Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 60, Number 4, 1992

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

KENNETH L CANNON II, Salt Lake City, 1992

ARLENE H EAKLE, Woods Cross, 1993

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 1994

JOEL C JANETSKI, Provo, 1994

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1992

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 1994

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1993

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1992

GREGORY C. THOMPSON, Salt Lake City, 1993

UtahHistorical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101 Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, BeehiveHistory, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 5 1/4 inch MS-DOS or PGDOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society.

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Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to UtahHistorical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

ROBERT S. MCPHERSON Sacred Land, Sacred View: Navajo Perceptions of the Four Corners

Region

ANTHONY GODFREY 375

MARY LOGAN ROTHSCHILD and PAMELA CLAIR HRONEK. Doing What the Day Brought: An Oral History of Arizona

Women JESSIE L. EMBRY 376

RICHARD WHITE "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West THOMAS G ALEXANDER 377

HANK CORLESS. The Weiser Indians: Shoshoni

Peacemakers FRED R. GOWANS 379

LAWRENCE FOSTER Women, Family, and Utopia: Communal Experiments of the Shakers, the Oneida Community, and the Mormons POLLY STEWART 380

ERIK BARNOUW House with a Past RICHARD H. JACKSON 381

In this issue

Few citizens of this nation are unlikely to have been touched in one way or another by the tenth anniversary ceremonies at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial during the week of Veterans Day 1992 Wars affect society profoundly and leave an indelible mark on history Utah experienced two wars in its territorial period, neither of which could be compared with Vietnam in scale but both of which present haunting similarities nevertheless On e of these conflicts—the Black Hawk War—is examined in our first article. With its focus on tactics, it lays bare the reasons why small bands of Utes with no apparent logistical base could inflict so much damage on the white community for so long.

The next article deals with conflict of a different sort—political conflict Concentrating as it does on Parley P Christensen, a Republicanturned-Progressive, it too is eminently timely Th e careful reader will draw any numbe r of generalizations from it not only about the pluralistic legacy of Utah's politics but also about the meaning and viability of thirdparty movements in the electoral process

Th e final two articles brush us past the educational communities in Utah. On e looks at an unforgettable personality who devoted a lifetime of boundless energy and good humo r to teaching and library service. Th e other surveys the origin and evolution of the state's oldest Greek-letter college fraternity. Anyone who has ever been scintillated by the learning experience should delight in the images, evocations, and pleasing memories these selections will call forth.

Front entrance ofpublic library in Logan, Utah.

The Ute Mode of War in the Conflict of 1865-68

BY ALBERT WINKLER

TH E UTE MODE OF WAR HAS BEEN inadequately treated in studies of the Black Hawk War to date, and much of the large body of helpful reminiscences and letters relating to the war has been overlooked. This article will examine Ute warfare, relying on these little-used sources to better understand why and how the Utes operated as they did.1 The Paiutes also fought in the war but are not part of this study. These groups were discernible from the Utes because they lived farther south, had far fewer horses, and were unable to strike from horseback with the numbers of the Utes.

The Utes campaigned very effectively in the war. Along with the Paiutes they inflicted heavy damage on the whites. During 1865-67 the Indians caused an estimated $1,500,000 in losses By that time the

Dr. Winkler is an archivist at the Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

1 Collections of value include the letters found in the Deseret News; Journal History of the LDS Church, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City; Utah Militia Records, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City; and Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81, Utah Superintendency, National Archives, Washington, D.C Other materials of value are found in various repositories in Utah and Washington, D.C Peter Gottfredson, Indian Depredations in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1919), presents some sources handily in print, but it should be used with caution because of inaccuracies

Henry rifle. Often Indians had betterfirearms than whites.

The Ute Mode of War in the Conflict of 1865-68

301

whites had abandoned entire sections of southern and central Utah, suffered scores of casualties, and lost hundreds of cows and horses; and much of Utah had been terrorized for nearly three years. This was accomplished by a few score warriors facing an estimated 2,500 militiamen under arms during 1866 alone.2

Contemporaries found much to praise in the Ute mode of war

Following the fight at Diamond Fork up Spanish Fork Canyon on June 26, 1866, Josiah Robertson, a white participant, spoke of the Utes' "superior discipline of over 1,000 years of practical training in the strictest, unvariable treacherous strategic discipline known to man."John Wesley Powell and G. W. Ingalls visited the Utes after the war and said they were "well mounted, ... a wild, daring people, and very skillful in border warfare."3

The causes of the war influenced the manner in which it was fought. After the war Black Hawk spoke at a number of towns, trying to be reconciled with the whites. At Fillmore he outlined the grievances that had led to hostilities: "The white invaders had taken possession of the hunting and fishing grounds of his ancestors," some of them were insolent, and there were incidents of "whipping and occasional killing [of] his warriors." He also said at least one local raid "was forced by the starvation of his people."4 Of these reasons, hunger had the greatest military impact because the main object of most of the raids was to take cattle for food.

On this or another visit to Fillmore,Josiah Rogerson interviewed the chief, speaking in the "Kanosh and 'PI-EED' Indian language." Black Hawk said:

He was a dreamer every night, and Visionary from his boyhood as he repeatedly told me, and that the spirits of his dead ancestors had come to him in his dreams for years, and told him to "Go-ahead-and fight-fight, kill-kill; Mormon cattle his cattle."5

These revelations were certainly attractive to a proud and hungry man.

2 Orson F Whitney, History of Utah, 4 vols (Salt Lake City: Cannon & Sons, 1892-1904), 2:209-10 The total militia force in Utah in 1867 was listed as 12,024, including 2,525 cavalry Whitney cited a report made by Gov Charles Durkee early in 1868 For the estimate of 2,500 see Gottfredson, Depredations, p 200

3 John Robertson, as cited in George Washington Brimhall, "Autobiography," Special Collections, University of Utah Library, Salt Lake City John Wesley Powell and G W Ingalls, Ute, Pai-Ute, Gosi Ute, and Shoshone Indians. , U.S., Congress, House, 43d Cong., 1st sess (1873-74), House Ex Doc no 157, p 3

4 Josiah F Gibbs, "Black Hawk's Last Raid—1866," Utah Historical Quarterly 4 (1931): 108 Gibbs was probably at the meeting.

5 Josiah Rogerson, "The Ending of the Black Hawk War in Utah," LDS Church Archives

Hunger among the Indians was brought about by the severe ecological damage of white settlement and the resulting competition for limited resources, as outlined by Brigham Young at Springville in July 1866:

[We] occupy the land where they used to hunt the rabbit and the antelope were in these valleys in large herds when we first came here. When we came here, they could catch fish in great abundance in the lake in the season thereof, and live upon them pretty much through the summer But now their game has gone, and they are left to starve.6

This situation was intensified by severe winter weather, as reported by O.H. Irish, superintendent of Indian Affairs for Utah, on April 1, 1865:

we have had a most inclement winter, five months of almost conUnous [sic] winter storms in the valleys and six in the mountains and no visible prospect of a change for the better yet Indians that started out about the middle of February on a hunt to see if they could not support themselves were driven back by one of the most severe snow storms that ever occurred in this country and they have not been able to move off yet and have to be assisted here The settlers have lost at least one half of their cattle and the Indians who were away from the immediate vicinity have lost nearly all of their horses

On April 28 Irish reported daily storms during the first twenty days of the month and stated some Utes had begun hostilities by stealing cattle and killing whites in Sanpete Valley.7

Hunger persisted in 1866. The new superintendent of Indian Affairs, F. H. Head, reported that the Indians of the "Uinta" reservation had not been fed during the previous harsh winter They were in a condition of "starvation and nakedness." Tabby, "the head chief," told Head he and "all his warriors were on their way tojoin the hostile Indians" when provisions arrived Head concluded, "the Indians are extremely poor, and like other people, will steal before they will starve."8

As expected, culture greatly influenced how the Utes made war Marvin K. Opler described the Utes as "expedient" warriors who raided for food rather "than any desire ... to win prestige by rash displays of valor; . . . there were no war honors institutionalized in the culture." The Utes were careful to avoid casualties and were so "op-

Brigham Young, "Remarks,"July 28, 1866,Journal History

O H Irish to William P Dole, April 1 and 28, 1865, Utah Superintendency

F H Head to D Cooley, June 21 and September 20, 1866, Utah Superintendency

303

posed to any foolhardy shedding of blood, that a war leader who proved his incompetence by severe loss of men risked a flogging at the hands of resentful warriors." Opler simply concluded that "standing fights were avoided whenever possible."

9 These cultural traits, evident throughout the war, help to explain why the Utes were effective warriors who knew how to avoid heavy casualties

John Wesley Powell visited the Utes during the winter of 1868-69 shortly after the war and at several other times. His observations give contemporary ethnological insights into how the Utes made war. He apparently visited the band led by Black Hawk and called them the "Shib-e-ritches" on this occasion. Leadership in the Ute "tribes" was provided by an "Executive Chief, and a chief of the Council, and sometimes a War Chief though usually the War Chief and Executive Chief are one." The executive chief or war chief directed the march of the group and usually organized the hunting parties. At times the group would split up to facilitate better hunting and would later reassemble The executive chief or war chief had great influence but usually executed the will of the "important" men of the group called the council to which all matters of importance were submitted. After an informal discussion on questions such as movements and hunting, the chief of the council gave his opinion, which was considered the final decision on the matter. Of course the war chief was the man who led the Utes to war:

The War Chief is some man who has signalized himself in battle and often has no authority though revered for his bravery and prowess; but if he is also considered a man of good judgment he is expected to lead the braves in battle, to plan an attack or defense

The control such leaders had over their men was largely based on "a profound sense of the duty of obedience to leaders and superiors." This sense of duty was so profound it often allowed for a leader of "ability" to implement disciplinary action, including taking "life at his will."

10

Precisely how such cultural traits affected the Utes in the Black Hawk War is uncertain. However, certain assumptions may be made. Black Hawk claimed leadership for the warring Utes when he surren-

9 Marvin K Opler, 'The Southern Ute of Colorado," Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes, Ralph Linton, ed (New York: Appleton, 1940), p 162 Smith said these traits were also true of the Northern Utes Anne M Smith, Ethnology of the Northern Utes (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico, 1974), p 19

10 John Wesley Powell Papers, Anthropology Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C

dered in August 1867, and he clearly acted as their spokesman following the conflict. He probably acted as a war chief for many of the warriors and exercised considerable influence until he was incapacitated by wounds or illness. Presumably, he consulted with the council which, no doubt, affected his decisions, but most of the leadership was likely provided by him. It may also be surmised that cultural factors kept the Indians relatively obedient to authority. It is further likely that when the Utes used such tactics as dividing and reassembling their forces in operations during the war they were simply employing a method commonly used in hunting

Other cultural traits honed skills that were used in war. Men had shooting matches with bows and arrows They shot at a target of woven willows thrown into the air, or a ring of peeled willow thrown uphill was shot at as it rolled down. Men also raced each other on foot and on horseback.11

The feats of the Utes can be understood only when their numbers are considered. For 1865 reports of Indian numbers are available only for the October 17 raid on Ephraim. One white observer gave the figure of 16 warriors, another 17.12 There is some indication Black Hawk visited the Elk Mountain Utes of eastern Utah in the winter of 1865-66 to gain allies or recruits for the war. 13 This may account for their increased numbers in 1866.

11 Smith, Northern Utes, p 232

Four

Black Hawk. USHS collections.

12 An unnamed informant of the town told Martin Kuhre that "sixteen came out of the canyon," cited in Ephraim's First One Hundred Years (Ephraim, Ut.: Centennial Book Committee, 1954?), p 15

Utes killed Kuhre's parents L C Larson was with a group attacked by "about thirteen" Indians south of the town, according to his account in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 174-75

13 F H Head to D Cooley, June 21, 1866, Utah Superintendency Chief Tabby told Head that Black Hawk had secured "recruites" from the Elk Mountain Utes and planned to attack the weaker setdements in Sanpete Valley

Reports by whites in Salina regarding the April 13, 1866, attack enumerated "about 60" and "60 or 65" Indians, and the Deseret News claimed a total of 50 warriors were involved.14 When the militia garrison at Thistle Valley (Indianola) was struck on June 24, H P Kimball in Ephraim "received an express from Captn. Dewey in Thistle valley stating that . . . about 25 or thirty Indians attacked." In his diary Albert Dewey noted that "28 mounted" warriors had struck but indicated another force was present.15 Two participants gave the number of warriors at the June 26 fight at Diamond Fork as "about 36" and "25 to 30."16 Walter Barney told Lewis Barney he saw 15 to 20 Indians trying to steal cattle near Alma (modern Monroe)—probably in the spring of 1866, and Christian J Larson said he was chased on August 13 by 15 or 20 Indians.17

There were several large raids in 1867, but the Utes often attacked in small groups as well. In the March strike on Glenwood, H. Kearns said that "25 Indians" were observed but another group participated unseen by the whites. On June 1 William Henry Adams "saw and counted" 10 Indians in a raid near Fountain Green, while Reddick N. Allred claimed there were 12 Utes in this attack.18 Gunnison was hit on June 2 by "7 or 8 Indians."19 By examining footprints, settlers figured that John Hay was killed on September 4 by three Indians near Fayette.20 On July 21Joseph Fish of Parowan helped thwart a night attack by what he believed to be 30 Indians. The next day "saddle horses . . . about 50 in all" were captured but the warriors escaped.21 Assuming one rider per horse, about 50 Utes had participated in that raid

In August 1867 Black Hawk surrendered at the Uintah Reservation. He came without his men but gave information on those still at

14 Peter Rasmussen, Jr., "Life Sketch," LDS Church Archives, said "about 60" were involved; Peter Rasmussen, Sr., as cited in ibid., said "60 or 65"; William McFadden to the Deseret News, printed on April 24, 1866, said "30 mounted Indians and about 20 on foot"; H. H. Kearnes, Gunnison, to George A. Smith, April 15, 1866, Journal History, said "30 Indians" were in the attack.

15 H P Kimball to Gen Wells, June 24, 1866, Utah Militia; Albert Dewey, "Journal," June 24, 1866, LDS Archives

16 John Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography," said 36; William Creer to Editor, Deseret News,July 1, 1866; Deseret News, July 12, 1866

17 Lewis Barney, "Autobiography," Utah State Historical Society Collections, Salt Lake City; Christian J Larson, "Autobiography," Special Collections, Brigham Young University Library, Provo Barney recorded no date for the incident The context of the account makes the year 1866 most likely

18 H Kearnes to George A Smith, March 30, 1867,Journal History; William Henry Adams, "Autobiography," LDS Church Archives; Reddick N Allred to Editor, Deseret News, June 12, 1867

19 H H Kearnes to Brother Smith, June 9, 1867,Journal History

20 William B Pace to D H Wells, September 5, 1867, Deseret News, September 11, 1867; Captain W L Binder to Major General Burton, September 7, 1867, DeseretNews, September 18, 1867

21 Joseph Fish Diaries,July 21 and 22, 1867, Special Collections, BYU

large. His statement is a unique Indian account of the number of Utes in the war. According to Superintendent F. H. Head, Black Hawk said he had

28 lodges under his control; and that he [was] assisted by 3 Elk Mountain chiefs who each [had] 10 or 12 lodges with them

These Indians [were] scattered along the settlements from the north of Sanpete County to the southern settlements, watching opportunities to make raids.22

This roughly corresponds to the report of a federal official who counted 31 lodges of the "Seuv-a-rits" in 1871.23 Assuming Black Hawk's report was accurate for the war, there were a total of 58 to 64 warriors if there was one per lodge. Yet the number of combatants was probably higher because teenage boys still living with their fathers could have also participated It is also possible that other Utes not under Black Hawk's "control" participated.

The war wound down in 1868 as more Utes stopped raiding, but numbers are available for a few attacks: H. H. Kramer said 25 Indians took part in an April 4 raid, and C. Peterson reported 15 Indians in a July 11 foray on Ephraim.24 Although Black Hawk had surrendered without his men in 1867, by the next year at Fillmore he reportedly had a "dozen or a score of his cannibal Generals" with him.25

The number of warriors certainly fluctuated due to disaffections, enlistments, and casualties Regarding the latter, contemporary reports of fatalities among warring Indians are unreliable because they were often based on doubtful data. Accounts of Indians lurching, jumping, or otherwise moving when fired upon prove little Reports of seeing blood on the ground when following a war party or of capturing a Ute pony with blood on its saddle are also unhelpful. Horses and cattle bleed as do men, and sections of butchered animals leave gore on saddles too.26

22 Deseret News, August 28, 1867

23 Powell and Ingalls, Ute, Pai-Ute , p 3

24 H H Kramer to B Young, April 5, 1868, and C Peterson to B Young, July 12, 1868, Journal History

25 Josiah Rogerson, Sr., "Ending of the Black Hawk War," LDS Church Archives The account states this occurred in 1869, but the internal evidence suggests 1868

26 Eskild C Petersen as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 210-11, said that the trail of Utes after the engagement at Thistle Valley was "marked by the blood from their dead and wounded." He never said how he knew it was not blood from wounded animals Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography," said blood was found on one of the captured mounts after the fight at Diamond Fork The whites supposed the horse had been used to transport wounded warriors, but Robertson did not mention why that was believed His conclusion remains uncertain

Not all of the Utes reported killed in the war were necessarily engaged in hostilities. In July 1865 a "dozen or more" corpses were found, including women and children, after a skirmish with the Indians Soon after, several women and children under guard were killed in an apparent escape attempt, and eight or nine Utes were killed when they broke jail on April 12, 1866. Yet it is unclear that the men had taken part in the war, and the women and children were certainly noncombatants.27

Twice in 1866 Superintendent F. H. Head estimated the number of warring Utes killed in battle. He did not state how these tallies of 40 and nearly 50 were reached.28 Since there is no indication the reports were based on solid evidence, such as a count of corpses, they represent guesswork or wishful thinking Even one of the few reports of actually seeing Ute bodies is vague After the fight at Diamond Fork, John Robertson stated, "many . . . [Indians] have been found slightly buried on the battlefield."29 But the sex, age, and when and how these Utes died is uncertain. What he meant by "many" is equally unclear.

The Powell and Ingalls report on the Utes of Utah in 1873, based on visits they made to the groups of that tribe, identified the band that had followed Black Hawk (Nu'-ints) as the "Seuv'-a-rits." These Utes numbered 144 persons, including 48 males and 40 females aged ten years or older. Had many warriors been killed in the war a higher proportion of women to men would be expected Also, among the seven Utah groups of Utes listed, totals of 174 males and 167 females ten or older are given, once again presenting no indication of heavy male casualties.30

The evidence indicates a relatively modest number of warriors in 1865 and 1868 when the war was in its beginning and concluding phases. Yet, even during 1866 and 1867 when the war was at its height, Indian forces probably numbered only 60 to 100 men. Due to strategic considerations, such as watching captured cattle or protecting women and children, this full force was seldom if ever used in a single operation In any given attack the Utes used a few score warriors at most and often far fewer

27 Albert Winkler, "The Circleville Massacre: A Brutal Incident in Utah's Black Hawk War," Utah Historical Quarterly 55 (1987): 5-6.

28 F.H Head to D.N Cooley, April 30 and September 20, 1866, Utah Superintendency

29 John Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography."

30 Powell and Ingalls, Ute, Pai-Ute , p 12 According to Powell and Ingalls, the Seuv'-a-rits had recently suffered from "some disease" that had "greatly reduced" their numbers However, it is doubtful if this scourge significantly changed the sex ratio of the survivors

The casualties in the Black Hawk War were low on both sides, which was consistent with most Indian wars The killing of whites by Indians was extensively reported in the Deseret News. From this and other sources a list of 46 whites believed to have been killed by Utes has been compiled Of these victims 11were women and children.31

Many Indians apparently remained tranquil during the war and bypassed opportunities to plunder and kill Early in 1868 when Ute raiders were still operating, Miles Edgar Johnson traveled up Salt Creek Canyon to Sanpete Valley. He stated later, "all I could see was Indians every where." They looked at him, "laughing and jeering," but, being peaceful, left him unharmed.32

It is unknown how the Utes obtained their weapons, but they possessed various implements of war. The peaceful Indians Johnson observed at the top the canyon were "armed with guns, tomahawks, and bows and arrows."As distance weapons, firearms and bows and arrows had the greatest military value. The Utes had a diversity of rifles but most often used single-shot, muzzle-loading weapons that were reloaded after each shot.

