Empire is a well-written account of the Mormon exodus from Nauvoo, Illinois, and the selection of the Great Basin as the place of refuge. It also covers early frontier colonization.
Klaus J. Hansen's meticulous research in Quest for Empire provides the most complete study of the political kingdom of God in Mormon history. Because of persecution from an antagonistic Gentile world, the organization of the political kingdom of God and its ruling body, the Council of Fifty, was shrouded in secrecy. The general church membership was ignorant of the council's functions and even of its existence. Hansen has pieced together from widely scattered primary sources a remarkable history of this little-known body of men. His treatment is interpretive, but it is well documented from both Mormon and anti- Mormon sources. Hansen sees the Council of Fifty as the real controlling power in political and other temporal affairs of the Mormon empire. Particularly enlightening is the author's discussion of the planning and negotiations prior to and in preparation for the exodus from Illinois. Texas, California, Oregon, and the Great Basin were all carefully considered as destinations. In the case of Texas, negotiations centered on the establishment of a Mormon buffer state between Texas and Mexico, and a diplomat was dispatched to France to determine her attitude toward such a proposal. According to Hansen, it was the existence of this shadow government in Utah that really lay at the root of the Mormon- Gentile conflict that lasted a half-century. Polygamy was the rallying point for anti-Mormon sentiment and was thus used as an effective weapon against this secret political kingdom controlled by the Mormon hierarchy.
Brigham Young the Colonizer provides the best history to date of the colonizing activity directed by Brigham Young, although the Mormon bias of the author shows through consistently in this laudatory account. It includes the early settlement of virtually all of the significant valleys in the Great Basin. Individual settlements are covered very lightly, but one can find a brief account of the individuals involved and the dates when most settlements were founded. Colonization continued after Brigham Young's death in 1877, but those colonies are beyond the scope of the study. A list of 358 colonies is included at the end of the book with the dates of settlement and a rather crude small-scale map showing the approximate locations. Although a discussion of land policies is included, there is no attempt to measure, classify, or map agricultural land utilized in any of the colonies. The methods of distributing land and the problems of obtaining title receive only general treatment.
The Mormon system of cooperative enterprise is examined in Prelude to the Kingdom. This study provides good coverage of the Perpetual Emigrating Fund and Mormon emigration. The author, for many years a history professor at Brigham Young University, traces the cooperative spirit of the pioneer era to its present manifestation in the Mormon welfare system.
Among the Mormons is a collection of statements from contemporary observers that gives a balanced glimpse of the mood and flavor of early Mormon history. Each skillfully chosen selection is prefaced with a sketch of the conditions that existed at the time and a thumbnail biography of the observer. The selections represent general impressions of Mormons and their settlements rather than descriptions of individual colonies.
A well written sociological analysis of Mormon villages and rural Utah society is found in The Mormon Village? The author completed a thesis in 1923 and a dissertation in 1929 at the University of Wisconsin on aspects of Mormon villages and in 1950 revisited two of the villages he first studied in 1923. Nelson's quarter-century of interest in Mormon villages culminated in this book. Spatial relations are not ignored, but the prime focus is on social behavior. It is no doubt a penetrating look at social structure in the twentieth-century Mormon village and is useful in measuring the impact of the depression and World War II on rural America. Yet, Nelson assumes a uniformity in town plats that did not exist, and one wonders if there was not more cultural diversity from village to village than he recognized. It appears that Nelson's study, while valuable, is far from being the definitive work some have labeled it. The book has helped to perpetuate some misconceptions that need to be tested by careful field work.
B. H. Roberts provides an excellent, detailed account of historical events compiled from church sources. 10 An LDS General Authority and church historian, Roberts was a prominent spokesman for the church in both civic and religious affairs. As one might expect, the Mormon bias of the author is apparent; but, despite this, his work is a remarkably complete and objective record containing much information that is not found elsewhere.
