Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 59, Number 2, 1991

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

(ISSN 0042-USX)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Marmging Editor

MIRIAM B MUR?H\, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

KENNETH L CANNON II, Salt Lake City, 1992

ARLENE H EAKLE, Woods Cross, 1993

JOELC JANETSKI, Provo, 1991

ROBERTS MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1992

CAROL A O'CONNOR , Logan, 1991

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 1991

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1993

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1992

GREGOR\ C THOMPSON, Salt Lake City, 1993

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101 Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, 350.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end. Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 5'/4 inch MS-DOS or PCDOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file. Addidonal information on requireinents is available from the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

Second (lass postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah.

Postmaster Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

CATHERINE S. FOWLER, comp. and ed. Willard Z Park's Ethnographic Notes on the Northern Paiute of Western Nevada, 1933-1944.

Vol. 1 JOEL C. JANETSKI 205

GERALD D . NASH. World War H and the West: Reshaping the Economy EDWARD J. DAVIES II 206

DAVID L. BIGLER, ed. The Gold Discovery Journal ofAzariah Smith M. GUY BISHOP 207

JAMES WHITESIDE. Regulating Danger: The Strugglefor Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain Coal Industry NANCY J. TANIGUCHI 208

RICHARD A. DWYER and RICHARD E. LINGENFELTER Dan De Quille, the Washoe Giant: A Biography and Anthology ... WILLIAM H . LYON 209

In this issue

The architectural firm of Scott & Welch left indelible marks on Utah's built environment, from the unique company town of Copperton to the Masonic Temple in Salt Lake City More typical of their commissions, the first article in this issue relates, were many public schools built throughout the state between the two world wars Scott & Welch incorporated technological advances and the concepts of leading educators into these utilitarian structures and, despite austere budgets, created designs that remain pleasing

The second article looks at the experiences of Utah's Rosies and analyzes their long-term effects on society. These women worked at an amazing variety of nontraditional jobs during World War II and changed the composition of the work force almost overnight

The U.S. Geographical Surveys added significant scientific data to our knowledge of the West, but there was a human side to these tours of duty, the third ardcle reminds us LLSamuel E Tillman's delightful account of his 1877 sunt with the Wheeler Survey covers such topics as the Bear Lake monster and the unpredictable nature of mules. A keen, scientific observer as well, Tillman became a few years later professor and chairman of West Point's Department of Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology

Scientific and technological advancernent engaged the mind of Wilford Woodruff almost continually, nor was he unique in that regard, according to the next piece. Using Woodruff slife as a case study, the author argues that the prevailing interpretation of Utah's historical development, which emphasizes Mormon isolation, overlooks the equally important quest for knowledge that led Woodruff and others to interact with the outside world on an ongoing basis.

Completing this issue is a 100-year retrospective look at the Lehi Sugar Factory, a large-scale enterprise that incorporated the latest contemporary technology and affected the lives of many Lehi residents A towering smokestack remains as a symbolic exclamation point marking the site of this great community endeavor.

Workers at the Standard Parachute Companyplant inMantiUtah, typify the varied roles ofworking women duringWorld WarII. USHS collections.

For Commerce, Copper, and Children: The Architecture of Scott & Welch, 1914-38

BY ELIZABETH EGLESTON

Elizabeth Egleston is the architectural historian for the Idaho State Historical Society

ALTHOUG H THEIR WORK CAN BE SEEN THROUGHOUT Salt Lake City as well asin numerous small communities in Utah, litdehasbeen written about architects Carl W. Scott and George W. Welch. They are best known for their designs of South High School and the Salt Lake Masonic Temple. Their firm specialized in educational structures, but it also designed a variety of building types, including workers' housing, warehouses and commercial buildings, apartment houses, community centers, and a clinic The firm worked in a variety of styles. They tended to employ Spanish Revival and when they used Art Deco and Moderne styles.

A major project of Scott & Welch South High School, 15 75 South State, has been refurbishedfor use by Salt Eake Community College Its Art Deco exterior remains intact

traditional forms and details are evident. The architects often incorporated unique and individual expression in their commissions. Carl Scott and George Welch left an indelible impression on the built environment of Utah and are worthy of study because their commissions document several themes in the state's development, including educational trends, the Great Depression, and the importance of New Deal programs in Utah.

Scott & Welch was typical of local architectural firms across the countrythatwereconstrained bytheparameters ofaclientsbudget and economic condidons. Although their workfi"equentlydisplays disdnctivequalides, limited resources often prevented them from indulging in stylistic flamboyance. The two men began theirjoint practice in 1914 but received litde work undl the early 1920s. From that point on they wereprolific and managed to flourish during thetwendes, when Utah's economy was stagnant, and to survive during the thirdes, when half of the nation'sarchitectural firms wentout ofbusinesswithin thefirstyear ofthedepression.^ Theirassociationwith miningexecutivesand school superintendents served them well, as did their ability to execute pleasing designs combined with technical innovadon.

Carl Walter Scott was born in Minneapolis, Kansas, in 1887. In 1892 hisfamily moved toParkCitywherehisfather had takenthejob of secretary for theSilver Kingmines. Elevenyears later thefamily moved to SaltLakeCity, which gaveScottthe opportunity to matriculate at the University of Utah. He graduated in 1907 with a degree in mining engineering and began his career as a draftsman with Richard K A Kletdng's architectural firm. Kletting was working on his Utah State Capitol commission atthedme and assigned Scotttoworkon the plans for thefoundation In 1912ScottmarriedArliejohnson and became the father of a son and daughter, Carl Walter and Dudley Arline.^

Scott had well developed mechanical skills. Described as an "inventive genius," he patented an automobile fuel pump, a radiator control drive, and an evaporative cooler. His strong interest in prefabricated structures led him to create designs that were similar to Quonset huts. He employed the concrete girt, now known as a bond beam, long before it was considered a necessary component of a masonry wall.^ Encompassing the perimeter ofthewall, the girtwas an important seismic device for construcdon in Utah. Scott also invented

"Government in Building," Architectural Forum 64 (March 1936): 145

^obituary Salt Lake Tribune, May 20, 1959, p.38

^"Cari Scott," Utah Architect, no 26 (1961): 7

and patented a copper pipe soldering system in which fitdngs were turned on alathe so that they would be tighter. Many of his invendons werenot patented, however, because othersweredevisingsimilar items at the same time."^

ItwasinKletdng*soffice thatCarlScottapparentlyfirstmet George W. Welch. Litde informadon about Welch has come to light He was born in Denver, Colorado, in 1886, graduated from Colorado College, and moved to Salt Lake City after working in Denver and Seatde. He married Theda Knight, and they had a son and a daughter. Welch was active in political affairs, serving in the Utah House of Representatives during 1919-20.5

Welch was primarily a designer, while Scott was the dominant figure in the firm, handling most of the contact with clients and generadng business Scottalsodid much ofthedesigning, especially on suchlargeprojects astheMasonicTempleand South High School Scott &Welch was at its largest in the late twendes when the firm employed about eight people.^

The firm's first commissionwasthechapterhouseatthe University of Utah for Scott's fraternity, Sigma Chi, constructed in 1914. The

Cad W. Scott Salt Lake Tribune, 1953.

George W. Welch Salt Lake Tribune, 1942.

^Interview with Walter Scott, Salt Lake City, Utah, January 21, 1988

^" Death Closes Career of Salt Lake Architect," Salt Lake Tritmne, July 4, 1942, p 21

*"Interview with Walter Scott

house, located at1395 East 100 South, is alarge English half-timbered Tudor design with an imitation thatch roof of asphalt shingles The buildingpermit, issuedonjuly 23, 1914, indicated thatthehousewould costanesdmated $10,000and that itwastobeconstructed ofbrick, iron, and concrete.^

With theexcepdon of the Freeman Apartments at 440 East400 South inSaltLakeCity, built in 1917, Scott& Welch apparently had few major commissions until 1923. In that year they designed the N. O. Nelson Manufacturing building at380 West 200 South, oneofthe last warehouses built in theareawest ofSaltLake'scentral business district The building's structural concrete system is exposed in the verdcal supports that visually funcdon as pilasters, with concrete horizontal members serving as lintels. An abstracted arcade is located on the second story; suchafeature isamodf found repeatedly inScott& Welch designs This structure is very simple, but the geometric, abstract capitals, painted cobalt blue, provide thewarehouse with ornamentadon This building now houses theSalt Lake Stamp Company

Scott & Welch designed two other structures in the west side district the FirestoneTire Company at308 West300 South in1925 and the adjacent Nelson Ricks Creamery building at314 West300 Southin

Shipler photograph 1926, USHS collections.

Firestone building.

'Building permit 6678-6178, July 23, 1914, Utah State Historical Society Library, Sah Lake City

Masonic Temple in Price. Salt Lake Tribune photograph 1937, USHS collections.

1927. The former housed wholesale accessories and dr^changing facilities, with half ofthe building rented out asaservice station.^ It has litde ornamentadon and an endrely funcdonal appearance, yetitisone of the most visually pleasing buildings in the area. Scott&Welch deftly incorporated abstracted classical details, such as pilasters topped by simple Tuscan capitals and rondels ornamenting the frieze These details, competently integrated with the twenty-pane windows in the second story, give the building an industrial appearance

Between 1923and 1926 Scott& Welch designed threebuildings for fraternal organizadons in Utah. Two of them, the Elks Club Lodge and the Masonic Temple, were among the largest buildings constructed in Salt Lake City during the 1920s. The third was the Masonic Temple in Price. Sinceboth Scottand WelchwereactiveMasons and Welch an Elks member as well, they most likely obtained the commissions through these associations.

As the Price Masonic Temple was nearing completion in 1926, Scott& Welch wasengaged in preparing plans for one ofthe firm's most important commissions, the Salt Lake Masonic Temple, abuilding that would cost $500,000."^ Scott and others on a building committee traveled throughout the United States to study Masonic temples; later

""Tire Firm to Build Branch," 5a// Lake Tribune, June 20, 1925, p 18

''"Laying of Cornerstone is to Take Place at 10 o'clock this Morning, Salt Lake Tribune, December 15, 1926, from personal scrapbook of Carl Scott, p 18, in possession of Walter Scott

Scott esdmated that this exposure to the success or failure of other Masonic structures saved the Salt Lake lodge $150,000 ^^A significant landmark on South Temple, the building is one of Utah's largest and most prominent examples of Egypdan Revival. Utah granite was used for the base and stairway. The body of the building is sheathed in gray brick, and the columns and trim are terra cotta of the same color as the brick Scott later expl2dned one of the important design concerns:

Obviously, a building masonically convenient or with symbols overused could easily convey information to a curious public On the other hand, if masonic arrangement and symbolic decoration must be forsaken because of this, then a Masonic Temple becomes just another building and the interest of the Masons may be lost."

While compledng plans for warehouses and firaternal orders, the firm was also busy with commissions from one of its most important

Masonic Temple, Salt Lake City, was designed by Scott & Welch in Egyptian Revival style. Historic Preservation Office photograph USHS.

Carl W. Scott, Symbolism in the Masonic Temple at Salt Lake City, Utah- A Record Presented in Wasatch Lodge No. 1, E& A.M., March 10, 1944, p 3 This booklet is in the lodge's files, "ibid., p. 1.

The Architecture of Scott & Welch 111

clients, the Utah Copper Company. Scott& Welch'sworkfor the mining company again shows a facility for flexibility in adroitly providing designs for structures of varying functions and styles. The firm's association with Utah Copper must have generated a significant income. Additionally, because Louis Gates, general manager of UCC, eventually served on the Utah State Board of Education, he w^as prob-

bably the critical link for Scott &: Welch's numerous school commissions.

One of the earliest projects undertaken by Scott &Welch for Utah Copper was the clubhouse for employees at Arthur, Utah. The architects combined Spanish Revival elements with the firm's typicad use of arched window^s. Completed in 1925, the clubhouse was gray stucco, trimmed in brick, with aSpanish tileroof In the lounge or on the screened-in porch, a club member could rest and "let his eyes rove over a desert and lake landscape of incomparable beauty."^^ On the first floor a gymnasium surrounded by bjdconies could accommodate 750 people. Also on the first floor was another lounge with a fireplace, a bowling alley, billiard and pool tables, a shower, and a locker room. To employees accustomed to working in or near a dirty smelter by the

West elevation, UCC clubhouse. Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

'^"Recently Dedicated Utah Copper Club Plant Achieves High Standard of Elegance," Salt Lake Tribune, May 24, 1925, p 12

Left and below: Authofs photographs and front/side elevations from drawings in the Scott & Welch collection. Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, show some of the stylistic variety the architects achieved in the Copperton designs.

Above: Early view of Copperton by Earl Eyman. Inset, from the Ingtesby collection, shows entrance to the company town's community parte USHS collections.

barren landscape of the Great Salt Lake, the Arthur clubhouse must have seemed an oasis offering welcome relaxation and recreation.^-^

Scott & Welch's best-known project for UCC was Copperton, a company town twenty-five miles west of Salt Lake City and three miles east of the mouth of the Bingham open-pit mine. By 1926 eighteen homes were finished; the following year thirty more were ready, and eventually over two hundred were built in the town. Copperton provided housing for higher-paid company employees and also displayed the uses ofcopper as abuilding material. Only married workers were permitted to rent them. As a contemporary article pointed out, "Copperton will be a town of families—there will be no room for the floater, the pool-room habitue or the bootlegger."'"^

Basically, the Copperton houses were bungalows that featured a variety of vague Norman, Tudor, and Mediterranean stylistic references Theywerecladwith stucco ineitherasmooth ortextured surface, or brick, or a combination. Some had battered porch columns characteristic of medieval styles; still others had Tudor cottage motifs. Scott&Welch alleviated monotony by reversingthe plans and applying different details tothe same basic house. These details included Stars of David within circles placed under the gables, conical tile roofs, thin porch columns with simple Tuscan orders on porches, and decorative bands of brick. The roof lines and inassing of the porches were also varied.

The firm designed other amenities for the town, such as an eightacre community park One entrance to the park ismarked by four piers and a metad arch with the company's name and the date, 1927. Within the park are curvilinear paths, four tennis courts, and a children's playground The initial layout of cundlinear streets, combined with the placement of the park at its very heart, kept Copperton from having a regularly spaced grid. This made Copperton unique in Utah, as the use of a grid is a plan for which Mormon town planning is femous.

Copperton seems to have been something of an anomaly in other ways. John Reps, writing in The Making of Urban America, stated that company towns generally failed to enlist sympathetic and vigorous support from their residents. The paternalistic concept of industry acting as both employer and landlord is contrary to the American tradition and resulted in an inverse relationship between physical

'^ibid

'''william Spencer, "Copperton—A Model Home Town for Utah Copper Employees," Engineering and MiningJournal 125 (March 3, 1928): 372

appearance and the community's social and political spirit'^ Copperton seems to have transcended these constraints. Workers and their families enjoyed living in the town, and much of its success as a community should be attributed to its built environment for which Scott &Welch was initially responsible.

In 1928 the firm designed another project associated with Utah Copper, alargehouseforgeneral manager LouisC.Gates.Thishome in the Bonnevilleon-Hill area, now called Federal Heights, in Salt Lake Citywasamongthefirsthouses inthatneighborhood.*^ Builtinthestyle of an Italian villa and finished in stucco with terra cotta trim, it cost $60,000.'^ The street elevation isbasically flat, but theback has aloggia supporting a balcony The arches of the loggia repeat the arches of the windows on the first story The classical design and large scale of this house provide a sharp contrast to the prosaic Craftsman houses of Copperton, another illustration of the firm's design facility. The Cates house further exemplifies thearchitects' tendency touse stylistic details reminiscent of the Mediterranean.

After their work for UCC, Scott & Welch received few if any commissions for residential designs. Utah's economy remained stagnant during the 1920s. Although construction of single family housing continued, it is likely that the institutional sector provided a more lucrative market for architects. School districts throughout the stategaveScott&:Welchmanyimportant commissions beginning about 1925. These projects, because offederal funding, continued to provide income for the architects during the depression.

The architects adhered to the conventional tenets of school architecture, which had undergone dramatic changes in the period from 1890to 1910, reachingalevelofmaturity thatwasnot significantly disrupted untilafterWorldWar II. Duringthistwenty-yearperiod atthe turn of the century, superintendents and architects were primarily concerned withfiresafety and expanding theuseofschool buildings for community activities. These concerns were manifested in the form and plan ofschools. Forexample, architects discontinued theuseofasingle, central stairwell, wooden stairs, narrow halls, and poorly designed heating systems. To encourage the community tousethe school during off hours, they placed auditoriums and gymnasiums near a main entrance Exits and entrances were arranged so that the public would

'"•John Reps, The Making of Urban America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965 p 438 Sanborn fire insurance map, 1937, vol 1, p 103, Utah State Historical Society Library "Italian Villa Nears Completion," Salt Lake Tribune, April 22, 1928, p 14

not have access to thewhole building when schoolwas not in session.'^ To lure students into continuing their educadon past the eighth grade school officials began to offer a broader spectrum of classes, many career oriented After 1910, business, mechanical, trade, and domestic skills were considered basic to a high school program. Proper lighdng for students was also addressed in improving school architecture. This, it was determined, involved the use of windows along the wall to the students' left To satisfy this need architects frequently designed schools in the shape of an E, I, or T to maximize window space.'^

Schools designed by Scott & Welch represent the educational profession's concern for fireproof structures and the special facilities required for domestic science, mechanical arts,and business education. Many Scott&Welch schools retained the traditional rectangular shape, especially in small towns where a complex plan was unnecessary. Large schools, such asSouth High and Park City High, were buflt in the shape ofan Eor aT, respectively, toachieve proper lighting Among the firm's many designs the Tooele Elementary School offered the widest assortment of amenities for primary grades and reflected educators' interest in combining schooling with good health.

Several of Scott & Welch's school designs merit a closer look in order to understand the various stylistic devices employed. The firm's first school commissions, for junior highs in Spanish Fork and West Jordan in 1925, resulted in very plain, symmetrical structures sheathed with red brick and ornamented with concrete coping and projecting firontblocks. The drawings for theRiverton School, constructed in 1926, show more ornamentation, such as brick quoins, pilasters, and Doric and Tuscan capitals, giving it a Wrenish/Georgian Revivad cast A recessed entrance and columns in antis added to the visual appeal.

The Tindc Gymnasium, 1926, and the MidvaleJunior High, 1928, areverysimilarwiththeirlunettewindows separated bybrick spandrels The gym had other Georgian Revival motifs that included concrete finials above the pilasters and a balustrade encircling the entrance. It is reminiscent of a church meetinghouse with only a steeple missing. The gym's basement served as a mechanical arts room, while athletic activities occurred on the first floor. Plain, functional windows ifluminated the mechanical arts room; substantial fenestration with lunette windows and keystones suggests the different function above

'^Ibid

'^Susanne Ralston Lichtenstein, "American School Buildings: 1890 to 1920" (MA thesis, Cornell University, 1985), pp 151-55

The Park City High School, 1929, begins to show an increased use of ornamentation with references to Collegiate Gothic. The stairwell windows are accentuated with two narrow, rounded arch windows encased by coping and elliptical spandrels; beneath the sills are decorative stone blockswith an exaggerated curved profile The blocks are embellished with a shield in the center, surrounded by Roman acanthus leaves. Door surrounds are composed of blocky cast stone memberswithinwhichisarecessed moldingornamented withwild rose leaves.

In 1929 Scott&Welch also designed the $350,000 Bingham High School, a large project in Copperton, across the highway from the company town the firm had planned four years earlier. This building represents a shift to a more angular and verdcal appearance than the Park City High School with its rounded windows and Gothic details. From a sketch and description in the newspaper it appears that the architects originally had a different concept of the school. Two hipped roofed towers and a low, rounded roof gave this design a Spanish or Mission Revival look and surviving plans in the firm's collection are compatible with the newspaper rendering The article stated that the school would be finished in light brown with terra cotta trimming and red roofing dle.^*^Theactualschoolbuildingisverydifferent Its eclecdc style might be termed "Gothic Deco" with angular buttresses Extending above the roof line, these resemble small ziggurats and are embellished with avariety of terra cotta details in low relief, including triglyphs with dentil-Hke forms above that flank a pedimented square, terminating fludng created by laying bricks diagonally. A large carrot, an abstracted elongated sunburst, and a series of sinuous floral modfs may also be seen.

The Bingham High School can be thought of as a major turning point intheworkofScott& Welch, for itresembles toagreat degree one of the firm's largest and most recognizable works South High School, constructed in 1930.Thelargestschool inSaltLakeCityatthedme, with acapacity oftwothousand students, South High cost$850,000 to build, withrealestateandfurnishings bringingthetotalto$I million.^' Scott&: Welch's most ornate school. South High's geometric, blocky form and unusual amount of lavish detail are in keeping with the Art Deco tradition.

^'"The

• "New Bingham High School to be Built in Model Town of Copperton," Salt Lake Tribune, June 16, 1929, p 12-C

New South Senior High School," Utah Educational Review, 25 (1931-32): 25

With the onset of the depression, money for schools as elaborate as South High dried up, and Scott & Welch became dependent on federal funds. Utah ranked ninth in federal Public Works Administradon allocations, and the state directed a high propordon of these funds to school construction. Utah also had a solid record of evenly dividing educadon monies between rural and urban schools.^^ This had positive implications for architects like Scott & Welch, and the firm provided designs for schools throughout the state.

Working with the PWA was not easy, however; architects faced austere budgets and complained in tradejournals that time restricdons were impossible Furthermore, one set of rules applied regardless of the size of the project, its location, and local conditions Teachers also registered frustration with federal restrictions In a survey conducted in 1935, thirty out of thirty-five teachers responded that they were unconvinced that "the school in which you teach is the best possible plan for the town, district and pupils," Fortunately, architects were less regulated in matters of design. The 19'^SArchitecturalForum revealed that forty- six out of the sixty-five school superintendents who responded left "style of design" up to the architect^^

^^"Charting U.S Education," Architectural Forum 62 (January 1935): 10-11

^^"Symposium on Schools," Architectural Forum, 62 (January 1935): 18

Main entrance to South High School Salt Lake Tribuneptiotograpti, 1938, USHS collections.

Several of the firm's schools built under auspices of the PWA resemble those constructed in the late twendes; the Marsac School in Park City, for example, echoes the earlier Bingham High But for the most part, theworkofthe firm on PWAschools brought achangein their designs. The economic problems of the depression did not permit the profuse ornamentadon seen previously Streamlined Moderne and a simpler Art Deco offered the possibility of a frugal, less-embellished style.

Two fine examples of these simpler designs are the Tintic Elementary School and the Arts Building in Eureka, constructed in 1938. Simple shapes and clean lines create a no frills, governmental appearance. With rounded corners and sharply contrastingright angles the two structures are very similar Both were builtwith combed, buffcolored brick in a tapestry finish. The two-story elementary school is basically a rectangular block with a set-back rounded and indented corner on two opposite facades. The Arts Building has a centered projecdon, serving as an entrance, whose rounded corners are juxtaposed bythe square corners ofthe main block ofthe building. On both buildings the streamlined effect is enhanced by three terra-cotta cornice bands TheArts Building has an additional Moderne detail: an oculus, through which the string courses condnue, placed above the entrance.

Authofs photograph ofthe Tintic School, right, and Arts Building left, in Eureka, Utah

The PWA funds expended on these structures were admirably spent, for Eureka was in dire need of an elementary school Grade school children had been housed in an inadequate and unsafe 1897 structure. The two new buildings were served by a new central heating system, and both had many amenities and mechanical features:

Among the many special features of the new grade school building are special rest rooms for tubercular children, high-heat drying rooms for wet clothing, nurses' quarters with miniature hospital and health conveniences and special laboratory and science rooms.

Like the arts building, it is equipped with an electric-eve, which automatically turns on electric lights when normal light is too dim.?.*.

Scott & Welch used a simpHfied Art Deco style for the Morgan Elementary School and Mechanical Arts Building in 1936. These buildings were part of a rural school consolidadon program impl^ mented by officials who wanted to close older, isolated one- and tworoom schoolhouses. Along with the two buildings designed by Scott& Welch, two more structures on the same site were administered as a single unit The four buildings represented a capital investment of $250,000. Parents petidoned the school board so that their children could attend the new grade school, and "a fleet of seven large new buses" transported the students from four to twelve miles each day.^^

^"•"Tintic District Schools Open in Two New Buildings," Salt Lake Tribune, September 29, 1938, from Carl Scott's personal scrapbook, p 44

'""Morgan Parents Eager to Have Children Obtain Education at Consolidation School," Ogden standard Examiner, October 4, 1936, p 16

Authofs photograph of the Morgan Mechanical Arts Building vestibule shows design details simitar to those on main school building.

TheMorgan School Districtsought toextend educational benefits to the county sadults aswell.Thenew school buses brought rural citizens into town once a week for lectures and forums.^^

The plan of the Morgan Elementary School was straightforward. The auditorium was located at the front of the school with a "playroom," probably used as a gymnasium or cafeteria, above the auditorium on the second floor. These two rooms occupied about halfof the original space and were covered by a shallow gabled roof A two-story entrance projected firom these rooms and provided a foyer for the auditorium and kitchen spaceabove. Behind thisfront blockwere eight classrooms, two of which were double the size of the others. The exterior design of the school and the Mechsmical Arts Building is very cohesive. Both are faced with reddish yellow combed brick and both reflect an austere use of Art Deco.

Scott &Welch designed buildings other than schools through the PWA, including a county courthouse in Moab, a community center in Richmond, and a civic auditorium in Helper The Helper structure, representative of this group, was built between October 1936 and October 1937 for $100,000.^^ Faced with a tapestry brick finish, it derives its streamlined appearance from the rounded corners and the light-colored fluted concrete coping and beltcoursethat emphasize the roof line and corners. The recessed concrete surround of the main entrance gives further definition to the auditorium's Moderne appearance In its sleek simplicity the auditorium's facade is misleading, however, for Scott& Welch employed clever masonry details. Their use of Flemish bond in the cornice, stacked bond along the stepped windows delineating the stairwells, and common bond throughout gives the building both quality and refinement

The auditorium is symmetrical and has three stories. From the street, however, the building appears to have only two, so that its purpose as an auditorium is concealed from this view When the side facade is studied all stories are evident, and the parapet wall lends a Georgian cast, indicatingthat Scott&: Welchwasnot quite ready to leave traditional motifs behind. Rectangular lights used in the fenestration further demonstrate that this building is stylistically transitional.