The firearms of the Indians were often superior to those used by the whites. John Robertson reported that at Diamond Fork the Utes had a large number of "long range Enfield rifles," better guns than the militia possessed. One warrior had a Henry rifle, a lever-action repeater. Christian Larsen said that this man, during the Circleville raid in November 1865, kept the whites at bay using this weapon Andrew Christian Nielson stated that in the October 1865 raid on Ephraim, "We had very few guns and what we had were of inferior material" and "The Indians had better guns than we did."33

The Indians also had enough ammunition to use it unnecessarily. During theJune 1867 raid on Fountain Green, for example, skirmishers left behind engaged the whites for "two hours." When the warriors realized they would fail to take all the livestock, they shot the animals."34 In the night of July 21-22, 1867, a war party failed to steal stock near Parowan Before leaving, "several of them got favorable po-

31 Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, Supplement, pp. 12-13. This is found in the 1969 edition Also listed are five names of whites killed by Paiutes

32 Miles Edgar Johnson, "Autobiography," Special Collections, BYU

33 John Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography"; Christian Larsen, "Biographical Sketch," LDS Church Archives; Andrew Christian Nielson, "Pioneer," as cited in Kate B Carter ed Our Pioneer Heritage, vol 11 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1968), pp 280-81

34 R N Allred to Editor, Deseret News, June 12 and 19, 1867; and H B Kearnes to Brother Smith June 9, 1867,Journal History The quote is from Allred's letter

sitions at the mouth of the canyon and kept up a constant fire all the latter part of the night."35 It is unlikely the Utes would have squandered their ammunition had they none to spare.

The warriors could produce heavy rates of fire relative to their weapons. On September 21, 1865, men of the Sanpete militia were ambushed near Red Lake. The Indians overshot their enemies, but the rounds hit the lake behind them so rapidly the water seemed to "boil."36 On July 22, 1867, some men of Parowan were also ambushed The warriors fired from only "40 yards" away so fast the shots seemed to come "like hail."37 Fire coordination by the Utes was often loose by contemporary standards. When the Indians opened fire to start an engagement, this fusillade was often described as a "volley" or a "crash," but there is little indication that fire was synchronized afterwards.38

The bows used by the warriors were powerful, lethal, and could be fired rapidly. Peter Gottfredson found an ox killed by Indian arrows that had penetrated its side to half of the shaft. Ute arrows were roughly 22 to 24 inches long. Seventeen-year-old Elizabeth Petersen was killed by an arrow near Ephraim on October 17, 1865. The tip went completely through her chest, protruding from the opposite side.39 The bow's limitations included a restricted range and variable accuracy and effectiveness Additionally, the relatively silent bow and arrow gave little psychological boost to the user—compared to the loud report of rifles—since noisy weapons tend to intensify emotions in battle. In the Salina raid of April 13, 1866, Emil Nielsen, a boy of eleven, was hit in the right arm and left side by arrows. He fell and his attacker, a "little Indian boy," tried to kill him by shooting arrows into his head. Emil was hit three times, but no shot penetrated his skull. A more effective use of arrows would have killed him.40

Near Ephraim on October 17, 1865, Yenewood (Jake Arrapeen) chased three whites fleeing in a wagon. Shooting at close range, he "emptied his pistol . . . and also shot several arrows . . . none of which took effect" until a swale in the road slowed the wagon. Only then did

35FishDiaries,July21,1867

36 Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p. 168.

37 Fish Diaries,July 22, 1867

38 See N. O. Anderson as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p. 171, for "volley" being used

39 Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 148; Martin Kuhre interviews as cited in Ephraim's FirstOne Hundred Years, p 15 For information on the length of arrows see Smith, Ethnology, p 109

40 Emil Nielsen as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 186; and H H Kearnes to George Albert Smith, April 15, 1866,Journal History The quote is from Kearnes

an arrow wound Charles Whitlock. Miles Edgar Johnson said Indians "crawled in and occupied the grove" by his house near Moroni at night inJuly 1865 When the dog made a "fuss" the intruders tried to kill it.Johnson heard the thump of arrows hitting the cabin and later "found the back of our house all feathered out with Indian arrows which were shot at our dog." All of them missed.41

Stealing cattle was the main purpose of nearly all the attacks, and the warriors showed they were often desperate for food. Black Hawk stated the purpose of the October 17, 1865, raid on Ephraim to Soren

Ute warrior with dog and bow and arrows was photographed ca. 1873 byJ. K. Hillers.

L C Larson as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 173-76 Larson was in the wagon Johnson, "Autobiography."

A. Sorensen. Three whites had been killed nearby, but Black Hawk befriended Sorensen because his mother "would frequently invite him to eat with us, and would give him almost anything he asked for." Black Hawk told Sorensen the object of the raid was "to get some cattle."42 After the fight at Diamond Fork John Robertson noted the Indians "had killed a beef and bivouacked with some of it and hung the rest out to dry" even though they were being pursued by the militia. In the night of April 21, 1866, Indians stole some sheep near Monroe but were so hungry they butchered one before leaving.43

Reconnaissance probably provided the most information on the white settlements. Fritz Johnson saw "something moving . . . like a badger crawling across a gully." He "waited and there was another creature crawling in the same direction as the other one had disappeared to." "Now I knew they were Indians," he reported, and they were "evidently scouting."44

Early in the war Utes may have received information from informers The fear of this and the possibility of seemingly friendly Indians actually being hostile led a few whites to take harsh measures against them, including incarceration and killing. As a result, many Indians fled the area of military activities. On May 5, 1867, Daniel H. Wells reported, "there are no Indians to be seen in Sanpete and Juab Valleys."45 This made it impossible for spies to send information to the hostile Indians at that point in the war.

The raiders made effective use of terrain to hide their movements and to discourage pursuit. Andrew Madsen reported that the Indians after "their attacks . . . were repeatedly . . . retreating to the mountains." The high country of central Utah was well known to the Utes. According to Madsen,

numerous Pow-Wows were held by the various Indian Tribes and their camp fires could be seen upon the mountain sides, where they engaged in singing and dancing At times their hideous sounds could be heard in the valleys below.46

With the availability of water a prime consideration in locating white settlements, many communities were situated at the mouth of a

42

N O Anderson as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 172 The first quote is directly from Sorensen in Anderson's account The second is Anderson's paraphrasing of Sorensen's report

43 Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography"; Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p. 193.

44 Fritz Leonard Johnson, "Father's Account of the Black Hawk War," Utah State Historical Society

45 Daniel H. Wells to Editor, Deseret News, May 5, 1867,Journal History.

46 Andrew Madsen, "History and Genealogy," Special Collections, University of Utah.

canyon with a relatively large stream This made them vulnerable to surprise attacks from the high ground often found nearby. Despite extensive efforts that included manned observation points, reconnaissance, and the interrogation of available Indians, the whites were never forewarned of a raid.47

The April 13, 1866, attack on Salina is an example of a large raid. Advancing with about 50 or 60 warriors, one group on foot, the other mounted, the Utes came out of the hills east of town. The men on horseback rode directly toward the settlement and then swept around it. This feint delayed action by the whites because they feared for the town's safety. Without effective opposition, the renegades rounded up the livestock and hit any convenient target outside the community They killed a man named Johnson from Fairview and young Chris Nielsen, whose brother, Emil, was wounded The warriors intercepted three wagons, took their teams, and plundered them, making as much use of their contents as time allowed:

The Indians helped themselves to the contents of the wagons, feasted on the rations of the teamsters, strewed the wheat on the ground, allowing their horses to eat what they wanted, and trampled the remains under their feet: they also stripped the covers from the wagons. 48

The whites were unable to rally fast enough to prevent the initial seizing of cattle, but the militia did resist the taking of stock up Salina Canyon The resulting skirmish lasted for hours The whites were hampered in fighting because "amunition [sic] was scarce." The Utes used "8 or 10" men to drive off the stock while their remaining number kept the whites at bay. One militiaman was shot through the ankle and one horse of a white was killed. Perhaps to demoralize or intimidate the whites, the Utes taunted them. "While others made light of the people White Horse Chief with others stood on a hill and called to us to come and get our cows as the children would soon cry for milk." This challenge attracted some inconsequential fire on the "Chief," and the renegades made good their escape with the cattle.49 The Utes used skirmishes and ambushes to

4/ For the efforts by Ephraim see Ephraim's First One Hundred Years, pp 12-13 But the town was raided at least three times in the war; see ibid, pp 13-15, and Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 169-76, 220, 287-88.

48 H H Kearnes to George A Smith, April 15, 1866,Journal History

49 Peter Rasmussen, Jr., "Life Sketch," LDS Church Archives; H H Kearnes to George A Smith, April 15, 1866, in the Journal History and Deseret News, April 24, 1866; and Emil Nielsen as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 185-86

deter effective pursuit. At times a lone warrior could keep the whites at bay At Gravelly Ford onJune 11, 1866, "a solitary Indian" held off a group of

white cavalrymen, fully fifty strong, [by] riding in an oblong circle, and firing as he reached the point nearest the enemy [He] reloaded his rifle while on the home stretch and returning was ready for another shot.50

At times the Indians took great care in setting ambushes. In 1867 the whites of Glenwood who were building a fort outside the town came in the mornings to work on it. The Indians noticed this routine and occupied the edifice in the night of March 29 They "built breastworks of rocks in such places as they could not be readily observed" on high ground on the route between Glenwood and the fort. This was the only direct route because of

an extrensive [sic] swamp which closes up to the mountains, for a considerable distance before crossing this point .Thus fortified they were prepared at the fort, to receive with the instruments of death the unsuspecting workmen as they should come to resume their labors on that structure; and when once there, their retreat was completely cut off by the fortified ambuscade on the point

But this clever trap was never closed because the Utes revealed their position on March 30 by firing on two men checking on stock.51

An effective ambush was sprung on April 12, 1865, when 84 whites pursued a war party up Salina Canyon. When they passed a narrow point a shot rang out, probably as a signal to start firing, and a fusillade followed The militia was caught in a crossfire by the Utes who shot from above, hidden behind rocks, trees, and bushes Andrew Madsen described their heavy rate of fire as "volley after volley." Some warriors tried to secure the only avenue of escape but were foiled by a few whites who had fled the ambush and were in position to keep them from closing the trap.

An Indian on horseback was seen swinging his hands, probably to get his men to advance. Some whites fired on him, and he fell from his mount. In the following lull the militia retreated to a ridge down the canyon to "flank" the Indians. This move failed to turn the tide, and the whites left the scene suffering two killed and two wounded.

50 Gibbs, "Black Hawk's Last Raid," p 103

51 H H Kearnes to George A Smith, March 30, 1867,Journal History

The ambush was so well laid that one white survivor deemed their escape "providential" and stated that there could have been a "massacre equal to that of General Custer's."52

The achievement was noteworthy. The only reports citing numbers of Indian raiders for the year of 1865 give the figures of 16 or 17 If this was the total force at the ambush, the Utes were outnumbered about five to one. This makes the rout of the whites and the threat of their annihilation most impressive feats.

An exception to the pattern of raiding communities to take cattle was the attack on the militia garrison at Thistle Valley (modern Indianola) on June 24, 1866. Militia posts had been established at several locations to provide rapid support in emergencies, and the position at Thistle Valley was designed to protect communications between Sanpete and Utah valleys. The garrison presented a threat to Indian movements in the area and was a promising target for attack. Charles Brown, out in the open when the Indians struck, was killed.53 While some warriors stole the militia's horse herd, a group of 28 kept the garrison at bay by rushing the camp, firing their rifles as they came The whites rallied and stopped the Utes with a volley.

Taking the horses immobilized the whites. To leave the camp as infantry, outnumbered and unsupported, was to invite disaster. The militia sent two men for help to Mount Pleasant about nineteen miles away and tried to maintain their position until relief came At first the Utes stayed in the trees, making the whites think they had left, but later renewed their attacks.

The Utes rode around the encampment, shooting from under their mounts using the bodies of the horses for protection, while others crawled towards the whites' position They hid in the grass and tried to pick off members of the militia, but their effectiveness was reduced by the fire directed at them. Between Indian forays the whites fortified their camp. They tried to create a solid perimeter by digging trenches and dropping the wagon wheels into them, thus lowering the vehicles The remaining six horses were tied in the gaps Each of these animals was wounded in the fight.

The ordeal lasted up to nine hours before aid from Mount Pleas-

°

52 Joshua W Sylvester as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 133-35, 136-37; Austin Kearns as cited in ibid., pp. 135-36; and Madsen, "Genealogy and History." The quotes not credited to Madsen are by Sylvester

3 This Charles Brown was not the Charles Brown who was present on May 26, 1865, in Thistle Valley when all six members of the Given family were killed by Indians See Brown as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp. 141-43.

ant and Fairview arrived near dusk. The Utes withdrew after a brief attempt to turn back the relieving party The besieged whites, low on ammunition, feared the Indians would get the upper hand after dark. The next morning the militia followed the trail of the renegades to Soldier Summit where "the Indians, resorted to their old tactics of separation and scattering in all directions and further chase had to be abandoned."54

The fight at Thistle Valley was another close call for the whites in which a desperate situation nearly turned into a disaster. After immobilizing the militia by taking the horse herd, the Indians were free to engage and disengage as they desired. Their forays had induced the whites to use up their ammunition, leaving the Utes in a favorable position to destroy the garrison after dark Moreover, the stealing of horses proved a double boon to the Utes by giving them more mounts and an additional source of food.55

The whites at Thistle Valleyjustifiably feared the Utes after dark,

34 The quote is from Eskild C. Petersen as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp. 209-11. See also Henry Harker, "Autobiography," and Albert Dewey, "Journal," LDS Church Archives; Edwin Dilworth Woolley, Jr "Autobiography," Special Collections, University of Utah; and H P Kimball to Gen Wells,June 24, 1866, Utah Militia Records

55 Smith, Ethnology, p 32

Painting ofFort Utah shows layout typical of some early settlements. USHS collections.

because they were skillful in moving and in fighting at night. The militia often posted nocturnal guards to warn of Indian movements. At "about two o'clock in the morning," the night after the fight at Thistle Valley, Edwin Woolley, Jr., was on "picket guard" and "heard the clatter of horses hoofs on the trail" as the Utes passed. Fritz Leonard Johnson related the fear and confusion of being stationed in the darkness. Once he "panicked" when he saw an object. He "was sure it was an Indian crawling on all fours." He fired but was too frightened to go out and examine it. In daylight he learned he had shot a badger.56

An ambush on April 22, 1866, showed how skillfully the Indians used the darkness. Aided by a bright moon 21 white men pursued a war party and found some stolen cattle near the fort of Marysvale They decided to enter the town before moving against the Indians. The Utes, foreseeing this, hid in rabbit brush along the road. Then they took advantage of the psychological moment when the whites, feeling relieved to be entering the town, let down their guard. The warriors fired into their backs when they were about twenty-five yards from the fort. Two men were killed and two were wounded, while all the Indians escaped.57

But night operations could be thwarted. In the evening of July 21, 1867, Joseph Fish of Parowan saw Indians seize some cattle. Bravely, Fish rode into the group, learning their number ("about thirty") and the direction they were heading. He left, gathered "eleven of the boys," and intercepted the raiders at the mouth of Little Creek Canyon The whites charged the herd full speed, firing whenever we could hear or see anyone We gave a terrific yell which stampeded the herd, and the Indians took to the hills as quickly as possible without hardly stopping to return our fire.

The warriors tried again that night to steal cattle, but the militia was reinforced and drove off the Utes once more. 58

Such aggressive action by the whites often succeeded in foiling the Indians late in the war by forcing the Utes to leave the stock and flee. Yet the Utes' resourcefulness allowed them to escape with few ca-

56 Woolley, "Autobiography";Johnson, "Father's Account."

57 Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, pp 193-95 The men who were

Christensen

58 Fish Diaries,July 21, 1867

killed were Albert Lewis and Christian

sualties. When 12 warriors seized cattle near Fountain Green on June 3, 1867, they were pursued by 45 militiamen. The raiders delayed these whites until militia reinforcements arrived. Then,

Finding themselves hard pressed they killed and wounded all the cattle, mounted fresh animals, driving only horses before them, and reached the canon [sic] before Col. Ivie came up . . . .Ivie pursued the Indians about three miles into the mountains, finding that their jaded horses were unable to compete with the fresh horses the Indians had just mounted, they gave up the chase.59

The war's length and cost led to excesses by both sides. The whites killed noncombatants, including women and children, on several occasions as did the Utes.60 But corpse mutilation was also a factor in how the Indians waged war The warriors occasionally took the scalps of their victims and in other ways defaced their bodies. This was probably done for cultural reasons. Many Indians believed that damage to the remains of their enemies meant that these foes would be unable to use a complete body against them in the afterlife.

Of the 46 whites killed by Utes only a few were mutilated. After the ambush at Salina Canyon on April 12, 1865, the corpse of William Kearnes was found leaning against a rock with willows woven around it, presumably to keep wolves away. Kearnes was probably recognized as a former friend by the Utes and so his remains were protected. The body ofJens Sorensen found nearby was "horribly mutilated," but it is uncertain whether the damage was done by animals or Indians.61

When Soren N. Jespersen was killed on October 17, 1865, near Ephraim, N. O. Anderson said, "it appeared that he had been fearfully tortured while yet alive." Charles Whitlock (as corrected by Ezra Shoemaker) reported the condition of Jespersen's body: "His hands and feet were chopped off and also the upper part of his head."62 After the engagement at Diamond Fork on June 26, 1866, the body of John Edmundson was found. The Indians had "scalped him and also cut off one hand."63 The most extensive butchery was inflicted on the corpses of three whites killed near Glenwood on March 21, 4-21

R. N. Allred to Editor, Deseret News, June 12, 1867; Deseret News, June 19, 1867. For a discussion of such instances in the early part of the war see Winkler, "Circleville," pp

61 Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 137

62 N O Anderson as cited in Gottfredson, Indian Depredations, p 170; and Charles Whitlock corrected by Ezra Shoemaker as cited in ibid., p 173

63 Robertson as cited in Brimhall, "Autobiography." See also William Greer to George A Smith March 16, 1866,Journal History

1867. "They were cut up and mangled in a most brutal manner."64

The vacating of communities by the whites has been considered a great Indian achievement. At least nine abandoned settlements were in the areas of Ute operations.65 These towns, maintained during the first year of the war, probably could have been preserved since the Utes were not waging a war in which taking and holding land played a major role The decision to evacuate was part of an effort to consolidate forces and make defense more efficient. Although the Indians often fired on towns during attacks as a diversion, which certainly caused the whites to fear for their safety, no town was ever besieged.

The abandoned areas were of little immediate value to the Indians in controlling central Utah In the short term, abandonment deprived the raiders of resources because the removal of stock eliminated a potential food source for the Utes. Moreover, the return of game animals to these ecologically damaged areas would have taken years. The remaining towns were consolidated, and each had a militia unit of at least 150 men. The decision to abandon small, exposed burgs early in the summer of 1866 was a master stroke by white officials and may be considered the turning point in the war.

The Utes were masters of hit-and-run tactics. Using terrain, timing, and their small numbers effectively, they always struck unforeseen and, early in the war, raided white communities almost at will When pursued they kept their adversaries at bay through effective delaying actions and avoided heavy casualties by disengaging when necessary But limited manpower kept the Utes from pressing their advantages. Most of the raids followed a similar pattern; however, the Indians were innovative and varied their tactics as needed to meet differing challenges from the whites. The warriors showed skill in harassing their adversaries and remained at large through three campaigning seasons Nevertheless, a lengthy war of attrition was a hopeless undertaking. Inevitably, the Utes themselves were worn down and relinquished uncontested control of their ancestral lands to the whites.

H

64

H Kearnes to George A Smith, March 30, 1867,Journal History: "There was one man, his name wasJames P. Peterson, aged 30 years, and his wife Caroline A. Peterson aged 27 years, also, a girl named Mary Smith aged 16 years The man had been shot and considerably mutilated, the woman was scalped and cut up in a most brutal manner, a portion of the lower part of her body was cut out and laid upon her face, the girl was also scalped and badly cut up, with a stick ran up about ten inches into her privates."