STUDIES OF MORMON SETTLEMENT
Although aspects of Mormon settlement have been the object of numerous master's theses and doctoral dissertations, the subject has not been investigated as thoroughly as a bibliographic survey would seem to indicate. Graduate researchers exhibit a strong tendency to get sidetracked from the specific topics indicated by the titles of their research projects to a general history of Mormonism in Utah. Consequently, much research is repetitive and contributes little that is actually new to the basic analysis of Mormon settlement. Therefore, a review of some of the studies that have dealt with Mormon occupancy of the land might serve as a useful guide to future research. Of necessity the review must be selective.
In her generalized history of Mormon colonization, Ila Dastrup emphasized the organization and cooperative spirit of Mormon colonies as opposed to the individualism characteristic of most pioneer settlements. Some information about specific settlements is included but usually only a paragraph or two. The author assumes a uniformity in Mormon colonization that may not have existed. She states, for example, that outside of new settlements, land was surveyed into five-acre lots, then other irrigated land was distributed according to the needs of the population. Blocks of eight lots were uniform with each lot containing about one and a quarter acres each. Recent studies have shown that such uniformity did not exist.
A recently published book on the United Order gives a comprehensive and discerning look at Mormon communalism. The research, by three authors, spans a forty-year period, yet the text has a unity in style and content that makes it highly readable. It traces the major attempts at communal living from the Law of Consecration initiated by Joseph Smith in Ohio and Missouri to the Consecration Deeds of the mid-1850s and the churchwide attempt to establish United Orders in the early 1870s under the direction of Brigham Young. The modern welfare plan is the twentieth-century manifestation of the same communal spirit. The book provides more than a descriptive account of Mormon communalism in its various forms; it offers a penetrating analysis of social, economic, and religious factors that contributed to these remarkable innovations in socioeconomic experimentation and their ultimate failure. The spirit of community effort carried beyond the actual communal experiments to cooperative construction of irrigation systems; enclosure of farmlands within one "big field"; and construction of transportation systems, manufacturing enterprises, and retail establishments that did not require the relinquishment of private property rights. Anyone investigating Mormon settlement should examine this book.
Building the City of God focuses on the ideas and attitudes of Mormon leaders and the difficulties they experienced in getting their ideas accepted by the people and translated into action. The authors emphasize the continuance of the cooperative theme throughout Mormon history. Yet, it seems to this reviewer that the repeated failure of communitarianism among Mormons stands as mute testimony that individualism is the stronger force. The modern welfare plan has succeeded because it strikes a balance between communalism and individualism. It permits the individual to fulfill the scriptural dictum that one should love his neighbor as exemplified in the parable of the Good Samaritan but allows him the freedom to shape his own economic destiny.
Joel E. Ricks in his brief, but well written, thesis traces the legalhistory of land distribution in Utah. He reviews the legislative acts of Utah Territory and of Congress that affected land distribution in Utah, including treaties with various Indian tribes that added land to the public domain in Utah. This study will serve as a useful guide to legislative action for anyone interested in the disposal of public land in Utah.
Professor Ricks's dissertation is a general history of Mormon colonization compiled from primary sources. He explores the procedures followed in establishing colonies and describes their developmental stages by examining selected colonies in detail — Salt Lake City being the first settlement reviewed at length. He discusses the governmental structure; the method of distributing land; the construction of roads, canals, and defense installations; the development of industry; and population growth. The work contains a very brief history of settlement elsewhere in the Mormon Core, but most attention is given to settlements in southern Utah, Arizona, California, and Cache Valley, Utah.
Ricks emphasizes the planning and control Brigham Young exerted in these colonization efforts. The Saints faithfully responded to Young's call to settle new regions and thus helped to fulfill his dreams of empire. Although Ricks is not as laudatory as Milton Hunter, his conception of Young as the great planner and manipulator is much the same. Religious imperialism was the motivational drive behind Mormon colonization efforts. He does mention that some people were attracted to new settlements because of available land in contrast to the overcrowding that existed in the Salt Lake vicinity. The possibility of this as a major motivational force for colonization, however, is not explored. Ricks definitely considers it incidental to Mormon expansionism.