Twenty-third Report ofthe Superintendent ofFhiblic Instruction, ...July 30, 1940, p 72,in Stateof Utah, Public Documents, 1938-40. For example, one teacher started a home beautificadon project that resulted in the formation of the Morgan County Garden Club which promoted beautiful grounds among rural home owners

John McCormick and Thomas Carter, "Public Works Buildings Themadc Resources," Nadonal Register of Historic Places Inventory/Nominadon Form, Utah State Historical Society, January 1985

After the depression public architecture continued to provide the bulk of the firm's commissions. The partnership of Carl Scott and GeorgeWelchwasdissolved in 1941, ayearbefore Welch died. The firm was known simply by Scott's name until 1947 when Harold K Beecher joined the firm and becameapartner. The firm became Scott& Beecher although Scott's son, Wsdter, was also a partner. In 1948 Carl Scott designed the SaltLakeShriners' Hospital and subsequently became the consultingarchitectforallShriners' hospitals. CarlScottworked until his death in 1959; inthatyear Beecher left the firm, andWalter Scott formed a partnership with Will Louie. William Browningjoined them in 1961, and the firm devised its current name: Scott, Louie, and Browning

Scott& Welch can be studied from severailviewpoints: educational structures, PWA buildings, or simply as local architects The firm's school designs trace a transformation, at least in exterior appearance, from the unadorned Spanish Fork and WestJordan buildings through Gothicand Georgian Revivalofthe ParkCityHighSchool and the Tintic Gymnasium to the exuberant Art Deco of the Bingham and South high schools Although school design reached a plateau in the years from 1910 undl World War II, Scott & Welch put their educational commissions through a brisk evolution. In addition to stylistic changes the

*W<u%.

Civic auditorium in Helper, Utah, was one of several PWA commissions Scott & Welch received for buildings other than schools. Salt Lake Tribune photograph 1939, USHS collections.

architectsgavecareful consideration toheadngand ventiladon systems, theater equipment, and circulation patterns and incorporated many mechanical and structural innovations.

Stylistically Scott and Welch did not work at the cutting edge of 2irchitecture, but they expressed aesthetic innovation in a variety of subde ways Generally the firm displayed design originality through a unique useofornament in even the most prosaic structures. The N. O. Nelson Manufacturing building, for example, features a discrete color scheme in theabstract capitals, whiletheFirestone buildingachieves an overall harmonious appearance byvirtueofthebalanced integration of massing, fenestradon, and simple ornamentadon. When budgets were large Scott &Welch produced such works as the South and Bingham high schools, but when money was tight they incorporated stylistic details through an array of masonry techniques and fenestradon.

The firm left alegacythat provides abroader understanding of the effect of the Public Works Administration on the built domain of the state Driving into small towns like Eureka or Helper, one is struck by thefreshness ofaScott& Welch public school or auditorium set among ranch style houses, vacant lots, and perhaps a decaying row of late Victorian commercial blocks The architects' contribution represents on one level the impulse toward renewal in small towns and also provides the first evidence ofapartnership between the public and private sectors and the first examples of the federal relief effort in Utah.

Other questions concerning Scott & Welch remain. The role of outside influences and ofotherswithin the firm isnotyetapparent The effect ofstatelegislation on school construcdon could shed lightonwhy thearchitects used pardcular plans and materials. Interesdng quesdons arise concerning the reladonship of this firm to others of the same era, but more research must be completed before Scott & Welch can be placed within the larger context of the local architectural scene. The 1915 Pacific PanAmerican Exhibidon with itsemphasis on Spanish and Mission Revival might have influenced Scott & Welch designs. The contacts the architects had with colleagues in other states might also provide insight into the pracdce of the firm, particularly in the 1950s when Carl Scott became very heavily involved in designing Shriners' hospitals Perhaps thisstudywillencourageotherstoresearch these and other topics in Utah's rich architectural history

Utah's Rosies:

Women in the Utah War Industries during World War H

BY ANTONETT E CHAMBER S NOBLE

A simitar photograph appeared in the Salt Lake Tribune, December 19, 1943, with the caption: "Miss Ruth Olsen [right] is employed at the roundhouse at the Denver & Rio Grande Western yards. Engines hold no terrors for her as she gives a house wifely polish to a huge glass eye. Heavy gloves help her to keep her nail polish intact in spite of harsh labors." USHS collectiori

Mrs Noble is a member of the Wyoming Humanities Council

WHE N THE BIG PLANES(B-24s) came in, theywere started through the hangers by first being washed down. People wore hats and long rain coats and used long hoses to reach," recalled Retha Nielson "I, with other women, went to see them come in Igot alump in my throat asI read the names of the men who had piloted them Some of them had giventheplanesaname OnewascalledtheKittyHawk Iwouldwalkup to the bigplane and touch itand wonder ifallofthe men had come out alive, what had happened, and why they had named itwhat they had. One plane had a pretty girl painted on it Shewas dressed in Air Force clothes."^ Rethawasrecallingher employment attheOgdenAirService Command at Hill Field during World War II. She was one of several thousand women who took employment ina Utahwar industry during the war. In addition to earning a good salary, Retha was patriotically serving her country.

WhenWorldWarIIabruptly cametoAmericawiththebombingof Pearl Harbor, leaders of economically devastated areas sought war contracts as the country frantically strengthened its military. Unemployment rates had peaked nationally inthe 1930sat25 percent, but in Utah 36 percent of the labor force was out of work Utah's governor, Herbert B. Maw, and its congressional delegation, not surprisingly, wereamong the stateand national politicians who tried to obtain war contracts for their communities. They advertised local advantages to military planners with fruitful results:war contracts were awarded to the state. The federal warworkwas implemented in Utah at military facilides and in private industries and with increased production of raw materials.

Women wereemployed atallUtah military facilities, including the Ogden Arsenal, the Utah General Depot, the Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Field, the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield, and the Tooele Ordnance Depot Women alsoworked atthe Remington Arms Company, the Eitel McCullough Radio Tube Plant, and the Standard Parachute Company — private industries with military contracts. Furthermore, women substandally contributed toagricultural production inthestate. Mining was the only area where women failed to make a large contribution. Utah's prewar lawsrestrictingtheemployment ofwomen in the mining industry remained unbending despite the wardme crisis.

Personnel directors atmilitaryinstallations and industrieswithwar contracts wanted white males to fill labor posidons. Uncle Sam, how-

Questionnaire completed by Retha Nielson, October 17, 1984, in author's possession

ever, needed thesamemen for combatwhich ofnecessitytook priority. The Utahwarindustries, likethosearound thecountry, turned to other groups when the pool of white males diminished. Although women would experience the greatest employment opportunities, nonwhites, the handicapped, and even interned German and Italian prisoners of war were assigned work in the military installations. This article will focus on theexperiences ofhundreds ofwomen who tookadvantage of thewartime employment opportunities in Utah. Awoman who took a warjob becameaffectionately known asRosietheRiveterafter Norman Rockwell's 1943 Saturday Evening Post cover featuring a woman war worker.^

^Scholarly works on American women in the war industries include: Karen Anderson, " Last Hired, First Fired: BlackWonien Workers during World War II,"Jouma/o/v4OTOTcan///j^or>'(June 1982): 82; Wartime Women Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women during World War II (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981); D'Ann Campbell, Womenat War with America: Private Lives in a Partiotic Era (C2cmhr'\dge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984); William H Chafe, The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970 CLonAon: Oxford University Press, 1972); Susan M Hanmann, The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 19^05 f Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982); Maureen Honey, Creating Rosie the Riveter: Class, Gender, and Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Amherst: University of Massachuseus Press, 1984); Valerie Kincade Oppenheimer, The Female Labor Force in the United States: Demographic and Economic Factors Governing Its Growth and Changing Composition (Westpon, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1970); "Demographic Influence on Female Employment and the Status oXYIomen," American]oumal ofSociology (1973); Karen BeckSkold, "The Job He Left Behind: American Women in the Shipyards during World War 11," in Women, War, and Revolution, ed Carol R Berkin and Clara M Lovett (New York Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1980)

All-woman crew bringing in the planes at Hill Field, 1945. Courtesy of Gertrude Viestrenz.

The call forwomen to enter the work force escalated as more men marched off to war. For example, spanning theZ)^5^r^^A^^?:^5 want ads in a banner headline during World War II was, "One Solution For Your Personnel Problem—Hire Women."^ The Ogden Standard Examiner declared in 1942:" Itis inthe nature of patriotic duty of the highest order to apply at once at the personnel office of the Arsenal, . . . and Ogden women of all ages are urged to lay aside all considerations of need for earning money and come to the Arsenal to make a direct and vital contribution to the United Nations victory in the war."^

The calls for women workers were successful. Utah women responded to patriotic appeals and to promises of good salaries, pleasant conditions, and steady work obtainable without experience Women constituted 17.6 percent of the Utah labor force in 1940 and 36.8 percent by 1944.^ Government war plants employed a larger percentage of women than any other industrial concern. Still more were

Deseret News, February 6, 1943.

Ogden Standard Examiner, September 13, 1942

^Salt Lake Tribune, April 20, 1944; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, United States Employment Service, "Monthly Field Operating Report for Utah," April 1944

"<«., ^^^^ "»•»-.

Courtesy of Florence Ellis Cordova who at age 16 trained as a metal machinist at the National Youth Association, Salt Latie City.

needed On November I, 1944, the local Minute Women Organizations telephoned house to house in search of women to work outside the home. Both times theywere unable to bring more women into the work force, indicating that all the women who could or wanted to had takenjobs.^

Itwascommon toencouragewomen totheworkplace and then to keep them there by promoting the idea that warwork did not threaten their femininity. War work was sometimes likened to traditional feminine work as depicted in the Hill Fieldefs article on Mary Owens. In discussing her sign-up, training, family arrangements, andjob washing ball bearings, the newspaper quoted Maryassayingthat herwork "is a great deal like doing dishes and the technique is much the same."^

Women belonging to the Martha Society and "other fancy clubs" and also the wives of"prominent men" who took warjobs were featured in the Ogden Standard Examiner. Theywerewaiting until after thewar to be activeintheirclubsagain Inthemeantime, after adayofworktheywere "no more dred than [after] an afternoon of playing bridge." Furthermore, "The foreman stated that thesewomen, all housewives and with no previous experience, had readily adapted themselves to the work"^

Although articles stressing women's ability to maintain their feminine roles in thework placewere most common, afew features about working women praised their professional attributes along with feminine qualities. One featured inspector, a "Blond Bomber," was listed as a mechanically inclined woman "who intelligently applied her aptitudes, very successfully." Shewasalsoawife, mother oftwo, ages seven and eleven, and "a farmerette." Men inidally resented her as the first mechanic trainer but by the end of the war accepted and liked her.^ Thelocalnewspapers frequently reported about thenew members of the labor force. Articles were usually favorable to the Utah Rosies, although they carried a tone of surprise when reporting the success of the women. Referring towomen as the fair sexwas common, as in this frequent headline: "The Fair SexInvadesAnother Domain Once Only for Males."^^ Further examples speak for themselves: "A flood of applicants pouring into Hill Field seems conclusive proof that many a

""U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, United States Employment Service, "Field Operating Report, Ogden," November 1944; "Labor Market Survey Report, Ogden," 1942, p 6

^Hill Fielder, February 1943

^Ogden Standard Examiner, August 26, 1942

Salt Lake Tribune, March 16, 1943

'"//!« Fielder, April 26, 1944

woman secretly yearns to drive ajeep and show the menfolk she can handle cars as good asanyone"^^ and "the ego ofmany aman who has made slighting remarks about women drivers is going to be deflated terrifically."^^ "Femmes Okay on Curves," the title of a Salt Lake Tribune articleon women drivers atamilitary instaillation, represents the all too common presentation of women workers.^^ Another article about women drivers, this feature concerning a training class, noted that women showed a"degree ofskillfar beyond expectations, and even the men with whom they work are forced to admit that the girls do all right"^* From Hill Field it was announced that "women always have been accused of ruling the highways, but now they are really going to have opportunity to do so—so hail to women drivers."'^ Furthermore, women driverswerepraised as"oblivious tothe'women'splaceisin the home' adage by driving taxis, jeeps, five ton trucks and buses. Their service and load average are almost parallel to that of men drivers."^^ Women guards were especially intriguing to newspapermen. "Pistol Packin' Mammas in the Flesh," one wrote of the Hill Field auxiliary military police and was so amazed that women had guns "and could shoot!"''^ When thewomen were first hired as civilian guards at Tooele and the Ogden Arsenal they were not issued guns or even uniforms because officials could not decide whether to givethe women uniform skirtsor pants; theygavethem ahatand abadgetowearon their civilian dresses.'^ One feature about awoman guard with dogs bragged of her sending a challenging man to a car top.'^ An excerpt from the Salt Lake Tribune in 1944 exemplifies the newspapers' presentation of the women:

These women, driven by the truly feminine urge to stand by their men, are doing practically everyjob a man can do with the exception of heavy lifting, and as more men are called to the battlefronts we are confident that their places will be taken by courageous, capable, and patriotic women

Perhaps the most interesting public comment on women is the following excerpt

Ogden standard Examiner, September 13, 1942

Ogden Staruiard Examiner, September 11, 1942.

Salt Lake Tribune, August 13, 1945

Hill Top Times, January 1943

Salt Lake Tribune, September 12, 1942

Ogden Standard Examiner, August 11, 1945

Salt Lake Tribune, December 6, 1943

Helen Worsley to author, Tooele, Utah, October 13, 1984

Salt Lake Tribune, February 6, 1944

Salt Lake Tribune, March 2, 1944

Because Ogden Arsenal employs a large number of women a realistic survey of female employment has been made available to Col Nickerson by Army ordnance personnel

Here is what battle-tough experts discovered. Women have greater finger dexterity than men; greater patience; greater enthusiasm

Women will accept 99 percent responsibility, but they always like to receive a final O. K. on their work from a man.

Women want their job glamorized for them

Women do not mind getting their hands and faces dirty, but the lack of beauty shops in the community will cause a serious personnel problem.

Women take instruction and direction in a far more personal manner than men

Women are patriotic without cynicism.^'

The Hill Fielder noted that women did monotonous work better than men.^2 Taken together these comments on women imply that they were willing to work even in difficult, boring, tedious jobs that men were not sdways willing to take Also suggested is women's desire to maintain their feminine identity, including their consistent submission to men, despite theirjob position. Ironically, whilewomen w^erehailed Ogden

Courtesy of Vie Carter Watts, standing by bus door, who was a motor pool driver at Reams Army Air Base during World War II.

for competently handling vital war jobs, they were still viewed as concerned most with their femininity and always submissive to men. Ajob in awar industry did not replace awoman's full-time workat home. National and local propaganda throughout the war, even when luring women into the work place, reminded women that their hous^ hold and family responsibiUties could not be neglected For example, \ht Davis County Clipper printed, "America's Housewife's Part in the War Is an Important One," and "Keeping Her Family Well in Wartime Is Her SpecialTask"23TheWomen's Bureau 1941 bulletin Women Workers in Their Family Environment analyzed women in two cities, Cleveland and Salt Lake City. Of the 337 Utah families studied, the report concluded that women, regardless ofwhether they were in households headed by men or not, were principally responsible for housework Furthermore, two-fifths ofthewomen in these families had no outside help and more than half did all the housework Working mothers with young children were also primarily responsible for their care. "When all the facts are weighed regarding women workers' contributions in dme, effort, and money, there isno doubt about the indispensable rolethey playin their families."^'*

The adequate care of children in Utah, as nationwide, was a perpetual concern for parents, educators, and religious and community leaders The labor-starved war industries desperately needed all workers, including young women with children Yet there was a strong sentiment throughout the community that mothers should be the only caretakers oftheir children and therefore should notwork regardless of the wartime emergency. Throughout the war the debate raged, unresolved, on the creation, funding, and use of public child care.

With the dropping of the atomic bombs onJapan, World War II was brought to a sudden halt America returned to a peacetime economy as quickly as she had converted her industries to the production of war materials. Utah, however, did not experience a radical industrial change at war's end as did other areas of the country. Some adjustments had already been made when the federal government had cancelled threeUtah contractsbecauseofoverproduction prior to 1945. Other Utah militaryworkwascruciallyneeded atwar'send. In addition, the ceasing of hostilities meant the beginning of work for the Utah installations responsible for reclamation and storage of army and navy

Davis County Clipper, September 18, 1942

U.S., Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, Women Workers in Their Family Environment {W/a.shmgton, D.C.: Government Prindng Office, 1941), p 51

materials. SomeUtahwarindustries, such asGenevaSteeland the Utah Oil Refinery, successfully continued in operation throughout the postwaryears. Federal spendingwould in fact continue tohavea significant impact on the Utah economy for decades to come.

Change, nonetheless, did occur in 1945. Significantly fewer employees were needed for postwar military work Some employees voluntarily left their warjobs. Others quit in hope of obtaining work before thefeared postwar depression struck Manyweresimplylaid off; most of these workers were either women or minorities.

Employee reductions came as no surprise. Inherent in warjobs is thefact that theyterminatewith peace, Similarly, most people expected that minorities and women would be the first and largest groups r^ leased from the labor force. Women had received many signals that their work force participation was only temporary A predicted postwar depression, as had occurred after the FirstWorld War, was expected to limit significandy thejobs available Furthermore, availablejobs, itwas widely believed, should be given to the returning veterans

These brief generalizations mask the impact of the war's end on Utah's Rosies Society issued the Rosies new orders and requested adjustments inrolesand expectations, Howdid Utah'sworking women respond to appeals to return to hearth and home.^ How lastingwas the war's influence upon theirvalues, attitudes, and behaviors? Did Utah's workingwomen reacttotheirchanges incircumstances differently from their sisters in other parts of the nation.^

Local newspaper editorials, theMormon church(expressed in the Relief Society Magazine), and Utah politicians encouraged women to return totheirhomesafter thewar. Evenduringthehostilitiesand at the height of the labor shortage these opinion makers had counseled a similar course. For example, in 1943 the Deseret News featured a motor pool driver who "would rather keep house but for the duration she prefers operating a truck" Besides, she commented, "The work keeps me busy while my husband is away—I don't think I worr)' so much."^^

The Ogden Standard Examiner featured female employees in warjobs in 1943. Their work was "fine for the duration, but Weber [College] enrollees aregirlsatheart... Itisnicetoknowweareascapableas men in their 'own' trades, but the future would take on rather a bleak aspect ifwe thought that was all there was to look forward to in the years to come." Furthermore, the female workers were socially frustrated

'^^Deseret News, }ur\e2S, 1943.

because their male coworkers "can't picture us demure little souls in smart dresses and therefore never consider us as ideal 'after hours' companions. This plays havocwith our sociallife."Warjobs, concluded the article, are threatening to femininity and awoman's potential dating career, powerfial incentives, one may suppose, to leave awarjob as soon as possible.^^

In 1944 the Salt Lake Tribune editorialized that women had proven themselves in industry but that the majority welcomed victory, most expecially because it would allow them to return to their homes 2ind families. In March 1945 the Salt Lake Council ofWomen surveyed war workers to discern their postwar plans. The study found that seven of eight women preferred the hearth and were in war jobs doing men's work only for the duration.^^ The ReliefSociety Magazine, throughout the war, opposed Mormon women working outside their homes As the war's end neared, the message became stronger. For example, an October 1944 editorial, "Home, After the War," asked, "Have the eyes

Women working on an airplane engine at Hill Field during World War II. Hill AFB archives.

of some in this day been so fufl of greediness that mothers have put in jeopardy the very souls of their children?" The article continued, "the great majority, itis hoped, of the men will be coming back war industrieswillcease, and thereturning members ofthearmed forces must be giventheopportunity tooncemore earn livelihoods for themselves and their families. When this situation arises, the mother who has left her home should be prepared to face the situation and accept it"^^ Public officials further encouraged women to return to their homes when hostilities ceased Governor Maw claimed therewasno pressure on the workingwomen to leave the work forc:e, though he did encourage them to "give way to their husbands."^^

To facilitate this study of Utah's Rosies an extensive effort was made to supplement public sources of information with personal historiesofwarworkers. Onehundred and thirty-threewomen working in the Utah war industries were contacted concerning their jobs and families during thewar years. While such a sample is not random, the datacompiled enhanceourunderstanding ofhowthewarwork affected their lives

Warjobsended foravarietyofreasonsfortheresearch sample Not surprisingly, thelargestnumber(28percent) werecaughtinthe postwar "reduction of force." Fourteen percent terminated their war work for miscellaneous reasons such as sexual harassment, transportation or child care difficulties, or he;dth problems. Another 8 percent quit because thewar had ended. "My husband didn't want me to work anymore," said DoraWebb.^^ "It was the policy to be replaced by men who served," answered another. Eight percent discontinued their work to go to school, 19 percent to marr)^ or to follow a husband, and 12 percent for family reasons. Many of the latter women were pregnant, and one, Maudie L. Williams, quit work to adopt two children. Despitepublic encouragement toreturn home after thewar many women remained in the labor force. In most cases, though, the jobs available to women during the war, notably those classified as traditional "male work" were not offered to women in postwar years. The reality of a limitedjob market for women became evident in Salt Lake City even prior to war's end when the Remington Small Arms Plant closed in 1943 The War Manpower Commission reported:

"^^ReliefSociety Magazine, October 1944

^'interview with Herbert B Maw, Salt Lake Cm, Utah, December 10, 1984

^"Telephone interview with Dora Webb, Salt Lake City, September 5, 1984

Of the 3000 estimated as unemployed in the Salt Lake area, approximately 1000 of these workers are thought to be former women employees of Remington Arms who have somewhat inflated ideas of their skills and ability These women are semi-independent economically and can shop around for the job they think they are qualified for It is believed a majority of them originally accepted employment without previous training or experience. However, they received good training and orientation at Remington and performed creditably zmd with a high degree of efficiency during their employment Many of them were advanced to instructoresses and leaders, and received, as a result, exceptionally liberal salaries compared to wages paid women in other industries in the area

It is now becoming apparent that these women have a tendency to overestimate their ability and the value of their experience. This is particularly true viewed in the light of current demand for women workers Unless this group lowers its estimate of the value of its services, a maior portion will probably remain unemployed.^^

When hostilities ceased, the reality of a tight job market for women became even more evident Employers advertised in newspapers specifically for male workers, especially veterans.

Requests for women workers did continue after August 1945, but theyweredistinctly different from thejobs offered duringthewaryears. Amonth after victory, labor leaders Clarence L. Palmer, state Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) president, and J. R Wilson, state American Federation of Labor(AFL) secretary, said that Utah industry was "too tough for women." They "opposed married women holding jobs in a tight labor market" except for financial need.^^ The Labor Department published the pamphlet Retool Your Thinking for Your Job Tomorrow. "Girls who wake up after the warwithout ajob can't say they weren't warned," threatened the booklet The Labor Department's advice was to obtain training, especially secretarial skills.^^ Dorothy Lemmon lost her wartime job in the tool room at Tooele Ordnance Depot to a returning G.I. Shewas placed in the secretarial pool where she remained until her retirement Lemmon and the G.I. accepted the situation. "He felt bad, too," recalled Dorothy.^"^

TheWarManpower Commission reported inDecember 1945 that fewer jobs were available for women, and fewer women were seeking employment Furthermore, therewasashortage ofwomen filling traditional fem^lle jobs. The commission suggested that "Local married

Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1945

Salt Lake Tribune, April 3, 1945

Interview with Dorothy Lemmon, Salt Lake City, July 23, 1984

U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, United States Employment Service, "Monthly Field Operadng Report, Salt Lake City," January 1944, p 7

women with employed husbands who are holding [traditionally male] jobs would be performing a patriotic service if they resigned such positions and thus createdjobs for men who are in much worse need of jobs."^^ Women who wanted towork in the postwar years were advised toselecttraditionally female, or"pink collar,"jobs. Thiswasthecase for one member oftheresearch samplewho said she could not getajob like theone shehad had duringthewar,when shelater"needed itto support self and son, because of discrimination."^^

When Clearfield Naval Supply Depot published ahistory aspart of its ten-year anniversary in 1953 the pictures of personnel taken during thewar included women inallkinds ofwork Laterphotographs showed women only in traditional or secretarial roles. For example, a section titled "Labor or Equipment Branch" sought to demonstrate the evolution of work from the two-wheeled hand truck used to push boxes in 1943 to the 1953 forklift The earlier photograph pictured three women working, while in the later picture a man operated the forklift^^ A Tooele Army Depot informational brochure published in 1967 pictured several workers, all of them men A feature in the Tooele newspaper in 1984, however, corrected themale-onlyimageand insisted that women had always worked there: "Today [1984] they do all kinds of work from office work to equal terms with men, heaving a hammer, grinding a crank shaft, and producing a mechanical drawing."^^ Somewomen, however, were able to find work similar to their war jobs For a few of the research sample the war working experience was an important steppingstone in their careers. Twelve percent of the sample remained in the same line of work they had entered during the war. For example, Grace M. McLean began her career as an ammunition inspector during the war. When she retired in April 1978 she was the only woman explosives safety specialist in the U.S Air Force Still another war worker, Maudie L. Williams, remarked, "I had the experience to get better and more paying work for the government after the war." Nelda Chadwick was promoted to a supervisor's position during the war. When the men returned she was asked to step down and assume a clerk or typist job. She refused and with perse-

U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, United States Employment Service, "Labor Market Development Report, Ogden," December 1945, p.3 War worker's questionnaire

U.S., Department of Defense, Tenth Anniversary, Naval Supply Depot, Clearfield Utah, 1943-1953 (Clearfield, Ut: Defense Printing Service, Ogden, 1953)

^*U.S., Department of Defense, Tooele Army Depot, Utah {Tooe\e, Ut: Information and Education Office of Tooele Army Depot, 1967); Tooele Bulletin, February 7, 1984

verance remained in supervisory positions until her retirement Noteworthy asthese examples are,themajority ofwomen who continued towork outside thehome hadtoaccept pink collarjobs.

Individual income rose sharply inthe stateduringWorld War II,a fact that was particularly appreciated after the harsh depression. "Before 1940,"one historian wrote, "Utah's total personal income was under $300 million. In 1943 it surged beyond the $700 million mark then dropped backslightlyfor threeyears and continued upward thereafter."^^ Thewar job paycheck significantly affected research sample members andtheir families. Veda Swain andherhusband were out of work during the 1930s.Just prior tothe bombing ofPearl Harbor she hadobtained ajob asanelevatoroperator atZCMIdepartment store for twenty-five cents anhour, two hours aday, while the regular attendant took his lunch When Remington SmallArms Plant opened she gained work there atsixty-ninecents anhour, forty-eight hours aweek Gloria McNally reported that thewar"setus up financially. Wenever were behind economically after that" ReneeChristensen'sfamily purchased its first record player, installed a telephone, andbought a naturalgas

Delta Cox Whitlocli, left, and another woman worker at the parachute factory in Manti USHS collections.