65 Fountain Green, Fairview, Moroni, Salina, Richfield, Glenwood, Monroe, Marysvale, and Circleville If the small hamlets like the "Wing" settlement near modern Birdseye were included the number would increase

The Making of an Insurgent: Parley P. Christensen and Utah Republicanism, 1900-1912

BY JOHN R. SILLITO

I N NOVEMBER 1920 AMERICANS OVERWHELMINGLY ELECTED Warren G Harding, the genial senator from Ohio who promised a "Return to

Parley P. Christensen. Courtesy of author.

Normalcy," to the presidency over Democrat and fellow Ohioan James M. Cox. Harding and Cox were not, however, the only available choices for the electorate. Socialist party nominee Eugene V Debs, campaigning from his cell in the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary where he was incarcerated for violation of the Espionage Act, polled nearly one million votes. Also listed among the defeated aspirants was Utah attorney Parley P. Christensen, nominated in July at a tumultuous convention in Chicago where representatives of labor, agriculture, and progressivism met to organize a new party. The Farmer-Labor party that emerged from that convention sought to unite urban and rural workers in a viable political vehicle. Christensen received over 265,000 presidential votes, no small feat in view of the fact that he was competing with the better known Debs for basically the same constituency. Moreover, the Farmer-Labor campaign war chest was meager, and the party appeared on the ballot in only eighteen states.

Though the presidential nomination of the Farmer-Labor party represented the first time Parley Christensen played a role in national politics, it was really the zenith and not the beginning of his political career. For over a quarter-century he had been actively involved in Utah politics Starting his career as a Republican, Christensen served as a party officer, as Salt Lake County attorney, and as a perennially unsuccessful aspirant for Congress. In 1912 he became disaffected and affiliated with the Bull Moose Progressive party of Theodore Roosevelt. Four years later he supported Woodrow Wilson and the president's pledge to keep this country out of the war engulfing Europe. Discouraged by American entry into the war, as well as by what he felt to be the failure of Wilsonian liberalism, Christensen sought new political alignments, which brought him to Chicago inJuly 1920.

Some scholarly attention has been given to Christensen's brief involvement in national politics But another crucial period of his career—the years from 1900 to 1912 when he, along with many others, challenged the control of Utah Republicanism by Reed Smoot and his Federal Bunch—has largely been ignored Neither Christensen's presidential candidacy nor his own personal political odyssey can be understood without an examination of his efforts during the period when, as historianJan Shipps describes it, Utah came of age politically.1

1 Jan Shipps, "Utah Comes of Age Politically: A Study of the State's Politics in the Early Years of the Twentieth Century," Utah Historical Quarterly 35 (1967): 91—111 A brief account of the Christensen nomination and candidacy for president in 1920 is found in John Sillito's "Parley P. Christensen, 1869-1954: A Political Biography" (M.A thesis, University of Utah, 1977)

Parley P. Christensen was born in Weston, Idaho, on July 19, 1869. He moved with his family to Cache Valley, Utah, when he was small, and the Christensens ultimately settled in Newton His parents, Peter and Mette Sophia Christensen, were Danish converts to Mormonism who came to America in the wave of Scandinavian immigration of the 1860s. Details of the early life of the Christensen family are sketchy, but it appears that Peter Christensen's commitment to his new-found faith was minimal at best. In 1880 he was excommunicated from the Mormon church—officially for apostasy but largely out of simple indifference. The excommunication deeply affected the family living in the small Mormon community of Newton. Besides no longer claiming allegiance to Mormonism after their father's excommunication, many family members, especially Parley, resented what they saw as the secular power of the LDS church

In 1887 Christensen left Cache Valley to enroll at the University of Utah. After obtaining a normal certificate in 1890 he taught school, first in Murray and then in Grantsville While living in Tooele County he was elected superintendent of schools and became actively involved in the Republican party This led to his selection as secretary of the Utah Constitutional Convention in 1895. After that service he obtained a law degree from Cornell University where he continued to take part in Republican politics.

Christensen returned to Utah in 1897 and opened a law office in Salt Lake City In 1900 he was elected Salt Lake County attorney Defeated for renomination two years later as a result of intraparty factionalism, Christensen regarded Reed Smoot, whom he blamed for his defeat, as a political enemy from that point on. The two men would frequently clash over the next decade. In 1904 Christensen was returned to the office of county attorney, where he championed the cause of organized labor and became the first county attorney to enforce the eight-hour law for municipal workers. This sympathy for labor would play a major role in shaping his later political career.

In 1906 Christensen set his sights on higher office, challenging the renomination of Congressman Joseph Howell, an ally of Smoot. Christensen believed that because he had garnered over 44 percent of the vote in 1904 in a four-way race for county attorney he could use Salt Lake County as a solid political base. Though he conducted a vigorous campaign, he was unable to unseat the heavily favored incumbent

After losing the nomination and his office as county attorney, Christensen returned to the private practice of law. It is also clear, however, that he intended to maintain his interest in political affairs and to remain active in the Republican party During this period he participated in a number of nonpolitical activities as well. Since his graduation from the University of Utah in 1890 he had maintained contacts with the local alumni association, serving at one time as alumni president. His involvement with the university continued during these years. He also maintained his membership in the Utah Educational Association as late as 1915, some twenty-five years after he was associated with teaching Besides these educational affiliations Christensen belonged to a news writers union and to several social welfare organizations, including the Public Health Defense League of which he was an officer.2

In later years Christensen was described as a "great joiner," and his activities subsequent to his first congressional campaign illustrate that tendency. He joined the Elks in 1902 and during the next eighteen years served in a variety of leadership positions, including representative to the Grand Lodge, chaplain, editor of the local lodge publication, and grand exalted ruler. He also affiliated with the Woodmen of the World and the Oddfellows, holding important positions in both fraternities

These associations kept him in touch with various sectors of the community while out of office and provided a tangible outlet for his energy and ambition, particularly as his quests for political office met with defeat. In this regard, Christensen's sister, Esther, believed that

Parley was identified with a number of different lodges and organizations because he needed the adulation I always had the feeling that he enjoyed being at the head of a group; carrying the banner In this way he kept in the public eye, and Parley needed that I have a feeling that he was more interested in this than the more routine, daily activities of these groups. 3

2 Christensen was active in the local Elks organization for a number of years and held numerous offices See Parley P Jenson, "History of the Elks Lodge of Utah," LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City; Salt Lake Herald, August 13, 1903, p. 4. For information on Christensen's affiliation with the University of Utah see University of Utah Daily Chronicle, March 18, 1902, p 324, and September 30, 1902, p 3 See also Utah Education Review 8 (February 1915): 23 The exact nature of the Public Health Defense League is unclear Christensen mentions the organization in a questionnaire sent by the Cornell Alumni Association but does not elaborate.

3 Esther Christensen Cronholm, interview with autfior, Salinas, California, August 1973

In the spring of 1908 the local press speculated that Christensen again had aspirations for the Republican congressional nomination He was defeated in the May party primaries for election as a delegate to the state Republican nominating convention. Indeed, the primaries proved to be a major setback for party progressives as most of the prominent leaders were unsuccessful in bids for delegate slots. The Intermountain Republican commented that the "insurgents" had suffered "a great defeat" and that they were "finished" as a significant force in the party.4 Although this opinion was colored by Smoot's supporters who dominated the editorial policy of the paper, there is no doubt that the general assessment was correct. The progressives had indeed suffered a major setback. Undaunted by his own defeat for delegate, Christensen began laying the groundwork for a second congressional bid. At a meeting in July 1908 some twenty Christensen backers representing Salt Lake, Summit, and Sevier counties met and pledged their support A sixmember executive committee was named and soon released a statement to the press that read in part:

We are fully satisfied that Christensen is the logical candidate for the position He has ever been actively identified with the Republican cause Commencing in the ranks of the party he quickly attained the position of chairman

We feel confident that Mr. Christensen will bring strength to any Republican ticket which may be named As a Congressman, he will fill the bill as perfectly as any man and in his hands the interests of the state will be fully conserved.5

Responding to this endorsement, Christensen told the press that his future was "in the hands of his friends" and pledged to "take off his coat and put up the best fight" he knew how to make.6 Throughout the summer he campaigned across the state, seeking support for his challenge toJoseph Howell.7 In an attempt to blunt criticism from some party regulars Christensen emphasized his past support and allegiance to the party. In August he joined with other progressives to form a Taft for President Club, declaring that he "believed in the national Republican platform" and desired to see Taft elected.8

4 Intermountain Republican, May 5, 1908, p. 1.

5 Ibid.,July 3, 1908, p 1 The members of the committee supporting Christensen were Judge M Stockman, J. D. Fife, Albert Reiser, Job Lyon, John M. Hayes, and George Buckle, Jr.

6 Ibid

7 Ephraim Enterprise, August 27, 1908, p 8, and September 3, 1908, p 1; Logan Republican, August 8, 1908, p 4

8 Intermountain Republican, August 29, 1908, p 1 Taft was endorsed by a number of Utah progressive leaders, including Steve Stanford, Job Lyon, and George N.

Lawrence.

On the eve of the convention Christensen opened his headquarters, saying that he was "confident of victory." Noting that he had received support from all over the state and particularly from several prominent Republican women, Parley predicted that he would go into the balloting with a measure of strength that would "astonish" political observers.9

Despite these claims, several parliamentary maneuvers prior to the opening of the convention demonstrated his true strength to be minimal. The convention's committee on organizations sought to have the balloting for congressman held early in the proceedings. Christensen opposed this move, confident that a later balloting time would force Howell "to make good on many commitments he has made to various delegates in the state." Believing that Howell had no intention of honoring those commitments unless absolutely forced to do so, Christensen reasoned that if he could prolong the balloting it would work to his own advantage.10

The committee, an overwhelming majority of whom supported Congressman Howell, opted to hold the voting early in the convention Christensen's inability to win this first test of strength demonstrated that his support was weak; thus, the procedural defeat proved a major setback to his congressional bid. The balloting itself was merely a formality as Christensen was able to muster only 135 votes, approximately 24 percent of the total votes cast.11 As was the case in 1906 Christensen's strength lay in the rural counties, and his inability to make serious inroads into Howell's strength in the more populous areas was a major factor in his defeat

The Telegram summarized the events of the convention by saying "the machine slate went through like a well oiled bullet."12 The Tribune added the opinion that Parley P. Christensen should realize by now that his political future lay "in immediately, but not affectionately, shaking the Smoot big mitt."

Rather than accept the Tribunes advice, Christensen continued to call for reform while taking an active part in the affairs of the Republican party He now turned his attention to the Salt Lake County Republican convention held later in the month While not aspiring to any elected office, Christensen participated in the proceedings and

9 Salt Lake Tribune, September 15, 1908, p. 2.

10 Salt Lake Tribune, September 15, 1908, p 4

11 Salt Lake Tribune, September 16, 1908, p 5

12 Salt Lake Telegram, September 16, 1908, p 3

Parley P. Christensen and Utah Republicanism

325

was able to convince the convention to add several planks of "vital importance" to the party platform."13 He took advantage of a chaotic situation at the convention to emerge as an important opinion molder. The Deseret News noted:

Through the disintegration of organization, Parley P Christensen loomed up as a new floor leader. His motions came frequently at first, then more frequently One early in the afternoon reversing the chairman, carried with a whoop of approval. Finally as the new lines of power were formed, Parley P brought out the fact that he had tried to get planks in the platform but had been turned down by the committee which had brought in only what he termed a few "glittering generalities". He asked for a reconsideration of the platform. The motion passed vehemently He asked that his planks go in, and this motion passed also with vehemence. 1 4

The planks of importance to Christensen dealt with a number of social and governmental reforms. One called for stronger legislation to assure the safety and protection of miners and smelter workers, certainly in harmony with his earlier activity in behalf of such causes. Another called for the enactment of legislation setting up police and fire commissions in first class cities. A third resolution sponsored by Christensen commended the "work of the juvenile court system as established and maintained by the Republican administration" and pledged further support for this work as well as an "increase of facilities for industrial training and for the establishment of a school for girls."15

Of all the proposed amendments to the platform the most important to Christensen dealt with the establishment of a direct primary system of nomination in Utah. Christensen convinced the delegates to adopt a resolution calling for a primary election law and pledging Republican "legislative nominees to work for the enactment of the same."16 As one who had realized only limited success with a convention system of nominating candidates, Christensen also favored a means whereby the control of delegate selection could be a more open and equitable process. At the same time, he probably viewed the direct primary as the only possible means of challenging the power of the Smoot machine. In any event, these reforms became the foundation of his political faith

While no direct evidence exists concerning Smoot's attitude toward Christensen's efforts, it is likely that he found them objectionable. Smoot was particularly opposed to the enactment of a direct primary law because he believed that it had been a failure where it had been tried and that it was the "most expensive law for men running for office that was ever conceived."17 Left unsaid was a recognition that such a change might well lessen the influence of his forces in the party Again Smoot and Christensen found themselves in conflict over issues of Republican party policy, and this contention increased as events unfolded.

Christensen's actions at the 1908 county convention demonstrate both his commitment to social and political reform and his belief that the Republican party was the best vehicle to achieve that goal All of the resolutions he sponsored lauded past Republican successes and urged the party to build upon that foundation for future reform. Simultaneously, the actions of the delegates demonstrate that, despite some setbacks, Christensen had influence with many of his fellow Republicans when they perceived that he was seeking worthy goals and legitimate objectives for the party.

While Christensen was unsuccessful in his personal political plans, the Republicans won a strong victory in the general election, sweeping federal, state, and local offices as well as both houses of the state legislature. Christensen believed that the party platform should serve as a guide for legislation enacted by the legislature. Others shared this belief, and the 1909 legislature provided another showdown between the Smoot machine and its opponents within the Republican party.

A goal of many Utah Republicans was the enactment of statewide prohibition. Naturally this issue appealed to most Mormons because of the abstinence required by the Word of Wisdom. Sentiment in favor of prohibition had been growing, and as one scholar has observed: "The evidence indicates that the Republican legislature was not officially bound to enact a prohibition measure, but the members were certainly bound as individuals to give Utah a prohibition law of some sort that year."18

A bill calling for statewide prohibition was introduced in the legislature byJoseph J. Cannon. Because he was a devout Mormon, the

17 Reed Smoot to Edward H Callister, February 8, 1909, Edward H Callister Papers, LDS Church Archives

18 Bruce T Dyer, "A Study of the Forces Leading to the Adoption of Prohibition in Utah" (M.A thesis, Brigham Young University, 1958), pp 28-29

son of prominent church leader George Q. Cannon, and a staunch Republican, the legislator believed the church would support his measure. Reed Smoot and his associates, however, viewed the passage of the Cannon bill as a major threat to the Republican party. Smoot told his ally E H Callister that the passage of such a law would "bring a great deal of trouble" to the party and raise doubts about the value of promises made "to the men who assisted in making it possible to win the last county election."19 Smoot also believed that the passage of a prohibition law would strengthen the avowedly anti-Mormon American party in the coming election. More important, he feared that the prohibition issue could cost him the financial aid and electoral support of many gentiles, a major element of the coalition he had been building for several years. 20

Smoot's attitude toward prohibition is significant in understanding the political situation then existing in Utah. Maintaining that he was as strict about adhering to the Word of Wisdom as anyone, he feared that enactment of statewide prohibition would ultimately reduce his control and influence over the party apparatus.21 In the end Smoot prevailed Exercising his influence through senate allies, he succeeded in having the Cannon bill defeated in the Utah State Senate on January 11, 1909.

19 Smoot to Callister, January 10, 1909, Callister Papers

2" Merrill, "Reed Smoot," p. 219. In a letter to Callister dated January 15, 1909, Smoot notes that if the prohibition bill carries "the American party will carry Salt Lake City next fall." Smoot further contends that those interested in "crushing the American party" should refrain from "urging this prohibition movement at this particular time." Smoot to Callister, January 15, 1909, Callister Papers

21 Ibid Smoot was particularly upset that he was forced into the position of defending alcohol by opposing prohibition. Saying to Callister that he believed in and lived the Word of Wisdom as strongly as anyone, he concluded that the answer to the problem could be found in local-option laws outlawing liquor Smoot told Callister, "If the sentiment among the Mormon people for prohibition was as strong as they claim it is, there would not be a saloon in the State." Smoot to Callister, February 8, 1909, Callister Papers

Sen. Reed Smoot. USHS collections.

Reaction to the defeat of the bill was swift and emphatic. On February 25 a mass meeting was held at the Salt Lake Theatre for the purpose of organizing a statewide prohibition movement. Representing widespread support from Mormons and non-Mormons alike, over two thousand people attended the lengthy meeting.22 Although the purpose of the meeting was to support prohibition, it is apparent that many of those in attendance came not because they believed in abstinence from alcohol but because they wished to strike a blow against the Smoot machine.

One such individual was Parley P. Christensen. When a resolution in favor of prohibition was introduced, Christensen spoke in the affirmative. Saying that he spoke not as a defeated political candidate nor as a Mormon nor even as a prohibitionist, he told the delegates that the issue was whether control of the Republican party rested with the people or with a handful of self-appointed leaders:

Whoever in the world gave them the right to deliver the Republican party into the hands of the liquor interests? Whoever in the world gave them the authority to make the members of the Republican party the defenders and apologizers of the liquor traffic Who gave the official organ of the Republican party the privilege of denouncing staunch Republicans as traitors to their party because they dared defend prohibition?

There is no use speaking in riddles. Let us come out into the open and denounce these self-constituted leaders who are trying to make the Republican party the party of the Bourbons

The rank and file of the Republican party has the right to say what the Republican legislature shall do, not a bunch of leaders who have gotten into the habit of making that legislature do whatever they damn please, and to hell with the party. . . , 23

Smoot, incensed over the actions of the mass meeting, wrote to E H Callister that "it was very evident during the whole proceedings that the prohibition question was only a secondary issue, the main issue being the defeat and disruption of the Republican organization."24 He further advised Callister that it "would be a mighty good idea. ... to keep all the data" concerning the actions of the men who

22 Deseret News, February 24, 1909, p 1

23 Ibid.

24 Smoot to Callister, March 8, 1909, Callister Papers. In this letter Smoot specifically identifies Christensen as one of those individuals who sought to use the prohibition issue to attack the Republican organization.

Parley P. Christensen and Utah Republicanism

329

were using prohibition as a way of opposing him, for "no doubt we will want to use it sometime in the future."25

As the 1910 election approached, Christensen again became a candidate for the Republican congressional nomination. In July the Salt Lake Sunday Times reported that "friends of Parley P. Christensen are urging him to get into the Congressional race again."26 The paper, alluding to his past difficulties in securing nomination, editorialized that perhaps these individuals were not truly his friends or they would not encourage him to enter a race in which he surely would suffer defeat Undoubtedly, Christensen knew his chances were slim, but nonetheless he felt the challenge should be made In a letter to his sister he explained his decision:

The political situation is extremely cloudy as is usually the case in Utah, but it is my purpose in this campaign to try and assist.. in clarifying the political atmosphere I am going to strike from the shoulder and talk right out in meetings I intend to go to the Ogden State Convention and fight from the opening for a platform along progressive lines.27

Christensen officially announced his candidacy in a letter to Sam Raddon, editor of the Park Record, saying that he was entering the race "not entirely with the hope of being elected but rather as a political duty—as a protest against the present political regime."28 He further noted that since the state convention was less than thirty days away, the selection process would have to be completed within that short period of time The Smoot machine, he contended, had ignored rank and file Republicans as well as the state committee, because these "bosses and bosslets" intended to dominate the selection process and make the decisions on who would be the candidates.29

Calling the state "poor old boss-ridden Utah," Christensen assured Raddon that while he had hoped that someone else would emerge to challenge the machine, it seemed likely that no other candidate was on the horizon:

25 Ibid

26 Salt Lake Sunday Times,July 23, 1910, p. 2.

27 Christensen to Elenora Christensen Lamiman, September 10, 1910, original in the possession of Charlotte Lamiman, Potomac, Maryland

28 Park Record, August 27, 1910, p 1 Christensen told the editor, "If what I have said shall cause me to be listed as an insurgent, I shall accept the title as a compliment."

