"I Owe My Soul": An Architectural and Social History of Kenilworth, Utah

"I Owe My Soul": An Architectural and Social History of Kenilworth, Utah

BY WAYNE L. BALLE

STUDENTS OF ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY TEND to neglect those subjects not considered to be pure or "high class" expressions of architecture. Such is folly, for a great deal can be learned about architecture and the ways people interact with it by studying more common, vernacular buildings. Kenilworth, Utah, a coal mining town in Carbon County, offers an excellent opportunity for such a study.

While the architecture of Kenilworth is not particularly distinct from that of other coal mining towns in the region, it does tell an intricate story of how the architecture of such towns developed. It is therefore the purpose of this essay to present the architecture of Kenilworth and relate it to life in this coal town. Unfortunately, most of what once materially constituted this coal camp is now gone, but enough of it remains, along with precious documents, to draw a picture of the camp's early buildings and in the process learn something about everyday life there. The pattern and flow of day-to-day life in that once-bustling community was, to a remarkable degree, a function of its physical environment.

Kenilworth's beginnings date to the spring of 1904 when several veins of coal were discovered by Heber J. Stowell seven miles north of Price, Utah. This find was reported and was prospected in 1905-6 by Henry Wade. He discovered three workable coal beds, positioned one above the other, and took the lead in creating the Western Coal and Coke Company to begin mining operations. By February 1, 1906, fourteen miners were employed at the site. This number increased to twenty by the end of that year at which time the Independent Coal and Coke Company (IC&C) incorporated and took over operations. The company commissioned Edward Bert Phippen (1879-1968), a Salt Lake City architect, to design housing and public buildings. Construction began in 1908 and Kenilworth was suddenly on the map. By the end of 1908 the camp boasted 100 residents and by the time of the 1910 census, 500. Amenities were on the spot from the beginning. According to a court affidavit of July 1, 1910: ". . . in said town of Kenilworth there are public stores, restaurants, a post office, a public school building, a hotel, and other buildings of a public nature, for the use and convenience of the inhabitants. . . ."

As with most mining communities, the site chosen for the town of Kenilworth was close to the mining operation, a situation that placed physical limitations on layout and growth. (See figure 1.) It was tucked up against the mountains and located between two deep washes. The main streets were laid out in an east-west direction and were terminated at each end as dictated by the topography and rail line respectively.

As the mine grew, so did the town. By 1918 Kenilworth had expanded as far to the north as was physically possible. (See figure 2.) A group of houses—soon to be known as Silk Stocking Row—was built for management and foremen west of town. Later, as the mine continued to grow, a major plat addition, known as New Town, was located to the east. (See figure 3.) This section was added around 1923 as well as the mine engineer's and superintendent's residences to the south. With that, the size of Kenilworth stabilized until the termination of operations at the mine in the late 1950s.

DEMOGRAPHICS AND TOWN SECTIONS

The 1910 census of Kenilworth sheds an interesting light on the people who came to work in the mines. Not surprisingly, 64 percent were foreign born: 180 were born in the United States, 117 in Greece, 91 in Italy, 42 in Austria, 30 in Japan, 24 in the British Isles, 14 in Germany, and 1 in Sweden. Many immigrants came with the idea that they would make their fortunes and then return to their homelands. Perhaps these goals were strengthened when they saw the contrast between the sunny and pleasant agrarian villages they had left and the cold and dirty industrial camps they found in Utah. However, as fate would have it, many stayed, evidence of which can be seen today in the surnames common to Carbon County.

The population of Kenilworth, then, consisted of diverse ethnic groups, and each group settled in its own separate area where language and customs formed the bonds of community. Informal boundaries soon developed and certain sections of the town were designated or named after that particular ethnic group, such as Jap Town and Greek Town. (See figure 4.) Company officials also promoted the separation of ethnic groups. By assigning homes in one general area to the same ethnic group, divisiveness was fostered through prejudice, which, as the company officials could see, would hinder efforts among the miners to form unions.