Ricks was a friend of Frederick Jackson Turner, but his polished account of Mormon colonization is the very antithesis of the Turner thesis. He describes how carefully planned, directed, cooperative ventures in colonization succeeded in the face of isolation and a harsh physical environment. Rather than rugged individualism, cooperation was the key to survival. Instead of independent ideas and innovation, the Mormon frontier produced deference to authority and uniformity in culture. Urbanization occurred simultaneously with agricultural development, not as the end product of a multi-stage sequential process.
Charles S. Peterson's study of Mormon colonization on the Little Colorado is exhaustive, insightful, and immensely readable. The author, an associate professor of history at Utah State University, has done a thorough job of sifting through diaries, journals, letters, church records, and secondary sources. Particularly illuminating is his discussion of the role church institutions — mission calls, United Order, polygamy, cooperative mercantile institutions, etc. — played in Mormon expansions in Arizona. Although the emphasis is on church-directed and churchsupervised settlement, he does not ignore individualism. In fact, he identifies individualism as a potent force, sometimes latent, sometimes dominant, in shaping and/or altering the internal nature and characteristics of these settlements. This is an invaluable source for any study dealing with Mormon settlement.
Although geographers have not concerned themselves with the Mormon region to the extent that other social scientists have, several dissertations and theses have treated the subject. Charles Langoon White's work, for example, is a perceptive regional study of the characteristics, accomplishments, and problems of agriculture in the Salt Lake oasis. Of particular interest is the discussion of the development of wetlands in the older lowland farms after irrigation was brought to the higher bench lands. In at least one case, the village itself was moved several miles to higher, better-drained land. The author discusses at length the problems of adjusting twentieth-century agricultural methods to the small farms and agricultural villages that are a legacy of the pioneer era, and he also examines the types of crops, marketing procedures, and methods of production that were current When the study was done.
As one would expect from a student of Carl Sauer in the early 1930s, Joseph E. Spencer's study emphasizes the natural and cultural landscape. The first half of the dissertation presents background material, including a thorough discussion of the physical setting: basic geology, physiography, hydrology, climate, and vegetation.
One chapter is also devoted to the Indian landscape. However, since there were few Indians, their impact on the landscape was slight. Indian history, economy, and social characteristics are covered in a general way. Prior to the coming of the Mormons there had already been some acculturation, since the Indians were raising wheat and a few of them knew some Spanish.
The background chapter on Mormon colonization traces pioneer history and describes beliefs and practices that led to colonization in the Middle Virgin River country. Most of the information is available in greater detail in other sources that have already been reviewed.
The last half of Spencer's dissertation is devoted to Mormon settlement along the Middle Virgin River Valley and its tributaries. Much attention is given to the morphology of settlements: town plats, house types, roads, crops, ownership patterns, etc. These items comprised the cultural landscape.
The Mormon system of land division and the adjustments made to the government rectangular land survey are discussed in a general way. Patterns of claimed land are shown for a few sample villages, but Spencer makes no attempt to map in detail the actual farmed land. He states that the common practice of gaining legal title to the land was to have "trustees" file for homestead entries in behalf of several owners of small acreages. The trustee, in turn, deeded the land to its rightful owner after receiving the patent for it. Although this system has been mentioned by several writers, no one (including Spencer) has ever attempted to determine how common this practice was. It would be interesting to find out what proportion of the land and what proportion of land titles were granted under this system.
Spencer also looks at economic conditions and trends as they have affected growth and decline of population. He concludes that with the opening of national highways, and the entry of Utah's Dixie into the full force of economic competition with other areas, that disruption of the church-oriented society took place. The Mormon church was losing its control, though not its influence, in Dixie.
William E. Coffman's dissertation is typical of the good quality regional studies in geography in the 1930s and 1940s. It examines the physical setting, i.e., basic physiography, soils, climate, vegetation, the cultural setting, and economic development. Some attention is given to settlement and the development of irrigation practices, but these topics are treated in a general way and are peripheral to the main focus of the study, which is the current geography of the valley. The author points out that the first settlements were near streams. The usual procedure was to first build a fort with cottonwood logs where the earliest settlers lived while the fields were brought under cultivation. A town was plotted and surveyed nearby. Then when each settler received his town allotment he proceeded to build his individual home.