29 Ibid

Now, why this condition in Utah? What is the trouble politically? It is simply this: the Republican party in Utah is so thoroughly boss-ridden that all the vitality is crushed out of its adherents He who has ideas of his own, who has political independence and integrity is not wanted The young men of Utah in the Republican party are not privileged to choose their own paths to political preferment—there is at present, but one route and that leads through the private office of the boss. The test of availability is "Will he take orders?" Individual initiative is despised rather than encouraged. And all the political machinery is operated to that end.30

While the prospects for success seemed as remote in this election as in the past, there appeared to be a more positive response in the press toward Christensen and his challenge. The Park Record characterized the challenger as "a fighter . . . whose efforts are in the right direction" and stated that "a few more with the same convictions will set aside the necessity of a third party, and restore the politics of Utah back to the people and out of the hands of the Federal bunch." 3 1 Conceding that the chances of defeating Howell were doubtful, the Record nevertheless called on local residents to support Christensen's candidacy. Th e Salt Lake Sunday Times also lauded his action and noted:

On a smaller stage in this state Mr Christensen is making the same fight that is being made by Roosevelt, LaFollette, Dolliver, Cummins, Bristow, and the other Insurgent Republicans in the nation It is understood he will make his fight wholly within the Republican Party A ray of light shines through this revolt in the Republican party of Utah. It is another proof that in spite of all handicaps the splendid manhood in this young state is in harmony with the moral and political awakening of the nation.32

Encouraged by the favorable treatment of his candidacy in the press, Christensen told the Park Record that he had received letters endorsing his position "from all parts of the state and they all ring out the same sentiment: 'What we need is leaders not bosses.'"33 The challenger noted that some had raised the cry that his candidacy was stirring u p trouble in the party, attempting to equate criticism with disloyalty Calling this assertion wrong, Christensen declared:

30 ibid

31 Ibid., September 3, 1910, p 4, and September 10, 1910, p 2 The endorsement of the Park Record represented somewhat of a change in policy since the paper had criticized Christensen in past campaigns Both Christensen and the editor, S L Raddon, were members of the Elks, which may account for some change in attitude

32 Salt Lake Sunday Times, September 3, 1910, p. 1.

33 Park Record, September 17, 1910, p 1

Discussion within the party cannot but produce good results

Without it we cannot grow. The bosses would have us be-still, stand-still, stand-pat, be reactionary; but, as well try to stop the flow of Niagara as to halt the progress of the Republican party or gag the Progressives therein Honest criticism of party measures or censure of bossism is not disloyalty to the party Those who do so are its true friends, they aid in its growth and promote its progress If we were all "stand-patters" the party would have no growth

The reactionary press is fond of saying that the Progressives are lending aid and comfort to the enemy—the Democrats The very reverse is true. The success of our party in the future lies in the path of Progressive Republicanism It is giving new hope to the voter and new life to the party ....

The Progressives are also accused by the reactionaries of drifting towards, and ultimately into the Democratic party. Not by any means! The chasm is wider between the Progressives and the Democratic party than between the Stand-patter and the Democrat. . . . The hope of the nation is in Progressive Republicanism.34

Christensen identified three objectives for himself and Progressive Republicans in Utah. First, eliminate control of the party by an oligarchy and put it into the hands of a wider group of Republicans. Second, draft a state platform with strong, progressive planks "upon which a stand-patter cannot comfortably ride." Third, "center upon the most vital issue" by securing a direct primary nominating law With such a law, he argued, progressives would "increase the power and promote the opportunity of the individual elector" to have a real say in the affairs of government as well as the affairs of his own political party.35

Christensen entered the state convention convinced that his reform proposals were gaining acceptance by rank and file Republicans. The balloting in the race for the congressional nomination told a different story Howell was the overwhelming choice of the convention for renomination, receiving 484 l/% votes and carrying every county but four. Christensen received 69 votes, the bulk of which came from the counties in which he had been traditionally strong. His vote total might have been higher, but in the late days of the campaign, Harry Joseph, a Republican legislator, entered the contest and polled 71 V2 votes. Although Joseph was not a progressive, he did succeed in splitting the anti-Howell votes.36

Besides the congressional nomination, the convention had another important purpose for Christensen. True to his previous pledge, he sought to convince the delegates that they should add a plank to the party platform calling for the direct primary. A resolution to that effect was introduced by Charles Hollingsworth, a delegate from Weber County, but it was defeated by a decisive majority.37

Prior to the voting Christensen took to the floor in support of the resolution. Recalling the Salt Lake County convention two years earlier when he had placed such a resolution in the platform, he declared that the Republican party should give the people the right to choose their nominees. His remarks represent one of the most complete statements of his political philosophy at the time and merit quoting at length. He told the convention:

If there is anything that indicates the advanced growth of the Republican party, that indicates that the Republican party is at the vanguard of the people's advancement along economic lines, it is the fact that the Republican party throughout the country has been demanding and enacting into law a system whereby the people have had an opportunity to nominate their candidates by what we call direct nomination.

Mr Chairman, why should we in Utah pause? Why should we hesitate to step up into the front ranks of political and economic advancement and adopt a direct primary system We have bosses, we have organizations, we have machines [that] have accomplished for us what we have prayed for—Republican victory At times my good friends we have gone beyond that We have unmade and made candidates It is not the function of any political organization to say who is to be the nominee of the people upon a political ticket And my garments are not entirely free I have taken my part as a subordinate in the local political organization but in the name of Theodore Roosevelt and President Taft, in the name of the political condition that is bound to come in Utah I ask you to calmly consider the idea of giving the people a clean cut, fair deal 38

In the balance of the speech Christensen talked frankly about political conditions in the state, discussing how a handful of men could dominate a party caucus and admitting that all, including himself, had participated in such activities. His remarks were lengthy, and much of his impact was lessened because it was late and the delegates were anxious to leave The thrust of the speech was undoubtedly directed at Reed Smoot, though Christensen was careful to speak respectfully of

37 Salt Lake Tribune, September 26, 1910, p. 1.

38 Ibid

the senator who was presiding over the proceedings Smoot later recorded in his diary Christensen's failure to convince the delegates:

Parley P. Christensen, the insurgent, spoke for the plank. He was long winded and the convention tried to call him down I would not stand for it and gave him all the time he wanted. He talked for over and hour and killed himself He wanted to be gagged but I wouldn't allow it 39

Christensen's defeat for the congressional nomination and his inability to sway his fellow delegates to the cause of the direct primary represented his last major effort in the Utah GOP. Although he remained a Republican for another two years, offering himself again as a congressional candidate in 1912, he ultimately bolted to support the Progressive party and its standard bearer, Theodore Roosevelt, a man he had long admired In later years Christensen told reporters he had remained a Republican until he realized he "couldn't sincerely play the Republican game" and decided he "had no business in the party."40

In many ways Christensen's career paralleled that of numerous others in Utah and throughout the country who initially felt the Republican party was the most viable mechanism for achieving social and political reform but who later sought other political alliances, particularly the Progressive party in 1912. Christensen's progression from solid Republican to Bull Moose Progressive is understandable since he had always tended toward reform movements. Also, he was greatly influenced by the progressive movement among his fellow Republicans nationwide. As a lawyer who traveled extensively and as an official of several fraternal organizations, Christensen came into personal contact with progressive sentiment in other regions as well as his own.

A closer look at some of his earlier support for regular Republicanism might help to place his evolution as a progressive into focus. For example, Christensen was deeply impressed by William McKinley and at the time of his assassination lauded the deceased president as a great leader and a man who was "loved by his colleagues and the American people." Although support for McKinley might seem odd from a progressive, historian H. Wayne Morgan sees the McKinley

39 Reed Smoot Diary, September 26, 1910, Reed Smoot Papers, Harold B Lee Library, Special Collections, Brigham Young University, Provo

40 San Francisco Examiner, August 18, 1923, p. 1.

presidency as a transitional period where the man "stood not as the last old-fashioned chief executive nor as the first modern one, but as something in between, trying through his policies of conservative conciliation to ease his country and his people into the new position their responsibilities demanded."41 As a conciliator and harmonizer, Morgan asserts, McKinley ameliorated the "diverse forces that disturbed the country in the tumultuous nineties" and restored "the breaches in the Republican party" that had occurred as a result of this difficult period.42

Morgan's assessment may be helpful in understanding this phase of Parley P. Christensen's political career. Like the man he admired in his early career, the Utahn may have sought conciliation and amelioration during a period of transition from the battles of earlier times and the creation of a progressive Republican party, while realizing that challenges of the twentieth century made new approaches necessary Certainly his activities in the first decade of this century seem to support this conjecture. The next decade saw a continuing development in his commitment to social and political reform. Although he no longer believed the Republican party was the best vehicle to achieve those goals, moving as he did to the political left, Christensen's early support for economic and political reform would remain as hallmarks throughout the rest of his public career. 43

41 H Wayne Morgan, William McKinley and His America (Syracuse, N Y: Syracuse University Press, 1963), p 527

42 Ibid

43 After his presidential bid in 1920 Christensen spent several years touring Europe and Russia He then moved to Illinois where he was active in progressive politics and was an independent candidate for U S senator in 1926 In the 1930s, after settling in California, he was elected to the Los Angeles City Council, serving until he was defeated for reelection in 1949 Christensen died in Los Angeles in February 1954 For additional information see the author's "A Utahn Abroad: Parley P Christensen's World Tour, 1921-23," Utah Historical Quarterly 54 (1986): 345-57

Warmth, Friendship, and Scholarship: The Life and Times of Virginia Hanson

BY KENNETH W GODFREY

Virginia Hanson with doll Poor Pitiful Pearl used in storytelling. Photographs courtesy of author.

Dr Godfrey, a former president of the Mormon History Association, is director of the Logan Institute of Religion

SH E FAVORED FREEDOM OF SPEECH UP TO a maximum of ten minutes

Having been a schoolteacher, she thought people who wrote on walls beneath contempt in spite of the fact that Biblical study reveals that once some fairly important handwriting was found on the side of a building. A gourmet of note, she preferred dining on canned salmon and Mormon tea Believing her life blighted because of an inability to understand transitive and intransitive verbs, crocheting, and square roots, she assumed a spartan indifference for adornment, going about with plain edges on her underwear Highlights in her life included passing algebra, being a Dodger guest at Ebbets Field, and riding in a caboose from Cache Junction to Logan. Sympathizing with those who had wayward loved ones, she bled for mates of stingy spouses. She believed the most interesting faces were those of Gregory Peck, Jimmy Durante, Katharine Hepburn, Grace Kelly, David O McKay, Hoagie Carmichael, John C. Carlisle, and Jawaharlal Nehru. Though an avid Democrat, she resolved to eat eggs when the Republican secretary of agriculture, Ezra Taft Benson, requested she do so—but only for a month. Her name was Virginia Hanson, and she served as Cache County librarian for almost thirty years. Moreover, she was the Cornish cultural catalyst and extolled the community's virtues while naming her homestead "Dreary Acres." She always wrung out washcloths and hung them up neatly If her own words can be believed, she never told off-color stories.

Unique, one of a kind, a character, a breaker of the mold were words used to describe her. She knew everyone and everyone knew her, or so it seemed, and almost everything about her was different Convalescing from an appendectomy in a Logan hospital, she began her diary keeping with the sentence, "If what we're doing when the New Year begins is indicative of a year's activities, I shall lie in a hospital bed and read murder mysteries all of 1933." Her second entry again reveals an extraordinary sense of humor, "Scalloped cabbage for dinner, my idea of the world's champion nausea promoter. I turned to avert my gaze and concentrate on the beauty of nature."1

Born laughing, she came comfortably into this world possessing a love for movies, plays, baseball, wrestling, writing, bridge, books, people, and travel The fourth child of William Otto Hanson and Hilma

1 Virginia Hanson Diaries, 1933-78,January 1 and 2, 1933, Special Collections, Utah State University Library, Logan Except as noted otherwise, information regarding Hanson comes from her diaries

Fredrika Anderson, Virginia was born February 19, 1907, in Logan, Utah. She had an older sister, Helvie, two older brothers, Carl and Byron, and two younger sisters, Mae and Inis. Carl, Virginia, and Mae never married, residing most of their lives on the family farm in Cornish, a small Utah town near the Idaho border. Virginia was seven years old when the Hansons moved there. After attending elementary school in her home town she went to Logan and residing with an aunt, her mother's sister, enrolled and subsequently graduated from Brigham Young Academy. Registering at Utah State Agricultural College (USAC, now Utah State University), she in one year received a certificate and began a career as a public schoolteacher

Her summer vacations were often spent traveling Upon receiving her 1933 hospital bill which totaled $188, she thought of how far she could have "gone on the railroad with that amount." Before her life came to a tragic end in an accident at age seventy-one she had traversed most of the United States and a huge chunk of the world as well. College educated, a schoolteacher, librarian, lover of books, she could never satisfy her affection for learning and languages, taking classes right up to the time of her death.

This biographical essay will focus on the life of this remarkable woman and the contributions she made to Utah's northernmost

Byron, Mae, and Virginia Hanson.

county Her life story illuminates how people lived during the Great Depression, through a world war, and on to an age of space travel She brought, moreover, culture and a degree of sophistication to a small rural, largely Mormon, community just "1453 steps from the Idaho border," and influenced in significant ways life in Utah's Cache Valley. Endowed with a remarkable sense of humor, often used to escape boredom, she frequently turned it upon herself. Packed and ready to leave after her hospital stay, she wrote that "the doctor insists on having a farewell glance at his embroidery So I went back to bed and disrobed again. Where is my maidenly modesty? I am so used to lying unclad that I shall be ready to display my operation to the casual passerby." Suffering from a headache on New Year's Day, she noted, "It's tough to have a hangover with no pleasurable provocation." When Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wed in the spring of 1974 she crisply wrote, "Kissinger wedding, but I wasn't invited." Remembering her performances on the Cornish stage, she told a Cache Citizen reporter that she usually played the part of "the half-witted sister or the hired girl."2 Because her plans for retirement as county librarian had been public knowledge for such a long time, she declared that she "felt like a guest who bids farewell, promises to write, and finds her car won't start."3 After reading the report of the death of Calvin Coolidge she wrote, "Calvin Coolidge died and the nation was stunned, so said the paper It was an exaggerated report, I wasn't." Her finest wit may have been reserved for her diary. Having been in the hospital for a week, she wrote on January 6, "I read 'All's Well That Ends Well,' before the nurse appeared with the inevitable wash basin I get tired of this endless washing When I get home, I won't touch water for two years, maybe." When three youths suppered at her table, she wrote "Victor's respiration is a marvel. He can be heard for miles. I wonder how much he can eat. Apparently his capacity has never been reached." A neighbor visited Dreary Acres bearing "an atrocity she call[ed] a cushion" and promised to make one for Virginia and her sister, Mae. "I appreciate her good intentions," Virginia wrote, "but not her handiwork." "So I'll grin and say thanks and she will never know how hypocritical and ungrateful I am." Following another neighbor's visit, she noted, "Phebe Goodwin came to tell us how

2 Cache Citizen, July 7, 1973

3 Ibid

dumb we are and how smart she is."Another short diary entry reads, "I am writing in the bathroom to escape Noah Potter." At Sunday School one December day she counted 500 coughs and then quit; and when Dan Buttars passed away she wrote, "Dan Buttars died. Income tax worries over." On another occasion she recalled, "Grandmother Anderson would be 110 today, good thing she's dead."

She displayed her humor again when the family purchased an Essex automobile and promptly denominated it Margorilla. For diary purposes she treated the car as if it were a living thing: "Last year Margorilla killed the dog. This morning she got a pheasant." A second auto was christened Arabella, and when it was sold she wrote, "Decided to sacrifice Arabella." When she took still another car in for repairs, she penned this entry, "Took the car to Denny to be cured of smoking."

Virginia's dislike, as a single woman, for Mother's Day bordered on contempt. At age thirty-five, having barely tolerated another Sunday devoted to the praise of maternity, she wrote, "Mother's Day and the inevitable nausea at Sunday School."

Possessed of a fine sense of humor, she was not merely a humorist but a sophisticated woman with eclectic and highly idiosyncratic likes and dislikes. She enjoyed opera, Broadway plays, movies, classical literature, detective stories, popular fiction, biography, gossip, whooping cough parties for fifth grade girls, card playing, children's games, poker and fan-tan clubs, evaluating sex in Mother Goose books, baseball, basketball, hockey, wrestling, football, collecting postmarks and newspapers, to mention only a few of the activities that engaged her

She had that rare ability praised by Kipling of being able to talk with kings without losing the common touch and to walk with crowds while maintaining her virtue.

She could speak with savants, note the hatching of a robin, or converse kindly with the "bum" who sometimes requested food at the Hanson door Children were as at home in her presence as the intellectual elite who dined at Dreary Acres and rowed boats on the manmade lake adjacent to her home.

Not totally immune to displeasure, she disliked teaching teenage girls, coughing in church, annual reports, clutching "nit wits from Richmond," missing championship baseball games, Dennis Jackson ruining her new Sunday School class, bad colds, "AlJolson suffering to music," long talks, twenty-four-hour fasts, and strange Portland,

Oregon, men in bed with her and Mae.4 Long winter evenings with no company aroused her wrath and generated boredom, causing her to write, "This family is going nuts. Mom reads cowboy stories, Dad designs quilts, and the boys do puzzles. Drifts coming and a lot of heavy snow." Dismally dull Bible classes were high on her list of things to be avoided, as were homesickness and dining alone. In fact, Virginia was twenty-nine years old when she wrote, "Our family had a meal together for the first time in history with no others." Though she often hitchhiked, she disliked "riding with cave men."

Virginia filled her life with people, causes, conversation, games, and, like the Apostle Paul, doing good to all men. She shared that life and enriched the small valley and the smaller community she called home

Juanita Brooks, a historian whom Virginia knew well—though they resided at opposite ends of the state—was described by Levi Peterson as "belonging to both the folk and the intelligentsia, associating with equal sincerity with villagers and university professors."5 Like Brooks, Virginia loved books, ideas, and discussions The study of Swedish, Greek, French, Latin, Portuguese, Spanish, and German also attracted her agile mind. These languages were not learned entirely for their own sake but rather so she could help foreign students who attended Utah State University. It was Virginia, not the college, that first organized English classes for these young foreign scholars, enabling them to pass their courses successfully. Not only did they learn English from her, they also visited the Hanson farm, dined at her table, signed the autograph book, and, after returning to their native country, received for years newsy, witty letters that flowed from her pen by the dozens. Sometimes she visited their homes on her travels, as lifelong friendships were forged in the furnace of her love. Over the years hundreds of students from India, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Venezuela, Brazil, Peru, Israel, and Germany, to name only a few countries, walked the sandy paths surrounding the Hanson home and learned that not all Americans were self-serving, autocratic, overbearing, and confrontive. In Virginia they found a friend who cared about people on their own terms and according to their own rules, not hers.

4 Hanson Diaries, October 23, 1943. This must have been a mistake because Mae screamed and jumped from the bed That is all Virginia wrote about the matter in her diary

5 Levi S. Peterson, Juanita Brooks, Mormon Woman Historian (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988), p 6

As early as 1951, in her forty-fourth year, she began proofreading theses written by foreign students, correcting their English and providing helpful insights and encouragement for these often frustrated, timid authors Many students would not have achieved advanced degrees without her help She and her sister, Mae, chaperoned these scholars on excursions to Saltair and Brigham City, marveling at the diversity of what they called the "Latin American Delegation." With some students from Turkey, she dined them, danced with them, and sang their folk songs far into a spring night. She was a one-woman embassy who won foreign friends and influenced for good hundreds of the world's future leaders Still, when she learned of a tribute to her aired over the local radio station, she wrote, "Embarrassment is almost too much."