John E christensen, "The Impaa of Worid War II," in Utah's History, ed Richard D Poll, Thomas G Alexander, Eugene E Campbell, and David Miller (Provo, Ut: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p 505

stove,waterheater, andtypewriter"whilemomworked at Remington." The Standard Parachute Company had a crucial economic impact on the Manti community. Parachute seamstresses bought family necessities with the paychecks. Workers' purchases included shoes for the children, living room furniture, and installation of indoor plumbing. Warjobs offered higher salaries than otherwork Local employers complained that highwagescalesmade itdifficult for them to compete for workers In 1940 most women in restaurant work in Salt Lake City earned about $13aweekand in Ogden about $12. In Utah department and variety stores women's salaries averaged $10.50 per week and in laundries women received an average of $12 per week'^^ Pay differentialsareobviouswhen thesewages are compared towarjob paychecks.

Remington Small Arms Plant workers usu2dly earned $22.56 a week Classified laborers in the military installations earned a minimum of $36.48 aweekandasmuchas$42.24aweek Clearfield womenworkers, as supply handlers and lift operators, earned $30.72 aweek"^^

Eventhoughwarindustries paidwomen morethanother communityjobs and more than they had earned prior tothewar, women were often paid less than men. Female typists, stenographers, and card punch operators generally were paid between $1,260 and $1,440 per yearatthemilitary installations. Menatthesameplcintworkingascrane operators, electricians, blacksmiths, and steaimers were paid $1,860. Men were also paid higher wages than women in similar work because themen'sworkwasoftenjudged more difficult Forinstance,theTooele Ordnance Depot SalvageDepartment paidwomen 67.5 cents an hour, but teenage boys in the same department earned 85 cents an hour because they did heavylifting. The RockyMountain Packing Company paid women five cents less than men, claiming the women handled easier jobs. Military installation employees were often paid on an ascending scale according to experience For example, in 1942 Hill Field inspectorswere paid asfollows:juniors, $1,860; regulars, $2,200; seniors, $2,600; and principals, $2,800. Women, with their lack of experience, were assigned to the lower levels and hence received less pay.

^"industrial Commission of Utah, Women's Division," Utah State Planning Board," March 28, 1940

The Women's Bureau Bulledn, "State Minimum Wage Laws and Orders: 1942," reported that women in retail, restaurant, and laundry work received $14 a week in Salt Lake City and Ogden, and in Utah communities with populations of less than 2,500 received $ 10 or less aweek depending on experience. U. S, Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, State Minimum- Wage Laws and Orders, 1942: AnAnalysis{\^2ish'mgton, D.C.: Government Printing office, 1942)

^'Area newspapers regularly carried information on wages offered for war jobs.

Some pay discrepancies were more blatant "The base payfor unskilled men wiUbe$4.00 perdayandthe women will receive $3.75 per dayasa starting pay," announced theWar Manpower Commission in 1941 in Ogden"^^ Ayear later it reported that in Salt Lake City "The Cudahy Packing Co. is employing women to replace men in many departments, butthese women arenotpaid at thesame wage scaleas male employees.'"^^ The Ogden Standard Examiner noted in 1942 that ammunition loaders atthe Ogden Arsenal werepaid $4.40 aday ifthey were women but $5.50 if they were men. Research sample workers Dorothy Lemmon and HelenWorsley, aswellasothers, were frustrated by this mal^female pay differential. Salary inequality in some cases worsened inthepostwaryears. Inlate 1945 the Salt Lake Tribune reported thatjobs were notbeing filled because they offered wages reduced by from 34 to49 percent forwomen Furthermore, "most available jobs are for men while most ofthejobs seekers are women."*"^

Severalhistorians ofwomen warworkers arguethat theWorld War II working experience was awatershed forwomen Forthe first time large numbers ofmarried and older women entered thelabor force More significant, these women remained in thework place, perma-

Ibid., "Labor Market Survey Report,

City," December 15, 1942 Salt Lake Tribune, November 14, 1945; Ogden Staruiard Examiner, September 13, 1942

Defusing M-17 bomblettes in the ammunition workshop. Gift of Tooele A rmy Depot, USHS collections.

U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, United States Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Report, Ogden," November 13, 1941.

Sah Lake

nently changing the female labor force from its prewar young and unmarried character to a postwar older (over thirty-five) married composition. Society accepted older and married women working during the wartime emergency and affirmed its approvaJ in the immediate post^var yeau's. The war also opened new doors for women by stimulating personal, social, and economic involvement beyond the home. These experiences inaugurated some of the fundamental changes in women's status that have occurred since 1945.

This Study of Utah women war workers provides support for the interpretation that the war induced lasting changes in women's roles. The most obvious transition is in female labor force participation during and after the war. In 1950 female participation rates decreased from the wartime high in 1944 of36.8 percentto24.3 percent, or57,145 women, which is still higher than the 1940 percentage rate of 17.6 or 33,888 women. Thefemalelabor force expanded to 94,103 in 1960, or 32.4 percent, to 41.5 percent, or 145,799, in 1970; and by 1980, 49.6 percent, or 246,963 Utah women, worked outside the home. Furthermore, the majority of Utah women who worked after 1940 were older

Women employees at Tooele Ordnance Depot in the "Popping Plant" assisting with the demilitarization of ammunition at the end of World War H. Gift of Tooele Army Depot, USHS collections.

than those in the prewar period (table 1). The majority of the Utah postwar female workers were also married, as illustrated in table 2. After World War II women who were married and/or over thirty-five years of agejoined thework force as never before. Thewar had induced them to leave the home, and their continued presence in the labor force overshadowed that of young and unmarried women. The national data presented in table 3 delineate this and make state-national comparison possible. Considerably fewer Utah women than nationally worked outside the home in 1940 and 1950 for all marital statuses. The gap grew smaller, however, in 1960 and 1970. With each decade following the war Utah women increasingly followed the national trend of more women

Source: U.S. Census. The percentages are for those working within that age group for the given year and notas part of an aggregate for the female working population by age for the given year.

entering the labor force in all marital statuses. The group experiencing the largest growth for Utah and the nation was those women married with husbands present

The expanded participation of married and older women in the labor force after the war suggests a social tolerance or even acceptance of this newtrend Furthermore, theprewar depression practice by the state government and private businesses of firing women upon marriage was not reinstated in Utah or elsewhere in the nation."^^ The increased availability of employment also eased the entrance of women into the work force. Perhaps, too, more married women had to work after the 1940s because one breadwinner could no longer meet the escalating financial demands of middle-class life Two incomes were needed to

TABLE 1

FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES FOR UTAH BY AGE, 1940-70

''^Lois Scharf, To Work and to Wed- Female Employment, Feminism, and the Great Depression (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980)

Source: U.S. Census. The percentages are for those working within that age group for the given year and not as part of an aggregate for the female working population by age for the given year.

match inflation and to keep up with society smaterialistic values. Rather than working outside the home for pin money, women have most often entered the labor force because of financial necessity. Marie W. Galloway, a Remington Small Arms Plant worker, said at the closing of the plant that she planned to continue working because "I have to."*^

Source: Historical Statistics ofthe United States. The percentages are for those workingwithin that agegroup for the given year and not aspart ofan aggregate for the female working population by age for the given year

TABLE 2

FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES FOR UTAH BY MARITAL STATUS, 1940-70

TABLE 3

FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION R\TES FOR THE UNITED STATES BY MARITAL STATUS, 1940-70

Working women point to the war experience as a criticadjunction in their lives Those interviewed stressed that they had experienced personal growth from warwork When asked ifthewar had an influence on them, 81 percent of the sample responded positively. "I developed more confidence in my ability to face new challenges," and "I felt very good about myself, because I was contributing to my country" were typical responses."Iknew Icould do housework but not sure Ico.uld do work like this—but I did," said Odessa Young Mower.'^^ For several women war work brought them in contact with people different from themselves for the first time. Associating with people ofvarious ethnic, culturad, and religious backgrounds was an educational experience made possible in the war industries Several respondents commented on the feelings of autonomy and independence brought about by having their own paychecks. This meant not having to be dependent upon their husbands for an income For a few, a paycheck paid for an education, probably not affordable otherwise. Personal gains were therefore numerous: confidence, career possibilities, pride, tolerance for other people, autonomy, and for some, an education

When analyzing the results of the working experience, the ugly realities of war must be considered adso The war often affected the women workers, for itwas ararewar worker who did not have a family member or friend in military service. Day-to-day workers felt the anxiety of wondering if he, or in some instances she, were alive War worker Marie Adams discussed the darker side of the war work experience.

War is terrible. For me it was awful as the first man I considered marrying was at Corregidor and all the terrible things they were going through was [sic] in my mind constantly even though I was working 10 hours, 7 days a week at Ogden Arsenal and sometimes at a cafe in Ogden in between I never heard from him again Eventually he was listed as missing in action .. . I don't mention this much, because I just try to forget . . . It was hard work and a lot of tears.*^

The war became a daily reality on thejob. Workers at the Ogden Arsenal who handled equipment salvaged from the battlefields remember blood stains on much of it Warworker EllenJenkins found notesfrom American G.I.sbetween gun parts. Sheturned thenotes over to authorities, never knowing what happened to them. Workers on planes at Hill Field cleaned blood, skin, and hair out of the insides of

•"interview with Odessa Young Mower, Fairview, August 4, 1984 **Personal letter from Marie Adams, Layton, October 12, 1984.

cockpits. Pilots often left messages and drawings inside their planes. "This brought home the reality ofwhat was happening," reported one worker. Retha Nielson, aworker on B-24s, wrote, "I got a lump in my throat as I read the names of the men who had piloted them. Some of them had giventhe planes aname.... Iwould walkup to the big plane and touch it and wonder if all the men had come out alive, what had happened and why they had named itwhat they had.'"^^ Employees at theTooele Ordnance Depot had similarexperienceswhen refurbishing tanksfrom thebattlefields. Anotherworkerwrote,"Mylastjobwason a bomb shoot [sic] — \ often wondered if my bomb shoot was used on Japan."^^ MacelAnderson received twolettersfrom thefederal government stating that two boys' lives had been saved by the parachutes she had worked on Each parachute had the maker's name on it "That made thewholesacrifice ofworkingworthwhile," commented Macel.^^

''^Questionnaire completed by Retha Nielson, October 17, 1984.

^°War workers' questionnaire

^'Questionnaire completed by Macel Anderson, November 6, 1984

Courtesy of Millie Long in turret, whose "job was to help guide the tank driver [Lillian Thompson] so she wouldn't back up into anything or back off the cement loading ramp." Other woman is Bessie Vance who hooked up tow cable.

Perhaps, added totheimpact ofthewomen'sworkingexperience, wasa deeper understanding of how wretched war was. These women experienced itquite closely, despite the battlefields being thous^Lndsof miles away.

The trauma of the war did not end when hostilities ceased. The nation counted on the women at home to help the returning soldiers readjust to civilian life. Despite an overwhelming "welcome home" from their country, American G.I.s suffered, in varying degrees, from "combat fatigue."Fortunately, most soldiersdidadjust, but ittooktime. June Anderson wrote,"The time separated from my husband changed our livessomuch and wehad tomake anew start and getacquainted all over again, ashewasgone twenty-seven months."^^Another said of her returning husband, "I have to admit that [it] was almost as bad as when he left" He went to war the day after they had married and was then gone for the duration of the war

Thepositiveeffects ofWorldWar IIonworkingwomen should not obscure the fact that there were areas where women failed to secure changes. Despite the unprecedented opportunities for women to work during thewar, they largely remained in lower level, lower payingjobs. Women were also paid less than their male co-workers in many instances while performing the same or similarwarwork Most women returned to traditional femalejobs after thewar despite their success in handling nontraditional work Furthermore, the gap between wages paid to men and women often increased in the postwar years.

The enduring effects of women's working experience during the war, though, may have taken place in the socialization of the children who came of age in the 1960s Work accomplishments during World War II may have created women who saw themselves differently from theirmoretraditional female contemporaries Anewsenseof self-worth and self-reliance arose in the minds and hearts of the Rosies Perhaps children raised by these"different and new^' mothers of the 1940s and 1950s responded to the feminist message of the 1960s, finding it conducivetotheir senseofawoman'splaceinthehome, family, workplace, and society. More studies are needed to examine this possibility.

One would suspect that the Utah case study would be unique, rather than similar to thenational experience ofwomen during thewar because of the dominance of the Mormon church. The patriarchal church discouraged women from participating in the work place and

strongly encouraged them to remain at home. Yet, Mormon women both during and after World War II entered the Utah labor market in large numbers. When Latter-day Saint members ofthe research sample were asked about conflict between their church and the decision to work no one indicated any problems Their desire to contribute patriotically to their country and their need for a paycheck outweighed the Mormon church's message not towork outside the home Perhaps, then, what ismost noteworthy about the Utah experience ishow similar it was to the national experience.

The historical debate over thewar's impact on women has created sharp divisions. For some, the war generated lasting social and economic changes for women Others acknowledged that the war brought unprecedented opportunities for women but characterized these changes as temporary and with few lasting results. The Utah case, mirroring the national experience, suggests that elements ofboth interpretations are valid. The war did spur a changed female labor force composition, the effect of which is still being felt Also, women war workers experienced personal growth. Yet, permanent on-the-job changes did not occur. Thewar did not eliminate pay inequality and job segregation, problems that continue to plague American women workers. An invisible revolution, however, may have occurred in the thoughts and expectations ofRosies' children who began tocome ofage in the 1960s. Modeled by this generation of war-working mothers and trained to demand more of themselves and their society, they will perhaps be the creators of a new place for women in the American socioeconomic community.

The Wheeler Survey in Utah, Idaho, and Montana: Samuel E. Tillman's Tour of Duty in 1877

BY DWIGHT L. SMITH

ONMAY23 , 1877, ISTL T SAMUELE TILLMAN(1847-1942) reported at Ogden, Utah, for a tour of duty with what was known as the Wheeler Survey. As he had been in 1873, he wasagain assigned to the United States Geographicad Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian

Samuel E. Tillman Courtesy U.S. Military Academy, West Point.

Dr Smith is Professor Emeritus in the History Department at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio

under the command of 1st Lt George M. Wheeler. The project was engaged in a systematic topographic examination and mapping of the western half of the country. The field expeditions also methodically collected data and made scientific observations of natural history, geology and geography, climate and weather, and ethnology.^

Tillman was born into a locally prominent middle Tennessee plantation family. Hisfather participated in the SeminoleWar, edited a local newspaper, held county offices, and served in Congress after the CivilWar. YoungSammyTillman received asemi-classicaleducation at an uncle's nearby academy. And with his slave and white children playmates, hewaswell schooled in the agricultural and social activities that sustained the rural setting When the war interrupted his formal education he was assigned a share of plantation chores along with the other children. They had a ringside seat, as it were, as the Civil War unfolded before them. Middle Tennessee's ambivalence about the war and the seesaw momentary occupations byforces ofboth sides as their armiescrisscrossed theregion severaltimesfueled youthful perceptions and imaginations. Tillman waseven"impressed" into the Confederate service on one occasion but escaped before reaching his assignment

After thewarfamily friend AndrewJohnson, whowas the military governor of occupied Tennessee, recommended Tillman's appointment as a cadet at the United States Military Academy. When he graduated in 1869 he was sent to frontier duty in Kansas. Within a few months he was recalled to West Point to become am instructor in geology, mineradogy, and chemistry. Three years later he requested field duty with the army engineers and served a tour with the Wheeler Survey in New Mexico and Arizona On special assignment to the United States Naval Observatory in 1874-75, he went with a party to Tasmania toparticipate in theobservation ofthetransitofVenus across the disk of the Sun. After another stint as instructor in astronomy and applied mechanics attheMilitaryAcademy, heserved threemore tours ofduty with the Wheeler Survey in 1876, 1877 and 1878.

Due to the persistent interest of the academic staff at West Point, Tillman was invited to return there in 1879. A year later he became professor and head of the Department of Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology. He remained in that capacity until mandatory retirement in

'The best source of information concerning the scauered records of the survey is C. E. Dewing, "The wheeler Survey Records: A Study in Archival Anomaly," American Archivist 27 (April 1964): 219-27 For a convenient, briefaccountofWheelet's expeditions and achievements see Richard A Bardett, Great Surveys of the American West {Nonr\an: University ot Oklahoma Press, 1962), chaps 17 and 18

1911. During World War I he was recalled to active service as the institution's superintendent

Tillman's 1877 tour of duty with the Wheeler Survey in Utah, Idaho, and Montana isof interest here. Hewas in charge ofa party that included atopographer, ameteorologist, anodographer, twopackers, a cook and a general utility man. They were equipped with a variety of scientific instruments and pack mules as well as other essential equipment and suppHes to sustain them in their field work Tillman was to surveyarectangularareaextendingapproximately from Garland, Utah, and Blackfoot, Idaho, on the west to the Wyoming line on the east In mid-September he was directed to separate from his party for a special assignment With two men and equipment hewent to Fort ElHs, east of present Bozeman, Montana. Here he was to establish a base line and then a system oftriangles south to connect with the northward-moving surveyhehad previouslyworked on. Heavysnowfall madeit impossible to fulfill this mission. After he returned to his party he was sent back to the survey office inWashington, D.C, and put in charge ofthe computation work with the field data that had been collected that season

There ismore to such atour ofduty, ofcourse, than the collecting of raw data for official reports. There are interesting details and observations, some ofwhich appear momentarily, ifat all, in the documents the survey generated. A few examples illustrate: Without mules it is doubtful that the survey could have been conducted, especially in the terrain over which it had to work that summer Even so, there were 2inxious moments. Sure-footed as they were, one carrying a triangulation instrument tumbled hundreds of feet, and another fell, severely hurting its rider For his efforts to extract his mule from a harness entanglement, Tillman was rewarded with a bruiseproducing kick Later, another mule he was trying to break in gave him considerable trouble. The creak of folding paper frightened his mount who whirled around and headed straight on the narrow mountain road for the approaching supply wagon. It was a close call for Tillman.

Tillman was intrigued with the challenge of explaining the Bear Lake monster that had so long captured the imagination of the local populace Fortuitously, as he rode out from camp along the lake shore one foggy morning, loud clapping sounds and upshootingwater sprays offered the exciting possibility that the monster might well be at hand. He saw something and clearly explained what he had seen

Other fauna captured his attention as well: how cattle salvaged vegetation from thecarbonated waters ofstreams around SodaSprings; the contrasting instinctive reaction of ducklings and deer to their prob-

able first encounters with humans; thenocturnal visitofa"large, handsome black and white skunk" who crawled on the bedding.

The proximity ofaBannock Indian camp tothesettlement at Soda Springs caused some anxiety. It was still the frontier, and feathered and painted gun-bearing Indians wereviewed apprehensively by this small Mormon community. Tillman's survey party quieted their fears. In Montana, Tillman's party and an armed band of Indians ascended a ridgefrom opposite sides Hostiles? Again, theywerefriendly Bannocks who were in volunteer service with the army. At Fort Hall, Tillman indulged his ethnographic curiosity by observing Bannocks who had come to the agency for annuity distribution. He witnessed races between mounted horsemen and runners, and he described the details of cache, theirfavorite gambhnggame. Hewasmostamused byhow some of the Indians "retailored" the clothing that was issued to them.

He was ever a keen observer of all that he encountered Utilizing his diary, occasional fugitive notations, notes he used for public lectures, and official documents he prepared from his various tours of duty, Tillman wrote a partial autobiographical account of his life. He did not include hisyears asaprofessor and administrator atthe Military Academy because he considered the institutional records contained more than adequate coverage for anyone who might be interested in thosechapters ofhiscareer Hebegan but nevercompleted arevision of this work

Tillman's 233-page holograph manuscript is in the library of the United States Military Academy, West Point, New York The present account of his 1877 tour ofduty is taken from this manuscript Only limited and silent editorial devices, such as paragraphing, capitalization, deletion of repeated words and passages, and rendering casual flourishes intoappropriate punctuation, havebeen introduced to make it more readable.^

^Three other accounts of Tillman's 1877 tour ofdut y supplement this on e Th e manuscript of his 1877 diary is in the library, the United States Military Academy It is generally terse and sketchy and serves principally as a chronicle rather than as a narrative account It furnishes an occasional detail or verification for this accoun t

His official report is concerned mor e strictly with the purpose of the survey It helps to flesh out some of his autobiographical coverage of the 1877 tou r "Executive and Descriptive Report of Lieutenant Samuel E Tillman, Corps of Engineers, on the Operations of Party No 1, Utah Secdon, Field Season of 1877," U.S., Congress, House, Index to the Executive Documents, Report of the Chief of Engineers, Part III, 45th Cong., 3d sess., 1878-79, pp 1529-34

Charles Jaco b Kininer, as assistant topographer and meteorologist with Tillman's party, also served as a correspondent to the Ann Arbor Register (Michigan) which published a series ol ten letters describing his experiences and observations Russell E, Bidlack and Everett L Cooley, eds., "Th e Kmtner Letters: An Astronomer's Account of the Wheeler Survey in Utah and Idaho," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (1966): 62-80, 169-82

This year I left Washington on May I4th^ and after necessary stops in Omaha and Cheyenne"^ in connection with the work of the survey I reached Ogden on May 23, 1877

After distributing animals and their equipment and apportioning rations etc to the different parties, my party^ left Ogdenfor field workonJune 5th and camped that night in North Ogden Canyon. On June 6th ascended North Ogden peak^ to establish itas a south triangulation statiotL On the climb thereto the animal bearing the triangulation instrument fell and rolled atleast300 feet

It was SO crippled that it had to be shot The day from 8:00 A.M. on the 6th to 8:00 A.M on the 7thwasavery unlucky one, for besides theloss ofthe mule Dr Kampf, our ablest mathematician and computer was severely hurt by his mule falling with him.^ Lt Birnie^ was thrown by his mule and in the early morning ofthe 7th Ifound that my mule, which was lariated nearby, had managed to get her right forefoot fastened between thevertical strap ofthe halter and her head, and was cavorting around on three legs. I got up promptly, took hold of the lariat and followed it down to the imprisoned foot, on the right side of the mule, and just as I reached to slip the strap over her foot, she turned and managed to kickme near thewaistwith the hind foot on thesame side Thus, for the duration ofthe kick she had both feet on the same side in the air and did not fall over. The bruise on me by the kick showed that she had performed that extraordinary act' I was only slightly bruised but the performance gave me great confidence in the surefootedness of my riding animal.

The area assigned to my party for survey this year was that lying north of an east and west line through Ogden, Utah Thewidthofthe areawas about 60 miles and it extended to the north to about double that distance. Its eastern limit was along the dividing line between Wyoming on the east and Idaho and Utah on the west^

It was an extremely interesting area, including the very attractive Mormon "Cache Valley," with its clean litde villages, several of them with clear

^Geo M wheeler Special Orders, No 7, May 8, 1877, U.S Engineers Office, Geographical Surveys West of the 100th Meridian, Record Group 77, National Archives, Washington, D.C

''He spent several days in Cheyenne purchasing mules for the expedition. Tillman, "Executive and Descriptive Report," p 1529

^Tillman's party included topographer Gilbert Thompson, John A Hasson as meteorologist, William Lorram as odometer recorder, two packers, a"man-of-all-work," and cook Charles Jacob Kintner laterjoined the party It was equipped with a triangulation instrument, two transits, two cistern barometers, rwo aneroids, two psychrometers, two odometers, and a maximum and minimum, two pocket thermometers Ibid See Jilso note 2 above

^Willard Peak, a few miles to the southeast of Willard Ibid

^ Dr Kampf was a member of" an additional special base- measuring party" on temporary assignment at Ogden Bidlack and Cooley, "Kintner Letters," pp 67-68 Apparently he recovered to return to the Wheeler Survey office in Washington, D.C He was already working on the expedition's field data when Tillman arrived there in late November The injury he sustained may have been serious, however, as Tillman reported that Kampf" displayed his usual interest and energy in the work up to the date of his final illness." Tillman, "Executive and Descriptive Report," p 1533

^Rogers Birnie, member of the class of 1872, United States Military Academy The field operations were conducted by two pardes led by Tillman and Birnie #2411, Register ofGraduates and Former Cadets ofthe United States Military Academy (West Point, N.Y.: West Point Alumni Foundation, 1970); Tillman, "Executive and Descriptive Report," p 1529

'More precisely, it extended from 111° to 112°20' west longitude and from 4r45 ' to 43° 10' north ladtude Tillman "Executive and Descriptive Report," p 1529

water running along the gutters of the streets. It included Bear Lake iind nearly the entire course of Bear River, the interesting Soda Springs of Idaho, and considerable of the courses of Blackfoot and Portneuf rivers and the post of Ft Hall with its nearby Indian reservation.

Bear Lake is situated about 55 miles north of Ogden and 25 miles further east It ispartly in Utah and partly in Idaho The total length ofthe lake is about 25 miles with a varying width from one to 3 miles It lies east of Cache Valley with the Bear Mountains between Whenever our intent to cross the mountains to Bear Lake Valley was spoken of in the presence of resident inhabitants we almost invariably received reports of alakemonster aboutwhich the existenceof which there was no doubt It had been seen by many and the loss of a number of sheep and calves were attributed to its destructive capacity.^°

Asweweregoing towork entirely around the lakeweknew that we should have opportunity toverify or refute the reports of the monstef sexistence, and for a short time one morning Ifelt confident that I was about to see some sort of a monster. The prospect for this unusual sight came about as follows: the 2nd night after crossing the Bear Range to the lake basin, we had camped on the lake shore about 10 miles to the south of the point of crossing the mountain. Very early on the morning of [the] 3rd it was discovered that all the unlariated mules had left the bell mare and were nowhere visible. Thiswas avery unusual and unexpected performance of the mules and as soon as it was discovered several members of the party suggested "frightened by the monster."