Jap Town, which consisted of a single boarding house and possibly one other house, was located on the northernmost edge of town. This was directly on the edge of the noisy and dirty rail yard. Most of the Japanese consisted of single men, with few complete families. A huge tub in the basement of the boarding house was used by the Japanese as their bathing facility, separate from the main mine bathhouse. It was not uncommon, however, for the head of the boarding house to allow children from the town to swim in the large tub. Many today remember the fun they had swimming in the tub, for the town had no regular swimming pool.

Greek Town, which consisted of a number of homes, was located in the northeast corner of town next to the wash. The Italian population also lived there. Located in the lower portion of Greek Town was a small tin building known as the Greek Coffee House. Here the men could go visit and chat with others, a very important part of their original European culture. Both the Greek and Italian people planted gardens and kept animals down in the wash, another traditional practice from the homeland and important to their way of life. Also, outdoor baking ovens were located in Greek Town and used by many Greek and Italian women. Many still remember the delicious aroma of homemade bread permeating the air of the entire camp.

Company paternalism was evident in the town from its inception. The company provided not only housing for the miners but also a full range of medical services including a hospital. It also provided a school for the children of the town, a store, and a wide range of recreational activities for the residents. It built a large auditorium that housed a movie theatre, dance hall, library, pool hall, and miscellaneous meeting rooms. Each family paid a monthly fee to have so-called free movies each week, an event that was well attended from all areas of the county, even though it was intended for local residents only. The company maintained a baseball field, tennis courts, a barbecue pit, and, in the winter, an ice-skating pond. While such recreational opportunities were enjoyed by the residents, they also furthered the company officials' desires to make people feel that they, not the unions, would take better care of them.

Perhaps paternalism was exercised most covertly through the company store. Officials assured that the residents would trade at the company store by issuing scrip as partial payment of wages or as an extension of credit on wages yet to be earned. Much can be said about the lament, "I owe my soul to the company store," since in some cases a large portion of the paycheck had already been spent using scrip given on credit. Obviously, this was a good way to keep money within the company, but it was not totally self serving. During periods when demand for coal was down and work was scanty, it was often the only means a family had to subsist. In a way the system can be considered humanitarian, yet the results always benefited the store and company.

Harassment by the company of independent peddlers who desired to trade in Kenilworth was another means of ensuring that residents would patronize the store. A lawsuit brought against the IC&C by John Diamenti in 1910 alleged that the company was "wrongfully and unlawfully seeking and endeavoring to create and enjoy a monopoly of business and trade within the said town of Kenilworth. . . ." The plaintiff further accused the company of employing physical force to keep him from peddling in Kenilworth. In this particular case a temporary injunction was issued against the IC&C. In most cases, however, the peddlers would not have bothered to fight the issue in court but would have simply moved on to friendlier towns.

So while it may be that the company provided certain services and amenities that benefited the less fortunate, it nevertheless used them as a means of controlling directly and indirectly the lives of the miners. Because it controlled all building in the community, architecture too was placed at the service of the company. Such is evident in the building of both commercial and residential structures.

The heart of the company town was the store, for here the company directed the economy of the camp. The history of the store has much to reveal about the building process in a Utah mining camp.

The Kenilworth store, constructed in several stages, was designed by Edward Phippen, company architect. Although he received no formal architectural education, Phippen displayed a keen understanding of both the practice of architecture and prevailing fashion, as is evidenced by his work on the company store.

Designs for commercial buildings in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America generally followed a proven formula. Stores were one-, two-, or three-story rectangular structures with flat roofs. Display windows were found on the ground floor and offices on the upper stories. Ornament was confined to the window opening and along the edge of the roof, which was usually some kind of parapet. Overall composition was symmetrical. It was in this tradition that Phippen worked.'