At least once each week she walked to Sunshine Terrace, Logan's home for seniors, and read to those with mental and physical handicaps. That she kept track of how many times she made the trek to Second West and Third North perhaps discloses that she expected some reward for her efforts. The final count,just before her death, approximated one thousand and represented nearly three full years of her life. Still, she found time to record, as well, the number of pelicans she saw on her way home from work and her attendance at karate demonstrations

While Virginia may have been born laughing, she must, soon after birth, have grasped her first book. A founding member of the Northern Utah Literary Club, she was as at home with books as she was with humor, foreign students and friends She became the guild's president at age twenty-seven. At least once each month the women of the club met, heard books reviewed, then lunched together. The books they discussed included Will Durrant's On the Meaning of Life, Rudolph Bessie's The Barretts ofWimpole Street, Elizabeth Roberts's The Great Meadow, William Bennett's Riptide, and Paul Hogan's The Fault of Angels. Her diary reflects attendance at, and participation in, this club for more than three decades

Not only did Virginia Hanson hear books reviewed monthly, she also read hundreds of volumes in the privacy of her domicile. She consumed everything Willa Cather authored, beginning as early as 1933 when she finished My Antonia. A fan of detective stories and murder mysteries, she also read the Communist Emma Goldman's My Life, Hasty Carroll's The Earth Turns, many novels by Dostoyevsky and

called

Tolstoy, the Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini, and Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind. Virginia's diary is peppered with notations of the good books she read, but books were not the only things she perused. Alone on one October evening, she devoured Sunset Magazine, Hoard's Dairyman, and the Reader's Digest. She sometimes read the Atlantic Monthly, Harper's, the New Yorker, and the New York Review of Books. As she grew older Life, Look, Time, and the Saturday Evening Post became a part of her literary diet perused each week Thus, her reading habits were as diverse and eclectic as her other interests.

In December 1969 Virginia was elected president of the Cache Valley Historical Society. While serving in this office her friendship with the state's leading historians bore fruit. Each mont h the society met, listened to speakers, adopted resolutions, passed measures that saved historical buildings from being razed and preserved artifacts, and discussed matters of historical import. Such luminaries as Leonard J Arrington, Gustive O Larson, Juanita Brooks, S George Ellsworth, Stanford Cazier, Ja n Shipps, and Glen M. Leonard graced the society's lecture halls.

Her interest in the past, tempered with a healthy regard for the present, seemed ubiquitous. On e day, in her sixty-eighth year, she

Virginia Hanson

thefamily home in Cornish Dreary Acres.

spent her time cleaning "the attic closet." "Lots of interesting stuff," she wrote "No one who can read should ever try to clean the attic." Late in life she transformed Dreary Acres into a museum that was visited by common folk, the intelligentsia, and not a few power brokers. She and a quartet of friends even made "a Dreary Acres historical trail."When Salt Laker Florence Griffin traveled to the Hanson homestead, Virginia lunched with her and some other friends in the park and then "had a museum experience" with them and some local people In the family museum she displayed, among other things, more than eleven hundred postmarks and two hundred and one newspapers she had gathered from all over the world. Her historical activities also included collecting the names of all of Lewiston's schoolteachers, writing a history of the Cornish post office, and encouraging A. J. Simmonds to author a history of Cornish. Moreover, she served on the Cache County Bicentennial Commission and at the Logan Library rendered constant aid to researchers Cache Valley's history would be less well known had Virginia not lived

In November 1951 she received a 94 on her French examination and was elected president of her university drama group. She found time, too, to help a timid farmer prepare a talk on "pins" that he delivered to a junior high school audience. An excellent speaker, Virginia was often invited to address university, community, and church groups. According to her diary, the Delta Kappa fraternity heard her talk "People Are Fun" in 1956;five years earlier she had given a "two and a half minute sermon in a minute and a half."

Though she was college educated, having received her diploma in 1940, she attempted to work Ouija boards and played "Run, Sheepy, Run" long after she reached maturity. Her diaries, kept during 1933-78, disclose other unique aspects of her personality. Writing in October 1947,she declared, "Myhead is queer. Agreed by all." She saw Charlotte's W^with forty million kids and only twenty parents on a Saturday afternoon in April. In 1953 a diary entry reads, "Saw the Blue Veil, didn't sob."She was subject to laughing spells while eating ice cream. She listened to communists speak in Pittsburgh, after which she spent the night sleeping on the ground in a Lutheran cemetery. On one occasion while teaching school, she smiled upon learning that some of her students had, during recess, "milked a dead cow and drunk some of the milk." Though a faithful, practicing Mormon, she sometimes drank tea and coffee, and on occasion tasted

beer, which she found disgusting Often the valley's movie houses found her watching the pictur e sho w o n Sunda y evenings, an activity frowned upo n by church leaders, and it was not against her religion to miss meetings in order to play cards or visit with friends or entertain authors She also enjoye d "moonligh t weini e roasts," making "candy at midnight," and hitchhiking to Logan, the county seat. Suffering from a dreadful cold, she wrote, "I am like an adolescent boy, never knowing what sound I'll emit when I try to speak." A numbe r of years later she penned, "The dam broke , power off and the calf died." Still another short diary entry reveals the unique way she viewed life: "Horrible winds one of our ducks was lifted to the top of the shed and dropped." Thus, her life displayed an incongruity and complexity that was hardly ordinary. She seemed to find a degree of joy in doing things others thought unusual. She had the rare ability to make the ordinary extraordinary, the usual unusual, and to find uniqueness in those things some thought quite common.

Politically active throughout her life, Virginia worked on behalf of state and national Democrats and met many of the party's most illustrious candidates. In 1934 she served as the party's community vice chairman. She lost a bet when Eisenhower secured the Republican presidential nomination on the first ballot. After paying off her wager she campaigned for Adlai Stevenson in a losing effort. Since she lived in an area that was heavily Republican, the candidates she favored lost more elections than they won Her diary reveals, though, that she voted for Republicans from time to time, including J Bracken Lee

While still in her twenties Virginia began a decade-long teaching career. There is ample diary evidence that instructing young people, though enjoyable, brought with it a lot of tension Publicly expressing

Virginia Hanson in her late teens or early twenties.

a love of teaching, she privately wrote of the stress that accompanied life in the classroom. Early in her teaching career she wrote, T don't like the first [grade] at all I am mad." And two Fridays in succession she wrote, "Blessed day, I love thee." "School out Hooray." In a 1939 entry she wrote, "Mae and I are counting the days Only 168 left." She expressed gratitude when the Beehive girls she taught at church failed to attend Mutual. After what must have been an exceptionally difficult day in the classroom she penned, T certainly had a hell of a day." When school was dismissed each fall for a two-week "Beet Vacation" (to harvest sugar beets), Virginia would again write, "School out. Hooray." The stress that teaching caused is evidenced by the fact that shortly after commencing her work in the classroom she began to suffer occasionally from colitis One October she wrote, "Have colitis to celebrate last year's attack." These attacks decreased substantially after she became a librarian

Though teaching may not have been entirely pleasant for her and may also have significantly added to the tension in her life, she was nonetheless an extraordinary instructor, as the writer can personally attest. She waswitty, interesting, always prepared, and demanding. She maintained discipline and order in her classroom, even after she had "mutilated her face" in a sleigh riding accident and went to school the next day looking "like Scar Face and Frankenstein"— evidenced by the fact that the children only laughed respectfully She sometimes referred to her students in the Heber Elementary School as "Little Hellions" and was somewhat relieved in 1939 when her administrator suggested she become a librarian.

Virginia's love of books, her affection for people, and her helpful attitude all contributed to her success as Cache County's librarian. Books made her comfortable, and she enjoyed sharing her love for the printed page with those who entered the doors of the building that became her second home. Having never married, however, she returned home to Cornish almost every Sunday and after the roads were paved moved back to Dreary Acres, commuting to her work in Logan for the remainder of her career. She began working in the library on August 1, 1941, and within four days had "all the fiction straightened." Within two weeks the biographies were alphabetically arranged After three years as assistant librarian she replaced Dora Wright as librarian, a position she held for almost three decades.

As librarian she organized a lecture series emphasizing the hu-

manities and arts. University professors were invited to discourse to appreciative audiences. USAC liberal arts dean Carlton Culmsee spoke on "Utah Arts at Mid-Century;" George S. Eccles, an Ogden banker, led a discussion on the world's financial status; Dr. N. W. Christiansen directed a string quartet; and Professor Don W. Pittman reviewed a book on Mao Tse-tung.6 In 1953 large audiences heard history professor Joel E Ricks review the William O Douglas book Beyond the High Himalayas and economist Leonard J. Arrington discuss the United Order. Music professor Walter Welti came to the library with members of his opera cast and previewed Romeo and Juliet. Virginia organized an art appreciation class for library patrons and was deeply disappointed one evening when only one person attended. In the winter of 1939 she was instrumental in securing novelist Vardis Fisher as the speaker in the Cornish Ward sacrament meeting, perhaps the only Mormon service he ever addressed. Thus she sought to lift the quality of life and increase a rural citizenry's appreciation for things of the mind and heart.

As a member of the Utah Library Association she attended their conventions, participated on panels, and met many intellectuals, including author Rodello Hunter, historian Juanita Brooks, and Newberry Award winner Virginia Sorensen, all three of whom later visited the Hanson domicile and were introduced to Cornish citizens. Some of the town's young people still remember those visits as highlights in their lives. Virginia Hanson reviewed books for the Utah Humanities Review and the Utah Library Association bulletin, and she wrote a highly acclaimed article chronicling her experiences teaching school in Hiawatha, Utah.7 She prepared the history of the Cornish post office and had several articles published in the Herald Journal and the Cache Valley Citizen. Cache County's radio station KVNU frequently interviewed her regarding books and authors.

As the county librarian she often addressed public gatherings. Her wit, charm, and unique way of looking at things enthralled her listeners. Speaking before the American Association of University Women's chapter at Utah State University she observed that hers was the best talk "because it was only three minutes and twenty seconds long."

6 Cache County Library Minutes, Logan Library Archives

7 Virginia Hanson, "I Remember Hiawatha," Utah Historical Quarterly 40 (1972): 265-74

Cache County Library in Logan.

Although she wished at times that more of her friends, neighbors, and fellow Mormons had a greater interest in matters of the mind, yet she displayed intellectual incongruities of her own. She could stay home from Sunday School to avoid teaching class, attend eveningwrestling matches, watch boxing on TV, and skip the Utah State University opera to watch Groucho Marx. One evening she wrote, "There was no dire need for us to go abroad into the world, so I wrote a bit, read a bit, watched a bit of television and wasn't very useful."

She accompanied foreign students to lectures on Van Gogh and attended a program on Toulouse-Lautrec. When asked to serve as vice-president of the American Association of University Women she refused She played hearts to see "who would get supper" and listened to the Mormon church's general conference and the World Series simultaneously. Like Leibnitz, she embraced life fully, feeling at home in the world of ideas surrounded by college professors, artists, poets and writers, yet equally domesticated among those who played cards, drank beer, booed umpires, and shouted foul language at villainous grapplers. She found solace in walking the sandy soil of Dreary Acres, watching a sunset, and remembering the land. She was, it appears, a woman for all seasons.

Over the years, on the pages of a small black book, Virginia composed some rules for library employees. They reflect her administrative style and provide insights into her personality. Many are common-

sense admonitions—such as keep busy, avoid unnecessary talking, and become familiar with the library holdings. Others display her wit and wisdom: "Write down your promises; they are easier to remember We are here to help people This library belongs to the public Be pleasant if it kills you. And sometimes you think it will." Finally, she penned a sort of litmus test of a person's aptitude for library work: "If all this seems to be complicated and backbreaking, if you hate to put away books and magazines, if foolish questions bother, then it is best to look elsewhere for ajob. We don't all like the same kind of work, and if you've given this a trial and it seems deadly, dull and monotonous, don't waste your time in a library."

Though she enjoyed being Cache County's librarian, she too found the public exasperating on those occasions when a telephone caller inquired, "Have you got any good books?" Books, she sometimes thought, were all she did have, a multitude of which could be classified as good. One day a lady called asking the elevation of Beaver, Utah. Virginia replied immediately with the correct information, flabbergasting the caller with her erudition. Hanging up, she verified the accuracy of her answer. Then laughing, she told her employees that Beaver was the only community in the state whose elevation she knew When the book Fascinating Womanhood—a work that suggested the use of feminine wiles to manipulate men—appeared in the mail, Virginia asked staff members whether it should be catalogued under hunting, fishing, or trapping. At least once a year Virginia read her favorite children's story, "Stone Doll of Sister Brute," to the valley's children, using a doll she had made from a rock as a visual aid.

Like all of us she was bored at times, but the variety of her activities, the extent of her community service, and the company she kept seldom allowed her to be bored for long. For example, for the duration of World War II she authored a monthly newsletter that kept the community's servicemen abreast of Cache Valley news and the soldiering activities of one another. She also wrote as many as fifteen missives a night to former Cornish citizens, foreign students, and friends all over the world. Her letters, if collected, would run into the thousands.

For a number of years Newell Hart published a mimeographed newsletter called the Cache Valley Newsletter in Preston, Idaho. Virginia, a subscriber, read an article in the October 1977 issue that prompted her to write to Hart. Her interest was aroused by "History of Preston's 'Golden Hour Club.'" Organized in 1913 the club stood for "Good people and Good times." The members met monthly, sponsored par-

ties and commercial dances, reviewed books, and spent long winter afternoons playing cards.8 The article included a letter of resignation "for various reasons," dated October 9, 1920, from Amy Houck.9 Virginia wrote,

Could you discover the reason for Mrs Houck's terse letter of resignation? There should be a good story behind that. Maybe it was because she was assigned Ella Wheeler Wilcox for her literary assignment. One must give Ella credit for her poems They have supplied inspiration for countless sermons. However, when she did a novel in verse she went too far. Have you ever read Maurine? This is the ultimate in sentimentality, an antidote for the realism of today In this story of emotions, always rapture or despair, the characters don't have to labor The chaste and faithful Maurine entertains guests in the arbor, where it's always at least 79 degrees F. Tea is served at any hour by invisible hands. Vivian Dangerfield, in his Sunday suit and hair parted in the middle, drops in to discuss philosophy or painting or music Sweet Helen complicated the plot. I hope you can read this; it will make your day!10

This letter reveals Virginia as a literary critic and illuminates her knowledge of American literature It also displays her clever way of getting to the heart of a matter.

Earlier Virginia had written to Hart regarding his book on Cache Valley's dance halls. In that missive she was not only clever but also revealed some history of her home town.

Many of our patrons have enjoyed the book on Cache Valley dance halls My oldest brother was one of the Persiana faithfuls, although he did not find his spouse in Preston. Most of the hometown (Cornish) boys met their wives up there. I suppose that the ward at home seemed like one big happy family, and there'd be something almost incestuous about a wedding in the neighborhood On the other hand some of the mothers were a bit anxious about marriage with foreigners from over the state line Here was a suggestion of slight miscegenation! Have you thought of doing research on the probability of successful marriages contracted by partners who met at public dances, with little else in common except a facility for a peppy fox trot? I hope your proposed project is a tremendous success Virginia Hanson.11

It is indeed unfortunate that more of her letters seem not to have survived.

8 CacheValley Newsletter, No 108, October 1977, p 2

9 Ibid, p 3

10 Virginia Hansen to Newell Hart, fall 1977, original in Special Collections, USU Library

11 CacheValley Newsletter, No 2, December 1968, pp 4-5

For relaxation Virginia enjoyed movies and the theater. Seldom did more than a few days pass without finding her in one of Utah's movie houses watching a Hollywood production. During the depression year 1933 she listed thirty-seven movies she had seen, including State Fair, The Warrior's Husband, The Kid from Spain, College Humor, and Tugboat Annie. In all, she recorded more than twelve hundre d movie titles in her diary. She attended high school operettas, too, sometimes describing them as "lousy" and traveled in heavy snow to Salt Lake City to see stage shows. She also crashed the Cache LDS Stake high priests party to witness Logan's own Broadway actress, Leora Thatcher, in Joint Owners in Spain and Little Darling.

Virginia authored a radio script and a play titled Touch of Destiny, saw the premiere of the movie Brigham Young, and sent a mimeographed newspaper called the Tribune of Trivia to local citizens and friends around the world. Still, she found time to watch the robins hatch one spring day in 1938 and to count the steps from the library to her Logan home—they numbere d 1,264

Filling any spare time she might have had, Virginia studied world religions with Dr. Heber Snell, the Bible as literature, and philosophy; and she wrote papers on Joseph Smith and studied German history

Birthday guests Susan Sanada, Sadie Sorensen, and Mae Hanson surround Virginia Hanson.

under the tutelage of a Dr. Whipple. She also became a member of the Cosmo Club. This group heard lectures on Japanese theater by Dr. King Hendricks and a talk by Dr. George Ellsworth on the Latterday Saint religion. She frequently attended lectures sponsored by the college where she heard such luminaries as historian Henry Steele Commager and philosopher-historian Will Durrant (twice). She also saw an exhibit of the Dead Sea Scrolls.

Virginia deliberated all one evening whether to name her pig "Gladys,Jonathan, or Obesity." For what she called "Relief Entertainment," she played "Marjory, alias Lady Valona" in the stage production Be a Little Cuckoo. For more than twenty years she was the official scorekeeper for the Cornish baseball team her brother managed, and she listened to the World Series every fall, dutifully entering the score of each game in her diary. There seems to have been hardly anything in life that did not captivate her interest, even "Frozen Charlotte" dolls,12 one of which she named Poor Pitiful Pearl.

Upon her retirement as Cache County librarian in 1973 about one hundred friends and admirers gathered in Logan's Blue Bird Cafe. A surprised Virginia listened as the library board chairman read a tribute from the board of trustees that stated in part:

Thank you for your years of service to our community. Thank you for your gracious manner, your quiet nature. Thank you for the friendships you have made for the library, and for the several decades of Cache residents you have introduced to good books Thank you for your patience with reticent library boards, your tact in dealing with commissioners, your skill in fixing leaking pipes, cranky furnaces, dangling banisters, not to mention over-due books, insufficient budgets [and] poor shelf space But mostly, thank you for being yourself and making our library a place of warmth, friendship and scholarship.13

Warmth, friendship, scholarship, three words that pleased the woman who loved Cache Valley as have few others.14

12 Logan HeraldJournal, January 25, 1973.

13 Logan HeraldJournal, July 6, 1973

14 Virginia Hanson's friendship was an important part of my life Not only did she tutor me in grammar school; she remained significant in my life in otfier ways, such as encouraging me to acquire a college education and go on to graduate school When I returned to Cornish for visits she made an effort to engage me in conversation I learned that she had read all of the articles I had authored and was aware of contemporary intellectual currents in the Latter-day Saint church, which she often asked about and commented on When I gave Brigham Young University Education Week lectures she was often in the audience looking appreciative and somewhat proud, as if one of her own had done something worth noting Her interest in my activities spurred me on because I knew at least one person who appreciated the mind and intellectual pursuits She seemed to value my own love of books and my friendships with many authors I am certain that she treated all the former residents of Cornish with the same care, the same understanding, and the same love as she did me We all believed that she believed we were special But really she was the unique one, the extraordinary one, the one we looked up to and admired.

Only five years after her retirement, on a foggyJanuary morning, Virginia and Mae Hanson left Dreary Acres to attend a meeting of the Cornish Ward Relief Society More than fifty thousand times she had traversed the dirt road and crossed the railroad tracks before coming to the pavement of State Highway 34. As it approached ten o'clock, Virginia, who was driving, failed to observe a heavy freight train traveling nearly fifty miles per hour. Within seconds the sisters were dead and a whole valley mourned as word spread of this terrible accident. Virginia left behind no children to bear her name, no husband to cry in the night. Yet her legacy affected a small community and a larger valley. Eulogized in a large funeral by a farmer, a college professor, and others, she was buried in Logan's cemetery in the shadow of Utah State University, and the Logan Library remained closed in her honor

Life had ended for Virginia Hanson. Yet in many ways she lives on. Every time a book is reviewed, a language studied, a piece of art appreciated, a humorous story told, an old person read to, or a sporting event observed, the shadow of Virginia Hanson will be there too. Her life brought warmth into a sometimes cold world, friendship to those discouraged and distraught, and love of scholarship to an area often thought to be a desert of culture as well as climate. The Nobel Prize-winning Russian writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in a short story titled "Matrona's House" wrote, "None of us who lived close to her perceived that she was that one righteous person without whom, as the saying goes, no city can stand. Neither can the whole world."15 Virginia Hanson was like that too.

15 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Stories and Prose Poems (New York: Farrar, 1970), p. 52.

BY WILLIAM G HARTLEY

Back view of the main building of the University ofDeseret (Utah) on site ofpresent West High School. USHS collections.