A couple of mules were always lariated at night just to meet such emergency On this occasion my mule was one of these and the mule of the chief packerwas theother Weknew that the mules had goneeither N or S along the lake shore I mounted and rode north thinking that [the] animals had gone toward one of our preceding camps The packer went in the opposite direction The lakeatthat early hour was completely overspread by alayer offog only a few feet thick and aclear atmosphere above, thus presenting aquite remarkable effect

As Irode rapidly northward, after proceeding about six miles, Iheard out in the lake a little in advance of me, a distinct clapping sound as of two solid bodies, which wasquickly followed by sprays ofwater shooting up through the thin layer offog. Once again as I hastened on, and somewhat nearer to me, the same phenomena were observed and they were quite suggestive of some sort of lake animal, especially the upshooting spray of water I soon thereafter reached a narrow section of the path upon which I was riding which enabled me to decide that the estray animals had not gone in that direction. I then rapidly retraced my steps bent on investigating the sounds and sights that I had observed out in the lake

As I approached the same locality I again heard the clapping sounds and saw the upshooting sprays [of| water and was quite [excited] by the hope that I

'"it "is described by some, as an immense serpent 30 or 40 feet [long], by others as a large, hairy animal swimming with head projecting above the water several feet All ^re e that he throws water to a height of several feet when in motion There is a dread of the monster? among the inhabitants." Entry forJune27, 1877, Tillman 1877 Diary

might be the discoverer of some unusual beast, perhaps the veritable monster of which we had heard such frequent mention When I had reached the point in my path nearest the source of the disturbance the sounds were repeated and as before immediately followed by the sprays ofwater I dismounted, and after fastening my mule by an easily loosened knot, I took my carbine from its holster and started on foot to solve the mystery

When I came within distinct vision of the water attheshoreline I could see waves continually rolling in toward the shore, but the fog still prevented definite sight of their cause, though I could make out indistinctly some dark objects near their apparent origin It was then necessary to get nearer for a positive conclusion, so keeping a large leaning tree between the monster and myself Iwent cautiously forward up to the tree I hadjust reached the tree when the phenomena already mentioned repeated itself, and the waves toward the shore came in in greater volume

My vantage position now gave me clear view and full explanation of both the sounds heard and the sprays seen. However, if my investigation had not been carried to a complete solution that morning ofJune 28, 1877, I should probably have felt able to endorse xheprobability of some sort of a lake monster and I submit that the real explanation of the phenomena observed is so remarkable that, itwould probably never have been known. For here is what it was, and what I saw: two large bulls [were] standing out in the lake facing each other in the water, well up to their sides. Every time that either would attempt to attack the other, their heads would go down, their horns strike together with a clash and their nostrils fill with water. Their heads immediately went up to blow out the water and thus sent spray above the low fog

The discovery thus made brought vividly to my mind the delight that a bull fight used to afford me and my youthful associates, when Iwas a boy in my Tenn. home. . . .'' So I decided to try to have the animals continue their struggle under conditions more favorable for energetic action and I returned to, mounted my mule and rode out into the lake and approached the bulls in a direction intended to separate them and drive them toward the beach This was partly accomplished, but they reached the beach at considerable distance from each other and I did not succeed in getting them to continue the fight

I rode back to our camp and learned that the mules had been found and brought in. The members of the party were at breakfast I immediately narrated to them my experiences of the morning, substantially as above given, and stated that the account was not exaggerated, and offered a reward to any one who could tell what I had really seen. One member said, "It must have been the Bear Lake monster." Another said "Two bears at play while taking a morning bath." I did not consider that either guesser was entided to the reward. . . .'^

'' Dwight L Smith, "An Antebellum Boyhood: Samuel EscueTillman's Fascination with Corn, Bulls, and Deer," Tennessee Historical Quarterly 47 (Fall 1988): 147-49

'^For the official record Tillman noted that"This lake, according to the neighboring inhabitants, has its monster. That the statements madeto me in regard to the monster were in goodfaith I have no doubt, and the fact that these people have been deceived into their present belief is quite as remarkable as would be the discovery of a large and unusual animal" Tillman, "Executive and Descriptive Report," p. 1531.

Tillman made an unusual discovery at Bear Lake USHS collections.

As we worked northward it became convenient to establish a base for supplies at the Idaho Soda Springs, and in the region there were a number. . . [of most unusual and interesting] experiences. First among these was an

In July 1868 Joseph C Rich, a self-appointed publicity agent for the area, had captured the attention of the outside world with a dispatch he sent to Deseret News He told of Indian traditions of "a monster animal" that lived in Bear Lake but that had not been seen since buffalo inhabited the valley Several individual pioneer settlers had reported sightings, but they were given little credence. More recently, however, a party of four and then a group of ten " reliable persons whose veracity is undoubted" related that they had "distinctly" seen the monster sufficiently to describe it There have been other accounts since Rich's news story EzraJ Pouhen, Joseph C. Rich, Versatile Pioneer on the Mormon Frontier A Story ofAchievement under Difficulties (Salt Lake City: Granite Publishing Co., 1958), pp. 214-18; Ausdn E. Fife, "The Bear Lake Monster," Utah Humanities Review 2 (April 1948): 99-106

Monster lore thrives as a subject for historical/anthropological investigation and its literature increases It receives academic recognition in such things as a volume ol program papers ol a 1978 conference at the University of Bridsh Columbia Marjorie Halpin and Michael Ames, eds. Manlike Monsters on Trial Early Records and Modem Evidence (Vancouver tJniversity of British Columbia Press, 1980). For an anecdotal report on Bigfoot lore see Larry Woody, "Is There a Bigfoot*"/lOTmcan Way, Octoberl981, pp 142-47 A recent news item includes apresumed picture of a lake monster "The Quest of Ogopogo," Time September 18, 1989 One measure of the worldwide volume of writings on monster lore is given in the 4,450-item bibliography, George M. Eberhart, Monste>'s: A Guide to Information on Urmccountedfor Creatures, Including Btgfoot, and Other Irregular Animals {New York: Garland Publishing, 1983)

occurrence shortly after we made our camp there In the Springs village we found living 15 Mormon familes, and within about a mile there was a camp of 17 Bannock Indian families.^^

One evening upon returning from the day's work I found a couple of Mormon men awaiting me and bearing the request that my party come over and camp in their village They said that for two or three days the young bucks from the Indian camp had been riding about wearing feathers and paint and that some of them that day had passed back and forth through their village and had their guns with them I told them that the head man of the Bannocks had been getting a morning meal with us for several days, had had his breakfast with us that morning. This fact they said "rather increased their anxiety." So, I agreed to send over part of my party to sleep in their village, that they would go over after our supper The remainder of my party concluded to leave our tents standing, but to take our bedding out into the open and sleep on higher ground.

The next morning when our guest from the Indian camp came over to get some breakfast, we were all back in our tents I don't think that he ever knew of our action of the previous night We learned from him that morning almost entirely by sign language, that the Nez Perce Indians, under their celebrated Chief "Joseph" were sweeping around toward the Yellowstone Park and would pass not far to the north of us.' ^ Also he told us that some of the Bannock tribe were going tojoin our soldiers in the pursuit of the Nez Perce. It was this anticipation of service that had excited the Bannock and caused the parading which had alarmed the Mormon village My men who spent the night in the Mormon village learned that there were only two guns among the 15 families and very little ammunition. We concluded that their anxiety was not unreasonable in view of the Indians' conduct and with no explanation thereof ^^

There are several hundred square miles in the region of the Idaho Soda Springs which show evidence of the former existence of springs similar to the present active ones. These springs have received abundant notice since 1877. ... But I saw one performance there that I have never seen elsewhere, nor have I

The main center of the Bannocks was in southeastern Idaho By this time they were located principally on the Fort Hall and another reservadon. John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America (Washington, D.C: Government Priming Office, 1952), pp 398-99

Th e Nez Perce were on their epic defensive retreat from the United States Army which was driving them from the Sidmon River country in western Idaho Chief Joseph led them som e 1,500 miles eastward and northward before they were finally defeated and captured Francis Haines, The Nez Perces: Tribesmen of the Columbia Plateau [Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), pp. 241-82. Kintner reported the event with mino r variance but giving further detail " We left here [ Soda Springs] o n the morning of the 22d of July, after having had our bump s of excitability somewhat wrought upo n by an Indian scare which originated amon g the people of Soda Springs. It seems a half breed Indian had a misunderstanding with a worthless white man here and a fight ensued in which

oor Lo got the worst of the batde, and, Indian like, was bent on revenge if the whole settlement had to e sacrificed. There were about a hundre d and fifty or rwo hundre d Indians encamped near the village, and the warriors appeared in war paint and feathers and sent off their squaws and children (a sure sign of trouble), soweweretold. We were camped about a halfmile from the vdlage, and they sent a ma n out at dusk to ask us to come into town and help defend the place, but cis all our property would be exposed, we divided the party, sending five to town and four of us staying in camp, arme d with pistols and breech-loading snot guns Your correspondent stood guard, but not an incident occured to disturb the quiet of the lovely moonlight night, save the occasional howling of a coyote or the hooting of an owl on the mountain side." Bidlack and Cooley, "Th e Kintner Letters," p 169

ever seen mention of the same performance elsewhere. It was the action of common cattle, milk cows standing in the streams which carried the discharges from numerous carbonated springs. They would submerge their heads entirely when necessary to reach and tear up vegetation growing along the bottom ofthe stream. None ofmy party... had ever seen such action on the part of cattle. ^^

As we passed northward on our work, it brought us to the watershed which drained to Snake River and hence to the Pacific instead ofto the Salt Lake basin. The first tributary of the Snake reached was the Blackfoot a stream ever memorable because of its great abundance of fish. From the time of our camping, 5:00 o'clock, 40 lbs. offish were taken by 6:30, on that dayJuly 30. Salmon trout was the species About a month later (Sept 5) our work having carried us further to the west, we camped on the Portneuf, also discharging into the Snake It seemed equally full offish and just as easily taken

On Sept 7th the following most interesting and suggestive incident occurred. After making camp that day, I had ridden on in the direction of our travel for the morrow to select the best route for our advance I was passing along the outer edge of a small pond lying along the ridge which I wished to ascend. Suddenly a duck flew up from the bunch grass along the edge of the pond and I sawthat she had left several of her young nesting in the marsh graiss. I managed to catch two of them, and walked back and put them in open water. They both promptly dived and I did not see one ofthem again The other I saw close up to the edge of the pond apparently seeking concealment I thought it highly improbable that those young ducks had ever before seen a human being, but their action certainly indicated fear of them!

I then rode on around the pond and found a suitable place to ascend the ridge; and on top I found good going, with little glades and park-like areas, with trees ofseveral species, varyingfrom 5to 15inches in diameter I had gone only a short distance until my mule threw up her head and stopped still She had seen a deer about a 100 yards away, standing broadside and gazing at us. I dismounted, took my carbine from its holster and took a few steps to the front of my mule. When I cocked the gun the mule turned and walked a little way to my rear She did not like the report of a near rifle As the mule walked back the deer came nearer and offered aperfect target at about 80yards. My shot ended its career, "blotted out its universe." As in the case of the little ducks, I also doubt whether the deer could have seen many people. I was much impressed by the difference in behavior between the ducks and the deer. For whether either or both had had experience with their common enemy, the directing influence, instinct or intelligence which ever itwas seemed [to] be on the side of the little ducks

The deer added some fresh meat to our rations. By the next da/ s travel we

'^"Around several of the springs, when the air is sdll, the carbonic-acid gas accumulates in such quantities that birds alighting near them are poisoned It was found that less than two minutes were required to render grasshoppers unable to escape the poisonous depressions." Tillman, "Executive and Descripdve Report," p 1532

could have reached Ft HalP'' but concluded to camp a little short of the post, in order to dust off our equipment and freshen up ourselves before venturing into the more civilized life of any army post We camped early at about four miles from the post Shortly after camping the packer who [was] guarding the mules reported that he had heard at least 35 to 40 rifle shots in the direction of Fort Hall. Said that he knew it could not be target practice because the firing was too rapid and only continued a short time

We learned the next day the cause of the firing, and the incident is mentioned here only because it illustrates an extreme instance of inconvenience, which was experienced at more than one western post The firing referred to was due to an attempt to exterminate a colony of skunks that had availed [themselves] of homes in and around the nearby public buildings of [the post]. These animals usually came out of their dens at certain hours on fair days and made themselves a nuisance That day a squad of the post's best marksmen was detailed to kill as many of them as possible, hence the firing heard I forgot to get a record of the number killed

On Sept 12th the two topographers and myself ascended Mt Putnam, near Hall which was to be the most northern triangulation station of our season's work in that area We started very early and reached the summit at 8:00 A.M. The view afforded deserves a description beyond my powers. From the top, the mountain down 1,000 or 1,500 feet was in bright sunlight, while a dense fog concealed below that level for many miles in every direction. Above that level was the beautiful blue dome of a cloudless sky The seething and

FortHall, Idaho, early 1870s.W. H.Jacksonphotograph USHS collections.

The military Fon Hall, not to be confiised with a former trading post of the same name some twentyfive miles to its southwest, was located twelve miles to the east of present Blackfoot, Idaho. It was established in 1870 to maintain control over the Bannock and Shoshoni Indians on their reservation Francis Paul Prucha, A Guide to the Military Posts of the United States, 1789-1895 (Madison; State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1964), p 77; Herben M Hart, Pioneer Forts of the West (Seatde: Superior Publishing Company, 1967), pp 136-37

i Willard Youngjoined Tillman at Fort Hall in September 1877. USHS collections.

boiling of the fog produced great rolling waves and tumbling cumuli masses which could be seen for many miles over the lava covered desert Four or five volcanic peaks protruded through this great vapor ocean, giving the impression of "peaks of a sunken continent" At the far distant limit of vision the horizon line appeared circular and calm as that one views on a bright day in mid-ocean

At about this date, I received orders from Washington directing me to turn over my party to Lt Willard Young^^ and myself to proceed to Fort Ellis, Montana, establish a base there and carry a system of triangles back down to Ft Hall and connect up with our work in that area I was directed to take two men, a two horse wagon and the necessary instruments for the work I was authorized to use my own riding mule for conveyance. There was with my outfit only one spare mule, and so far as we knew he had never been ridden, though he had been packed a few times Under these conditions I suggested to Lt Young that he take my riding animal and that as I had considerably over a 200 miles ride ahead of me in the immediate future, that I could break the spare mule to the saddle This arrangement was accordingly adopted

'^Willard Young, a son of Brigham Young, was a member of the class of 1875, United States Military Academy #2553, Register of Graduates.

On Sept 18thwith the two horse wagon, one enlisted man and one of the packers and myself mounted on the spare mule we left Hall for Ft Ellis, Montana, the latter place being about 2°40' further north th£in the former.

My enlisted man was a German named Hans Gutman. He was a little below medium height, not in the least talkative, but not in the least ill-natured, but very confident in his own conclusions and entirely devoid of allkind of superstitions. The packer wa5 a tall, loosely built man 6'3" from Mo., and named McClure, stoop-shouldered, pleasingfeatures and typical S.W. speech, possessed of many local beliefs and other superstitions. They were both good workers and I found them interesting characters when I chose to dismount occasionally and ride with them in the wagon.

On the morning of our departure from Hall there was considerable interest among the members of my party, as well as among the residents [of the] post to see how the spare mule would behave when put under saddle.^^ There was some trouble in getting a halter on him but after that he was quite amenable and gave me little trouble in mounting him. After being in the saddle I had him led by his halter a short distance without his making any trouble. When the halter was released he showed that he did not fully understand the action of the bridle, but I at once concluded that he had been ridden before. This conclusion was further strengthened by his action when my two mule wagon drove out ofthe corral on to the road leading to Ellis, for by only a gentle manipulation of the reins he was induced to follow the wagon on to the road. I continued to ride behind the wagon for several miles from Hall, but all the while guiding him to the right or left by the reins

After proceeding thus for atime, Iconcluded toride infront ofthe wagon, both to set the pace of travel and also for the better teaching of my mule the function of the bridle, and to accustom him to my movements and changes of position in the saddle. For some distance after passing to the front, I had continually to use the bridle reins to keep him from turning around as he was inclined to do; but after a ¥i hour's handling of him in front of the wagon, changing his gait etc he seemed indifferent to the distance the wagon was behind. Such satisfactory progress was being made that I concluded that the animal was not [at] all vicious and that though not thoroughly broken he had been used under the saddle before, but not for sometime This I think was a correct conclusion

Later in the daywhen Iwcisabout 150 yds. in front of the wagon and on a long rather steep grade, I came to a fork in the road and drew a folded map from my haversack to decide which branch I should take. In putting the map back, there was produced the creak of folding paper. This frightened my mule and hewhirled short around, which increased the paper creak, and started on a run back up toward the approaching wagon. I tried to stop him by pulling straight back on each rein. Failing in that I undertook to pull him off the road so [as to] avoid a collision. This I did not succeed in doing. As he approached

'^"I was mounted on the uncertain mule, [who was] named Botde by my humorous packer because ' he always expected him to break his d neck,'" Lecture text, " Experiences in the Great West," March 18, 1893, Tillman Papers, Miami University Libraries, Oxford, Ohio

TheWheelerSurvey 159

the wagon the driver thereof very naturally slowed his team, which threw up the pole of the wagon and my mule plunged in under [the] breast chain of the offmule of thewagon, and was pretty wellwedged in between the pole and the off-mule. My saddle pommel caught by the breast chain was carried back toward my mule's tail and I dismounted as quickly as possible from his rear instead of at his side, entirely unhurt, but a sizable piece from the front of my overall was left on the breast chain. It was a very close call for me as the pole came very near piercing me

After getting the mix-up unscrambled and repairs made to one broken trace and one rein, and my mule again saddled and I in the saddle we proceeded on our way I directed my teamsters to come on atamoderate gait until they found me awaiting them atour next campingplace, which would be at the crossing of Snake River. I then set out iind gave my mule very strenuous exercise over the entire distance to the river. That ride too enabled me to give him excellent training I was able to make him familiar with the sound of an unfolding map, and also the sight of the same partly open. I also changed his gait from run to walk and then back/rom walkto ran, several times.

In due time the wagon with our bedding and supplies arrived at the camping place. That night we did not erect our tents but slept in the open with only our canvas bed covers above and below our bedding That night we had a rather unique experience, in the behavior of a large, handsome black and white skunk. Before I had gotten asleep, I ft^k something moving on the canvas at the foot ofmy bed. I carefully raised my head to seeto the foot of my bed and there sat this animal Before this, I had had some experience with this species, butwas never in such closeproximity to onewithoutbeingaa'ar^of it This fact interested me and I thought to deal gently with the beast

It sat humped up with its long bushy tail making a graceful curve well up into the air and had a broad white stripe extending from its head along its entire body which was black It made a pretty picture. After a few seconds I moved the canvas at my feet and it waddh^d off toward the bed of the soldier and climbed thereon at the foot and went its whole length and descended close by the man's head, and a few feet further on it passed by the bedding of McClure but did not go up on it As our wagon was parked just beyond McClure I thought it advisable to see that our visitor should not loiter in that vicinity, for so far it had left no evidence of its presence. So I arose and routing out both Hans and McClure we satisfied ourselves that it had left our vicinity. McClure assured me that such a harmless visit of a skunk was asuresign ofgood luck It was the first time that I became aware that a skunk was not always accompanied by a bad odor ....

After camping at Snake River on the 18th we pressed on toward Ellis

On the night of the 20 [we were] at Camas Creek which was a station of an overland stage line. The arrival of the stage at places as isolated as this was an event of the day On this occasion I was endeavoring to converse with an Indian, who spoke some Enghsh, and who had his sonwith him, anice looking boy 10 or 11 years old with bow and arrow. I said to the father, "Your son is a fine boy, grow up, be big man!"

Yes said the Indian, "May be, some day, he drive Stage."

Several days later I was riding well ahead of my wagon team and was ascending a narrow ridge over which the road passed. As I neared the top so as to see over, partly over, I discovered a squad of Indians near the top coming up on the other side. There were seven of them and they were not in the ordinary garb of reservation Indians They were all armed and their dress and equipment suggested a hostile group. The alarming thought came over me, and it was most alarming that they were a band of Nez Perce Indians who were then being pursued by the army and whose whereabouts was unknown to me and might be that region

I had come so close to them, so unexpectedly, that Iknew that ifthey were hostiles, there was little possibility of escape from them Accordingly I rode forward with adi the boldness that I could assume and very greatly relieved when they began to grunt out "How," to which I gladly responded the same. They proved to beof the Bannock tribe and were ofthe number that had joined our troops in the pursuit of the Nez Perce From them I obtained the first definite information of the result of the Nez Perce's campaign The Nez Perce had recently passed eastward in that section.

My party arrived at Ellis on the morning of Sept 28th and I was received with xhcgreatestcordiality by all the officers from the post commander down to the youngest lieut Two of the latter were associates of mine when we were cadets at West Point

From that date... to Oct 26th there were only 14 daysfairly suitable for our work and only ^A thesevieTefirst-class days. I and my soldier, amdmy packer did much hard work in those days, of which will be mentioned only the measurement, in both directions, of a base line, 4 miles long, and the leveling of the line and erecting substantial monuments at each end, the daytime ascent of Bridger Peak, and nighttime descent, the latter providing, in brilliant moonlight, remarkable effect

On Oct 26th I sawthat itwas too late in the season to accomplish the work prescribed and decided to close it and began packing to that end.^^ My two men and the wagon left for Ft Hall on the 27 I left at 3:00 A.M on the 29th for Virginia City by stage and reached there 8:00 PM. I there waited for my teamsters who arrived on Oct 30th, and after taking me aboard, continued on to a camp on Ruby Creek During the 25th the thermometer did not go above 32° On Nov 4th camped again at Camas Creek with 5" of snow in the morning On the morning of the 5th, two coyotes standing on a knoll about 275 yards from us, apparently becoming impatient that we did not leave the camp set up amost vociferous howling, throwing their heads rapidly from side to side between yelps, [so] that at our distance there seemed to be at least \^ dozen howlers

It is quite evident that by changing the direction of the sound by rapid throws of the head [it] would tend to deceive a listener as to the number of yelling animals. I and my two men concluded that morning, that had we not

The assignment "was not accomplished, owing to heavy fall of snow in the mountains." Tillman, "Executive and Descriptive Report," p 1533

The WheelerSurvey 161

been positively certain as to the number [v/e] might have felt certain that there [were] atleast three times or more coyotes than were really present I am quite certain that I have been deceived at times as to numbers by this rapid, tossing action of the head, also, often accompanied by a rotating action of the whole body.

Bysteady daily marches wegot back[to] Ft Hall on Nov. 7th. Myarrival at this date gave me three most interesting days the greater portion ofwhich were spent in watching the conduct of the Bannock Indians there assembled at the Agency to receive certain annuities which were then being distributed to them, a short distance from Ft Hall.^^ The heads of the families received the articles allotted to each family Upon my arrival at the point of distribution on the morning of the 8th some of the bucks were already riding about enrobed in varied colored blankets which had just been issued to them Before noon they had arranged a number of races, some of which were contested between mounted men and others between a mounted man and a runner on foot, the footman of course, receiving a certain distance at the start The races of both kinds were generally over long distances, as much as 5 or 6 miles. Such racing was of some interest, but not as exciting as more closely contested runs for shorter distances. While the bucks were disporting themselves in their new blankets, the squaws guarded the remainder of the family supplies

With ayoung officer of the post, who had been a pupil ofmine a few years before at West Point, we returned to the Agency after sundown and we then witnessed the gambling game of Cache which was being played by eight bucks, two sets offour, sittingon the ground in parallel lines about five feet apart with a spread blanket between them When the game started the players on each side set with forearm, from the elbow, pointing vertically upward. One set of fours had their fists tightly closed. The set had the lead and one of their number held in his hand a short stick(about two inches long Iwas told). The game required the opposite setoffours toguess in which ofthe eight uphfted hands contained that stick The side holding the stick of course, had concealed it entirely out of sight oftheiropponents

When the starting signal was given, the side holding the stick began swaying their trunks andupliftedarms from right to left accompanying it with a low monotonous note. Theguessers swayed their bodies inwith the holders and each guesser pointed a finger at one of the uplifted hands of the opposite side. After continuing this swaying motion for ashort time, one of the guessers with afingercontinually directed to aparticular uplifted hand, designates it as the hand holding the stick If the guesser correctly indicates the location of the stick, he has so to speak made atenstrike and the stick goes to his side, if hefails to point to the hand holding the stick, which he clearly has many chances to do, he loses for his side hyacertainamount, depending upon howmanyhands were between the one designated and the one holding the stick

If the few principles of the game as indicated in the above partial description are correct it is at once evident that the game is one of numerous possibi-

^'"The squaws came to the Agency from the camp, mainly on foot, and carried off on their backs the provisions that were issued to their respective families." Lecture text, "Experiences in the Great West"

lities. My friend did not profess much knowledge of the game but he said that it was afact that the same Indians always did the guessing for the same players, those individuals being picked out because of greater ability to see amd read changeof expression in their opponents, as for instance when a holder of the stick might give evidence of alarm should he see two or three of his opponents pointing at his hand, might cause him to change his expression. During my limited stay at Ft Hall I was not able to procure other information of the game of Cache, from the French "cacher." The stakes that evening at the game watched by us were piles of the newly issued blankets.

My friend was most anxious for me to visit the Agency the next morning, because he said that by that time the Indians would have had time to make certain changes in some of the articles of clothing issued to them to better adapt them to the purpose that they desired. Moreover he said that the changes made by the Indians indicated their advance in civilization It was a strange thing, he said, but as a rule the older Indians were advancing more rapidly than the younger in adopting the ways of civilized life. I did go out to the Agency the next morning and my friend was delighted and amused for we found exactly what he wished to show me He first pointed to ayoung Indian who had received a pair of old army trousers from our late interstate war [18]6I-65 He had cut off the legs of the trousers just below the knee, was wearing them as leggings or puttees and had discarded all the remainder of the pair.

Ogden, 1876, near 26th Street and Washington Boulevard USHS collections. The growing railroad town and northern Utah commercial center would have looked like this to Tillman who arrived and departedfrom here on his Wheeler Survey tour ofduty in 1877.

Now, said my friend I hope we will see how an old man treats his trousers ifwe are so fortunate as to see one. Pretty soon we saw an old man approaching with a blanket over his shoulders and ai)parendy wearing a complete pair of trousers Now, said my friend, he has tailored his old trousers quite differently from the way the young man treated his His blanket hides all his tailoring, which consisted in cutting out a large piece from the rear seat, but retaining the front and the legs entire. Now the agent, my friend said, considers that this old man has advanced much more rapidly than the young one and the agent terms all those who have tailored their trousers like this old [man] "grangers." We saw other Indians, both bucks and squaws wearing corn or meal sackswith the mill signs still on them.

On Nov 10th I, with my two employees, left Ft Hall for Ogden and reached this town on the evening of the 13th. Here I parted from these two men, McClure and Gutman, who had been constantlywith me since Sept 18th and almost my sole companions. I have already referred to some of their characteristics, one of which was McClure's superstitions and I now wish to say that he also possessed an active imagination, two illustrations of which I here insert Ist seeing me arranging to shoot at some passing wild geese, he said, "Lieut, do not shoot them, they are so poor at this time of the year that they would lodge in the air;'' and again, one morning when we were directly west of the Teton Mountains, aswe arose from our beds theyet unrisen sun was sending its beams close by the tops of the mighty group and high into the blue dome above. McClure calls to me saying, Lieut look, you can count six feathers in the Tetons' cap this morning. Both these conceptions show an active imagination, the latter one was being highly poetic as well: 1 st the conception of afalling body lodging in the air; 2nd the conversion of the" streaks of morning light" into feathers many hundred of miles long.