Irrigation canals were small at first and served only easily irrigated land close to streams. Then, as the population increased, additional canals were built, taking their water out farther upstream so that they could irrigate higher and higher ground. This resulted in a series of parallel canals owned by different companies. Coffman does not attempt to map the location of these canals nor the land that was brought under cultivation. His is not a study focused on a particular problem; rather, it gives a broad descriptive analysis of the physical and cultural elements that comprised the geography of Utah Valley in 1940.
A high quality, two-volume exposition by Elbert E. Miller makes a major contribution to the identification and description of the agricultural problems, limitations, practices, and potentials of Cache Valley. He gears it to contemporary culture but discusses quite thoroughly the historical background of such items as irrigation and drainage. A map of irrigation canals in 1869 is included as well as a table of potential irrigation projects that could be useful in the future.
Of particular interest is the chapter on the history of agricultural settlement. Of necessity a generalized account, it does record several phases in the development of agriculture and the establishment of agricultural communities. Grasshopper plagues, freezing winters, and Indian raids took heavy tolls on crops and livestock in the early period.
One of the main contributions of the study is the numerous distribution maps of agricultural crops and livestock. Miller examines the development and potentials of the major crops that were then grown and considers the potential for a few crops that were then insignificant. He feels that Cache Valley was a mature agriculture region that had approached its maximum production except for new potential irrigation districts.
A monograph by Charles M. Chestnutwood looks at the historical development of Brigham City, Utah, as an urban community. A descriptive study, much of it consists of a narrative of early Brigham City history. Other sections survey land use and urban functions of the contemporary city. He emphasizes the dominant role early Mormon leaders, notably Lorenzo Snow, played in the spatial organizational pattern and development of the community.
John H. Baum briefly analyzes, in his work, one hundred Mormon settlements to determine patterns of land occupancy; physical characteristics that determined sites for towns; types of surveys used; and relationships between forts and "lay-out patterns." Broad in scope, the study lacks somewhat in depth. Baum looks for general patterns rather than for a thorough understanding of particular settlements. This rather superficial coverage results in several errors. One table identifies those settlements that had a fort or protective wall and indicates the kind of construction used. Several settlements in the Mormon Core are shown as not having either a wall or fort, when in fact they did: Draper, West Jordan, North Ogden, Uintah, and Lynne (earlier called Bingham's Fort.) Furthermore, the table does not indicate when the settlements were founded. One would conclude from the table that protective walls or forts were the exception rather than the rule. This is certainly not true for the early settlements. Most settlements established before 1856 had either a wall around the village or a fort, whereas settlements established after 1870 rarely had them unless they were located deep in Indian country.
Baum classifies each settlement site as an alluvial fan, delta, lake plain, or river bottom. He concludes that 60 of the 100 settlements were located on alluvial fans, 24 on deltas, and only 16 on river bottoms or lake plains. The fans and deltas apparently were preferred by Mormon settlers because of better drainage and freedom from floods. Lake plains were often marshy and alkaline. The problem with such a classification lies in the difficulty of accurately identifying each landform type. Ogden, for example, is listed as a delta settlement, when in reality it was built on the flood plain where the Ogden and Weber rivers have cut down through the delta. Uintah is also listed as a delta settlement, yet it was built on the Weber flood plain approximately three hundred feet below the delta surface. Since, along the Wasatch oasis, deltas often grade imperceptibly into alluvial fans and river flood plains grade imperceptibly into lake plains, generalizations based on such a classification, without careful checking in the field, are of doubtful validity.
One of the valuable items in Baum's study is the analysis of town plats. Again, the author compiles information into tables showing the size of blocks, width of streets, number of lots in a block, size of lots, and shape of blocks. Assuming that the tables are accurate, the one hundred settlements exhibit a surprising variety in these characteristics, Lot size varies from .5 to 2.0 acres; the number of lots in a block varies from 4 to 14; and streets vary in width from 50 to 132.99 feet. If, as has often been stated, all Mormon settlements were patterned after Salt Lake City, this table shows that early surveyors were not adept at following the plan.