Mr. Hartley is an associate research professor of history at Brigham Young University's Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Church History

I N 1869, THE YEAR OF THE GOLDEN SPIKE, a Delta Phi Society appeared on the University of Deseret campus (it became the University of Utah in 1892) in Salt Lake City.1 Delta Phi deserves a niche in Utah history because it was our first university student society, the school's most important student organization for a quarter-century, Utah's first Greek-letter organization, and one of the first Greek-letter units in the West.

Life for college students often involves campus extra-curricular activities. However, space and source limitations cause official histories of universities to merely mention or highlight student organizations rather than give in-depth coverage College yearbooks, catalogs, and student newspapers notice but a tiny part of what these units do. So, unless college clubs, societies, fraternities, and sororities keep a record of their own meetings and activities or write their own histories, we lack an important part of a school's history. Utah libraries contain few histories of college student organizations

For students at the University of Deseret/University of Utah between 1869 and 1900 Delta Phi was the chief men's society on campus. Ralph V Chamberlin's official history of the U. contains several discussions of early student societies that offer a brief introduction to Delta Phi's activities but not an in-depth look.2 Fortunately, three volumes of Delta Phi minutes survive to help expand the story.3 The Delta Phi Literary Society minutes, recorded during 1872-74, and a second book for the 1884-88 period, are preserved at the University of Utah Archives A third set, the minutes for 1888-97, penned in an oversize leatherbound, lined book, is found in the LDS Church Archives. (Minute books for 1869-72 and 1875-83 are missing.) These records reveal a busy fraternity—a vital student society spanning a quarter-century. They contain minutes of meetings and debates, the society's constitutions, and membership lists They also tell about several members who later became influential in Utah. Most important, perhaps, they help us see what it was like to be a student back then

1 Elizabeth Haglund, Remembering: The University oJUtah (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1981), pp 2-10

2 Ralph V Chamberlin, The University of Utah: A History of Its First Hundred Years, 1850 to 1950 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1960), pp 114, 140, 216, 217, 309

3 Delta Phi Literary Society, January 1, 1873-April 30, 1874 [actually begins with December 20, 1872], holograph and typescript, MS 58, and Delta Phi Society, Minutes, 1884-88, holograph, MS 58, Special Collections, University of Utah Library, Salt Lake City; and Delta Phi Society Minutes, 1888-97, Delta Phi Files, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, MSD 3600, folder 1

FRATERNITIES IN AMERICA BY 1869

America's first Greek-letter fraternity was Phi Beta Kappa, established for social and literary purposes at William and Mary College during the Revolutionary War.4 In the early nineteenth century both social fraternities and literary societies sprang up on college campuses and became the ancestors of later Greek-letter social fraternities.5 By 1861, 71 colleges in 25 states had fraternities.6 Some fraternities had evolved into ritual-filled, secretive, social groups, while others, particularly in smaller colleges and in rural areas, were debating societies and literary clubs. Delta Phi at the U. was a fraternity of the latter type. The "period of greatest prosperity" for college debating societies stretched from 1790 to 1840, although a report in 1901 noted that on a few campuses "the debating society still remains one of the potent factors of student life."7

Debating and literary societies had written constitutions, held elections that helped students practice politics, and offered a taste of rivalry between societies on the same campus; Delta Phi in Utah fit this mold. Some societies published newspapers or created libraries; Delta Phi dabbled with these projects. The debating societies performed important social functions, but secrecy of meetings and initiation ceremonies had little importance; such was the case with Delta Phi Some, including Delta Phi, received great interest from the students—"the athlete had not yet arisen as a college hero, so the orator and writer represented the ideals of the academic youth."8 A debating society's main function was "to prepare students for public life," and "to create and strengthen a permanent interest in public affairs"— many Delta Phis later became prominent in Utah affairs. Some debating societies contained "a certain breadth and esprit de corps which made them a strong bond between the student and the college," and such was Delta Phi's role

4 John Robson, ed., Baird's Manual of American College Fraternities, 17th ed (Menasha, Wis.: George Banta Co., 1963), p 7

5 "Fraternities and Sororities," Encyclopedia Americana 12 (Danbury, Conn.: Grolier, Inc 1964), vol F., p 20

6 Clyde Sanfred Johnson, Fraternities in Our Colleges (New York: National Interfraternity Foundation, 1972), pp. 21-24.

7 Henry D Sheldon, Student Life and Customs (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969), pp 125-42,203

8 Ibid

THE DELTA PHI LITERARY SOCIETY, 1869-74

In 1869 John R. Park assumed the presidency of the University of Deseret (he served until 1892), which was then a commercial school. He added classical and scientific studies to its curriculum. Spring term that year saw 223 students enroll, and 125 attended that fall.9 According to Weston Taylor's history of early Delta Phi, one of Park's first efforts as president was to promote Delta Phi to groom student speakers and debaters.10

Delta Phi was Utah's first fraternity. Taylor gives 1869 as the founding date, noting that Delta Phi was formed during the winter of the 1869-70 school year. This was two years before Zeta Gamma, which some incorrectly claim was the first.11 Delta Phi was perhaps the third Greek-letter fraternity in the Far West. As early as 1854 and 1858, two local fraternities sprouted at the University of the Pacific in SanJose, California (later relocated to Stockton, California).12 Baird's Manual, the bible of American fraternity facts, provides founding dates for colleges and fraternities, including these western schools established before 1869:13

9 John R Park Journal, microfilm of holograph, Lee Library, Brigham Young University Provo Film 920, #25. 8

10 Weston W. Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," typescript, Friars Folder, Delta Phi File, LDS Church Archives, p. 1. John R. Park'sJournal for 1869 does not mention Delta Phi.

11 Ronald W Walker incorrectly claims Zeta Gamma was the first Greek-letter unit in his "Growing Up in Early Utah: The Wasatch Literary Association, 1874-1878," Sunstone 6 (November/December 1981): 44. Delta Phi was "the oldest society in the University," according to the university's student newspaper, Lantern 1 (March 1891): 6, Special Collections, Lee Library, BYU; Zeta Gamma was started by Delta Phi men who "seceded," according to Taylor, "Early History," p 2; Taylor, p.l, says Delta Phi was founded in 1869, although Chamberlin's The University of Utah, p 77, dates Delta Phi to 1870 and Zeta Gamma to 1872. See also a "University of Deseret Historical Sketch, 1850-1885," author unidentified, handwritten, microfilm copy in Special Collections, University of Utah Library, original at Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley

12 Johnson, Fraternities in Our Colleges, p 23

13 Baird's Manual, p 68

John R. Park. USHS collections.

Oregon State

University of Washington

Whitman College (Washington)

University of Denver

University of Nevada

University of California, Berkeley

Who chose the Delta Phi name and why it was chosen are not known, but the founders apparently had no knowledge that a Delta Phi fraternity in the East then had eleven chapters on various campuses. 14 Utah's Delta Phi was primarily a debating society. Although members gave literary readings and practiced parliamentary procedure, Taylor noted, "the spirit of Webster and Calhoun predominated."15 Orson F. Whitney, a student then, recalled that the school had two debating societies, Delta Phi for seniors and Zeta Gamma for juniors. In both, he said, Dr. Park "took greatest pride."16

When Park left for a mission to study European schools in 1871, he received a framed picture containing oval pictures of nineteen early University of Deseret debaters He prized it After he retired in 1892 it hung in the University of Utah faculty room with the caption "Zeta Gamma." However, Rulon S. Wells, one of those pictured, believed the men were Delta Phis because he was a Delta Phi but never a Zeta Gamma. John T. Caine,Jr., who said he presented the picture to Dr. Park in 1871, agreed. Thirteen of the nineteen men pictured were charter members of Delta Phi. Chamberlin's history of the school says Zeta Gamma was founded in 1872, a year after Park's trip So, despite the "Zeta Gamma" caption, the pictured men are probably Delta Phis.17

Delta Phi's first home was the old Council House on the corner of Main and South Temple streets, which was the University of Deseret's campus in 1869. Delta Phis met weekly in the second floor as-

14 The eastern Delta Phi fraternity was founded in 1827 at Union College in Schenectady, New York See ibid., pp 252-53

15 Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," p 1

16 Ralph V Chamberlin, Memories ofJohn R. Park (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Emeritus Club, 1949), p. 56. Whitney and friends became involved in various cultural organizations; see Walker, "Growing Up," p 1

17 Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," says Wells and Caine told him they thought the picture was of Delta Phis. Taylor lists the charter members of Delta Phi (p. 1) which we compared to names on the picture Chamberlin's founding date for Delta Phi is on p 77; however, he says the picture of Zeta Gamma members is in 1875 (p 114) The picture was reprinted in the Deseret Evening News, January 11, 1902

sembly room. 18 Minutes for December 20, 1872, provide our earliest glimpse of their meetings. Business included the reading of minutes, an election, a declamation by W C Dunbar, essays read by Harmel Pratt and chapter secretary John T Caine, and a debate But because disputants were not prepared on the question, "Was the Execution of Charles I of England Justifiable?", a new topic was substituted: "Can a Man Sin Without Knowing It?" Debater H. Pratt, affirmative, won againstJ. C. Young, negative.

When Zeta Gamma was organized as a second debating group, Delta Phis invited them to attend Delta Phi meetings whenever they wished Early in 1874 the two groups agreed to debate each other. Delta Phi met weekly on Wednesday or Thursday evenings, and most meetings featured a debate. Debate topics the members picked in the early 1870s included: public opinion exercises a more powerful restraint over the criminal disposition of men than statutory law; capital punishment should be abolished; and Chinese immigration is detrimental to our country

Orson F. Whitney, left, and H. L. A. Culmer, right, two distinguished Utahns who were Delta Phis. USHS collections.

Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," p 1

Members named in the 1872-74 minute book are Theodore W. Curtis, Alfales Young, W. C. Dunton, Jr., S. H. Leaver, Arthur Pratt, C P Huey, Aaron Cummings, Harry Culmer, E G Taylor, Lord Gilberson, Alonzo Hyde, P. Margetts, Jr., Rolla Roberts, Orson F.Whitney, John G. Felt, and Albert Kimball.

Women also joined Delta Phi. Early in 1873 the minutes note, "On motion Misses Isa Calder, Aggie Mcintosh, Caroline Young, Mary Gilberson, and Mrs. A Pratt were elected Hon[orary] members of the Society."19 A month later Miss Vilate and Miss Retta Young also were elected as honorary members.20 By the end of 1873 the club had passed an amendment that "Lady candidates for admission to membership in this Society shall not be required to pay any initiation fee; nor shall any fees or fines be imposed upon them after admission."21 In February 1874 Misses Adie Snow, Alice Overton, and Caroline Young were voted in as "active members."22 A month later Miss Snow was elected the club's secretary, and Mary Gilberson was voted in as an active member.

Delta Phi's officers included the usual president, vice-president, secretary, and treasurer, but also a "marshall"—a "dignified janitor" who cleaned the room and trimmed the lamps. Often the retiring society president was voted into that "honorary position."23

19 Minutes, May 9, 1873

20 Minutes,June 6, 1873

21 Minutes, December 26, 1873.

22 Minutes, March 14, 1874

23 Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," p 1

Delta Phi Phil Margetts, Jr., and his wife, Henrietta Richards. USHS collections.

The University of Deseret faltered for one year, 1871-72, then restarted. Two full-time teachers plus one part-time carried the school through the 1872-73 year. Classes taught included reading and elocution, arithmetic (advanced), geometry, botany, algebra, orthography, composition and rhetoric, Latin, algebra (advanced), grammar, civil government, German, and geology and mineralogy.24

Because the school lacked a good library, Delta Phi tried to create a library for itself early in 1873 by selling shares to club members for $5.00 each.25 During that year Delta Phi considered setting up a chess club in connection with the library.26 For reasons easily guessed, at one meeting "an appropriation was made for the purchasing of a spittoon."27 Then, Delta Phi came under a cloud in the community, losing support for its library drive On March 7, 1873, the members discussed the negative "impression the society was making on the public mind." Apparently members had attempted to raise library funds by holding some kind of entertaining social not acceptable to local people. C. F. Winslow explained the problem to Delta Phi members several months after it happened:

Our efforts failed in consequence of being denounced as infidels and obnoxious to the morals and proprieties of this community by certain leading citizens, who, to show their displeasure at your efforts to cultivate your minds, commanded their sons to withdraw from your association and forbad the members of their families to attend your entertainment.28

Winslow added that he had attended several Delta Phi debates during the previous year and had never heard a word or act upon which such "unjust and disparaging attention" could be based. Opponents, he believed, wanted to crush the debating society out of existence.

ByJune 1873, in the middle of the controversy, a Delta Phi committee drafted a new constitution to turn their unit into a scientific debating society. On October 9, after a spirited discussion, the members tabled the new constitution.29 Apparently Delta Phi moved off campus that fall, perhaps because of the negative reactions When Dr Winslow addressed them in November as their president-elect they

24 Chamberlin, The University of Utah, p 103

25 Minutes, February 3 and 28, 1873.

26 Minutes, March 14, 1873

27 Minutes, May 16, 1873

28 "Delta Phi," Salt Lake Daily Tribune, November 8, 1873

29 Minutes,June 24 and October 9, 1873

361 were meeting in the St Mark's School

Utah's First Fraternity, 1869-1904

In this inaugural address he challenged Delta Phi to become a scientific institute: "This community and the territory are far behind the rest of the Republic, excepting the most benighted colored communities in opportunities for a decent common education." The University of Deseret, he complained, was "below the rank of the Boston High School, and scarcely on a par with the best free grammar schools of New England." Utah's education system "is a living and lasting disgrace," he carped. Delta Phi should stop being a debating club and instead tackle "a studious cultivation of science and letters" and become "an academy of science." Be more interested in science, he urged, than in politics or moral questions. Members liked his talk so much that they had it published in the Salt Lake Tribune, then an anti-Mormon publication.30

However, the controversy and science-dabbling cost Delta Phi its appeal among the students. OnJanuary 29, 1874, after reducing initiation fees by half to $2.50, the members discussed what to do about "the flagging interest felt by many members in the doings of the society." Among the members expelled for nonattendance was student luminary Orson F.Whitney.31 Spring elections put men into office for fall term, but the record book's pages are blank after the early-1874 meetings.

AT Two WEST SIDE CAMPUSES

In 1876 the U. moved from the Council House to an old adobe two-story knitting factory, soon known as the Union Academy Building It stood at the corner of Second West and First North streets Probably Delta Phi continued to function at this location, too, but we lack records for it there Chamberlin, using sources not cited, says Delta Phi and Zeta Gamma then met weekly in the evenings and that the university charged them fifty cents a week for light and heat. According to Chamberlin, "The debates at these meetings were often serious and lively, and discussions and expressions of ideas so free that a member of the Board of Regents raised the question as to whether the influence of the Zeta Gamma was in the right direction."32

In 1884 the university moved again, this time to its own campus across the street on old Union Square, into a new main university building where West High now is. That year the school was authorized

30 Minutes, October 9, 1873

31 Minutes, March 12, 1874

32 Chamberlin, The University of Utah, p 114

to grant degrees.33 Delta Phi's minutes resume then, too. The fraternity held its weekly meetings in Room A of the new building from 1884 until the late 1890s.34

In 1885 "there was a lull" in interest in student societies which the faculty decided to investigate. In September 1886 their committee reported "that the Delta Phi was in a flourishing condition, while Zeta Gamma and Edina societies were in abeyance 'owing to small attendance.'"35 One year later Delta Phi "proved to be too large to give opportunity to all who wished to participate actively," causing "something of a secession to and revival of the Zeta Gamma." In response, Delta Phi as a spoof "brought to trial several of the seceding members under the charge of treason, Professor Kingsbury of the faculty being brought into service asjudge."36

The March 1891 issue of the students' monthly newspaper, the Lantern, said the school's four principal societies then were Edina, Normal, Zeta Gamma, and Delta Phi. "The objects of these societies are the training of their members in oratory, debating, declamation, composition, and parliamentary rules of order," the reporter noted. The groups "are strictly under control of the faculty, although the officers are each chosen from, and elected by the members of the society." The article called Delta Phi "the oldest society in the university," whose members were "from the higher classes who have some knowledge of parliamentary law. It is the Delta Phi that engages in debates with the other societies throughout the territory." From time to time its meetings featured lectures by members, faculty, or outside speakers Zeta Gamma, by contrast, was "largely composed of Preparatory Normal Students interested in debating and speaking."

In October 1891 the Lantern urged students tojoin Delta Phi The society began the year, it said, with an attendance of thirty, then increased. Meetings were held Monday evenings at 7:00 in the University Building for the purposes of "practical training in oratory, legitimate debates, declamations, and parliamentary rules and order." To praise and to recruit, the Lantern said a month later, "the society proposes a kind of intellectual tournament, in which the members have a chance to hurl the lance and wield the sword and thus prepare for the conflict of Life."

33 Haglund, Remembering, pp 2-10; Chamberlin, The University of Utah, p 108

34 Weston Taylor's history corroborates this

3D Chamberlin, The University of Utah, p 140

36 Ibid.

Meetings were held weekly, if a quorum showed up, except during summer months. Attendance figures for early 1893 show that less than 20 attended the weekly meetings: 13, 19, 17, 10, 17, 11, 14, 11. Weekly programs featured musical and spoken presentations, including debates

MEMBERSHIP RULES

The Delta Phi 1884 and 1888 minute books preserve the society's constitution. It states that Delta Phi was created to promote the "material improvement of ourselves arising from concerted action in the study of Literature, Science, Elocution and Debate"; to help members in "maintaining a perfect command of temper"; and for "seeking for truth in all our exercises."At times the group called itself the Delta Phi Literary and Debating Society. It was under the control of the university, and all faculty were ex-officio members. The record book indicates that professorsJoseph B. Toronto and O. T. Howard served as Delta Phi's faculty advisors.

According to the constitution, at the end of each school term members elected a president, vice-president, correspondence secretary, recording secretary, and treasurer, and together these officers formed a board of directors. By the fall of 1884 the group was regularly electing an editor, apparently to publish the Delta Phi "Herald" required by the constitution.37 Whether any news sheets ever were issued is not known. By the fall of 1885, however, Delta Phi had dropped the "Herald" clause from its constitution.38

Delta Phi minute books identify the following as the presidents elected each quarter:

Minutes, September 18 and October 23, 1884. Minutes, September 8, 1885.

Delta PhiJohn M. Whitaker later taught business at the University. USHS collections.

1885-88

O W Snow

John M Whitaker

H A Smith

Charles H. Hart

Albert Spencer

George Halverson

W. D. Neal

Milton Bennion

H C Lewis

C W Ames

1888-97

William Allison

Alfred Osmond

S W Stewart

G. M. Thompson

Oscar Moyle

Harden Bennion

Levi E Young

Philo T Farnsworth, Jr

A. L. Larson

S. F. Rigby

Other presidents identified by the student newspapers 39 in the 1890s and a few years beyond are:

L R Riggs

F. M. Driggs

Joseph. J. Cannon

O W Carlson

E. S. Leaver

R V Smith

Ernest Bramwell

John W. Condie

Regarding membership, the constitution provided that any registered student of the university could join if voted in Later an amendment was proposed, and probably added, that any student in the university or any student in the third or fourth year of the Normal Course could become a member. But first the candidate, male or female, had to deliver or read before a regular meeting "an essay, treatise, speech or lecture on any literary or scientific subject he or she may choose." A committee judged the presentation and recommended for or against membership Then a favorable vote by threefourths of the members present allowed the person to join

Each fall new members joined the society, recruited by other members or encouraged by faculty members. Minutes for September 14, 1885, say that members voted to have the chapter officers "write a request to be handed to Dr. Park that he may notify the scholars at the opening exercises, that an invitation is extended to every one desirous of attending our meetings."

During the 1880s and 1890sJ. Reuben Clark, Oscar Moyle, Alfred Osmond, Milton Bennion, O. N. Stohl, Rosel Hyde, and more than

39 Lantern, November 1891, which also shows Bernard Howell, vice-president, J O Hoopes, secretary, and C C Steffanson, treasurer; Chronicle, February 6, 1893, October 23, 1893, December 20, 1894, March 8, 1899,January 17, 1900, October 28, 1902, February 10, 1903.