The symmetrical block provided Phippen the basic structure for the Kenilworth store. Compositional balance based upon a tripartite, symmetrical whole, an idea deeply rooted in western civilization design tradition, was a guiding concept in Phippen's work throughout the project.

A good example of this model is found in Phippen's original design of the Kenilworth Mercantile Company building. The store was to be bilaterally symmetrical in elevation and plan. (See figure 5.) A large central pavilion with a round arched opening, flanked by Tuscan columns, was to be the focal point of the design. Extended to each side of the central pavilion were to be wings that terminated with another arched opening. The organization and detailing is neoclassical in feeling, with the use of classical elements such as pilasters, Tuscan columns, and a continuous cornice across the top of the facade. This design was never executed, however. Since the entire structure was to be stone, the projected cost was probably too high to suit company officials.

The IC&C commissioned Phippen to create a new design for the Kenilworth Mercantile Company. The drawings reveal that the same underlying themes governing the first design were still visible in the second. (See figure 6.) The facade is again bilaterally symmetrical with an emphasized central element and two similar but less dominant elements on each end of the roof silhouette. It is here that similarities with the first design end. This time the store was to be much smaller and constructed of wood with a stone foundation. At about the same time this store was being built, an additional market and ice cream parlor building was built thirty feet to the west (see figure 7) using the same construction materials. The main facade of this building also shows how the symmetrical block model governed the designer, likely Phippen. Each store's facade measured thirty feet in width while each building's length measured fifty feet. However, the main store had a much taller interior space. The central motif on the facade of the main store cannot be attributed to any particular architectural style but it was common in the late nineteenth century. Along the main roof line was a cornice running the full width of the facade under which a set of recessed panels was placed. The porch or veranda was supported by Tuscan columns standing on pedestals. Each side of the recessed entry featured glass display areas. The remaining three sides were covered with horizontal ship lap siding. The interior was one large, unbroken space with a balcony above and basement below. All interior walls were plastered and several built-in shelves were installed. The floor was covered with tongue and groove boards.

In 1918 the growing town forced an expansion of the company store. The company initially planned to fill the thirty-foot gap between the two existing stores with more space for the main store. A floor plan and front elevation were prepared, probably by a draftsman other than Phippen. (See figure 8.) The proposed elevation—a very unbalanced, asymmetrical facade—either did not please the client or the original architect, Phippen, for as a single composition the new combination broke the basic design rules. Without an underlying symmetry, the overall design lacked balance and control. At this time it appears that Phippen was hired to supervise the remodeling. Penciled on the original drawing of the first proposal is a scheme that integrated the various components into a single visual statement, the intended result being a symmetrical, commercial block. Bilateral symmetry is reintroduced with a central dominant element and two less dominant elements on either side. (See figure 9.) The scheme unites the three separate entities, giving the main facade a much stronger character. Much of Phippen's aesthetic preference can be found in tradition as well as the built environment that likely surrounded him throughout his life.

The present main facade is somewhat different from that shown in Phippen's final drawing. However, the general feeling and composition of the design remain. (See figures 10 and 11.) The ornamental motif used on the original main store was repeated in a larger size over the central addition. It is not known if these changes were initiated by Phippen or the builders. The cornice line of the roof silhouette was trimmed with molding to further accentuate the visual effect of the form. The most imposing element of the building was the long veranda that ran the entire length of the facade. A simple post and lintel construction was used on the new porch, and a framework of balusters was placed between the columns to act as a guardrail.

The east elevation of the present building (original main store) remains just as Phippen designed it, except an additional thirty-four feet was added at a later date. (See figure 12.) This can be seen by the rhythm of the fenestration that changes after the original five ten-foot bays. The west elevation (original market and ice cream parlor) is articulated by the use of a stepped cornice. (See figure 13.) Evidence of later additions is shown by breaks in the rhythm of the steps. Perhaps the most intriguing view of the store is from behind. (See figure 14.) Here one can clearly see the three separate buildings and all additions to the store. (See figure 15.) These additions were obviously added as the need arose and were not governed by the same stringent design rules that controlled the main facade. For example, two sets of doors have been walled off on one side of a room while the doors were left intact on the other. The same phenomenon occurs with nine different windows. It is as though after the facade is passed, a whole new set of design rules takes over that are based primarily on function and economy. Even long-time residents of Kenilworth never really noticed how the rear of the building appeared, even though it is open to view. To them, the image of the company store is expressed on the main facade, as would be expected.