I bade my two faithful employees good-by on Nov. 15^^ and left for Washington where I arrived on Nov. 20th, 1877. From this date untiljuly 17th, 1878 I was busily occupied in the Waishington office with the astronomical, barometric, and triangulation computations of the different field parties

Wilford Woodruff, 1853.

USHS collections.

Wilford Woodruff, Intellectual Progress, and the Growth of an Amateur Scientific and Technological Tradition in Early Territorial Utah

BY THOMA S G ALEXANDE R

Dr Alexander is professorof history and director of the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies at Brigham Young University The author expresses his appreciation for the assistance in the research for this paper of Ian Barber, Jenny Lund, Bryan Taylor, and Rick Fish, as well as secretarial and editing assistance from Kris Nelson, and the financial assistance of the College of Family, Home, and Social Science and the History Department at Brigham Young University and of Gary Bergera and George Smith of Signature Books This paper is part ofa larger study commissioned by Signature Books, which is expected to lead to a biography of Wilford Woodruff. Documents from the LDS Church Archives are used by permission

I N GENERAL, HISTORICAL WORKS THAT CONSIDERTHE FULL RANGE oftOpic S on Utah's early development—the years from settlement in 1847 through Brigham Young's death in 1877—seem to lack a satisfactory general framework for integrating the discussion of intellectual, scientific, formal cultural, and technological life into the broader picture This condition seems to have resulted from the inadequacy of the prevailing general interpretation to include the broad extent of those changes in the usucd context within which scholars have placed Utah's historical development In genersJ, historians havetended to see Utah societyasisolatedfrom themain currentsofintellectual, scientific, high cultural, and technological change in the outside world and have assumed that Mormon leaders, who tended to dominate the community during those years, favored that isolation and were antagonistic to changes taking place in the world outside the Mountain West^

There is, however, readilyavailableevidencewithwhich to fashion 2m alternate interpretation something like this: Building the Latter-day Saint kingdom in the Mountain West constituted the principal goal of virtually all of Utah's mid- to late-nineteenth-century community leaders. For that reason, in spite of the preference Utah leaders might have shown for isolation or local control in certain areas, particularly politiccil and social life, in most fields having to do with economic innovation, technological development, and high culture, interaction rather than isolation wasthe norm Moreover, incertain fields, particularly certain large-scale economic ventures, agricultural and technological innovation, high culture, and the growth of basic knowledge, leaders favored interaction and borrowing, not isolation.^

Some of the evidence for this interpretation can be culled from existing studies. At least since Leonard Arrington's Great Basin Kingdom historians have recognized that Utah leaders facilitated certain types of change longbefore theattackon their peculiar institutions forced them to do so. We have known, for instance, that the leaders brought in machinery for the manufacture of sugar and iron They favored the development of a transcontinental stage line and a transcontinental

'This, for instance, is the general frameworkunderpinning the latest study of the early years of Utah territorial development See Eugene E Campbell, Establishing Ziorv The Mormon Church in the American West, 1847-1869 (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1988), especially chaps \2 and 13 In summarizing Brigham Young's "hard-headed practicality," Campbell argues that Young was determined "to achieve economic independence," p 329

^In this discussion, I would differentiate between i he normal activities of everyday life for the average Latter-day Saint villager, such as subsistence farming, community social events, and church activities, and major developmental projects requiring technologica innovations, such as stage lines, the telegraph, improvement of milling techniques, iron and sugar manufacture, and the railroad

telegraph, and they facilitated the construction of the transcontinental railroad. They introduced plants and anim2dsfrom outside.^ In each of these and other efforts, they cooperated with non-Mormons.

Other innovations required outside borrowing as well. Architectural styles favored in Utah homes and public buildings tended to follow national and international trends.^ Moreover, therecentwork on Mormon townsindicates that significant economicand spatial developments in the towns fit quite easily within the general market economy and that most towns followed a variety of patterns common to other areas of the United States and were not what we generally perceive as uniquely Mormon settlements.^

Instead of making these insights the basis for areinterpretation of Utah's relationship with the outside world that could include discussions of scientific, intellectual, formal cultural, and technological patterns, scholars have continued to stress isolation. In textbooks including a broad range of activities, scholars have ordinarily tacked discussions of intellectual, scientific, technological, and high cultural topics on the end ofchapters ortreated them in separate chapters.^ This may be because they do not fit the pattern dictated by the isolationist thesis, or it may be that, following older models of what constituted history, they stressed political life and local economic development to the exclusion oftechnology and formal culture. Whatever the reason, it ismy belief that a reexamination of generalizations based on the isolationist model is long overdue and that any interpretation that posits isolation as the norm in Utah life needs revision. If an interpretation based on the concept of building the kingdom were adopted, it would be quite easyto integrate cooperation, because anythingthat promoted the welfare of Utah citizens, whether borrowed from outside or

See, for instance, Leonard ]. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: A n Economic History ofthe Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp 116-20, 236; and Davis Bitton and Linda Wilcox, " The Transformation of Utah's Agriculture, I847-I900," in Thomas G Alexander and John F. Bluth, eds.. The Twentieth Century American West: Contributions to an Understaruiing (?ro\o, Ut: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1983), 62-65

Thomas Carter and Peter Goss, Utah's Historic Architecture, 1847-1940 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988); and Peter Goss, ed., "Toward an Architectural Tradition," Utah Historical Quarterly 43 (1975): 208-327; Bitton and Wilcox, "The Transformation of Utah's Agriculture."

^Michael S Raber, "Family Life and Rural Society in Spring City, Utah: The Basis of Order in a Changing Agrarian Landscape," in Jessie L Embry and Howard A Christv', eds. Community Development in the American West: Past and Present, Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Frontiers (Provo, Ut.: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1985), pp 135-62; and Lowell C Bennion, "A Geographer's Gradual Discovery ofGr^a/ Basin Kingdom" [pdiper presented at a symposium on Great Basin Kingdom, Utah State Universitv', May 1988), copy in author's possession

'The fullest treatment of these topics in comparison with the sizx of the book is found in Dean L May's Utah- A People's History (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987) See the chapters on culture in Richard D Poll, Thomas G Alexander, Eugene E Campbell, and David E Miller, eds Utah's History (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978)

involvingcooperationwithextraterritorialelements,would be perceived as legitimate.

Perhaps because intellectual, scientific, high cultural, and technological achievement do not fit within the isolationist model, historians dealing with such topics in nineteenth-century Utah have usually focused on single rather than multiple topics That is, they are not ordinarily wellintegrated into thegeneral historyoftheterritory. Thus, we find an article on agriculture by Davis Bitton and Linda Wilcox, Lester Bush's work on medicine, and the studies of Peter Goss and Thomas Carter on architecture.''

We also have studies of the achievements of particular individuals for instance, the intellectual roleofOrson Pratt,^ the educational attainments of Lorenzo Snow, who studied at Oberlin College, and women physicians like Martha Hughes Cannon and Ellis Reynolds Shipp.^ Studies of education include considerations ofJohn R Park, president of the University of Deseret; German immigrants Karl G. Maeser and Louis Moench at Brigham Young Academy and Weber StaikeAcademy; and teachers likeOrson Spencer, who helc' a,) D from Hamilton Baptist Literary and Theological Seminary.^°

Beyond this, historians have given some attention to certain technological and scientific innovations and to the organizations designed to facilitate education and change. Articles have considered nurserymen such asJoseph E. Johnson of St George and Luther S. Hemenway of Salt Lake City in the context of agricultural development^^ Discussions have focused on the technology of iron and sugar manufacture and on thework ofengineers likeFrederick Kesler. Other authors have treated the influence of national and international architectural styles. Some studies have dealtwith organizations such as the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society and the Polyso-

'Bitton and Wilcox, "The Tranformation of Utah's Agriculture, pp 57-83: Lester Bush, "Brigham Young in Life and Death: A Medical Overview," Journal ofMormon History 5 (197 S): 79-103; Carter and Goss, Utah's Historic Architecture; and Goss, ed., "Toward an Architectural Tradition"

^Breck England, The Life and Thought ofOrson Pratt (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), pp. 10, 11, 13, 15-16, 100-102, 72-73

^Eliza R Snow, Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Printers, 1884), pp 4-6; Claudia L Bushman, Mormon Sisters: Women in Early Utah (Cambridge, Mass.: Emmeline Press, 1976); Vicky Burgess-Olson, ed Sister Saints (Provo, Ut: Brigham Young University Press, 1976)

'°RalphV Chamberlin, TheUniversity ofUtah-A Hit tory ofIts First Hundred Years, 1850-1950, ed Harold W Bentley (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1960); Ernest L Wilkinson, ed., Brigham Young University: The First One Hundred Years, 4 vols (Provo, Ut: Brigham Young University Press, 1975-76); RichardW Sadler, Weber State College: A Centennial History (Salt Lake City: Publisher's Press, 1988); England, Orson Pratt, p 74

"Bitton and Wilcox, "The Transformation of Utah's Agriculture," p 64-65

phical Society. Some works have considered medical innovations.^^ In general, articles dealingwith formal culture havealsofocused on single topics, for instance, studies of theWasatch Literary Society and the Salt Lake Theatre.^^Again, a common feature of these studies is that they treat singletopics and thattheydo not generalize over theentire society, perhaps because they do not fit within the general interpretation of the isolation of Utah society

There is, of course, considerable justification for the prevailing interpretation emphasizing isolation. After all, Utahleaders resisted the appointment of outsiders as territorial officials, the movement of federal troops into the territory, trading with non-Mormons, and reliance on consumer goods imported from outside. Sermons by Brigham Young, Daniel H. Wells, and Jedediah M. Grant called the gentiles wicked and discouraged trade with them.^* Leaders in the Mormon church went as far as to excommunicate some members, including leaders of the Godbeite movement whowanted to encourage free enterprise, facilitate cooperation with non-Mormons, and enter into various mining and merchandising ventures.'^

Ideologically disposed to organize a separate community, the Mormons intended neither to setup atwo-paity system nor to relinquish political control to outsiders after Congress created Utah Territory in 1850. On several occasions Brigham Young emphasized that instead of offering two candidates for election, the Saints should meet together and agree on a single nominee for each political office The two-party system, he said, was Satan's plan, inaugurated in the preexistence when Lucifer rebelled against the authority of God smd Christ ^^ Parley P. Pratt emphasized a similar point in December 1852 when he argued that priesthood authority was the only true basis for governments^

' LeonardJ Arrington, "The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society in Pioneer Utah" Utah Historical Quarterly 24 (1956): 165-70; and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, "The Polysophical Society: A Phoenix Imrequent," Encydia 58 (1981): 145-53 A number of articles have considered various technological innovations. See Morris A. Shirts and William T. Parry, "The Demise of the Deseret Iron Company: Failure ofthe Brick Furnace Lining Technology," Utah Historical Quarterly 56 (\9%%): 23-35; Chariest Schmalz, "The Failure of Utah's First Sugar Factory," ibid., pp 36-53; and Kimberly Day, "Frederick Kesler, Utah Craftsman," ibid., pp 55-74; Robert T Divetl, Medicine and the Mormons: An Introduction to the History ofLatterday Saint Health Care (Bountiful, Ut: Horizon Publishers, 1981); Bush, "Brigham Young in Life and Death," pp 79-103; on the architectural tradition see Goss, ed., "Towaird an Architectural Traditioa"

Ronald W Walker, "Growing Up in Early Utah: The Wasatch Literary Association, 1874-1878," Sunstone 6 (November 1981): 44-51; and Therald Francis Todd, "The Operation ofthe Salt Lake Theatre, 1862-1875," (Ph.D diss. University of Oregon, 1973)

Journal ofDiscourses, 26 vols (Liverpool and London: F.D Richards, etjd., 1855-86): 2:312, 3:234, 9:301-3, 11:300

The best treatments ofthe Godbeite movement are Ronald W Wadker, "The Godbeite Protest in the Making of Modern Utah" (Ph D Dissertation, University of Utah, 1977); and idem., "The Commencement ofthe Godbeite Protest: Another View," Utah Historical Quarterly 42 (1974): 217-44

' Voodruff,./owma( 4: 25, 51

"woodruff Journal 4: 162-70

Lion and Beehive houses, 185 7, with smaller office building between. USHS collections.

The physical facilities for the territorial government reinforced the union of church and state that existed in nineteenth-century Utah. Shortly after arriving in Utah the Saints had constructed a Council House across the street south of the temple block They prepared a room in the building for the deliberations ofthe Council of Fifty about the affairs ofthe territory, and the First Presidency and Twelve also met in the building until December 1854 when they dedicated an upper room in Brigham Young's new offices, presumably in the building between the Lion and Beehive houses ^^

It should be noted, however, that in each of these cases, while Utahns resisted certain types of outside contacts, the contacts—often with accompanying conflict—came nevertheless. In some cases, especially in economic activity, the Mormons promoted the contacts themselves. In the 1850s some Mormons financed gold mining expeditions to Californias^ Prominent Mormons like Salt Lake Mayor William Jennings were heavily involved in mining, milling, and smelting, and recent estimates byJ. Kenneth Davies indicated that perhaps 40 percent ofthe miners working in representative districts were Mormons. Moreover, within four years ofthe Godbeite protest, after the immediate and economically wrenching changes wrought by the transcontinental railroad wereover, Brigham Youngand other church leaders had begun to urge Mormons to engage in mining as well.^^

'

^It is not always clear in Woodruff s diary whether the Council he referred to was the Council of the Twelve or the Council of Fifty On February 21, 1851, however, he reported the "Elders [W.I.] Appleby, [Daniel H.] Wells, [James] Allen, &[F A.] Hammon d was Admitted into our Council." Since these were not members of the Council of the Twelve, I assume he meant the Council of Fifty Woodruff,yowma( 4: 14 See also 4: 52 On the dedicadon ofthe room in Young's office see ibid., 4: 295, December 17, 1854

'^J Kenneth Davies, Mormon Gold: The Story of California's Mormon Argonauts (Salt Lake City: Olympus Publishing, 1984)

^"interview with Davies who sampled the backgrounds of miners; Walker, "The Godbeite Protest," p 239; Thomas G. Alexander and James B. Allen, Mormons and Gentiles: A History of Salt Lake City (Boulder, Colorado: Pruitt Publishing Co., 1984), pp 70, 90-91

Thus, the significant interpretive question is not whether Utah's leaders favored insularity in certain cases. They most certainly did. Itis, rather, whether these examples should serve asthe basis for the general interpretation of Utah's relationship with the remainder ofthe world, whether the categories in which they favored contaas and interaction are really not more representative ofthe general condition, and whether the effort tobuild thekingdom did not require isolation in certain areas and extensive interaction in others

It is in this context then that this paper seeks to demonstrate that the outside innovations, many ofwhich Utahns warmlywelcomed, had far more significant long-term consequences than the insularity they sought in certain cases. Moreover, Iwould argue that interaction aimed at building the kingdom rather than isolation from the outside world ought to be seen as the norm and that historians need to move to a revised interpretation emphasizing interaction when it facilitated development of the kingdom.

Sinceitwould be impossible in the scopeofajournal articlefully to cover the instances ofinteraction and the rationale behind it, Iintend to argue thisthesisbythecasestudy approach. Iwilldo that byfocusing on the activities of Wilford Woodruff who served as a leader in organizations designed to promote such contacts and such internal changes. In this regard, Iwould argue that his career can serveasacasestudy for the larger community because, far from being amarginal figure. Woodruff was an ultra-orthodox member ofthe Council ofthe Twelve Apostles and a close confidant of Brigham Young and other Utah community leaders. As such, his actions and attitudes represented something as close to an official point of view as one might imagine As a noted community leader, in facilitating these changes he furthered what he and other LDS leaders perceived as the interests of Utah society in general and the LDSchurch in particular. In order to support the point, after I have detailed W^oodrufPs activities, I will present several representative corroborating examples to show thatWoodruff activities were typical of others in the community who joined the organizations in which heworked, accepted the innovations he and his associates made, cmd adopted the changes he promoted.

In the past, historical studies have focused on some ofWoodruff s activitiesinisolation, without interpreting thebroader patterns to which they belonged. Scholars have cited his fame as a gardener and horticulturadistwithin the topic ofagricultutcd change, have pointed out that he served for a time as president ofthe Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, or havedetailed theevents surrounding the Manifesto

of 1890 and the granting of Utah statehood as awatershed between the earlier isolationism and the later integration with the nation.^^ Studies that have interpreted his actions in a broader context have ordinarily emphasized his role as missionary and church leader.^^

In order to understand Woodruffs disposition to promote those outside contacts that allowed him to become aprime mover in facilitatingcooperation inthe interest ofthe kingdom, itisimportant to understand his background. Born inAvon, Connnecticut, on March 1, 1807, Wilford was the third son of Bulah Thompson and Aphek Woodruff, both of prominent Farmington River Valley families Although Bulah died in a spotted fever epidemic shortly after Wilford's birth and financial reverses in the aftermath ofthe War of 1812 reduced Aphek's status from upper-class Avon entrepreneur to middle-class Farmington manager, the elder Woodruff and his second wife, Azubah Hart, daughter of another prominent family, expected education to improve their children's condition. Aphek and Azubah gave their offspring the best education the local community could offer, and the extended family shared a pro-educational attitude with Aphek's brother, Ozem, serving on the Farmington school cornmittee.^^

Connecticut undoubtedly had one ofthe best educational systems in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century United States To supplement local taxation Connecticut towns supported common schools through an endowment created bysellingtownships inthe state and land from theWestern Reserve in eastern Ohio.^^ Closely associated with the religious establishment, school societies functioned as adjuncts ofthe local Congregational religious societies.^^Thus, in addition to the standard subjects of grammar, spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography, the students studied the Bible and heard lectures from ministers.^^

^'Bitton and Wilcox, "The Transformation of Utah's Agriculture," p 62; Arrington, "The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society," p 167; Edward Leo Lyman, Political Deliverance: The Mormon Quest for Utah Statehood (Xirhdiixdc University of Illinois Press, 1985).

^^Matthias F Cowley, Wilford Woodruff: History ofHis Life and Labors (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1964); Francis M Gibbons, Wilford Woodruff- Wondious Worke'; Prophet of God (Salt Lake Ciry: Deseret Book, 1988)

^^" School Society Record Book Vol 1 st, .January 19, 1796", "Record Book of the First School Society from 1795 to 1855 (MS, Farmington Room, Farmington Town Library, Farmington, Connecticut), pp 1, 29, 30, 49

^*Mabel S. Hurlburt, Farmington Town Clerks and Their Times (1645-1940) (Hartford: Finlav Brothers. 1943), p. 120; Christopher P. Bickford, Farmington in Connecticut (Canaan, New Hampshire: Phoenix Publishing, 1982), p. 214.

^'Mabel S. Hurlburt, Farmington Church and Town (Stonington, Conn.: Pequot Press, 1967), p. 46.

^''Julius Gay, Schools and Schoolmasters in Farmington in the Olden Time, Connecticut School Document Number 13 (n p., 1892), p 12; "School Visitors Records," First School Society, Regulations MS, 1805-1846, no paginadon, Farmington Room, Farmington Town Library

Because of his own and his family's interest, Wilford enjoyed an educational experience uncommon in early nineteenth-century America After beginning common (what we would call elementary) schoolinAvon,Wilford moved with hisfamily toFarmington, following his father's financial reverses. There he continued his education until agefourteen, takinghim through theeighth grade ThenWilford moved into the home of George Cowles. Scion ofone of thewealthiest families in Farmington, Cowles presided over extensive merchandising, farming, and promotional interests He also served in the Connecticut General Assembly, and he helped to finance the Farmington Canal which created an inland waterway from New Haven, Connecticut, to Northhampton, Massachusetts. Cowles agreed to send young Wilford to school during the winter in return for work on his farm during the summer. For at least part ofthe time Wilford attended the Farmington Academy, as did his brother Thompson and his half-brother and halfsister, Philo and Eunice.^^

Supported by a private endowment and tuition, the Farmington Academy provided advanced education for selected young men and women. It offered instruction in subjects such as chemistry, mineralogy, algebra, geometry, natural philosophy, rhetoric, history, surveying, Latin, and Greek. At its establishment in 1815 Wilford's uncle Ozem had signed as one of the incorporators in company with Gov. John Treadwell, Solomon Cowles (George's father), Timothy Pitkin (a Connecticut congressman), Noadiah Woodruff (a distant relative),^^ and others. By 1828 George Cowles, Wilford's patron, was one ofthe academy trustees.^^

Wilford continued his work-study program with George Cowles until June 1823. After that, Aphek arranged for Wilford to live with Andrew Mills ofWest Hartford, the town adjoining Farmington on the east Wilford did chores for Mills in the morning and evening for his

Wilford Woodruff, "Autobiography of

Woodruff' (photocopy

MS furnished by Signature Books), p 16; Simeon Hart,

of Scholars in the Schools Taught by S Hart,"(MS, Farmington Room, Fcirmington Town Librarv), entries for various terms commencing Mav 1823, November 1823, May 1824, November 1824, February 1825, May 1825, August 1825, November 1825, February 1826, and November 1826; ending April 1827; commencing May 1827; ending September 1828; commencing September 1828; ending April 1829 During this period Wilford and Thompson attended only one quarter each Unfortunately, the currently surviving records ofthe academy do not extend earlier than May 1823 when Cowles was suppordng Wilford's education Eunice and Philo attended regularly Catalogue ofthe Trustees, Instructers jsicj, and Students ofFarmington Academy, January 8, 1829 {n.p., n.d.); "Report of Committee re Society & School house, adj Society meeting December 1, 1815 Read, accepted and approved" MS file, CSLRG69:25, Farmington Academy, 1815, 1849 Bickford File, Farmington Room, Farmington Town Library

Catalogue ofthe Trustees, Instructers, and Students of Farmington Academy, February 6, 1828 (n.p., n.d Farmington Room, Farmington Town Library)

Wilford

of

J r "An Account

Wilford Woodruff 173

board and room and spent his days at school. After a bout with homesickness, Wilford continued his education there through the spring of 1824. He again attended school during the winter of 1825-26 while at home recuperating from an accident^'^

AtageeighteenWilford ended hisformal schooling, though hewas to participate in adult education programs at other times in his life. An uncommon formal education for a nineteenth-century American youth, his experience approximated the completion of high school. This schooling made him one of the best educated of the nineteenthcentury Mormon leaders and better educated than any of the nineteenth-century LDS church presidents except Lorenzo Snow, who attended Oberlin College.^^

In addition to hisformal education Wilford gained basic technical training as a mechanic and agricultursJist Aphek and Ozem operated mills in Farmington and Avon and taught Wilford and his older brothers, Azmon and Thompson, tooperate and repair the machinery. Wilford himself ran mills inAvon and ColHnsville, Connecticut, before moving to Richland, NewYork, tooperate afarm withAzmon. Wilford and his brothers had worked on a farm their father owned in Avon; additionally, Wilford had farmed for both Cowles and Mills in his student days.

Woodruff continued his education throughout the nineteenth century. As he moved from Connecticut to New York and on to Kirdand, Ohio; Liberty, Missouri; and Nauvoo, Illinois—and throughout his various missions—he read widely on both religious and secular topics. He carried a trunk mostly filled with books to Missouri on the Zion's Camp expedition, and on Dec(^mber3I, 1834, he dedicated the books togetherwith his other property aspart ofhis consecration to the United Order, "that Imay be alawful heir to the Kingdom of God even the Celestial Kingdom." Shortly thereafter, in 1835,heleft for a mission in the upper South, principally in Tennessee and Kentucky. There he continued his self-education, reading, observing, and taking lessons in shorthand.^^

After moving to Kirtland in 1836, he pursued his education further. Under instructions from Joseph Smith, church members

Woodruff, "Autobiography," pp 17-18

wilford

1983-85), 1:16

LeonardJ Arrington, ed The Presidents ofthe Church {Sa.h Lake City. Deseret Book, 1986), p 148 Joseph Smith ana Brigham Young had very litde formal education; John Taylor attended school to age fourteen before apprenticing as a cooper and later as a wood-turner Ibid., pp 76-77

'Woodrufi, Journal of Wilford Woodruff, ed Scott G Kenney, 9 vols (Midvale, Ut: Signature Books,

concluded that to achieve salvation they had to educate themselves and their children.^^ Thus, in addition to supporting common schools for theyouth, prominent priesthood holders attended adult education classes themselves. These included the School of the Prophets, a seminary for missionaries and leaders that started in January 1833; the School for Elders, a training ground for missionaries and ministers that opened in November 1834; and a Hebrew School under Professor Joshua Seixas that began inJanuary 1836 Participants in these classes coupled the study of religious topics with the learning of languages, grammar, writing, philosophy, government, literature, geography, and history.^'^

In 1834 church leaders started the Kirdand School, offering high school leveleducation toadult men and women Opened in December, the Kirtland School moved totheatticofthe temple inNovember 1836. The curriculum paralleled the academic training Wilford had received inFarmington duringthe1820s.This schoolinitiallyoffered instruction to about 100 scholars, about a third more than at the Farmington Academy, which served a population twice the size.^^ Instead of ben^ fitting the children of elite families, however, this bootstrap operation catered to impoverished Latter-day Saint adults Taking advantage of this opportunity, Wilford returned to studying Latin and Greek grammar at the Kirdand School in December 1836. Absorbing the language study, he began to use some Latin phrases in hisjournal.^^

WhileWilford served a mission in the East, the Saintswere driven from northern Missouri. He returned in time to move with them to Montrose, Iowa, and Nauvoo, Illinois. Then, responding to a call in 1840,Wilford left Nauvoo for England with themajority ofthe Council ofthe Twelve, to which he had been ordained in 1838.