Chronicle staff, 1897-98, included several Delta Phis. L-Rfrom top: Grace Nelson, Steve Richards, Stella Watson, AlfPrichard, Lucile Hewett, Jean Hyde, Chester Ames, JosephJ. Cannon, George Q. Morris, J. Reuben Clark, Dot Cannon, S. F. Rigby, Frank Evans, Mabel Wallace, Howard Snelgrove, and Virginia Bush. USHS collections.

100 other men and several coeds belonged to Delta Phi. Signers of the 1884 and 1888 constitutions include:

William Shipley

Joseph S. Peery

H. W. Chamberlain

Thomas Ellerback

Joseph L Heywood

WilliamJ. Kerr

Louis Howell

John E Booth

O. C. Dunford

Richard R. Shipp

John T Caine, Jr

Rulon S Wells

Junius F. Wells

Charles H. Hart

James Linford

Harmel Pratt

Aquilla Nebeker

Heber Bennion

Joseph B. Toronto

John Henry Smith

Orson F Whitney

Frank S Chase

J. H. Faust

Several young women alsojoined Delta Phi during the 1880s and 1890s For example, in the fall quarter of 1885 (the college catalog that year called Delta Phi a men's unit), the chapter accepted Bessie Dean, Emily Dean, Belle Salmon, Lottie Mathews, Rose Osmond, and a Miss Nebaker as members.40 On May 26, 1892, members elected Mae 40

University of Deseret, Annual Catalog, 1885-86, Special Collections, Lee Library, BYU; Delta Phi Minutes, September 21, 1885

Phelps to be secretary for the coming quarter; that fall they elected her vice-president.41 Two years later the judges for one chapter debate were Edna Hyde, Kate Parsons, and Julia Farnsworth However, minute books fail to list any women as debaters.42

In the fall of 1895 me n questioned whether women should be allowed to join, so the matter became the subject of the October 7 debate: "Resolved: the admittance of lady collegiate students would be beneficial to the Delta Phi." When the negative side won, chapter members openly discussed the subject. What conclusion they reached is not recorded, but records fail to mention any women members after that

Delta Phi's funds came from fines or from special assessments

For unexcused absences the society fined members two cents, or fifteen cents if they missed their assigned parts on the meeting's program For persons refusing to take part in a program or pleading they were unprepared, the fine was fifteen cents. Three unexcused absences could cancel the person's membership However, by the mid1890s members had voted to drop most of the fines In the 1880s and 1890s no dues were charged. Several times the members agreed to donate twenty-five cents each to help pay for the janitor Another special assessment paid for the minute book An 1894 report showed that the chapter, at the end of spring quarter, had a mere $2.10 in its account.

DEBATE RULES AND TOPICS

The society's 1888 constitution listed several debate rules Speakers were limited to ten minutes but the "champion" debater on each team received five minutes to summarize. In terms of topics, "no subject of a pernicious tendency or of a religious nature shall be discussed." Three judges determined the outcome. Th e chapter's April 9, 1888, meeting perhaps typifies meetings of this period. After the secretary read minutes of the previous meeting, president W D Neal gave a short sketch of the history of the society. The n two sets of debaters tackled the subject: "Resolved: that Peter the Great did more for Russia than Victor Immanuel did for Italy." O N Stohl and George Halverson took the affirmative, C. W. Kelley and Ephraim Johnson the negative No winner was noted

Like today's collegiate debaters, Delta Phi competitors explored

Minutes, November 14, 1892

Minutes, November 26, 1894.

topics of current concern to their society. They grappled with such controversial matters as free trade, the U.S government's policy toward American Indians, Russian serfdom versus American slavery, the restriction of immigration into the United States, government control of the railroad system, and crime as a psychological disease.

Delta Phi's debates about "women's issues" provide historical perspective on some of today's issues. For example, they debated more than once if women should receive "the same remuneration for the same work" as men On December 8, 1890, the proposition lost by a 2 to 1 vote, but on January 18, 1892, the affirmative debaters won by 3 to 0. When the teams debated if the elective franchise should be given to the women of all republics, the proposition lost by a 3 to 0 vote On January 21, 1895, on the proposition that women's mental capacities were equal to those of men, the negative side won.

With Utah statehood approaching, debaters tackled such topics as "free school education should be adopted in Utah county" and "there should be a prohibition clause in our state constitution." The Delta Phis also selected intellectually stimulating subjects that were not current issues, including whether Andrew Jackson was a better general than Zachary Taylor, Brutus wasjustified in conspiring against Julius Caesar, France has contributed more to civilization than England, and anticipation affords more pleasure than realization.

In 1896 Delta Phi drew praise from the student Chronicle for abolishing rules requiring judges to decide the results of debates; instead they would argue for the sake of truth, not for winning.43

INTERSOCIETY DEBATES

Delta Phi debaters sometimes competed with other societies In 1884, for example, the members voted to accept a challenge from Zeta Gamma for a "friendly debate" on the topic "Who stands on the better platform, Blaine of Maine or Cleveland of New York?" The choices either of men or sides, the number of debaters, and the time of meeting was Delta Phi's.44

A year later Delta Phi and Zeta Gamma's rivalry came to a head, and they competed with each other for members Minutes for October 19, 1885, note that "some of the members who intended to belong to the Zeta Gamma Society handed in their resignations." One

notable defector was Delta Phi's own president, John M Whitaker, against whom impeachment charges were brought.45 At the next meeting the charges were spelled out.46 While president of Delta Phi, Whitaker had assisted in organizing Zeta Gamma, joined it, and then become its president. Zeta Gamma, the minutes say without explanation, was a "society whose interests are diametrically opposed to those of the Delta Phi Society." Faced with expulsion, Whitaker resigned.47

Early in 1891 Delta Phi accepted the Draper Young Men's Lyceum's challenge to a debate. On October 24, 1892, the members voted "that the Delta Phi Society challenge any society for a debate." On January 16, 1893, they agreed to challenge Zeta Gamma Society for a friendly debate. Two weeks later Zeta Gamma and Delta Phi debaters tackled the resolution "that the nationalization of industries would not be beneficial to the people of the United States."48 Levi Edgar Young represented Delta Phi, the affirmative side Minutes say that "Room 28 was filled to the utmost The debate being for supremacy of the societies, was hot, and stubbornly contested, but the 'Old Delta Phi' carried away the honors."

On March 13, 1893, Delta Phi debaters crossed intellectual swords with a YMCA team about the resolution that "there should be an educational qualification for voters in the U.S." Delta Phi, the affirmative side, won. On May 13, 1895, the group refused a challenge to debate with the YMCA's "Politic Debating Society."But later that year the Delta Phis challenged the Bountiful Literary and Debating Society.49 Several months later the Bountiful group accepted and proposed three resolutions to defend or attack.50 The U.S.wasjustified in acquiring the territory it did, and in the way it did, from Mexico; England wasjustified in her actions connected with the Crimean War or the War with Russia over Turkey; and it would be in the best interests of the United States of America to annex Canada if a majority of the people of Canada so desire.

Early in 1896 Delta Phi debaters and fans rode a chartered train to Bountiful. Then in horse-drawn vehicle and on foot they crossed muddy roads to the opera house to debate the Bountiful Literary and Debating Society.51

45 Minutes, October 19, 1895.

46 Minutes, October 26, 1895

47 Minutes, November 3, 1895

48 Minutes, February 6, 1893

49 Minutes, November 25, 1895.

50 Minutes, April 18, 1896

51 Chronicle, January 21, 1896

SPEECH AND MUSIC PRESENTATIONS

Several times each quarter Delta Phi meetings featured speakers or lecturers For example, Chester Ames gave a short presentation on comets and Mr. Rigby another on the "Armenian question."52 Biographies proved popular, so members on occasion heard life sketches of such notables as Cromwell, Lafayette, Napoleon, Mary Stuart, Benjamin Franklin, Washington Irving, Charles Sumner, and Utah frontiersman Lot Smith. During the winter of 1887-88 a club committee invited several guest lecturers to the meetings. In February 1888 their advisor, Professor Toronto, lectured to them about "German Literature."53 Evolution was a popular campus topic, so onJanuary 20, 1890, Professor James E. Talmage spoke to Delta Phi about the "Theory of Evolution." (Talmage would serve as the university's president between 1894 and 1897.) On November 16, 1891, Professor Montgomery, armed with models of skulls and fossil remains, lectured on "Teeth in the Animal Kingdom."54 In early 1894 Delta Phi sponsored a lecture series that the Chronicle praised for being "by far the ablest lectures that have been given at the university during the year."55

Political issues piqued members' interest, especially during election years. On November 5, 1888, the society voted itself into a "political meeting" for the evening. In 1896, when the presidential election pitted William Jennings Bryan against William McKinley and the silver question was a hot issue, the society held a discussion about the silver question and heard a biographical sketch of McKinley. The man assigned to sketch Bryan's life, however, missed the meeting.56

By plan or default, members sometimes gave extemporaneous talks At the fall 1895 opener the group voted that because no program was ready the president would call on members to give extemporaneous talks or musical numbers and that he himself should speak. The minutes note:

Mssrs Hoopes, Watters and Nystrom made speeches, Siegel and Ames played selections on the organ, Mr L Lewis by invitation recited The Vice-Pres taking the chair, the Pres addressed society After some discussion concerning ladies joining the Delta Phi, the meeting adjourned.57

52 Minutes, April 18, 1896

53 Minutes, February 27, 1888.

54 Lantern 2 (November and December 1891)

56 Chronicle, June 5, 1894

56 Minutes, October 12, 1896

57 Minutes, September 3, 1895

By constitutional fiat members could be asked to sing or perform musical numbers—but not extemporaneously unless they volunteered. Musical numbers, including organ and vocal solos and singing groups, sometimes enriched the weekly meetings. In 1885, foreshadowing Delta Phi's notable choruses in this century, a Delta Phi Quartette Club was performing.58 By late 1893 Delta Phi was inviting guest performers to render musical selections To help the guests, the club decided on November 27 that "a committee be appointed to see that a carriage be provided for the accommodation of those who are to entertain the society during its course of lectures."

Delta Phi secretaries sometimes compiled quarterly summaries of the group's activities. During the term prior to April 1893, for example, secretary A. J. Ridges tallied that the club had held 8 regular meetings which featured debates with Zeta Gamma, the YMCA, and 5 other debates, and had heard 7 biographical sketches, 3 lectures on current topics, 1 reading, 1 stump speech, 1 recitation, 1 impromptu speech, 2 instrumental selections, and 1 vocal selection. A similar report in June 1894 showed more meetings and less debating: in 12 meetings there were 1 debate, 2 readings, 2 essays, 2 lectures, 3 biographies, 4 recitations, 4 songs, 7 prepared speeches, and 13 extemporaneous speeches. A report on May 25, 1896, lists debates, recitations, a song, talks, and 2 10-minute parliamentary procedure drills

SOCIAL AND SERVICE EVENTS

Delta Phi sponsored social events enjoyed by students, faculty, and townspeople. Quarterly they usually selected a committee to put on a dance or ball. Early in 1891 Delta Phi sponsored dances for the student body of 298 scholars—181 males and 117 females—as the Lanterns March issue noted:

The third ball of the season was given by the Delta Phi Society on the eve of Jan. 23rd. Drysden's orchestra did themselves credit by discoursing sweet music There were fifty couples who tripped the light fantastic toe until the wee sma' hours

Following fall term 1891 Delta Phi sponsored "its grand opening ball," an event it seemed to host at the start of each new term. "The Delta Phi has the reputation of giving some of the best balls of the season," the October Lantern observed, and it praised the experienced committee who had charge: Messrs White, Leaver, E Christianson, 58 Minutes, May 27, 1885

371 Stookey, Calderwood, Eliason, Hall, and Riggs. Eighty couples, including cadets in uniform and ladies in "beautiful costumes," danced to "Professor Olsen's excellent orchestra."59 A December 23, 1892, holiday party won accolades for Delta Phi from students, the Lantern, and the Salt Lake Herald.60 In May 1893 Delta Phi gave "its annual farewell entertainment" of music and speeches.61 Early in 1897 Zeta Gamma and Delta Phi sponsored a ball and donated profits to the Chronicle.62

Once, when the University of Michigan Glee Club came to town, Delta Phis voted to support the performance, using club funds to defray half the cost of members' tickets.63 When university student M. L. Black died in February 1891, Delta Phi rallied students to erect a tombstone over his grave as a token to the memory of a "beloved associate."64 In 1894 Delta Phi sponsored an oratory contest for all students, offering cash prizes for two winners.65

DELTA PHI'S DISAPPEARANCE

Delta Phi Debating Society chugged strongly through the early 1890s, perhaps its finest period of activity, but sputtered at the decade's end. In the fall of 1893 many new students signed Delta Phi's constitution tojoin the unit considered "the stand-by of the collegiate students." It drew praise in 1893 by revising its constitution to demonstrate concern about the moral advancement of its members and to limit membership to persons "of high moral character." In 1894 Delta Phi observed Lincoln's birthday by hearing addresses about Lincoln, U S Grant, and Robert E Lee In 1895 the Chronicle told readers that Delta Phi, enjoying an influx of applicants, was "always looked to as the giant society in intellect and ability." A few months later the Chronicle praised Delta Phi's new pin as being "neat, not showy, obcordate in shape, and the prettiest pin out." In the fall of 1895 a number of ladies wanted tojoin Delta Phi, forcing the men to discuss the matter.66

The last meeting recorded in existing minute books is May 24,

59 Lantern, December 1891

60 Chronicle, January 9, 1893

61 Chronicle, May 15, 1893.

62 Chronicle, February 16, 1897

63 Minutes, April 20, 1896.

64 Lantern, June 1891

65 Chronicle, November 6 and 27, 1894.

66 Chronicle, October 23 and November 7, 1893, February 20, 1894;January 28,June 4, and October 15, 1895 No pin has been located It was designed by Wright, Kay and Co of Detroit; see Chronicle, June 4, 1895 Obcordate means heart-shaped or leaf-shaped

1897.67 The next year, 1898, when new student units flourished on the campus, Delta Phi "discontinued its meetings."68 But by March 1899 a revived Delta Phi promoted an intercollegiate literary contest between the U. and other schools in the state.69 Liking this renewal, the Chronicle on November 15, 1899, predicted "a most successful year's work" for Delta Phi:

The college men, after several weeks of hard work, have succeeded in reorganizing the Delta Phi Society They have outlined an excellent course of study, and one which, if carried out, promises to be of much interest and profit. Among other things, the Society will investigate precinct, city, county, state, national and international questions; conduct primaries, and hold nominating conventions; legislate in state and national matters; and occasionally hold moot courts.

In January 1900 the Chronicle said Delta Phi men, led by President Ernest Bramwell, were seeking to create an intercollegiate debating association.70 That October the university moved to the east bench to its new sixty-acre campus During the first year there, Delta Phi faltered The February 26, 1901, Chronicle noted that Delta Phi "has indefinitely adjourned" because the thirty-one members had "resolved themselves" into a group seeking to become a "real fraternity" chartered by the national organization of Greek fraternities. The Chronicle added that on February 15, 1901, the men feasted at a banquet and then initiated six men by hazing them: the recruits, blindfolded and their hands tied, were locked in basement rooms and then moved together and required to act the parts of farm animals for the group.

But the new social unit did not replace Delta Phi. In the fall of 1902 Delta Phi, which the Chronicle said had been inactive for nearly two years, resurrected itself briefly when twenty-five college men attended "an enthusiastic meeting" to restart the group. The Chronicle saluted this restart: "The Delta Phi was one time the leading fraternity at the university," it commented; and "we hope to see it become so again."71 The men approved a constitution making them a society for

67 At that meeting they elected H Claude Lewis president, J J Cannon vice-president, and Charles Telford as secretary See Chronicle, June 3, 1897

68 Chamberlin, The University of Utah, p 216; Chronicle, June 7, 1898

69 Chronicle, March 8 and 22, 1899 Delta Phi elected Joseph J Cannon, George Q Morris, Claude M Ridges, H Claude Lewis, and E A Taylor as officers

70 Chronicle, January 17, 1900 Other officers were Seth F Rigby, LeRoy Saunders, A J Evans, and G. S. Gibbs.

373 fraternal, social, literary, and debating purposes to meet on Wednesday afternoons.72 In February 1903 Delta Phi elected officers.73

But after 1904 Delta Phi cannot be found. The university's 1904 catalog lists Delta Phi as one of the campus societies, but after that all mention of Delta Phi disappeared from catalogs, yearbooks, and newspapers. 74 Debating continued, but Delta Phi did not.75 Chamberlin says that the university's literary and debating societies "began a rapid decline" after 1900 due to broadened student interests, development of other campus activities, including athletics, and "the appearance and quick growth of the Greek letter fraternities."76

ASSESSMENT AND POSTSCRIPT

Chamberlin credits Delta Phi with being ^college men's society from 1870 to 1900, when it was the university's most active student organization.77 That Delta Phi contributed a cultural and social richness to hundreds of students' experiences is evident. It helped train scores of students in speaking, debating, and thinking. As a forum for lectures and discussions of ideas, academic subjects, and current affairs, Delta Phi helped educate many of the students. The society elected dozens of officers, giving them leadership experience.

And, difficult to measure but of undoubted value, Delta Phi helped members forge friendships and contacts that became useful networks during their adult lives and careers. Significant for Utah, Salt Lake City, and LDS church history, many Delta Phis went on to gain state and even national recognition in political, educational, religious, and business affairs. These include Heber M. Wells, Utah's first governor; Alfred Osmond, a popular professor at BYU;Joseph F. Merrill, a dean at the University of Utah, LDS church commissioner of education, and then an apostle; Stephen L Richards, a prominent lawyer, businessman, apostle, and counselor in the LDS First Presi-

71 Chronicle, XI, student directory, p 2, and Chronicle, October 28, 1902, which notes as newly elected officers: O. W. Carlson,J. Fred Anderson, Harold Goff, Dan Alexander, and Walter Evans.

72 Chronicle, November 10, 1902

73 Chronicle, February 10, 1903 The officers elected were John W Condie, Riley Skeen, Jay R Smith Sr, Samuel Pixton, Oscar W. Carlson and T. M. Reese.

74 The university's first yearbook, the 1905-6 Utonian, mentions no Delta Phi yet boasts of intercollegiate debates the school had in Colorado and Idaho The 1907 and 1908 catalogs note no Delta Phi but do tell of a University Debating Club, renamed the John R Park Club, directed by the English Department Annual catalogs are located at the University of Utah Library in Special Collections

75 In 1911 the campus established a chapter of Tau Kappa Alpha, a national debating fraternity

76 Chamberlin, The University of Utah, pp 298-99, 309-10

77 Chamberlin, The University of Utah, pp 217, 310

lawyer, businessman, apostle, and counselor in the LDS First Presidency; J. Reuben Clark, Jr., a high official in the U.S State Department and membe r of the LDS First Presidency; LDS Apostle Joh n Henr y Smith; an d Harde n Bennion, Utah state insurance commissioner.78

From 1905 until 1920 Delta Phi was dormant. Then, in 1920 some University of Utah students created a fraternity for LD S returne d missionarie s called the Friars Club It spread to othe r Uta h campuses. In 1931, with encouragement and permission from former Delta Phis, the Friars changed their name to Delta Phi. From the 1930s to the 1970s Delta Phi, which added a Kappa in 1961 to become Delta Phi Kappa, was a successful college fraternity of returned LDS missionaries. It played important social and service roles on campuses in Idaho, Utah, and Arizona At its zenith in the 1950s it had chapters on ten campuses and operated chapter houses at the University of Utah, Utah State University, and Arizona State College Among LDS general authorities who served as national presidents of Delta Phi were Elders Joh n A. Widtsoe, Matthew Cowley, Milton R

Hunter, Henry D Taylor, Paul H Dunn, and Marion D Hanks

In 1978 Delta Phi Kappa was absorbed by Sigma Gamma Chi, the current LDS social unit for me n on college campuses throughout the United States.79

78 "Delta Phi Kappa National Fraternity Pledge Education Program, 1970-71," stapled, mimeographed, about 20 pages, Delta Phi Files, LDS Church Archives, and Taylor, "Early History of Delta Phi," p 1

79 See the author's Delta Phi Kappa Fraternity, A History: 1869-1978 (Salt Lake City: Delta Phi Holding Corporation, 1990); "Sigma Gamma Chi," Church News section of Deseret News, February 10, 1990, p. 8.