The Kenilworth company store was an extremely important institution in the lives of the town's residents. As was the case with most company owned stores, it was the only convenient outlet of goods available to local residents. The Kenilworth "Merc" provided a wide range of goods and services, including special orders. A record of freight delivered to the store in October 1911 gives a general idea of the wide range of goods available. Included were soap, hardware, soda water, groceries, eggs, electric goods, meats, macaroni, dry goods, bacon, notions, stove fix, "Blue rox," sugar, furniture, drugs, candy, canned goods, tobacco, mats, shoes, oil, glassware, tools, cigars, stoves, flour, hay, wall finish, salt, fruit, cheese, "crax," spuds, vegetables, powder, and carbide. In later years the Merc also served as the gas station, providing gasoline, oil, and compressed air. Housed within the same structure as the store was a confectionary that carried ice cream and candy; in earlier years liquor was available there as well. Also, a butcher shop was located in the store as well as a barber shop at one time. Miners could buy all necessary mining gear at the store, and the manager was even trained in tailoring so proper suits could be measured and ordered.

The company store not only acted as a place of trade and supply but also served as a social gathering place. The long veranda at the front of the store (see figure 16) was a gathering point for young and old alike. Residents can recall "some pretty good fights on the veranda," especially in the days when liquor was sold at the confectionary. The steps at either end of the veranda served as a place where baseball teams, clubs, and organizations posed for group pictures. The long veranda was also used by children as a playground. Roller skaters would often try their skills on the wood flooring, and some enjoyed riding their bicycles up the stairs on one side, across the veranda, and down the stairs on the opposite end. A bulletin board at the bottom of the veranda steps carried notices of company events. (See figure 17.) Most important, this is where the miners would come on a regular basis to see if there was work to be done that day in the mines. Obviously the store became much more than just a store; it was truly the heart of the town.

Other public buildings designed by Phippen which fit into the same compositional formula include the hotel that housed the post office and a restaurant (see figure 18, demolished ca. 1965); the public school (see figures 18 and 19, demolished ca. 1960); an auditorium (see figure 20) that was destroyed by fire about 1930 and replaced by a second auditorium (demolished ca. 1980); the hotel annex (demolished ca. 1965); and the mine office (see figure 21, demohshed ca. 1965). Phippen also created the original designs for the hospital and the Japanese boarding house (demolished ca. 1960). Like the store, many of these public buildings expanded as the need arose. The same rules of design were employed. These maintained the symmetry of the main facade yet allowed for irregularity of plan and rear facade as functionally dictated.

COMPANY HOUSING

The first dwellings in Kenilworth consisted of tents formed by erecting four wall frames and covering the structure with canvas. These dwellings soon gave way to more permanent housing which was built and owned by the company. The earliest houses were designed by E. B. Phippen and follow a pattern typical of many early mining communities in the western United States.