On his mission in England he proselytized principally in Staffordshire, Herfordshire, and London. While preaching in Staffordshire from January through March 1840 he also took time to learn what he could about the region by touring a silk factory in New Casde and Copeland's Pottery works in Stoke.^^ In addition, he observed the coal mines and iron foundries ofthe midlands around Birmingham

^''lbid.,pp 264-72

^^Ibid, pp 272-73

^Voodruff,yowma( 1: 111, 112, 119, 125, 141

"ibid., 1: 412, 414-15

Milton V Backman, J r The Heavens Resound: A History ofthe Latter-day Saints in Ohio, 1830-1838 (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983), p 263

In many ways, the most significant aspect of his missionary experience in London came from the numerous places the curious Woodruff visitedand thethings helearnedabout theworld around him. ForWoodruff and other nineteenth-centurymissionaries, proselytizing work did not consist of knocking on doors, passing out tracts, and holding cottage meetings. Rather, they made personal contacts in the streets, preached in large gatherings, or met prospective converts through introductions by friends. He and his colleagues also spent considerable time acquainting themselveswiththecultural and intellectual life of the places they visited. Not incidentally, the missionaries walked a great deal, and, if Woodruff s experience is any indication, they thought and reflected while they trudged from place to place

Time had a fundamentally different meaning to early nineteenthcentury missionaries than it does to most late twentieth-century Americans Walkinglongdistances seemed routine, andvisiting various sites and absorbing both secular and religious learning became an expected part of the missionary experience. While in London, Woodruff, who had always been an avid reader of secul, - ds well as religious books, spent considerable time visiting and pursuing knowledge insuch placesastheBritish Museum (wherehebecame intimately acquainted with the Keeper of Egyptian Antiquities), the College of Surgeons at Lincolns Inn Field (where one of the converts took the missionaries on a personal tour), St Paul's Cathedral (which he and Heber C. Kimball measured), other churches, the Tower of London, Buckingham Palace, the Queen's Stables, and the National Gallery of Art He spent time with Heber C. Kimball visiting sites in Woolwich where hewas particularly interested in adeviceused to test the strength of anchor chains and cables.^^

Most important, perhaps. Woodruff sawabsolutely no incongruity in combining what we would see today as the separate spheres of religious and secular into asingle component ofhislife. In Kirdand, for instance, the use of the temple for both secular education and deeply spiritual rituals and experiences symbolized the undifferentiated temporal and religious life devout Mormons lived. In a number of revelations Joseph Smith made clear the congruence of the temporal and thespiritual. Speakingfor theLord, hereported inSeptember 1830: "verily Isayuntoyou that allthings unto me arespiritual, and not at any time have I given unto you a law which was temporal." Speaking of

Adam, he said, "no temporal commandment gave I unto him, for my commandments are spiritual; they are not namral nor temporal . .."^^ Under these circumstances devoted converts like Woodruff lived inapsychically undifferentiated secular and religiousworld, aworld we might call, for want ofa better word, temporo-spiritual No effective separation existed between religiousand secularconcepts. Forinstance, nearly 80 percent ofthe revelations announced byJoseph Smith contained some economic instruction."^^ Thus, Woodruff and his colleagues found absolutely no incongruity in attending Latin and Greek classes in the temple on one day; lectures on the physical improvement of Kirtland on the next; and deeply moving mystical, prophetic, and charismatic experiences the following evening.

Given his educational, professional, and avocational interests, Wilford became acitizen ofwhat Daniel Boorstin called"The Republic ofTechnology."*^ Boorstin'sanalysis confined thescopeofthe republic to the United States. Woodruffs experiences, however, included the trans-Atlantic culture within its realm Early literary, agricultural, and mechanical education prepared him to participate in the scientific and technological changes taking place in the Western world. Because Woodruff engaged in a nineteenth-century form of missionary labor, which included aheavy dose ofculturad self-education at the same time that heworshiped and labored in the serviceofhis God, he appreciated firsthand thetechnological changes spreadingfrom Lancashire and the English midlands to the rest ofthe world and the ancient curiosities of the British Museum. His educational background, religious views, and curiosity gave him access to the spawning beds of change and a fram^ work for incorporating the changes into his intellectual world.

Although he began to manifest some of these changes in his daily life in Nauvoo, where he belonged to the Nauvoo Manufacturing Society and where he andJohn Taylor edited and published the Times and Seasons, it was in Utah during the 1850s that he moved to the forefront in promoting education and in introducing scientific and technological change. In theseactivities hebecame both aprime mover and a model.

AffirstWoodruff sinterests ranged overawidearea, but gradually his concerns focused on improving access to knowledge and in intro-

Doctrine and Covenants, 29: 34-35

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 5-6

Daniel Boorsdn, The Republic ofTechnology: Reflections ofOur Future Community {New York Harper and Row, 1978), p 3

ducingagricultural change.Although other scientific and technological change belonged to his general world, he usually left other sorts of innovation tocolleaguesandfriends. Inthiscontextweshould not think of him as a scientist or inventor. Although he did propagate certain useful plants, he served principally as a transmitter of knowledge, innovations, and techniques that originated with others, often people living outside Utah. In addition, he facilitated the introduction of new ideas by helping to promote conditions conducive to change.

Woodruff belonged to a number of organizations through which he promoted educational, scientific, and technological change: the Board of Regents of the University of Deseret (later the University of Utah), the Universal Scientific Society, the Utah Horticultural Society the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, the Deseret Typographical Society, the Deseret Theological Institute, and the Polysophical Society. He served as president ofthe USS, the UHS and the DA and MS.

Perhaps Woodruffs earliest organized effort at educational improvement in Utah came from his involvement as a member ofthe Board of Regents ofthe University of Deseret Between 1852 and 1869 theuniversity remained largely dormant, sotheboard focused itsattention on other educational matters that Utah leaders believed would improve conditions in the community, among them orthography.*^

''^The best article on the subject is Douglas D Alder, Paula J Goodfellow, and Ronald G Watt "Creating a New Alphabet for Zion: The Origin ofthe Deseret Alphabet," Utah Historical Quarterly 52 11984): 278-86 Utah Territory, Governor, "Governor's Messages, 1851-1876," p 42, bound typescripts, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, RGTE-I 00.19 One commentator argued "ifthe Deseret Alphabet was not a vehicle for isolation it was at least a radical departure from the national mainstream." Personal correspondence in my possession That is irrelevant to the question ofthe motivation of those who developed the Deseret Alphabet Efforts by Benjamin Franklin and Theodore Roosevelt were also outside the national mainstream, but no one to my knowledge has accused ihem of favoring isolation

Educational classes were held in the Kirtland, Ohio, temple. USHS collections.

At the organization of the board in 1850 and at other times, including hisannual message asgovernor in 1855, Brigham Young, like Benjamin Franklin and Theodore Roosevelt, expressed concern about the lack of phonetic consistency in English orthography. Efforts to deal with the problem seemed unsatisfactory to Young and other community leaders. InApril 1853 the regents and others met to discuss spelling—or more correctly—orthographic reform. From November 1853 until February 1856, when a decision was made to prepare children's readers intheDeseretAlphabet, to 1868,when bookswere finally printed Woodruff, other interested parties, and the regents worked on problems associated with the invention and introduction of a new orthography."^^ The regents appointed Woodruff as chairman and Samuel W. Richards and George D.Watt asmembers ofacommittee to prepare thefirstreader intheDeseretAlphabet, andWoodruff chaired a committee that included Orson Pratt and Watt to prepare spelling books."^"^

This effort resulted inthe introduction ofanalternative alphabet of thirty-eight characters designed to represent each sound ofthe EngHsh language. The sounds were drawn almost entirely from the Pitman shorthand system, which was familiar to a number of members ofthe board, includingWatt and Woodruff Scholars havenot determined the origin ofthe letters chosen to represent the sounds, but the consensus seems to favor an adaptive borrowing from other alphabets, about which committee members read extensively, with Watt apparently devising the symbols actually used Although it proved to be an "expensive failure," the Deseret Alphabet project indicated the extent to which Utah's leaders willingly borrowed from outside systems to meet a perceived need for phonetic orthography "^^

**Woodruff, Jowmai 4: 225, 399 Although Woodruff s journal indicates that he was a member ofthe board throughout the period it is not at all certain that he was An annual list of regents from 1850 on is included in the minutes ofthe board, and Woodruff is listed only for 1857 The minutes, however, indicate that the information was drawn from notes taken by Roben L Campbell and copied much later. "Minutes of the Board of Regents ofthe University of Deseret, March 13,1850 to April 12, 1906," pp 6,17, microcopy of MS, Utah State Archives, RG SE-32 01.1

''*Hosea Stout, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary ofHosea Stout, 1844-1861, ed Juanita Brooks, 2 vols (Salt Lake City: University of Utah and Utah State Historical Society, 1964), 2: 590; Journal History ofthe Church (JHC), February II, 25, 26, 1856, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City This information does not square entirely with Minutes, Board of Regents, pp 14-17, but the diary entries were made at the time and the minutes were prepared afterward by Robert L Campbell from notes he took on a lecture by George

D Watt

*^The term "expensive failure" is thejudgment of Alder, Goodfellow, and Watt The term expensive failure seems warranted, since in addidon to the volunteer time spent by the members of the various commiuees, the Board of Regents spent $5,576.74 to have a firm print the first and second Deseret Readers in New York and ship them to Utah and $414 to Orson Pratt for translating the readers and catechism from English orthography into the alphabet Board of Regents Minutes, pp. 34, 35, and36. On Watt" s invention of the letters see JHC, November 29, 1858

Woodruff and the Board of Regents also undertook more productive projects. In the absence of a territorial school administration, which thelegislature did not create until 1876, the regents governed the school system under a territorial act of 1854."^^ Along with others Woodruff and Robert L. Campbell conducted school inspections, applying standards familiar to Woodruff in his own education. Woodruff also worked on committees selecting textbooks, examining physicians who proposed to practice in Utah, and establishing high schools in the territory. During the late 1850s he observed surgical procedures performed under anesthetic to familiarize himself with current medical techniques."^^

During the 1850sWoodruff and other church leaders cooperated with non-Mormons in other endeavors. For example. Woodruff, Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, Jedediah M. Grant, Daniel H. Wells, Almon W. Babbitt, and other prominent Mormons, together with non-Mormon federal office holders such asJudge George P. Stiles, John Fitch Kinney, Gariand Hurt, and David H Burr, promoted a trancontinental stage route."^^ The efft)rt eventually led to the organization ofthe Brigham Young Express and Carrying Company, operated principally by Hiram Kimball, which continued to function until its mail contracts were cancelled during the Utah War of 1857-58."^^

^''Minutes, Board of Regents, p 20

*'Utah Territory, Laws of Utah (I S7 6), p 247

V^oodruK, Journal, 5: 308-09, 314, 435, 547, 556, 562, 6: 50-51, 113.

*Voodruff,yoMma( 4: 384 and 397

''Vrrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 163-168

Wilford Woodruff farmhouse. USHS collections.

Additionally, in 1855,with Brigham Young's approval. Woodruff rented his home in Salt Lake City to visiting non-Mormons associated with the expedition of Col. Edward J. Steptoe.^^

Moving to raise the level of scientific, technological, and general education in the community, Woodruff and a group of associates founded voluntary organizations, which as Tocqueville observed as early as the 1830s had become ageneral means ofpromoting improvements in American society.^^ Meeting in the Sixteenth Ward schoolhouse on the evening of December 19, 1854, Woodruff and his friends proposed the organization of what they first called the Philosophical Society Brigham Young persuaded them to change the name to the Universal Scientific Society on the ground that "its name might be applicable to the universal diffusion of knowledge and science." The group formally adopted a constitution on February 3, 1855, electing Woodruff as president The USS membership eventually included eighty men and one woman (Cynthia Buel).^^

In his presidential address to the society on February 17, 1855, Woodruff drewon hisown temporo-spiritualbackground to emphasize that he and his associates had established the USS to acquaint the members as far as possible with every law, truth, and principle belongingtoart, science, oranysubject that might benefit God, angels, or men. Lectures and discussions, he said, could provide an exchange of views among interested parties. He outlined severalpossible areasof concern, ranging from the earth to the heavens, and as one illustration he provided a description of the mathematical formula used to calculate the orbit of planets He expected that by learning the laws of nature human beings could banish the mysteries ofthe universe.^^

In spiteofthese high hopes, the societyappears tohave functioned lessthan ayear—until November 10, 1855. Duringthat period Woodruff attended the regular Saturday evening meetings unless he was out of town on a church assignment Meetings consisted of lectures by the members on matters ofcommon interest both secularand religious— drawn from inside and outside of Utah Beginning with the meeting of April 14, 1855, sessions often included band music Lectures included George D. Watt and Wilford Woodruff on the Deseret Alphabet; John

Journal ofDiscourses, 2: 312

^'Alexis DeTocqueville,Z)f77iocra9'm/4mmca, ed Richard D Heffner( New York City: Mentor Books, 1956), p 198

"universal Scientific Society, "Minutes, 1854-1855," 19, MS 5942, LDS Church Archives

^^Ibid., loose pages, February 17, 1855

Wilford Woodruff 181

Hyde on natural philosophy; George A. Smith on chopping wood and Saracen history; William W. Phelps on the Ten Tribes of Israel; John Lyonon poetry;Thomas Hawkinson conservation ofnatural resources; David Candland on public opinion, determining personal character through various methods including phrenology, and the Crimean War; Jonathan Grimshaw on music; Drs. Darwin Richardson and William France on the principles of generation,^* Gilbert Clements on the discipline ofthe mind; Orson Pratt on the operation ofthe planetary system; Almon W Babbitt on theorganization ofthe American government; Wilford Woodruff on home manufacture and horticulture; and William Paul and Brigham Young on the principles of architecture.^^ From astronomy to zoology USS members lectured on topics that interested them and onwhich theyhad knowledgeorexpertise, drawing on both secular and religious sources and fi'om readingand experience both in and outside Utah toenlighten one another The society can best be considered an amateur organization for self-improvement Given the limited size of the intellectual community and the range of experiences, itisnot surprising that itsoon exhausted theexpertise and interests of its members. Attendance then lagged and the society died.^^

As interest in the Universal Scientific Society waned, members moved in other directions. Woodruff served asadirector ofthe Deseret Theological Institute but was never particularly active in that orgartization.^^ He alsobecame assistant reporter for the Deseret Typographical Society but was not a frequent participant in its meetings.^^ He did attend meetings of the Polysophical Society that a group of Mormon literati associated with Lorenzo and Eliza R Snow organized the day after the initial meeting ofthe Universal Scientific Society. Although no Polysophical Society minutes have survived (if indeed such existed), research into the writings and journals of those associated with the society indicates that itsmeetings centered around the performing and literary arts rather than the physical, biological, and social sciences and technology that concerned the USS.^'^ Perhaps because ofthe popular appesilofthe arts, the Polysophical Societylasted somewhat longer than

Universal Scientific Society Minutes, ^a55!>7i

^^Themeedng of November 10, 1855 the last recorded — indicated that few attended and those in attendance adjourned without holding a lecture.

"jHC , April 7, 1855

^Voodruff,yoMraa( 4: 403, 407; JHC, February 22, 1856

^^The best treatment ofthe Polysophical Society is Beecher, "The Polysophical Society," pp. 146-53; Woodruff,youraa( 4:333, 398, 403, 407.

This was probably a discussion of genetics

the USS. It died during the Mormon Reformation of 1856 when Jedediah Grant, a counselor in the LDS First Presidency, who may have perceived poetry and literary readings as frivolous, called it"a stink in my nostrils!" Heber C Kimball, also a counselor, concurred.^°

Unable to sustain the universal scientific and technological interests anticipated in his message to the USS,Woodruffs preoccupations, paralleling those of others in the community, became both more narrow and more technologically sophisticated by late 1855 Unlike some who joined the Polysophical Society, his concerns had always been more practical, scientific, and technological than theoretical or literary. He had studied shorthand to record sermons and events in church history. His interest in education and the Deseret Alphabet had grown from a concern with improving training for youth. He enjoyed plays and musical presentations as diversions; and, although he read widely, his reading tended to focus on history, which he saw as a means of understanding the world he lived in, rather than on belles-lettres. Following these more practical interests. Woodruff met in the Social Hall in Salt Lake City in September 1855 with a group calfing themselves the Pomological Society to organize the Horticultural Society of Utah or the Deseret Horticultural Society.^^ Leaders ofthe society included Wilford Woodruff as president, William C. Staines as vice-president, George D. Watt as corresponding secretary, Thomas Bullock as home secretary, and Samuel W. Richards as treasurer. Woodruffs opening address as president contrasted quite sharply with the breadth of his speech to the Universal Scientific Society Instead of taking the universe of knowledge as the scope of the organization, he emphasized the need to locate and plant trees and bushes that would bear excellent and productive fruit within the constraints of Utah's climate and soil. Usinghis own work asan example. Woodruff exhibited twovarieties ofpeaches he had produced through bud grafting that met those conditions.^^

At the heart of these efforts was an attempt to import and experiment with the latest in agricultural technology and genetic improvement to increase production and quality. In accomplishing this, community leaders were not limited by the expertise of their associates

JHC, September 13, 1855; Woodruff yowma( 4: 337 Board members included Jesse C.'titde, Edward Hunter, Charles H Oliphant, and Lorenzo D Young

Beecher, "The Polysophical Society," p. 145.

Woodruff used the first term in his journal The latter term comes from Bitton and Wilcox, "The Transformation of Utah's Agricuhure, 1847-1900," p. 65.

astheyhad been intheUSS Rather, given theextensivecontacts outside facilitated by mail service and overland travelers, they took theworld as their stage.

Woodruff moved to take advantage of this opportunity. In May 1856 he began corresponding with Sir WilliamJ Hooker of London, chiefdirector ofHer Majesty's Royal Gardens, or KewGardens. Writing to open correspondence with Woodruff, Hooker proposed to obtain any "specimens, seeds, or plants of any trees, shrubs, flowers, or vegetable" in Utah. In return, hewould forw^ard any similar plants Woodruff wanted from Kew Gardens Taking advantage of this offer Woodruff secured some strawberry plants from Hooker.^^ Injuly 1856 Woodruff also corresponded with Dr. AsaFitch ofNewYork, whowas conducting research on insectsand other plant pests, and senthim an assortment of insects and pests indigenous to the Salt Lake region.^"^

During 1856 Woodruff secured grafts ofa number of fruits and information on horticultural and gardening practices from the eastern states and California, including some from his brother Thompson, an orchardistofRichland, NewYork^^ Thompson drewupon twenty years ofhorticultural experience toshare his knowledgewithhisbrother.^^In addition, John M Bernhisel, then delegate to Congress, sent copies of pamphlets from horticultural and gardening societies in the eastern United States,^^ and Woodruff subscribed to a number of agriculturcd

"wilford Woodruff to George A Smith, May 28, 1856, Wilford Woodruff unprocessed correspondence. Box 7, folder 6, LDS Church Archives; Woodruff,yourna^ 4: 446, 5: 345. WoodrufftoAsaFitch,July31, 1856, Woodruffunprocessedcorrespondence, Box7, folder6 LDS Church Archives; JHC, July 31, 1856; Woodruff,youma^ 4: 446

^Woodruffto Thompson Woodruff, Salt Lake Cily to Holmesville, Oswego County, New York,July 31, 1856, Woodruffunprocessed correspondence. Box 7, folder 6, LDS Church Archives.

'"'^Thompson Woodruff to Wilford Woodruff, November 23, 1856, Wilford Woodruff unprocessed correspondence Box 1, folder 2, LDS Church Archives

"Woodruff,youraa/, 4:418

Social Hall, right USHS collections.

publications. ByJune 1857 Wilford could report that through importation and grafting he had 71 different kinds of apples, together with a large variety of apricots, peaches, grapes, and currants, growing in his garden plot on temple block ^^

Where the USShad been too ambitious for theinterests and expertise of the Utah community, the Deseret Horticultural Society proved far too small in scope to meet the needs of agrowing technological and economic base. Thus, Utah's community leaders created the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, which subsumed the Deseret Horticultural Society. The Utah Territorial Legislature chartered the DA and MS inJanuary 1856.^^ Like the Horticultural Society, the DA and MSdrew upon theoutsideworld for expertise, plants, animals, and seeds. When the leaders of the society said they planned to encourage native production, they did not mean that the plants, animals, and technology were to be indigenous to Utah. Rather, the society encouraged their importation, since members believed they could adapt them to local needs The DA and MS also conducted fairs to stimulate industrial and agricultural pursuits and to exhibit numerous domestic products, the bulk of the technology for which came from outside the territory.^^

Society officers promoted the dissemination of knowledge and improved plants and animals by encouraging the establishment of branch organizations throughout the territory. Workingthrough correspondents and the LDS church organization—especially the Relief Society they found representatives in each county to whom they distributed seeds, plants, and information on agricultural technology gathered from across the nation and around the world.^*

At its incorporation in January 1856 DA and MS officers were elected by the territorial legislature; nevertheless, the society operated as a corporation with a self-perpetuating board of directors. LDS Presiding Bishop Edward Hunter served as president until 1862. Woodruff, a member ofthe board of directors from 1856 until 1861,^^ became president ofthe society in July 1862 with directors John R.

Woodruff to Thompson Woodruff, June , 1857, Wilford Woodruff unprocessed correspondence Box 7, folder 7, LDS Church Archives; JHC, July 4, 1857

Bitton and Wilcox, "Transformation of Utah's Agriculture," p. 65; Utah Territory, Compiled Laws, 1876, p. 184.

See the ardcles of incorporadon, January 17, 1856, in Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, Minutebook, 1863-1874, p 1, typescript, LDS Church Archives

^'D A and MS Minutes, September 15, 26, 1863, pp 9, 15; April 3, 1864, p 17; June 18, 1864, p 26; March 13, 1865, p 38; November 1866, p 45a; p 48: " - - J - r

Woodruff, youma( 5:554

Winder, Thomas W. Ellerbeck, Elijah F. Sheets, Enoch Reese, F. A. Mitchell, and Robert L Campbell.^^ In April 1877, following his callas president ofthe St George Temple, Woodruff resigned as president,^'^ andJohn R. Winder succeeded him.^^

The DAand MStookasitstasknothinglessthan the improvement of all aspects of agriculture and the promotion of other useful arts in Utah Territory. The society established two experimental farms in Salt Lake City, one atthe Old Fort now Pioneer Park—between Third and Fourth South and Third and Fourth Westand theother atthe mouth of Emigration Canyon, which they first called the Quarantine Gardens and later Deseret Gardens.^^ The uses ofthe two gardens varied, but they had one thing in common, experiments with imported plants. At the Old Fort garden, the society conducted experiments with madder, normally used as a dye, which they hoped to perfect as an animal feed. They also planted fruit trees and several varieties ofwheat In trying to find suitable productive wheat strains, they also relied on private experiments throughout the territory. Experimental strains included Siberian and blue stemwheat, thelattertestplanted bya correspondent in Kanab.^'^ The most important projects at the Deseret Gardens consisted of experiments with various types of cane for producing sweetener For atime the society operated the farm on shareswith GeorgeB Wallace and John Gunn, who experimented with imported Imphee cane which produced excellent syrup but took too long to mature in Utah's temperate climate. They achieved more success with sorghum, or Chinese cane, the seeds for which they obtained from the United States Agricultural Bureau, predecessor of the Department of Agriculture.^^ With theultimate goal ofmaking the seeds ofimproved plant varieties—what itcalled"pure seeds"—and the latest agricultural technologywidelyavailable,theDAand MSdistributed seedsgrown on these experimental plots, together with those secured from the federal government and correspondents in other states and foreign nations, to representatives and organizations throughout the territory.^^

In addition, thesocietypromoted experimentation with improved breeds of animals imported from other parts ofthe United States and

^Ibid., 6: 67

'^Ibid., 7: 345; DA and MS Minutes, p p 48, 82

Arrington, "DA and MS Society," p. 167.

'*DA and MS Minutes, pp. 4, 10, 13. '

"ibid., pp 12, 14, 25, 26

'*Ibid., pp 13, 15, 26, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 46

See, for instance, ibid., pp 5, 13, 17, 45

from abroad In 1869, for instance, the legislature appropriated $5,000 for the society to import quality sheep into the territory. Stockmen had already experimented with merino sheep in the late 1850s, and most favored an improved breed of Kentucky sheep instead. The society commissioned Abraham O Smoottoimport thesheepwhichwere then sold to Utah ranchers to improve their stock^^ Later, the society imported the British Cotswold sheep and in 1872 undertook the improvement of cattle by introducing the Durham breed ^' Experiments with cashmere goats and fish culture proved less successful.^^

To provide 2in exchange of information, publicize the work of improvement, and reward those who produced the best crops and products, the society held a fair. Judges awarded prizes for various products. Since the mandate of the society included more than agriculture, prizes were awarded for such things as locally manufactured machinery, minerals, literature, artistic products, and handicrafts. In general, products in each ofthese fields relied on information, culture, or technology that the people of Utah imported from or shared with those outside the territory. The exchange of knowledge was clearly a two-way process. The U.S. Agricultural Bureau furnished seeds and plants, forexample,whilethesocietycollected agricultural statistics and forwarded them toWashington The society also exhibited Utah products at agricultural fairs in places like Boston and Philadelphia.^^

The society corresponded with those who requested information on Utah technological innovations In that connection, by the 1860s Utah had become world famous for its irrigation achievement The British government requested information on the reclamation of saltimpregnated lands, intending to use similar processes in the provinces of northwestern India. In response, drawing on correspondents throughout the territory, the society prepared a report which it forwarded to the British government^"^ A similar request for information on irrigation came from Nathan C. Meeker, leader of the Greeley colony in Colorado.^^

Along with other progressive farmers in Utah, Woodruff introduced someinnovations, and hisname often appeared asa prizewinner attheterritorialfairforhispeaches, hisgarden, orhisimported Ayrshire

""ibid., p. 50.

*'lbid., pp 66, 71

*^Ibid., pp 72 and 73

*^Ibid., pp 8, 33, 40, 45a, 160, 161

**Ibid., pp 66-69, 74-75, 80, 81

*^Ibid., p 171

Wilford Woodruff 187

cattle. He also imported such mechanical devices as a McCormick reaper and an evaporator used in producing syrup from cane.^^

The roleofthe DAand MSasfacilitator ofchange and expeditor of contacts with those outside Utah began to change in about 1872 as individuals began to develop their own contacts. In market economies, governmental or quasi-governmental bodies promote those ventures that community leaders believe to be important only as long as the private sector cannot or will not do so. By about 1872 private entrepreneurs seem to have begun to import innovations on their own. Thereafter, the minutes ofthe DA and MSindicate an almost exclusive interest in sponsoring the territorial fair rather than serving as prime mover intheintroduction and developmentofnewplants, animals, and technology Bythen Utah's economy had changed to such adegree that business and agricultural leaders had begun undertaking such ventures without public assistance. These changes probably resulted from the increased economic specialization made possible by the transcontinental railroad and the capital generated by Utah mines.^''

Throughout this period others followed the same path as Woodruff in improving Utah's economy through outside contacts. In 1858, for instance, Brigham Young sent Frederick Kesler and HoraceS. Eldredge east to purchase equipment for the manufacture of nails and paper, and carding machines and looms for processing wool and cotton.^^ Young also contracted with Western Union in 1861 to construct parts ofthe transcontinental telegraph and with Union Pacific to build sections ofthe transcontinental railroad ^^

One might ask whether such developments did not end with the death of Brigham Young in 1877 and rise to power ofJohn Taylor. In fact, they expanded. By 1882 ZCMI imported fully on^third ofthe merchandise consumed in Utah Territory.^^ Taylor abandoned the boycott of gentile businesses in 1882; and in 1887 a group of Mormon and gentile businessmen including HeberJ Grant ofthe LDS Council ofthe Twelve, and Patrick H. Lannari, publisher ofthe Salt Lake Tribune cooperated to form the Chamber of Commerce in Salt Lake City.'^'

With this information itispossible to stand back and interpret the changes in Utah society during this period. Far from promoting isola-

JHC, October 12, 1861; Woodruff,yowma^ 4:430, 432, 5:106, 594

WilliamJennings, a leading entrepreneur, won prizes at the fair for his imported animals Day, "Frederick Kesler," p 63

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 199-200, 261

Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p 91

91

•

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, p 384; Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p 105

don from the remainder of the nation and the world, community leaders, especiallythosewitheducation and outsideinterests, facilitated such contacts in certain areas They drew upon the scientific and technological information they gathered and exchanged it with others to promote what they perceived as building the kingdom and improving their territory It was precisely in those areas in which they failed to gather sufficient technological information from outside the territory, such as iron and sugar manufacture, that their enterprises failed.