In 1970 Richard V. Francaviglia completed a provocative study of the Mormon landscape. He points out that geographers as a rule have closed their eyes to the cultural landscape. He quotes George Perkins Marsh: "sight is a faculty; seeing an art." With this in mind, Francaviglia spent six months in the field investigating Mormon and non- Mormon settlements in the Intermountain region, covering some thirteen thousand miles. His goal was to determine: 1) if there really was a distinctive Mormon landscape; 2) how the elements of the landscape vary in time and space; 3) the primary factors creating the landscape; 4) how writers and artists have portrayed that landscape; and 5) if the Mormons themselves are aware of any difference between Mormon and non- Mormon landscapes.
The author chooses several landscape features as indices for measuring the Mormon landscape, including the following: wide streets (over sixty-five feet), roadside irrigation ditches, NSEW grid pattern towns, trees lining the streets, open fields surrounding the town, cattle and sheep on the same pasture, lombardy poplars in the landscape, "inside-out" granaries (the wall boards are on the inside of the stud wall), hay derricks, central-hall-plan houses, high percentage of brick houses, high percentage of red and light brown houses, and Mormon fences (unpainted fence composed of upright boards attached to crosspoles). According to Francaviglia, any or all of these features comprise an important part of the visual landscape and form a measure of the extent of Mormon influence in the village.
Forty-two towns or villages were selected to measure these visual characteristics. Maps were made for each of the features listed above. Those settlements where a particular characteristic is present are shown as solid circles, and those without that characteristic are shown as clear circles. The Mormon settlements consistently appear as solid circles, whereas the non-Mormon settlements quite consistently appear as clear circles. However, no indication is given of how frequently the characteristic in question appears in those villages shown as solid circles. Is the item common or merely present? If the circle is clear, does it mean that the item in question is totally absent or merely less common than in villages shown as solid circles? The reader is left to speculate. On the map of population characteristics, twenty-six settlements are shown as Mormon, five as part-Mormon, and eleven as non-Mormon or Gentile. Again, nothing on the map or in the text indicates what percentage of the total population constitutes a Mormon or Gentile town. Since it is highly unlikely that any settlement is 100 percent Mormon or 100 percent non-Mormon, the reader wonders exactly what constitutes a Mormon, part-Mormon, or non-Mormon town. Without more explicit information, the whole series of maps is of doubtful value.
Francaviglia identifies three zones within the Mormon culture region that display varying intensities of these visual characteristics of the Mormon landscape. The "nucleus" comprises the zone of settlements stretching from Cache Valley in the north to St. George in the south and corresponds quite closely with Donald W. Meinig's map of contiguous colonizations. Many of the visual features mentioned above are present in this region. The "orb" surrounds the "nucleus" and is visually less Mormon than the "nucleus," but it still contains some of the visual features. The "fringe" surrounds the "orb" and extends fingerlike into Idaho, Oregon, Nevada, Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico. The "fringe" contains a few of the Mormon visual characteristics such as a hay derrick or unpainted barn, but they are not common features,
Francaviglia traces the origin and evolution of these visual characteristics and their process of diffusion. He restates what many others have said: that Brigham Young directed, instructed, and controlled the population. Consequently, if Young told the people to build solid houses, it became a matter of eternal salvation to build with rock or brick, which accounts for the high number of brick homes in Mormon settlements. This reviewer is highly skeptical of such a conclusion. No evidence has been found in diaries of early pioneers that indicates people chose their building material because of any religious compulsion or even direct instruction or suggestion of Brigham Young. For the most part, they chose the building material that was most readily available to them. Further, some of the features such as unpainted fences and barns may reflect rural poverty rather than cultural preference. They are certainly common features in the rural South. One also wonders if comparing eleven Gentile settlements, twenty-six Mormon, and five part-Mormon settlements constitutes a valid sample.
Nevertheless, Francaviglia is undoubtedly a perceptive observer. His description of Cannonville, the typical Mormon settlement, is vivid and meaningful. He has seen more than most observers. If seeing is an art, he is an artist. Whether he is an impressionist or a realist remains to be proven.