Housing in Kenilworth came in a wide range of sizes to suit the basic needs of all individuals. The most common house was a simple four-room cottage. (See figure 22.) Here the rooms are all nearly square with a wall running the full length down the middle. This symmetrical interior scheme forced an asymmetrical fenestration pattern on the main facade, the front door being offset to one side. This plan was implemented en mass by the company, yet a wide range of exterior treatments allowed for diversity and variety. The first example, of which exist several variants, is called the pyramid cottage. (See figures 23-25.) The pyramid cottage is so named because the roof is hipped on all four sides and rises to meet at one point at the top. The cottage shown in figure 23, with the offset door, has a centrally located porch, giving the house an overall appearance of symmetricality. A play or tension between symmetry and asymmetry is thus created. This same dichotomy recurs in almost all of Kenilworth's housing types. The asymmetrical arrangement of the openings on the facade are seldom reconciled with the symmetrically placed porches, an attempt by Phippen to maintain, as much as possible, compositional balance. Another example is shown in figure 24. The front porch is covered by an extension of the roof which is supported by symmetrically spaced columns. Again, the entry onto the porch does not align with the front door. Figure 25 shows still another pyramid cottage whose porch has merely been cut out of the living room. This created a totally asymmetrical composition, showing that Phippen at times did venture out of the symmetrical model. One of the few truly symmetrical cottages is shown in figure 26. This is achieved using the same four-room floor plan, adding a door to the other side, and placing the porch in the middle, thus creating a duplex unit.

Other variations of the same four-room floor plan are shown in figures 27 and 28. These houses were built with bungalow-inspired gabled roofs, the ridge running parallel to the street. The porches are again symmetrical and centrally located, giving the houses an orderly appearance. The house type shown in figure 28 is located in New Town while that shown in figure 27 is an example of the cottages found on Silk Stocking Row. The actual floor plan consists of six rooms instead of the normal four—the additional two rooms being added at the rear—covered by a shed roof. One of the six rooms was an indoor toilet originally built into the house in 1918. The other four-room cottages had no indoor plumbing until approximately 1945. Thus, to live in a home with an indoor toilet prior to 1945 was a luxury enjoyed by management, mine foremen, and their families. This house type is also distinguished by a porch with a gabled roof, a pediment, and wide, overhanging eaves. This porch sharply contrasts with the shed-roof porches on the same house type as is shown in figure 28. Such an entrance is likely to command more respect since it is more classical in its influence.

Another major house type found in Kenilworth is the shotgun house, a house two rooms deep with a roof ridge running perpendicular to the street. The smallest of the town's cottages fit this category. These two room shotgun houses (see figures 29 and 30) were located most commonly in Greek Town. They were occupied generally by single men, sometimes two per cottage.

Another important Kenilworth house was the bungalow. The bungalow floor plan shows a very long and narrow arrangement two bays wide. The width of each bay is different, the middle interior wall placed off to one side, allowing the front door to be positioned in the middle of the house and creating a symmetrical exterior composition. (See figure 31.) Such, however, is not fully achieved in this case as shown in figure 32. As is common with other Kenilworth houses, the main posts supporting the roof over the porch are symmetrically arranged. The porch entrance is somewhat reconciled with the front door in this example.

Other variations on this same basic floor plan are shown in figures 33 and 34. These two examples, located near the company store and hotel, had indoor plumbing from an early date. The store manager, mine inspectors, and other company officials lived in these houses. The example shown in figure 33 consists of a bungalow covered with a hipped roof. The porch is created by a cutout in the floor plan. In both examples, the designer made no attempt to create a symmetrical appearance.

The final variation of the bungalow is found in New Town. This type is differentiated by the inclusion of an upper floor. There are four rooms on the main floor and an additional two on the upper level. (See figures 35 and 36.) The front porch is formed by use of a shed roof, and the main entrance to the porch is reconciled with the placement of the front door. This house type was designed by a draftsman employed by the company and was considered by most to be the best available for the workers and their families.

Every cottage in Kenilworth had a rear screen porch which was generally covered with a shed roof. This was often used for sleeping during the summer months. In later years, when indoor plumbing was added, this space was enclosed to create bathrooms and other utility rooms.

At about the time that New Town was being built (1923), another area nearby was set aside for the residences of the mine engineer and superintendent. These residences, located on the outskirts of town, were far from the dirt and noise of the mine and rail yards. When Kenilworth was first founded, the mine superintendent lived near the mine operation in what later became the doctor's residence. After a time, the company decided to move the superintendent to a more secluded area. Built near these new residences were two tennis courts and a barbecue pit for use by the town's residents.