In fields where they maintained outside contacts they achieved considerable success. Along with the introduction of new medical techniques, railroading, international architectural styles,and traveling theatrical groups, they improved agriculture by introducing the reaper and new varieties of fruits, sheep, and catde As Woodruff and others understood, given the limited agricultural expertise of the Utah community, isolation was a drawback rather than an advantage, and they used many means to overcome it

In view of these conditions it is important to revise a commonly heldviewabout Utah society Arecentarticleargued that theAmericanization of Utah agriculture took place in the 1890s.^^In fact, Americanization indeed internationalization not only of agriculture but of other enterprises was a process and not an event Moreover, it began during the 1850s and continued throughout the territorial period as organizations liketheDAand MSand progressivefarmers and ranchers introduced machinery, plants, and animals from outside to improve their farms and ranches and thegeneral levelofagricultural technology and practice. In addition, it included two-way borrowing as others outside the territory drew upon Utah technological innovations in irrigation to enhance their own development

In practice, then, while Utah citizens shunned political control from outside the territory, they welcomed intellectual, scientific, and technological contacts and the importation of scientific and technological innovations that facilitated local development and improvement Moreover, the encouragement of innovations and outside contacts resulted not from the need to compromise principles in order to promote local development but from a set of ideas that saw such contactsasabasicgood becauseofthe improvements theypromised for building the kingdom in a growing community

Charles S Peterson, "The 'Americanization' of Utah's Asrriculture," Utah Historical Quarterly 42 (1974): 109-25. ^ ^

The Lehi Sugar Factory— 100 Years in Retrospect

BY RICHARDS. VAN WAGONER

A 184-FOOTSMOKESTACK, NORTHERN UTAHCouNTYS tallest landmark, along with a cavernous 1914-built warehouse and coal pits are all that remain ofthe Lehi Sugar Factory today. Though alone and mute, these stark remnants give silent testimony by their very size to the important

Lehi Sugar Factory, December 1905. Shipler photograph USHS collections.

Mr Van

role this once-great factory played in shaping the community's economic and social history. Its story is full of color, triumphs, and nostalgia—one always worthy of retelling.^

From its earliest inception, the Utah sugar industry was an official LDSchurch enterprise. After adismal 1850sfailure, which resulted in a $50,000 loss,church leadersbecame skepticalofthe sugarindustry. The Mormon failure was only one of severailthroughout the country, however. Itwasnotuntill879 thatwhitesugarfrom beetswas first produced at the Alvarado, California, plant of E. H. Dyer.

Mormon horticulturist Arthur Stayner, after experimentation of his own and a visit to several sugar factories about the country, convinced church president Wilford Woodruff and others to organize a company to conduct further investigations. On September 4, 1889, the Utah Sugar Company filed incorporation papers in Salt Lake City.

Encouraged bypotential profits, the company sboard decided on November 20, 1889, to proceed with a factory. Bids were let The Oxnards from Nebraska bid $450,000 for a thre^hundred-ton European factory E H Dyer &Co bid $400,000 for a factory of their own design equipped with machinery to be built by the Kilby Manufacturing Company ofCleveland. The Dyercompany, whose principals weremechanical engineers and draftsmen, wasawarded thecontract on November 5, 1890. The specifications stipulated that the factory be completed by October I, 1891, and that the Dyers manage it for two years after its opening.

Even before the building of the factory began, costs escalated. Capital stock ofthe company had to be increased to $1,000,000 on October 9, 1890. Though $400,000 was offered for sale immediately, the only substantial subscription came from the Lehi Miff and Stock Company(Thomas K Cutler, president;John Beck,vic^president; and Wifliam E. Racker, secretary). In addition to their $88,000 stock purchase, the Lehi group tendered other attractive financial inducements, including a thirty-fiv^acre building siteon Mullinei^s Mill Pond and a $1,000 donation to purchase additional land as needed The site was

My personal affection for this place is lifelong As a child I clambered over the ruins and swam in the nearby mill pond As an adult I ofien seek solitude there Mv grandfather and namesake, Richard T Smith, was a boilerman at the factory from 1891 to 1924 Though he died a decade before I was born, my mother often related stories of his employment there Had I been born a generation eadier I would likely have written a book detailing the sugar factory's history. But Leonard Arrington, Utah-Idaho Sugar Company chronicler, did that twenty-fiveyears ago (Beet Sugar in the West: A History ofthe Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, 18911966, University of Washington Press, 1966; see also his excellent article, "Utah's Pioneer Beet Sugar Plant The Lehi Factory of Utah Sugar Company," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 [Spring 1966]; 95-120) With due respect to Dr Arrington, however, in this centennial year I would like to retrace the historic pathway of my hometown's best-known industry

admirable from atransportation standpoint sincethe Rio Grande Western Railway traversed theproperty and the Union Pacific linebypassed a mile north. Other attractive aspects ofthe package included perpetual water rights to the mill pond, eighty acres oflimestone quarry at Pelican Point, fifteen hundred acres of ground for a company beet farm, and $1,000 worth of labor to improve the road to the factory site.

After visits to several areas, the committee narrowed the choice for the future plant to Lehi and American Fork Competition between the two townswas keen. The first report favored American Fork Later itwas determined that Lehi had an advantage in elevation and water supply, so the committee changed its recommendation On November 18, 1890, the board of directors voted to build in Lehi. Elisha Peck, Jr., described the town's reaction when it received the news:

Lehi went wild and crazy. At night the whole town was lit up with bonfires until it looked like the city was on fire, evei^thing they could jerk loose was burned Barrels of beer were free to all up and down the street American Fork phoned over to determine the cause of the outbreak When they found out the truth they were mad.^

American Fork citizens felt the board's reversalwas prompted by unfair poHtical pressure One historian wrote that"a literal socicdfeud existed between the two towns for a long time because of this regrettable incident"^

Groundbreaking for the Lehi factory took place two days after the board's armouncement The cornerstone-laying ceremony, held on December 26, 1890, was the biggest event in the town's history. When the special train from Salt Lake arrived at the factory site, dignitaries were greeted by the Lehi Silver Band, the Lehi Choir, the Lehi Glee Club, and nearly two thousand others whose teams and wagons dotted the landscape Utah Sugar Company president Elias Morris called the meeting to order, then introduced President Wilford Woodruff who said, "I want to say to all Israel that we believe it right to dedicate everythingweengage into the Lord We haveassembled today tolay this cornerstone, as is our custom in establishing all our temples." He then called on George Q; Cannon to offer the dedicatory prayer.

At the close ofthe invocation Elias Morris suggested three cheers and they were"heartily given, with two additional tigers." A number of

Evona L Miner, Relva Laney, and Lileth Peck, History of Elisha Peck, Jr, and Elizabeth Jane Wilson (n.p Remington Press, Inc, 1982), p 47

Fred G Taylor, A Saga of Sugar, Being a Story ofthe Romance and Development of Beet Sugar in the Rocky Mountain West (Salt Lake City, 1944), p. 76.

speakers were then asked to address the group. The loudest applause was reserved for Lehi's own John Beck, then a member ofthe sugar company's board ofdirectors!"The next thingwewant isthe beets," he said to the enthusiastic crowd. "Sugar isin the elements and we should take time to organize them into sugar. Iwould encourage all ofyou to give your time to raising sugar beets and let others raise the grain.'"^

Farmer support was crucial to the plant's success. But the overwhelming worry of the earliest days of the enterprise was insufficient capital. Even before the cornerstone was laid the first $50,000 payment to the Dyers was due. The sugar company was unable to raise the money. A committee was appointed to visit the Dyers to see if an extension could be granted, but without success. Serious consideration was then given to forfeiting the $50,000 deposit and abandoning the entire project But PresidentWoodruff declared that"the inspiration of the Lord to me is to build this factory." So$50,000 from tithing funds was appropriated to pay the bill.^

That covered theJanuary payment only. Additional $50,000 payments weredue in February, March, and April. To meet these demands the church's First Presidency borrowed $150,000 from Salt Lake City banks and signed an additional note (alongwith some twenty Mormon capitalists) to borrow $100,000 from the Wells Fargo Bank of San Francisco. An additional $200,000 in subscriptions was obtained from seven hundred stockholders, but virtually none of these pledges was fully paid for years.

Eventually, more than $260,000 worth of Kilby Manufacturing Company machinerywasdelivered toLehiinoverahundred train cars. Somepiecesweighingovertwentytons had tobecutdown tofitthrough railroad tunnels en route. After examining the engine room with its huge Corliss engine and multitude of belts, pulleys, and drives, editor WalterWebb registered hisastonishment intheNovember 6, 1891, Lehi Banner at"themammoth machinery ittakestomanufacture so common an article."

Growers, investors, creditors, and factory officials eagerly awaited thefall harvestof1891and thecompletion ofthe plant,"Can this factory produce granulated sugar.^" was the question on everyone's mind James H. Gardner, who boiled that historic first batch of sugar, later recalled that long-ago evening of October 15, 1891:

Deseret Semi-Weekly News, December 30, 1890

Deseret Evening News, October 22, 1900

The first strike of sugar was watched with great interest and considerable concern Such a crowd of citizens were present in the pan room while the boiling was going on that it was difficult to get around. Ed Dyer supervised the boiling of that first strike and I helped him. There were present Manager Cutler, James E Jennings, Elias Morris, John Beck, George Austin, Fred Trane, Byron W. Brown, Elisha Davis, Thaddeus Powell, William Racker and probably a dozen others whose names I cannot remember. Fred Trane was the "doubting Thomas" who repeatedly stated that he wouldn't be convinced that white sugar could be made from that black syrup until he saw the sugar right in his hand

It was after midnight when the strike Avas dropped, but they all waited for that important event Then everyone rushed to the centrifugal and when the first machine had spun off the molasses, Mr [Ed] Dyer could hardly get room enough to perform the washing However, he soon passed out the clear white sugar, giving each one of his audience some of it "right in his hand." Immediately "hurrahs" and "hosannas" filled the air—even Fred Trane cried out, "I'm now convinced that sugar can be made from beets!"^

General manager Thomas Cutler rushed to telephone the Salt Lake Herald "We have just made the first pound of sugar," he proudly proclaimed. "By morning wewill have20 tons ready." Though Cutler's expectation was not reached, twenty thousand pounds of sugar were sacked and placed on a Union Pacific Railroad car the following day. When it arrived in Salt Lake City itwas transferred to three oxen-pulled drays, symbolic of the pioneering spirit of the sugar business The procession delivered the sugar to various retailers under the sign "First Carload of Granulated Sugar Made by the Utah Sugar Company."

As part ofthe October 16 celebration in Lehi, Broadbent & Son sold the first sack of locally produced sugar in their mercantile and forever after swore off cane sugar To add to the festive atmosphere Cutler, who was also the local LDS bishop, joined J. C. Jensen and Agnes Anderson in holy matrimony in a ceremony performed in the sugar factory.^

Despite the technical success of the sugar operation, some skepticism lingered. One Salt Lake City drummer,loitering in a mercantile, began vilifying "Lehi sugar," saying it had a yellowish tinge, tasted like beets, and soon."Hand thisman ascoopful ofthe California sugar," the proprietor ordered ashewinked ataclerk "That," said the taster,"is the stuff! That's sugar, none of your beet juice about that; see the difference in color.^" The proprietor then cheerfully replied that all sugar in the store was manufactured at the Lehi Sugar Factory.

''Taylor, A Saga of Sugar, p 91 ^Salt iMke Herald, October 16, 18, 1891

Long after Utah Sugar Company begam shipping its product to eastern markets, some buyers still sniffed at western sugar At a beet sugar exhibit atthe 1897 World's Fair in Chicago onewomen asked, "Is it sweet^" "Can it be used for cooking?" inquired another. One highbrow even insinuated that the sugar look like "bleached sand."^

But detractors were soon won over by the plant's success. The first campaign, which ran from October 12 to December 17, processed

'^^'-^ . 'H'

Left: 5i7/ Holdsworth thinning sugar beets in Lehifield Below: Beet weighing station at Lehi Sugar Factory, 1892, with Lehi marshal Abijah Goodwin on left. These and subsequent photographs are from the authofs collection

Lehi Banner, August 17, 1897.

nearly 10,000 tons of beets into 12,500 on^hundred-pound bags of sugar. Demand for theproduct was sogreat that backorders often days were common, and the factory could not fill all orders received during theseasort Despitethesuccessful campaign, however, saleswere hardly sufficient to pay operating costs, let alone the heavy burden of interest and dividends.

Sugar company leaders feared that local farmers might not plant beets the second year because the yield had been less than projected. But throughout the following winter and spring LDS church leaders used their influence to convince grov^ers to cooperate. Over six hundred farmers signed contracts in 1892, agreeing to put eighteen hundred acres into beets.

Despitethethickblack smoke thatpoured from thefactory smokestacks, Lehi citizens loved the industn/. "Again wehear the shrill sound ofthe Sugar Factory whisde," reported editor Walter Webb in the May 10, 1894, Lehi Banner, "which we can pride outselves has grown out of theprotection system and hasgiven manyapoor man employment that would otherwise have been in need last winter and might now have joined Carter's Industrial Army, and go to Washington and ask the government authorities togivethem employment ortheywould haveto starve."

The Utah Republican platform of 1894 called for free speech, free silver at sixteen to one, woman suffrage, home industry for Utah, and protection (through tariffs) for the West The Lehi Banner, which advertised itself as the "official organ of the Utah Sugar Company," con-

Beet dump site at Kirkham, west of Lehi near the Jordan River.

tinually editorialized in favor ofthe sugar industry. On November 1, 1894, the paper urged, "down with the [sugar] trust; do not buy one pound of sugar that is not made in Utah. . . . Radly round the management and directors of our factory, like men would do if they were fighting for their country's cause."

By far the most important development of 1895 for the company was the selling of $360,000 worth of first mortgage bonds, with the factory and other real estate as security, to Joseph Banigan of Providence, Rhode Island Thereafter Utah Sugar Company was able to meet all its financial obligations. At the end ofthe 1895-96 campaign, in addition to employing a hundred factory workers and buying the beets of six hundred growers, the company paid its first cash dividend.

The success ofthe sugar factory had a dramatic effect on Lehi's financial well-being. Between 1890 and 1896 nearly thirty new businesses sprang into existence. One established just south ofthe factory was the Lehi Cattle Feeding Company and its affiliate, the Utah Slaughtering Company, owned by the Bradshaw brothers,John F. and Richard This enterprise, commonly thought to be the largest cattle feeding lot between Omaha and San Francisco, consisted of ten large corrals, each 25 x350 feet, where two thousand head of cattle(and later sheep) were fattened for the market The animals were fed beet pulp purchased from the sugar factory for 50 cents per ton. Initially the cattle hesitated to eat the smelly wet waste product so the stockmen withheld other food until the hungry animals developed a taste for the pulp.^^

In 1896, a depression year, the factory purchased more than $200,000 worth of beets from local farmers and also paid out $85,000 for labor. In addition, substantial sums were paid for railroad freighting, coal, lime rock, sulphur, and tallow—much ofwhich went into the local economy. Charles F. Saylor, an agent ofthe U.S. Department of Agriculture, commented on the "local prosperity" that had resulted firom the sugar factory's success: "It may be said that there is no one in [Lehi] desiring employment during the growing season ofthe sugar beet that can not secure it readily."^^

Further demonstrating Lehi's prosperity, the December 15, 1896, Lehi Banner reported no delinquent tax list for the year, a fact directly attributed to the sugar industry. Likely no local enterprise since then, with the possible exception of General Refractories, has provided Lehi with such long-term financial rewards. And no structure in the town's

history was as imposing as the main sugar factory building. "The great sugar factory isan inspiring thing to look upon," wrote the editor ofthe Lehi Banner on April 16, 1896 The building was 184 feet long, 84 feet wide, and three stories high. The annex, which contained the boilers, boneblack house, and lime kiln, was 180 feet longand 38 feet wide. The portion of the annex housing the boneblack and lime kiln areas was three stories high, while the other hundred feet containing the steam plant was only a single story

North ofthe main building were the beet sheds, each 500 feet long and 24 feet wide The combined storage capacity of the eight sheds in 1896was20,000 tons. Therewerealsofour pulp silos, each 180x24 feet and 10 feet deep So much coal was lost to spontaneous combustion when piled in the open that a water-filled coal bin 250 feet and 48 feet wide was constructed.

Northwest ofthe factory wasan 80 x65-foot frame boarding house with a24 x60-foot annex that provided accommodations for fifty men The mill pond, which furnished most ofthe plant's water, was fed by natural springs that produced four million gallons each vent)'-four hours. In addition, eight artesian wells, from 40 to 156 feet deep, added five hundred gallons per minute to the factory's water supply.^^

The process through which dirty beets became pure sugar was a source of amazement to most observers. Although production procedures were greatly modified over the years, those early Lehi campaigns make fascinating studies of pioneer ingenuity Once the beets arrived at the factory they were weighed, theti stored in the beet sheds that had frost-proof double walls filled with cinders and a dirt-covered roof They also had sloping bottoms, through which ran a stream of water confined in a flume with a movable covering. Later, because of extensive spoilage, the company began storing the beets in the open with buUrush coverings to prevent freezing.

As the beets were needed for processing they were floated to the main buildingthrough the flume and bymeans ofa fourteen-foot wheel were lifted to the washer. There they were subjected by means of propeller arms to a thorough washing, after which theywere automatically ejected into an elevator that carried them to the third floor where they fell into a sheer. In this machine the beets were cut into long v-shaped slices("cossettes") on^eighth ofan inch thickand fiv^ eighths ofan inch

wide From the sheer the beets were transported by gravity through a chute to the diffusion battery (twelve wrought-iron tanks connected by piping and valves, each holding 2.5 tons of sliced beets) where the sugar was extracted by a series of leachings with hot water.

The dark-coloredjuice then flowed into an automatic register that measured the quantity and temperature and drew out a sample for use in the laboratory. From the automatic register the syrup went into a heater (calorisator) where it was warmed to 190°F before being conveyed to one often carbonators, immense iron tanks eight by five feet and nine feet deep. Here thejuice was clarified by adding a mixture of lime and carbon dioxide gas. These chemical agents combined with impurities in thejuice and precipitated into the bottom ofthe pan. The juice was then pumped through a mammoth filter press; this very important step removed the residue ofthe clarification, which was then discarded.

The clarified juice was then piped into a quadruple effect evaporator eighteen feet long, twelve feet wide, and twelve feet high where excess water was boiled out The liquid was then passed through one ofthe twenty-five-ton boneblack (charcoal) filters. (This step was eliminated in 1893.) The molasses was then treated with sulphur gas to "clarify" and improve crystallization.

The syrup was boiled as thick as the boiler dared before it was released into the mixing pan, atank twenty feet in length with a stirrer at the bottom The sugar was then separated from the molasses by five forty-inch Weston centrifuges, each spinning fifteen hundred times a minute. The molasses was spun out and the wet sugar conveyed into a passed steam, heated the syrup to 139 degrees. Here itwas boiled down into melada, the technical name for syrup which is75 percent sugar and 25 percent molasses

The size and hardness ofthe sugar grains were determined by the skill ofthe sugar boiler—a man held in high esteem. Ifthe temperature was too high, the sugar would be hard and brittle (and would bring a lower price). If finished at a low temperature it would be graded firstclass.

The syrup was boiled as thick as the boiler dared before it was released into the mixing pan, atank twenty feet in length with astirrer at the bottom. The sugar was then separated from the molasses by five forty-inch Weston centrifuges, each spinning fifteen hundred times a minute. The molasses was spun out and the wet sugar conveyed into a Hershey sugar dryer, a revolving drum twenty feet long and six feet in diameter. One hundred pounds of dried sugar was then packed into a

burlap bag lined with white cotton The entire process from beet to sugar took approximately thirty-six hours.^^

The molasses spun off from the white sugar was boiled again to make brown sugar This was slow to granulate, and since there were no crystallizers in the early years of the plant, it was run from the brown "pan" to one ofthe two eighty-ton settling tanks where itwas allowed to stand over the summer until the sugar granulated and settled to the bottom ofthe tank The liquorwasthen drained offand thebrown sugar removed with a hand paddle.

Though processes were eventually discovered that extracted even more sugar from the waste molasses, in the earliest days ofthe factory "second and third syrup" was difficult to dispose of Much was dumped

Unidentified workers in Lehi Sugar Factory, early 1890s.

Spinners working inside Lehi Sugar Factory.

^''Salt Lake Herald October 8, 1891; Arrington, "Utah's Pioneer Beet Sugar Plant," pp 114-17; William H \\o\zh\rd, American Beet Sugar: Instructionsfor Field Workfrom Seed to HarvesULos Augdes, 1898), pp 31-43

into Spring Creek and carried to Utah Lake. For a time a vinegar and alcohol distillery was considered, but this never materialized An interesting use of this waste product was found in surfacing Lehi roads. The molasses was impregnated with potash salts and mixed with cinders from the boiler room. "At first the molasses showed a tendency to ooze up through the gravel," noted an observer, "but the application of an extra coating of gravel remedied this and made the road as smooth as a floor and as hard as pavement"^*

Prior tothe 1898 campaign the most beets processed in asingle day was435 tons on October 7, 1896. An incentive program was established at the beginning of the 1898 season whereby each factory worker received an additional 10 percent of his daily wage for a four-hundredton day. During the 1899 campaign the factory processed thirty-six thousand tons of beets—a new record. This efficiency, plus the fact that the DingleyTariffwassofavorable toward the sugar industry, convinced the Utah Sugar Company to double the capacity ofthe Lehi plant

The massive 1899-1900 building project not only physically doubled the sizeofthe plant but also increased itscapacity toa thousand tons of beets per day. Abeet-cutting station built at Springvillewas later followed by similar stations atBinghamJunction(Westjordan), Spanish Fork, Provo, and Pleasant Grove. At these auxiliary stations beets were chopped into pulp, mixed with milk of lime, and pumped to Lehi through pipelines for processing. The process was later abandoned, however, because of serious pipeline malfunctions.

On October 22, 1900, a special Rio GrandeWestern train, carrying more than a dozen dignitaries including George Q Cannon, president ofthe Utah Sugar Company, stopped briefly at the Lehi Sugar Factory Manager Thomas R. Cutler, superintendent Henry Vallez, chief engineer M. W. Ingalls, field superintendent George Austin, Mayor Mosiah Evans, E. R. Patterson, G.A. Smith, andJames Kirkham cHmbed aboard. After touring the new Springville cutting station, the group returned to Lehi for dinner at the sugar factory's boarding house

At the conclusion ofthe meal, Cutler led the group on a tour ofthe enlarged plant One of the most interesting features of the steamoperated factory was its twenty-two boilers, each with its own smokestack One hundred twenty-five tons of coal were burned each day, and as many as sixty carloads of coal might be awaiting unloading.

The excitement ofthe sugar factory in operation attracted scores of Lehi children on weekends. Plant management continually warned

Arrington, Beet Sugar in the West, p. 31.

Lehi

Factory,

parents to keep their offspring home to avoid accidents. Six-year-old Harold Racker was kiUed at the factor) in October 1898.^^ Even grown men were not safe from injury at the factory. Superintendent James H. Gardner noted that a German sugar nriaker visiting the Lehi works had said: "If you were in Germany you would be thrown injail. You've got exposed machinery allover the place. You've got hazards everyway you turn Why in Germany you would be having someone killed in a plant hke this every day." Gardner replied: "In the United States, people exercise common sense and don't go blundering into exposed machinery or fall off stairs without railings."^^ But numerous injuries, including one to Gardner himself, and several deaths show evidence that the plant was a hazardous working environment

Like other agriculturerelated enterprises, the sugar industry was subject to political manipulation. The Underwood Tariff of 1913 gave better rates to cane sugar than itdid to beet sugar. Despite the rumors of a rapidly declining beet sugar market, theJuly 25, 1914, Banner wrote: "They say that the recent buying of a half miUion dollars of sugar sacks by the Mormon church would indicate that the sugar business was not going to the bow-wows." The foresight was uncanny The following month war broke out in Europe, market conditions changed almost instantly, and sugar prices escalated w^orldwide.

U and I management was quick to gear up operations in Lehi and elsewhere. Before 1914 ended, a huge fourteen miflion-pound capacity warehouse was completed at the Lehi factory The February 27, 1915, American Fork Citizen contained manager Thomas Cudefs announcement of $400,000 worth of improvements on U and I factories, including a $100,000 expenditure on the Lehi plant (The 184-foot smoke

Sugar

ecu 1920.

'^Lehi Banner, October 25, 1898

^Lehi Free Press, December 23, 1949

stack still standing in 1991, was built at this time.) The fall 1915 campaign, processed 131,401 tons of beets into 374,743 hundredpound bags of sugar and proved to be the peak production year

From the first campaign, once the sugar factory began operations in the fall itdid not closeuntil all beets were processed. This meant two twelvehour shifts seven days a week with no break These working conditions, particularly near the end of a campaign, resulted in high absenteeism. For thirty-oneyears, however, no changewasmade in the work schedule As the 1921 season started, considerable worker sentiment was expressed for three eight-hour shifts rather than the two twelvehour shifts ofthe past Butmanagement adamantly opposed the idea On October 18, 1921, factoryworkerswentonstrikeovertheissue Lehibusinessmen weresupportive ofthe action, passingamotion"that the businessmen of Lehi recommend that the company grant to their Lehi employees an eight hour day."

Lehi MayorJames H. Gardner and sugar factory superintendent David Hodge met with employees later that afternoon and reaffirmed the company's poskion that "there could be no change in the working conditions at the mill." The officials also stated that unless the men returned to work the following day, the facility would be closed for the season and the beets shipped elsewhere for processing. But even eloquent pleasbystatesenator Edward SouthwickandA J Evans ofthe Alpine Stake Presidency could not change the workers' position.