Utilizing diaries, letters, and contemporary publications, Richard H. Jackson reconstructs the general perception of the environment by most Mormon pioneers, The author begins with the perception of the
East and Midwest areas where the Mormons first accumulated in large numbers. One general theory Jackson subscribes to is that men rationalize when forming opinions about their environment, emphasizing the favorable aspects and ignoring the undesirable ones. When Missouri was the gathering point for Mormon converts, the diaries, letters, and public statements were highly favorable, but after the Mormons had migrated to Utah they remembered many of Missouri's undesirable characteristics such as hot, humid days and the prevalence of fever and malaria.
Jackson pays particular attention to the Mormons' perception of the landscape on their long trek from the Missouri River to the Great Basin. He thinks this journey gradually conditioned Mormon pioneers to arid conditions. When they reached the Salt Lake Valley, contrary to the popular myth — accepted and frequently repeated by many historians — that, the Mormons viewed the Salt Lake Valley as a desolate desert, supporting only crickets and a few half-starved Indians, these first pioneers were generally pleased with their new home. One diarist reacted very negatively to the valley, and her reaction has been repeated again and again in popular histories and has helped to implant an idea that is unsupported by the evidence. A thorough study of many diaries and letters shows the opposite to be true. The pioneers made frequent references to rich soil, healthy climate, and abundant resources.
Jackson does not examine in detail any particular aspect of the environment; rather, he focuses his attention on favorable or unfavorable reactions to the total environment, particularly the barren desert myth that has been exaggerated over the years. A random sampling of students at the Brigham Young University and other local residents revealed that the overwhelming majority believed the valley to have been a barren, desertlike area. Jackson maintains that this belief is partly due to the fact that people are comparing the valley with the presently unsettled areas of Utah, which are largely barren. Such a comparison ignores the fact that the good lands so readily put into farms by the pioneers never did look like the barren areas of present-day Utah.
Jackson claims that Brigham Young's perception of the environment, which was strongly influenced by the reports of Lansford W. Hastings, led to some misconceptions that greatly affected colonization activities. Young apparently thought that land to the north of Salt Lake Valley was too cold to support colonies. Colonization was directed to the south not only because of Mormon desire to gain a route to the sea, but in large measure because of Young's misconceptions about the northern valleys.
In addition, some colonies were established in submarginal locations and settlers were admonished to stay and make a go of it. Jackson maintains that part of the reason for the myth about the barrenness of the Salt Lake Valley was the desire of church leaders to prove that settlers could make these desert areas blossom as the first settlers had done in the Salt Lake Valley.
In summary, Jackson's study provides insight into the way early Mormon pioneers viewed their environment and the impact that Brigham Young's perception of the environment played in directing colonization to the south rather than to the north. The study does not look into colonization itself, nor does Jackson concern himself with the settlement process.
Before completing this critique of settlement literature, the author would like to review his own study of Mormon settlement. This review will identify the methods, objectives, and major conclusions of the study rather than attempt to assess its worth. Earlier works dealing with Mormon settlement focused primarily on the frontier rather than the Mormon Core — the zone of contiguous settlement along the Wasatch Front. The frontier best reflected the expansionist or imperialistic aims of Mormon leaders and provided the best examples of church direction, control, and planning as well as individual loyalty, hardship, and heroism.
Consequently, the author directed his efforts toward a geographical appraisal of settlement processes in the Core, focusing upon the activities and characteristics of the common settler rather than the aims or attitudes of Mormon leaders. He relied heavily on manuscript United States Census schedules, county deed records, and private journals and diaries for his primary sources of information. His purpose was to identify and analyze the succession of events and developmental stages in man's occupancy of the land and the causative forces that produced them.
A statistical nearest neighbor analysis of settlement pattern in 1850 and 1890 revealed that a uniform, closely spaced, linear pattern of settlements soon emerged and persisted throughout the colonization period. Travel distance and availability of water seemed to be the primary factors responsible for the distribution pattern. A pyramidal structure of settlement size and urban functions developed somewhat akin to Christaller's hypothetical pattern.