These two homes (see figure 37), are another popular form of the bungalow, having a broad gable roof punctuated by a centrally placed dormer and a projecting porch. Each had approximately 1,400 square feet of living space, double that of the average home in Kenilworth. The houses have four nearly square rooms on two levels and a bungalow roof, with the ridge running parallel to the street. In 1926, a large addition was built onto the superintendent's house. This remodeling was designed by Pope and Burton Architects, Salt Lake City. The present floor plans, shown in figures 38 and 39, add up to 3,000 total square feet. The main level even contains servant's quarters with a private bath. All amenities required for entertaining visiting officials and dignitaries were included. Upstairs four large bedrooms and a bathroom were provided. The exterior of the house (see figure 40) while not overdone, is detailed using classical elements such as box returns at the gabled ends and multi-paned windows. The house can be considered luxurious by any standard.

Materials used in the construction of the houses and commercial buildings in the town were prescribed by the company. No Kenilworth buildings, except mining facilities, were constructed of the more permanent materials such as brick or stone. Instead, wood was used, being easier, faster, and cheaper to work with. Also, since all these buildings were built on company land, there existed the possibility of future expansion and development, meaning that the houses might have to be torn down or actually relocated to new coal fields.

Since all the homes were designed by Americans, then built and owned by the company, little if any architectural influence was brought directly to the camp by immigrants. However, many skilled stone masons and carpenters were among the immigrants and could have had some opportunity to use their crafts in the construction of some of the homes and larger buildings. But since people frequently moved from house to house, they were not likely to make permanent and costly additions, further reducing likelihood of architectural influence from Europe. The main motivation behind moving was that of obtaining a larger house. Many of the families were quite large and lived in overcrowded conditions. And, as shown in the 1910 census, it was common to take in boarders to help pay the rent. It was also common to request housing in better locations of the town, even though the house was the same size. Some people considered it undesirable to live in or near Jap Town or Greek Town or too close to the mine operation.

Several fine examples of stone masonry are found in and near Kenilworth. Many of the homes were built on stone foundations, some of which are exposed today. Figure 41 shows a good example of stone masonry found in Greek Town. The mason took great care in rounding this entrance to the cellar. Most foundations look much like that shown in figure 42 which illustrates how the masons squared only that side which would be exposed, leaving the rest rough and uncut.

One stone mason, an Italian immigrant whose work was well known in the Kenilworth area, was John Arronco (1876-1945). In the very early days of the town, Arronco, seeing an opnortunity to make a good living, built a store just south of there. Crafted entirely of stone, the structure served not only as a store but also as the social center for early Italian immigrants. Only the foundations remain today, but they clearly reveal a high degree of craftsmanship. (See figures 43 and 44.)

As mentioned, conditions in the town were linked closely to developments in the mine. The Kenilworth operation peaked during World War II, and from there demand for coal once again lessened, never again to reach a comfortable profit level. Finally, in the late 1950s, the Kenilworth operation closed. Soon after, the company began selling the homes to private individuals but did not sell the land until about 1970. This forced the owners of the homes to move them down into the valley on privately owned land. The public buildings, except for the company store, were gradually torn down, and the tennis courts and baseball field were left to return to the land.

In recent years, Kenilworth has begun to make a comeback. Several improvements have been made, including new water and sewer lines, and a few new homes have been built. Some of the original houses that were not relocated have been remodeled. Yet, the comforts and essential character of the original town are mere memories. While Kenilworth's original architecture would likely not win awards for beauty or originality, it does tell an interesting story—a story about the people who designed it, lived in it, and considered it part of their lives. A conscious effort was made in all phases of design to create buildings and homes that were aesthetically correct and functionally sound. The Kenilworth experience is an exception to the notion that mining towns were merely "thrown together" without thought. It does in fact reveal a community of considerable architectural charm, albeit of a relatively simple and transitory order.

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