When thewhisde blewthe following morning atseven o'clock only a handful ofmen wereon thejob. Factory officials sent them home and closed the plant Utah Sugar Company officials huddled with state officials and decided to send Thomas R Cuder to Lehi to seek a compromise. The October 27 Lehi Sun reported that shortly before noon on Saturday, October 23, "the Lehi sugar factory resumed cutting beets and making sugar on the three shift plan." The workers, who had won their point, received thesamerateofpayaswasreceived on thetwo-shift plan—30C, 321/4C, and 35C per hour

As if to demonstrate that there were no hard feelings, factory workers began to turn out sugar at an unprecedented pace. The November 24, 1921, Lehi Sun reported that on November 20 the factory sacked 4,754 bags of sugar, a record equal to half of the sugar made duringtheentire 1891 campaign. To illustratehowmuch sugarthiswas, the paper noted:

If these bags of sugar were laid side by side they would form a pavement that would reach from the sugar factory to Bateman' s Blacksmith Shop [ on

Main between Second and Third East] and if laid end to end a sweet path would be made from the sugar factory to the Third Ward Church [Ross Lamb residence in 1991 ]. This all goes to prove that the old mill is still on the job and going strong Hurrah for the old Lehi pioneer mill

Despitethepaper's enthusiasm, thedaysofthe LehiSugar Factory were numbered. Foryears growers had mistakenly been told that beets did not impoverish the land, that crop rotation waisnot essential This erroneous idea led to the spread of parasitic nematodes (micre scopic round worms) which seriously infested local beet crops.

The other plant disease that contributed tothe eventual closure of the Lehi Sugar Factory was "curly top," caused by the insect Eutettix (more recently, Circulifer) tenellus, commonlyknown asthewhiteffy.The insect pierces the beet leaves with a liollow proboscis to suck juice, thereby spreading a virus that causes the plant to wither and curl. In 1917 scientistsofthe U.S.DepartmentAgriculturebecameinterested in the problem and slowly began to develop strains of beets that were resistent to this insect But local fields, devastated by the infestations, brought litde or no income to farmers, and fewer and fewer of them were willing to risk their livelihood on sugar beets. There was not enough harvest in 1925 to open the Lehi factory.

The sadnewsreported intheAugust 19,1926, Lehi Sun wasthat the factory would again not open that fall. Although the season had started with fairly good prospects, the dry, hot season and"curly top" resulted in complete crop failure in Utah and Idaho. The Lehi factory was ordered tolayoffallyear-round helpwiththeexception ofa small office force and temporary sugar loaders and to curtail unnecessary expense. Pleas were made annually for local farmers to plant more beets.

TheJanuary 5, 1928, Lehi Sun asked, "Will the Lehi Sugar Factory Run During 1928?" The answer was no. Four thousand acres of beets were necessary tooperatethefactory and farmers werestillnotwillingto take the risk The Lehi Sugar Factory never reopened In the 1930s the machinery was removed from the plant and installed in other U and I factories, with the bulk of it going to Toppenish, Washington.

During its thirty-four-year history the Lehi Sugar Factory had an average annual run of 98 days The longest campaign—1909 was 138 days. The final production year of 1924, though not as profitable as the peakyear of 1915, resulted in the processing of21,656 tons of beets which were harvested from 3,352 acres. Sackers processed 93,445 hundred-pound bags during this campaign.

From 1891 to 1924 the Lehi district produced 2,572,357 tons of beets from which thefactory extracted 6,987,242 hundred-pound bags

ofwhite sugar. The Utah Sugar Company and Utah-Idaho Sugar Company (formed in 1907) spent an estimated $30,000,000 in the Lehi district on beets, labor, and supplies.^^

In 1939 the Lehi factory buildings, with the exception of the warehouse, blacksmith shops, and other storage buildings, were sold to Bothweil Mining Company of Mercur. Many ofthe smaller buildings weremoved tovarious locations in Lehi, and much ofthe brickfrom the main factory was used to build theJoseph Smith Memorial building on the Brigham Young University campus and the Lehi First Ward Chapel.1^

For a time huge masses of brick disconnected boilers, pipes and valves, and weird off-shaped castings were scattered about the sugar factory grounds During World War II the property was one of the proposed sitesfor the steelplant later constructed at Geneva.And in the early 1950sitwas rumored that alarge uranium refinery would be built there. Morris Clark managed the U and I storage facilities at the large 1914-built warehouse for years. Many Lehi boys stacked sugar in that massive, wonderfully aromatic cavern In 1979 the property was sold to Thomas Peck and Sons Trucking Company. They presently use it for storing equipment and huge piles of firebrick clay.

Children growing up today will likely never again see a sugar beet

If there isanyjustice to that, it comes from knowing theywill also never crawl along those endless rows, short-handled hoe in hand, thinning those leafy vegetables. Only a person who has experienced that particular form of torture can with me shout "hurrah" at that prospect

Smokestack and warehouse remain at the Lehi Sugar Factory site, 1991.

'^Arrington, Beet Sagarin the West, pp 182-83

"^Lehi Free Press, April 13, 1939; Lehi Sun, December 1, 1938

Great Basin anthropologists are fortunate to have inherited a tradition of scholarly anthropologiccil endeavor of the highest quality. That tradition is perhaps best exemplified by the work of Julian H. Steward. For years his classic (1938) ecology-oriented ethnography, Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups, provided scholars a fundamental source work on Native American peoples of the Great Basin culture area. The focus of that work was the Western Shoshone ofthe drier, central Great Basin and Owens Valley, California The enduring influence of Steward's research is a tribute to his abilities; however, the tendency for his characterizations of Nevada Shoshonean patterns to be extended to all native Basin peoples is a negative consequence of his work This bias has persisted largely due to the scarcity and unavailability of ethnographic literature on the Ute, Northern Paiute, and other groups who lived in the vicinity of wedands in the Great Basin. (See p. xix for Fowler's comments on this issue.)

At the same time that Steward was pursuing his research, other scholars were studying the native peoples who lived on the better watered eastern and western peripheries ofthe Basin One of these others was Willard Z. Park During the 1930s and early 1940s Park studied the Northern Paiute who traditionally lived near Pyramid, Walker, and Honey lakes, the Humboldt and Carson sinks, and other regions of western Nevada

This volume (the first of two), compiled and edited by the prominent Great Basin ethnographer Catherine Fowler of the University of Nevada, Reno, presents for the first time in published form Park's complete notes on these pieoples

Volume 1 includes a reprinting of Park's synthesis of his studies published \n American Anthropologist "'ihe Organi2;ation and Habitat of Paviotso Bands," and sections on subsistence, material culture, transportation, medicines, and political organization As emphasized by Fowler, Park's notes are wonderfully rich in detail, primarily various informants' comments on the topic at hand. The text is supplemented by Fowler with footnotes containing comparative insights from appropriate ethnographic literature and with in-text introductions for most topics as well as section summaries These latter comments by Fowler are clearly separated from Park's notes by brackets

Fowler has also provided a useful introduction that includes biographical data on Park a description of his manuscripts and collections, details on the Northern Paiute people that Park interviewed, comments on the local environment, and a short history of the native peoples of the study area A Northern Paiute lexicon obtained by Park is included in an appendix Illustrations are good and include both historic photographs as well as drawings of artifacts and activities.

Willard Z Park's Ethnographic Notes on the Northern Paiute ofWestern Nevada, 1933-1944. Vol. 1. Compiled and edited by CATHERINE S. FOWLER. University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 114. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1989. xxx + 160 pp. $27.50.)

The compilation and organization of these important materials (2,000 or so typescript pages) is expertly handled by Fowler. Her notes add much to the volume and do not detract from the flavor of Park's material. In fact. Fowler's comments are often essential in the absence of introductory or summary statements by Park If there is a criticism of this publication it is a certain frustration felt by the reader (and likely by Fowler as well; however, see p. xviii of the introduction) about the lack of synthetic insights from Park himself on the various topics covered here.

This publication (along with an upcoming volume 2 to include sections on social organization, mythology, games and music, etc.) does much to resolve the bias in Great Basin studies alluded to above. This work is very much in the tradition of quality anthropological research and is a welcome and important addition to the Great Basin ethnographic literature It is highly recommended to any scholar interested in a more complete knowledge of native Great Basin people and their lifeways

JOEL C JANETSKI Brigham Young University

World War II and the West: Reshaping the Economy. By GER.'\LD D NASH (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990 xiii + 299 pp $32.50.)

As Nash makes abundantly clear in his pioneering study, World War II was a turning point in the economic history of the West As part of its effort to establish a wartime economy, Washington invested $40 billion in the western states which expanded the region's manufacturing base, created new industries such as aluminum, and set in place a scientific complex housed in universities and government research facilities. This burst of industrial and research activity freed the region of its dependence on eastern capital and sparked a new air of self-confidence among westerners

In his study of this transformation, Nash deftly analyzes the tension between big and small business sectors that shaped every dimension of public policy. Western congressmen set up federal agencies to direct war contracts to smaller companies and established special congressional committees to open channels for small businessmen isolated from federal officials In Washington, Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, a strong western advocate, lobbied for small-scale miners, encouraged cheap power, and engi-

neered the construction of new aluminum plants, all to help preserve small business Western congressmen and Ickes hoped that these actions would generate a diversified economy free of corporate control.

Despite these efforts, corporations benefited from government demands for low-cost, volume production and actually expanded their presence in key western industries By waf s end, Kaiser and Bechtel dominated shipbuilding Similarly, the big four western mining companies maintained their unrelenting grip on the minerals industries. The six major aircraft manufacturers also remained unchallenged in their leadership ofthe industry and even standardized production through the Aircraft War Production Council At no point did small business threaten the large corporations and often survived only as subcontractors to large-scale companies such as Lockheed and Douglas aircraft manufacturers.

Unexpectedly, the war made westerners acutely conscious of their dwindling natural resources, once critical in their prewar, export economy Ickes anticipated this concern when he

stressed the need to substitute manufacturing for resource dependent operations, a move also designed to end eastern exploitation of the region. Western ranchers and farmers echoed these sentiments when they voiced support for more government management ofthe shrinking land base, an idea embodied within the Bureau of Land Management

Surprisingly, westerners embraced the notion of planning, once regarded with great suspicion and distrust Reflecting these past attitudes, they insisted that control of the planning process remain in local hands, free of a distant and unresponsive federal bureaucracy By 1945 planning agencies had appeared throughout all levels of state and local government and had even spread to the private sector among groups as diverse as manufacturing associations and chambers of commerce

Planning also occupied a central place in the debate over reconversion Westerners were keenly aware of Washington's importance in the postwar economy and called for continued federal funding, new public works programs, and disposal of wartime plants at low cost Western promoters also demanded federal support for the air industry and assistance in ending the discriminatory railroad rates that had adversely affected the West

Nash's work demonstrates the as-

tounding paradoxes ofthe West's wartime experience First, writers such as Bernard De Voto celebrated the West as a new frontier of unlimited opportunity in which small business would flourish, an attitude encouraged by the fn^e enterprise spirit of western leaders but wholly at odds with the enhanced position of corporate enterprise.

Second, western entrepreneurs won for a once-backward region a welld(?served reputation for innovation by pioneering new production methods Managerial and technological innovations transformed craft-oriented operations such as shipbuilding into massproduction industries and enabled the western producers to overtake their eastern competition. This strategy accounts for the ascendancy ofthe West in key industries and created a sound foundation for the posrwir 'ears

Last, western deman s for federal participation in the region's economy, even in activities as crucial as grazing, contrasts sharply with the overt hostility displayed toward all forms of central direction during the 1980s.

In the future those needing an introduction to this complicated and important topic will almost certainly have to begin with Nash's insightful study.

EDWARD J. DAVIES II University of Utah

The Gold Discovery Journal ofAzariah Smith. Edited by DAVID L BIGLER (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990 x -b 159 p p $17.50.)

In 1847 teenager Azariah Smith (1828-1912) enlisted in the Mormon Battalion He soon started a march across half of North America Expecting to participate in a war with Mexico, Smith and his comrades never saw military action. But a few of these Mormons, including young Azariah, marched into the annals of western

y^merican history. He was present at Sutter's Mill onjanuary 24, 1848, when James Marshall made his world-changing discovery of gold Only he and Henry Bigler recorded the find at or near the moment it happened

However, this edition of Smith's lournal seems mistitled. In truth, only 30 pages have anything to do with the

California gold discovery and resulting rush Onjanuary 30, 1848, over one week after the fact Smith noted, "This week Monday the 24th [date inserted later] Mr Marshall found some pieces of (as we all suppose) Gold" (p. 108). The young Mormon's entry later corroborated Henry Biglefs diary which historians have used since the late nineteenth century to mark the date of the discovery. Aside from proving Biglefs record, the real historical value of Smith's journal is his narrative of the march of the Mormon Battalion, his experiences in occupied California following the Mexican-American War, and his account of the weeks following Marshall's discovery when a handful of Sutter's workmen had the gold fields to themselves.

This edition of Azariah Smith's journal closes with a well-conceived editorial epilogue David L Bigler recounts the participation of 60-yearold Smith in California's Goldenjubilee

celebration of 1898. Smith, along with Henry Bigler, James Brown, and William Johnston (the surviving members of Marshall's work crew of 1848), went as honored guests to this San Francisco commemorative event Through the diarist's own words the honor these four elderly Mormons felt becomes quite clear.

David Bigler, a distant relative of both Azariah Smith and Henry Bigler, adds to the historical value of Smith's writings through his thoughtful chapter introductions and detailed footnotes. Further, the book is distinguished by captivating illustrations and useful maps For these reasons alone The Gold Discovery Journal ofAzariah Smith should win a deserved spot on library shelves and in the bookcases of scholars and buffs of western American history.

M GUY BISHOP Natural History Museum ofLos Angeles County

Regulating Danger: The Strugglefor Mine Safety in the Rocky Mountain Coat Industry. By JAMES WHITESIDE (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990. xvi -I- 265 pp. $37.50.)

In Regulating Danger, James Whiteside delineates the development of safety practices, legislation, and eventual enforcement from the 1800s to the 1980s He has amassed a great deal of data, primarily on Colorado but also on New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming, and Montana Sprinkled lightly with footnotes, the work zigzags back and forth through the history ofthe five states A bibliographic essay evaluates most of the pertinent secondary sources and Congressional documents, especially those available in and/or pertaining to Colorado

The greatest strengths of this book are three, beginning with the facts amassed. Second, Whiteside gives a very clear explanation ofthe technical workings of coal mines and the spectrum of jobs within the industry Third, he makes an important distinction between much-

publicized coal mine explosions and more common but generally unheralded deaths from falls of rock and haulage accidents.

Unfortunately, however, the incipient strength of the work has been undercut by a weak theoretical framework and a thematic rather than a chronological approach. Whiteside explicitly discusses the distinctiveness ofthe Rocky Mountain coal industry (as compared to the East and to hard rock mines) only in the conclusion If presented earlier, this discussion might have helped to explain the importance of his research. Second, slippery chronology makes much of the book repetitive, additionally forcing Whiteside to assert what he fails to show. For example, events of the Progressive Era (1900-1917) are discussed in chapters 2 through 7. The movement is finally

defined in chapter 5, including a reference to " laws to regulate conditions in which industrial workers toiled" (p 98) Yet Whiteside waits until his "Conclusion" (pp.209-10) to state that the Bureau of Mines, created in 1910, was "established to study the problem of mine safety and recommend solutions to industry and state governments."

Other problems, large and small, crowd the work Most noticeably, Whiteside fails to strike a balance b ^ tween the miners' and operators' views, favoring the latter For example, on p 49 he makes the totally erroneous statement that miners "tended to segregate

themselves" in company housing, ignoring the absolute power of the company Smaller details also need attention: The map of Utah on p 14 is misdrawn, giving that state part of Wyoming's coal-rich Uinta County On the following page, the arrival of the Union Pacific in Utah is given as 1870, a vear too late. These and other nagging errors mean that Whiteside has missed i:he chance to provide the definitive work on this important subject Instead, he has pioneered a path that others must follow.

NANCYJ TANIGUCHI

California State University, Stanislaus

Dan De Quille, the Washoe Giant: A Biograptiy and Anthology. By RICHARD A. DWYER and RICHARD E. LINGENFELTER. (Reno and Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 1990. xii-b452 p p Paper, $16.95.)

Two midwesterners migrated to the frontiers of California and Nevada in the late 1850s and 1860s, not to become rich miners, although they tried, but to become eminent literary figures of Nevada They adopted pseudonyms of Mark Twain and Dan De Quille (the latter being a kind of pun on his real name, William Wright), and for a time in the 1860s the better known of the two was De Quille They roomed together, wrote about each other, and even after Twain moved to Connecticut and worldwide fame, their friendship continued. Twain's greatest act of friendship was to invite De Quille to live with him so he could complete The Big Bonanza for which De Quille is remembered and which is still in print

De Quille wrote mostly short pieces for newspapers. Like Twain he often wrote in dialect Irish or frontier argot and like Twain he sometimes took the big gamble and wrote outrageous stories and hoaxes A good example is his account ofthe man who believed he was growing a beef liver in his nose and how it was extracted by a perceptive physician, an illustration ofa psychoso-

matic illness. Or there is the man with dropsy, whose body was drained of v/ater to slake the thirst of companions stranded on the Nevada desert There is also the hoax ofthe silver man, a sort of petrified body found in the diggings, or the inventor of solar armor who froze to death on the hot desert clothed in his cooling device. De Quille was a consummate storyteller with a large dose of imagination

But he was little more than that He was not a social critic, not an accurate reporter He is unreliable for the historian In all his short stories there is a touch of fiction Perhaps he revealed the temper ofthe times, but mainly he was a storyteller.

De Quille wrote in the first person, but we do not learn much about him as a person in his stories Dwyer and Lingenfelter have written a short biography as an introduction to the selections, based on correspondence and other documents at the Bancroft Library, but we still do not get acquainted with the intimate William Wright As a young man with a growing family Will was given a rich Iowa farm, and yet he forsook all of

that and virtually abandone d his wife and children for the California and later the Washoe mining fields. What personal or economic crisis led him to flee his family.^ H e became a notoriously debilitated alcoholic, causing him to be fired from his jo b on the Territorial Enterprise. Was there a reason for his descent into inebriation.^ Very little of the inner life of William Wright is revended here

Th e tales of imagination gathered here are worth reading on their own meri t Very little editing is really

necessary, although occasionally there is an idiom or a reference that could be explained in brackets Th e editors assembled a checklist of De Quille's writings, knowing full well that other stories will come to light De Quille has been too muc h forgotten, and Dwyer and Lingenfelter have taken steps to restore him to his rightful place

Produced as an exhibit catalog, Exploring the Fremont is handsomely designed and printed and, mor e important, provides an excellent introduction to these enigmatic people who lived in the eastern Great Basin and western Colorado Plateau country from about A.D. 650 to 1250. State archaeologist David B Madsen does a fine jo b of presenting the Fremont people to a lay audience. Th e text gives readers a lot of information about but no final answers to the Fremont; we learn muc h about them, but they remain hauntingly illusive Th e illustrations of artifacts and sites add to our understanding. Anyone interested in Utah's prehistoric peoples will want this book; it is muc h mor e than an exhibit catalog.

Many town histories in Utah were published in the 1940s as projects of local camps of the Daughters of Utah Pioneers Although these compilations remain useful as repositories of information not readily available elsewhere, they are dated. Most of them emphasize the pioneer settlement period and provide little or no context for or interpretation of events.

In the 1980s many new town histories appeared, and the 1990s began auspiciously for local history with this volume Richard Van Wagoner's history of Lehi looks at the broad sweep ofth e city's history from Paleo-Indian times to the latest plans of the city council in a well-written opening section that gives readers an overview of Lehi history Th e author places events in this Utah Valley

WILLIAM H LYON Northern Arizona University Flagstaff

Exploring the Fremont By DAVID B. MADSEN. (Salt Lake City: Utah Museum of Natural History, University of Utah, 1989 xiv-f 70 pp Paper, $12.00.)

Lehi: Portraits ofa Utah Town By RICHARD S VAN WAGONER (Lehi: Lehi City Corporation, 1990 x -I- 469 pp $35.00.)

community in the larger context of state, national, and even international events such as the Great Depression and the Vietnam War, packing a lot of historical data into a highly readable format

Subsequent sections treat such topics as municipal government, religion, commerce, industry, entertainment, etc., but with a difference. Van Wagoner uses the topical approach to history skillfully H e draws his information from a wide range of sources (appropriately documented) and, again, sets the building of a store or a brickyard into a broader, often interpretive context As a result, the accounts are informative and engaging, full of facts and figures, people and places, and intriguing details such as neighbors might exchange over a backyard fence

The book is beautifully printed and bound, a reflection ofthe author's and publisher's care Both Van Wagoner and Lehi City should be proud of this excellent community history It could serve as a model for other aspiring town historians.

In SearcJi ofthe Golden West: The Tourist in Western America. By EARL POMEROY (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990. xxii -I- 233 pp. Paper, $9.95.)

When Alfred A Knopf published the original edition of Pomero/ s study of western toiarism in 1957, the book stood almost alone in that field. Since then, no doubt in response to the headlong outdoor recreation boom and related concerns about the environment, a considerable number of other studies have joined it Pomero/ s book still holds its own, and we are fortunate to have it back in print in a convenient paperback format Not the least of this edition's virtues is a new ten-page introduction in which Pomeroy tells how and why he originally wrote the book and surveys subsequent historiography

Prevailing over Time: Ethnic Adjustment on the Kansas Prairies, 1875-1925.'^y D AIDAN MCQUILLAN. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990. xx + 292 pp. $37.50.)

This significant book examines ethnic adjustment on the Kansas Irontier during the period 1875-1925 Th e study involves three ethnic groups that arrived in central Kansas at about the same time—French Canadians, Swedes, ftnd Mennonites of German descent, most of whom came to Kansas from southern Russia Recognizing the traditional elements of ethnicity: language, religion, race, culture, and a sense of territorial identification, Prevailing Over Time focuses on a sixth element—value system—arguing that "by examining the farm decisions of immigrant groups m the American Midwest over the first fifty years of settlement, it is possible to monitor adaptations in the priorities of each group as it adjusted to the opportunities of American life" (p. 10).

Under this broad thesis, the author covers such themes as the social, economic, and farming experience before the groups reached Kansas; the process of establishing and sustaining ethnic communities; economic successes; adaptation to a new geographical environment; and farming decisions that reflected both the geographical adaptation and ethnic values of each gioup

Wigioam Evenings: Sioux Folk Tales Retold

By CHARLES A. EASTMAN

and ELAINE

GooDALE EASTMAN (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990 xii-l-253 pp Paper, $7.95.)

These allegories, a composite, condensed sampling of tribal lore, represent "th e distilled conclusions of generations. . .of Plains society and point to the essence of what it is to be a decent, thoughtful, respectable human " The collection was originally published in 1909

Sagebrush Soldier; Private William Earl Smith's View ofthe Sioux War of1878. By SHERRYL SMITH (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989 xviii-b 158 pp $18.95.)

Sagebrush Soldier oflers an unusual view of the Indian Wars, that of an enlisted man. Earl Smith's diary details daily camp life, batdes, and an ordinary soldier's preoccupation with day-to-day comfort and survival Additionally, to provide a more balanced picture ofthe Sioux War and particularly the Powder River Expedition, the author incorporates many other contemporary accounts in an effort to present a balanced history and a more comprehensive view—one that looks at both military and Indian accounts, officers and enlisted men, Indian allies and enemies.

Thomas O. Larkin: A Life of Patriotism and Profit in Old California. By HARLAN HAGUE and DAVID J LANGUM

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990 xiii -b 352 pp Cloth, $28.95.)

New Englander Thomas O. Larkin arrived in California in 1832 to seek his fortune as a merchant and banker He achieved wealth, but he achieved much more, for his appointments as American consul in 1843 and as secret agent for the president of the United States in 1846 thrust upon him an instrumental role in effecting the transfer of California fi-om Mexico to the United States

Unlike many Americans who sought opportunity in Mexican California, Larkin never renounced his U.S citizenship nor his Protestant faith. Yet, while he vigorously promoted American annexation of California, he never fit comfortably into the new regime and longed for the tranquility and aristocratic culture ofthe Mexican period

Given Larkin's historical importance, it is surprising that this is the first

adequate biography, but it is well worth the wait Hague and Langum have thoroughly exploited the massive Larkin papers to cast a bright light for the first time on an important figure in an important period of western history

Custer Victorious: The Civil War Battles of General George Armstrong Custer By GREGORY J. W. URWIN. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990. 308 pp. Paper, $9.95.)

Custer Victorious represents a revisionist history and innovative approach toward understanding the man who led 210 troopers ofthe 7 th Cavalry to their death onJune 25, 1876. This expansion of Urwin's doctoral dissertation was first published as a hardcover volume in 1983 The work represents a refocusing ofthe Custer myth, its thesis being that Custer cannot be understood "as the epitome of impadent rashness and reckless stupidity" nor merely as a man of "unflagging courage" and "utter fearlessness." The truth of his personage lies somewhere in between.

Urwin paints an excellent portrait of the young lieutenant who marshalled his cavalry in orderly retreat at First Bull Run, rose to major general at the age of twenty-four, and assisted in bringing about the surrender of Lee at Appomattox Court House. Custer seemed always at the fore of any fracas, no matter how big or small He delighted in the cavalry charge against overwhelming odds and almost to a skirmish was indeed "Custer Victorious." Urwin has tapped a multitude of primary sources in search ofthe military and charismatic success of Civil War Custer Despite the zeal that marks revisionist histories, this volume provides enough information to allow the reader to come to his own conclusion about Custer's ability. Whether you are an entrenched "Custerphile" or an ardent Civil War buff, this well-written and entertaining volume is hard to put down

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt take City, 1993 Chairman

PETER t Goss, Salt take City, 1995 Vice-chairman

MAX J EVANS, Salt take City Secretary

DOUGLAS D ALDER SL George, 1993

tEONARDj ARRINGTON, Salt tak e City, 1993

DALE L BERGE, Provo, 1995

BOYD A BLACKNER, Salt take City, 1993

HUGH C GARNER Salt take City, 1993

DEAN L MAY, Salt take City, 1995

AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt take City, 1993

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1995

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1993

ADMINISTRATION

MAX J EVANS, Director

WILSON G MAKTW, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD,/Iww^an^ Director

STANFORD J tAYTON, Managing Editor

DAVID B MADSZN, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publisning the IJtah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: colleaing nistoric Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past

This publication has been funded with the assistance ofa matching grant-in-aid from the Department ofthe Interior, National Park Service, under provisions ofthe National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended

This program receives financial assistance for identification jind preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 ofthe Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department ofthe Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or ifyou desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department ofthe Interior, Washington, D.C 20240