The expansion northward from Salt Lake City into Davis and Weber counties did not occur in accordance with a general colonization scheme but rather as nondirected settlements founded by individuals acting on their own. In contrast, the first settlements in Utah County were begun by groups that were sanctioned, if not directed, by the Mormon hierarchy. Consequently, dispersed farmsteads were common in Davis and Weber counties, whereas villages were the rule in Utah County.
A random survey of journals indicated that very few (approximately 10 percent) of those families settling in the Core received any direction from church officials in selecting their locale. Furthermore, the majority of those families who moved from the Core to some frontier community did so as a matter of personal choice rather than in response to a church "call." Apparently, individualism was a more potent force than has generally been recognized. Mobility was surprisingly high. A survey of names on the census records for three selected communities — Brigham Cn y, Kaysville, and Springville — revealed a very high turnover. Less than one-third of the names on the agricultural schedules recur on each succeeding census between 1860 and 1880. More than two-thirds of the farmers in each community moved away or died each decade. The frequency of individual choice in selecting the home community and lack of persistence stand in sharp contrast to the commonly held notion that families were told where to settle by LDS church leaders and that people stayed and made a go of it no matter how tough things became.
As with most migrations, the Mormon migration to the Great Basin was selective. Most of those who came were young people, and in contrast to most frontiers included as many women as men. The birthrate was high. The 1855 bishop's report revealed that 32 percent of the population was under eight years of age. The majority of the adult population was foreign-born, most of them from the British Isles. Scandinavians were also found in large numbers and comprised the majority of the adult population in the Brigham City area.
The first distribution of land in Salt Lake City was under the auspices of church officials; but, following organization of a territorial government, the responsibility for land surveys was given to the territorial surveyor-general, and county recorders were appointed to record land transactions in each county. Farms were very small — generally five to twenty acres. The pattern of small farms resulted from several factors: 1) church authorities advocated small farms in order to accommodate a steady flow of new settlers; 2) village settlement encouraged small farms that allowed dwellers relatively easy access near the village rather than larger farms at greater distances; 3) the cost of fences and irrigation canals was prohibitive for individual farmers if they attempted to farm large tracts of land, an additional incentive to enclosing farmlands within one big field fenced and maintained by communal efforts. In those areas where dispersed farmsteads were the rule, farm size was larger. The small farms of the 1850s and 1860s proved uneconomic, and farm size increased substantially after 1870.
Federally recognized land titles had to await the establishment of the Government Land Office in 1869. Legal title to individual land holdings near the center of the community was acquired first, usually by cash entry, warrant, or scrip patents. Farms more distant from the community were acquired later — often by homesteading.
This study concludes that the Mormon Core was not a monolithic region of uniform culture where individual decisions awaited direction from and deferred to ecclesiastical authority. It was an area of significant diversity. Individualism was not submerged in communalism.
Although much has been accomplished in the study of Mormon settlement, much remains to be done. In approaching the task, it would be well to remember this perceptive observation:
That charge is true of much that has been written about Mormon history. There is a definite need for further research that is nonelitest in its approach. One should not assume that Mormon rhetoric was automatically the decisive force in individual decision-making. The researcher should approach his topic not with an empty head but with an open mind. His research problem needs to be more precisely defined than in the past, and he needs to hold to his topic and not deviate to irrelevant material. A wealth of information lies in such primary source materials as church tithing records, tax records, county deed records, manuscript census schedules, federal water and land records, and other federal and territorial documents that need to be sifted thoroughly to shed more light on the nature and character of Mormon society. More comparisons need to be made with other frontier societies. How important was ethnicity as a force shaping the character of Mormon communities? How frequent was divorce in early Utah communities and what special circumstances added to family stress and the ability or lack of ability to handle it? What caused the high mobility among Utah settlers and where did they go when they left their original home? Did they keep on moving from community to community? How common was claim-jumping in the acquisition of land titles? How soon and how extensively did land speculation develop on the Mormon frontier? How did some valuable state school land fall into private hands? These and many other questions await the careful research of a new crop of scholars.
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