Utah's first governor, Heber M. Wells, was a Delta Phi. USHS collections.

Sacred Land, Sacred View is a slim volume McPherson groups the first half of the book topically around important Navajo sacred geography, along with other subjects like plants, clouds, animals, and the like Along the way he points out each subject's mystical creation, spiritual powers, and purpose to the Navajo For McPherson the myths, legends, and tales associated with these subjects "teach the core perceptions of life" to Navajos His aim is to take the Four Corners region and show the integrated pattern of Navajo environmental and holistic thought He feels that traditional works on Navajo religion (e.g., Van Valkenburgh and Reichard) and other more general studies on Navajo views of the land fail to demonstrate this pattern. This first section of the book is primarily based on interviews conducted by the author and others in the late 1980s for the San Juan Historical Commission, as well as a few Navajo oral histories from the Doris Duke Oral History Project of the 1960s The intended mission of the first part of the book is to conserve an older Navajo generation's beliefs and thought before traditional Navajo culture falls victim to the onslaught of our twentieth-century materialistic world.

The latter part of the book, also

based largely on interviews, centers on how the Navajos interpret the Anasazi and their ruins and what this Navajo lore tells about the Navajos' perceptions of their world McPherson states that the "remnants of Anasazi culture play an important part in Navajo life" and afterwards explains in several short chapters how Anasazi ruins provide artifacts (pottery and its designs, pipes, arrowheads, wooden figurines, etc.) for Navajo religious and secular purposes Given typical Navajo avoidance of the dead from childhood, this usage at first appears incongruous with Navajo universal values. But McPherson points out that Navajo medicine men view the Anasazi as a "gifted people gone astray. . . . and that the artifacts serve as mnemonic devices that warn the knowledgeable that the sins of the past are still a threat to those living in the present."

According to McPherson, Navajos deeply respect the power of the these objects and sites This information will be interesting to those familiar with Navajo culture.

The audience for this book is not particularly the scholarly community but instead the public and especially the Dine' of the Four Corners region. Nevertheless, in the considered judgment of the reviewer, this book has

Sacred Land, Sacred View: Navajo Perceptions of the Four Corners Region. By ROBERT S. MCPHERSON (Provo, Ut.: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Brigham Young University, 1992 viii+ 151 pp Paper, $8.95.)

two shortcomings Though the book's main source is approximately twentyfour interviews with Navajos, there is no discussion regarding the author's interview methodology. Were these disciplined oral histories, structured anthropological interviews, or simply casual informal interviews? What is the background of the people interviewed (age, residence, role in community) , and how were they selected? Were these recorded interviews and how were the interviews conducted— in English or Navajo? If recorded, were the interviews taped and/or transcribed in Navajo or English and are they available somewhere for future interested scholars to research? What does the author mean that the

project's interpreters and translators "conscientiously clarified and developed the ideas of the elders." Did their translation taint the methodology in any way? Without the above methodological information it is hard to judge the soundness of McPherson's research and conclusions. The second shortcoming is that the author fails to compare and contrast information from his previous similar works on the Navajos. For these reasons the book is not recommended to scholars, but the public may find it interesting.

ANTHONY GODFREY U.S. West Research Salt Lake City

Doing What the Day Brought: An Oral History ofArizona

Women. By MARY LOGAN ROTHSCHILD and PAMELA CLAIR HRONEK (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1992 xl + 174 pp Cloth, $40.00; paper, $16.95.)

As oral history programs have developed over the last twenty years, those collecting interviews have wondered how to share their information. Studs Terkel used excerpts in Hard Times: An Oral History of the Great Depression. I combined oral histories with more traditional sources in Mormon Polygamous Families. Doing What the Day Brought is a combination of both methods. The study is based on twenty-nine interviews with Arizona women conducted in 1982 The narrators (with one exception) were over seventy and from a variety of ethnic and religious backgrounds The book contains lengthy excerpts from oral history interviews similar to Terkel's. The authors also include interpretive data that show how the narrators compare with other Arizona women in the early twentieth century

The authors found themes that ran through nearly all of the interviews and organized the book around them The chapters describe the women's reaction to the desert environment, their experiences as children at home and at school, and their daily activities as adults at home, in the community, and at work The concluding chapter reflects on the changes these women have seen during the twentieth century The book's strength lies in its ability to summarize the women's experience in the West and Arizona and then place the interviewees into a geographical and historical context The narrators represent married and single women, African Americans, Native Americans, Japanese Americans, Jews, Mormons, and natives of Arizona and imports. They demonstrate the wide diversity of women's experience

Book Reviews and Notices 377

If the book included only the differing experiences of the interviewees it would simply be a nice study of twenty-nine women The interpretive information puts these women into context. However, the authors admit they do not have a representative sample I can understand the financial and time limitations, but I am still uneasy to see an entire book based on such a small sampling

Ironically, although the cross section was too small, there were just enough women that with their stories scattered throughout the book I often confused them. In the first chapter the authors listed each interviewee by age As I read I wanted to turn back and reread a woman's description, but I could not remember if she was one of the older or younger people interviewed. Eventually all of the women started running together, and I lost track of them as individuals

I was also uncomfortable with the editing style The authors state up front "the women's stories are heavily edited." Yet, although the authors freely gathered information from throughout the interviews and "cleaned up" the language, they carefully bracket any words they insert I found the brackets awkward and distorting. I also found the diamonds used to set off quotes difficult to read around

Yet despite these weaknesses, Doing What the Day Brought is a good example of one way to use the numerous oral history interviews that have been collected and often lie gathering dust in archives Combining the traditional sources and the oral histories gave me a sense of women's lives generally and specifically

JESSIE L EMBRY Brigham Young University

"It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West. By RICHARD WHITE (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. xx + 644 pp. $34.95.)

Richard White's impressive history leaves the reader with a sense of enormous and unbelievable complexity. He has attempted the daunting task of summarizing the history of the American West (defined as region rather than as process) in a single volume Under the circumstances it is not at all surprising that we find the work idiosyncratic and at the same time informative, brilliant, and challenging.

Focusing on social, economic, environmental, and political history, White also writes of western literature and briefly of motion pictures and painting, but he largely ignores music, sculpture, and religion, except

as adjuncts to social or political themes He begins with the Spanish invasion of Indian lands and the transformation of the lives of both and moves to the subsequent northern European conquest of both Native American and Hispanic peoples. Rightly emphasizing the role of the federal government in the changes that took place in the nineteenth-century West, he recognizes the continued importance of federal control and largess in the twentieth century.

Following the conquest of the West by northern Europeans, White emphasizes the decisive imprint of their institutions and activities. He discusses such things as government ex-

ploration, public land distribution, territorial administration, westward migration, cultural transformation, economic development, and foreign trade

Significantly, for the first time a comprehensive history of the West gives the twentieth century its due. Thus, White recognizes the importance of western cities, corporate capital, labor conflict, the Great Depression, the growth of federal bureaucracy, the rise of extra-party politics, the various minority rights movements, the growth of the New Right, and images of the West

Since this is synthetic history, it is important to understand which myths White appropriates, rejects, or treats lightly. In general he emphasizes conflict, unjustified inequality, exploitation, political chicanery, racism, federal domination, environmental damage, and the dark side of the myths of violence and the garden Had he been otherwise disposed he might have favored the myths of subduing nature (in the positive sense), community harmony, general equality or the inevitable inequality of humans, beneficial development, useful governmental projects, and fruitful environmental alteration.

Still, the tendency to dwell on conflict should not mask the complexity of White's work. His recognition of the significant contributions of entrepreneurs like Henry J Kaiser in World War II and A. P. Giannini in banking and his understanding of the importance of cooperative communities in the nineteenth-century West all reveal that complexity.

Moreover, though he generally sides with the racially and sexually disadvantaged, he recognizes the inconsistency in some minority arguments Examples include the disingenuous-

ness of contradictory demands of Indians and Chicanos for sovereignty and federal largess and of the simultaneous liberal dismissal of Los Angeles as homogeneous, individualistic, and parochial and as pietistic and communal

A major quibble I have with White's work is an excessive tendency to oversimplify the conflict between minorities and majorities by the use of fluid general categories At various times, for instance, he characterizes the Italians, Greeks, Jews, Mormons, and Slavs as oppressed peoples, On other occasions, however, he includes all of these groups and other European Americans within the category of "Anglo" as persecutors of Asians, Mexicans, African Americans, and Indians. Chinese and Japanese appear as the exploited in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, but they drop out of the story in deference to "Anglo" oppressors after World War II

Inevitable in a book of this size and complexity are occasional errors of fact. The Battle of the Little Big Horn took place in 1876 not 1874 (p 104), the Edmunds Act did not disfranchise believers in polygamy, Wilford Woodruffs Manifesto was issued four months not four days after the U.S Supreme Court decision sustaining the Edmunds-Tucker Act (both p. 174), Idaho's urban population had reached 28 percent not more than 50 percent by 1920 (p. 415), and although Monument Valley straddles the border between Utah and Arizona, most of the scenes for the Searchers were filmed in Utah (p 627)

The emphasis on conflict and male domination has led White to some interpretations that seem questionable. It is anachronistic, for instance, to argue that Utahns gave women the

vote in 1870 to protect polygamy (see pp 356-57) At that time, Mormon men constituted an overwhelming majority in Utah Territory They did not fear Protestant and Catholic voters until the late 1880s. Moreover, as research by Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, Carol Cornwall Madsen, Lola Van Wagenen, and others has shown, Mormon women participated actively in the suffrage movement My own view is that suffrage was a progressive measure brought about by the combined efforts of women and men in the Mormon community

On the whole, however, I would applaud Richard White's effort to construct a story of the West based on a set of myths more useful in under-

standing an urban West of conflict between environmentalist and logger, capital and labor, and black and white. The New Right notwithstanding, the West was never the domain of individualists who subdued the wilderness while living in harmony with all The occupation and pacification of the West by northern Europeans required vigorous and extraordinary governmental activity and considerable violence, conflict, and discrimination directed at minorities and women. White deserves praise for synthesizing the historical background of the modern West so lucidly

THOMAS G ALEXANDER Brigham Young University

The Weiser Indians: Shoshoni Peacemakers. By HANK CORLESS (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990. xx + 170 pp. Paper, $12.50.)

The inconsistent policies of the U.S government and the unscrupulous treatment by the American people of the Native Americans can only be viewed as a tragic page in American history. However, there are always those who would defend the nation's actions and rationalize events to justify the immoral actions taken against the American Indians. It is hoped those examining with objectivity the inhumane treatment of this conquered people would recognize the enormous injustices that were committed

Hank Corless's excellent book, The Weiser Indians, is a study of the confrontation in present Idaho, Nevada, and Oregon between the Northern Shoshoni bands and land-hungry squatters The author provides a detailed account of how Indian territories were taken by force and blood-

shed to accommodate the demands put upon the government by the local citizenry to remove all Indians from the public domain

The nineteenth-century homeland of the Weiser Indians was the isolated valleys of the Weiser and Payette rivers in west-central Idaho near the Oregon border Here they and their kinsman lived a nomadic existence. The acquisition of the horse in the mid-eighteenth century dramatically changed the lifestyle of some of the Shoshoni people, including the mountain Shoshoni A sharp contrast may be drawn between the Western and Northern Shoshoni due to the horse culture which was accepted by the northern bands only To the east the Shoshoni became a buffalo-hunting people and quickly adapted to the plains culture

The author has divided the text

into seven chapters, including within the first three chapters the events surrounding the early pre-white history of the mountain Shoshoni and the events leading up the Snake Wars of 1866-68. The later chapters deal with the flight of the Weiser Indians under their great leader, Eagle Eye, who through peaceful means tried to remain with his followers in their homeland For a period of time the resourceful Eagle Eye succeeded in eluding the ever-present pressures and problems presented by the encroachment of the westward movement. But by the time of his death Eagle Eye's dream of freedom and the "old life" was gone, destroyed by those whose demands generated the removal of the rightful owners from their ancestral lands

The primary source materials used to document the text are superb and make possible the excellent evalua-

tions and conclusions of the author

The story of Eagle Eye and the mountain Shoshoni represents a competent contribution to Indian history and, it is hoped, will draw attention and appreciation to the plight of yet another small group of Native Americans whose only request was to be left alone and free to pursue their traditional ways. Unfortunately, as with so many before them, they failed

The University of Utah Press has provided the reader with a quality text containing excellent pictures, maps, bibliography, index, and an appropriate foreword written by Merle W. Wells The Weiser Indians represents a major contribution in the area of Native American studies. Both the author and publisher are to be complimented

FRED R GOWANS Brigham Young

University

Women, Family, and Utopia: Communal Experiments of the Shakers, the Oneida Community, and the Mormons. By LAWRENCE FOSTER. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press 1991 xxii + 353 pp Cloth, $37.95; paper, $16.95.)

This book, part of a Syracuse University series on utopianism and communitarianism, will provide general readers with accessible information on the sexual mores of three muchstudied millenarian movements, named in the book's subtitle, that gained a foothold in America during the wild and wooly decades between the nation's founding and its entry into the Victorian Era The book's language is jargon-free (if uninspired) and its structure is easy to follow After an introductory chapter, the three groups are treated separately in three or four chapters apiece, most of the material addressing doctrine-based relations between

the sexes A concluding chapter sums up the work, drawing some cautious comparisons between the societal concerns of the earlier era and those of our own At one level, then, this book is a mild-mannered though pedestrian disquisition on a topic with which many readers are already slightly familiar.

At a deeper level it is a cobbled-up attack vehicle, a bludgeon. For readers who have the stomach for it, this book is more interesting for the raids, seductions, damnations by omission, and smear campaigns to be found in its apparatus, which accounts for fully a third of the book's pages, than for its blandly written text Readers atten-

tive to the footnotes will at once discern that this publication makes no pretense at breaking new scholarly ground. Instead, it draws heavily upon the author's Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal Experiments of the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1981), which under a different publisher and a slightly different title won the Mormon History Association's 1984 award for best book of the year The subject of that earlier book was religion and sexuality among Shakers, Oneida Communitarians, and Mormons. The subject of the present book is identical, though a different emphasis is claimed for it, and its chapters are pieces that the author published in various journals between 1979 and 1988 Foster also makes wholesale, albeit fully and gratitudinously acknowledged, use of other people's recent scholarly work, most notably Newell and Avery's Mormon Enigma (1984) in his eighth chapter and Gottlieb and Wiley's America's Saints (1986) in his eleventh Because of its extensive use of other scholars' work, Foster's book almost seems more a survey of scholarship than a scholarly treatise in its own right

That the book is a pastiche is not, however, troublesome in the least The difficulty that many readers will have with it lies in its use as an ideological weapon.

The author evinces a commendable commitment to reading history according to the nonjudgmental principles of historical anthropology (pp

House with a Past. By ERIK BARNOUW. 1992 v + 106 pp Paper, $14.95.)

The slender volume by Erik Barnouw accomplishes what lengthy tomes often fail to do: provide new in-

xiv-xv). However, he uses this position to engage in attacks upon theorybased historians, especially "feminists." These attacks are not easy to analyze for two reasons. First, he never openly states just which feminists he is attacking; he will make an allegation and then provide a footnote that blurs the source (as on p. 92 where he alludes to "[i]mportant but seriously flawed studies of Oneida from contemporary feminist perspectives: and then in the footnote directs us to no fewer than six references, one of them written by Foster himself), or he will make an allegation and cite no source at all—as in his astonishing claim on p 40 that "[f]eminists today typically have emphasized individualism, fuller self-expression, and the need for women to get free from traditional expectations that they should subordinate themselves to others such as their children or husbands rather than have the opportunity to develop their lives as individuals in their own right" Second, Foster appears not to have actually read feminist theory but rather to have developed his view of the subject empirically Certainly the definition he has invented, as exemplified on p 40, above, which he then assails—dare one breathe the term straw woman?— is not grounded in feminist theory

POLLY STEWART Salisbury State University Salisbury, Maryland

(Montpelier: Vermont Historical Society,

sights into seemingly well-traveled corridors of history It is ostensibly about an abandoned one-room schoolhouse

in Vermont that the Barnouws purchased for $85 in 1951. Most of the book details their attempts to discover why it was built like a church, with vaulted ceiling and thick stone walls (the only stone schoolhouse in the region) with cathedral-like windows It is of interest to students of the Mormon experience because their inquiries into why the local people called the dirt trail the building was located on "Temple Road" revealed that it had once been home to a Mormon congregation.

The author and his wife ultimately discovered that the building itself was probably built by a small Freewill Baptist congregation in 1826 but that the congregation joined the Mormons in 1831, making the building the first Mormon chapel in New England The original impetus for the conversion was the return of a former member of the community, Jared Carter, who had recently joined the Mormons. Carter baptized twenty-seven people, creating the first Mormon congregation in New England. The Mormons left in 1833, part of the migration from New England to the better lands of the Ohio frontier These early converts from Vermont apparently played an important role in the early church, with Jared Carter and his three brothers mentioned specifically in the Doctrine and Covenants (sections 52, 75, 79, 102) They were early and important missionaries spreading the new religion, and Jared and his brother John S Carter were members of the first twelve-member high council organized at Kirtland in 1834. They were participants in the Zion's Camp expedition of 1834, with John dying from cholera en route to assist the Saints in Missouri Another brother, Gideon, was killed by mobocrats at

Crooked River, Missouri, in 1838 in consequence of whichJared became a founder and "Captain General" of the Danites. Only one brother, Simeon, finally arrived in the Salt Lake Valley.

While not necessarily the author's intent, House with a Past provides invaluable insights into the social and religious milieu into which Mormonism was introduced. Details about the internal disagreements among members and ministers of existing frontier churches of the early nineteenth century are illustrated by the minutes of the Baptist congregation that ultimately built the "schoolhouse" purchased by Barnouw, examination of the experiences of the early members of the Mormon faith, the importance of family relationships in early conversions, and the potential divisiveness of such conversions on the families involved.

While not claiming to present a definitive analysis of any specific aspect of the Mormon experience, the author has presented a microcosm of the impact of the new belief system on individuals and communities The establishment of the Mormon congregation affected more than just the congregation that converted, as extended family relationships were strengthened or broken and as lands were abandoned and economies changed as the Mormons heeded the doctrine of the gathering and joined with the larger Mormon community Slow travel combined with removal of families or strained family relations to prevent future contact between the migrants and their old community, resulting in the author's lament that over 150 years later the thousands of descendants of the Mormon migrants from the congregation near Benson, Vermont, knew nothing of their origi-

nal ties to Vermont, and the people of Benson knew nothing of what had become of the Mormons.

Well written and illustrated with a map and numerous photographs, House with a Past will be fascinating to any individual interested in the early period of Mormon history. Its personal style will generate enthusiasm

for local and community history and leave the reader with nothing but admiration for the Barnouws and their decades-long commitment to unraveling the history of their stone "schoolhouse."

RICHARD H.JACKSON Brigham Young University

Book Notices v\MM>

Many Californias: Literature from the Golden State. Edited by GERALD W HASLAM. (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1992 xi + 389 pp Cloth, $32.50; paper, $14.95.)

"California is elusive. That's true largely because so many who look for it think they already know where and what it is. Outsiders are often more certain of their versions than are natives because outsiders are seldom burdened by facts or knowledge of the state's actual diversity. They don't know the many Californias." So writes

Gerald

W

Haslam, professor of English at Sonoma State University, in his introduction to this anthology Perhaps his assertions are true of any state. Utah, too, has a diversity that outsiders unburdened by facts usually fail to see Nevertheless, Haslam's point is important. The literature of California is as complex and lusty as a vintage Sonoma cabernet

More than half of the book is devoted to the works of contemporary writers, ranging from Joan Didion, Gary Snyder, and Amy Tan to a group called "the Fresno poets." The latter symbolize, geographically and otherwise, aspects of California that continue to surprise and delight. Fresno, readers are told on p 177, has rebounded from its former designation by Rand-McNally as "the worst city in America" and is now "the hub of America's most productive agricultural county . . . [and] fastest-growing city. ... " With that nugget of knowledge in place it ceases to amaze one that a coterie of recognized writers stroll the streets of an urbanized Fresno in much the same way (but no doubt less flamboyantly) as the Beat poets of the late 1950s cruised San Francisco's North Beach

Many Californias is a unique anthology that will appeal to cultural and ethnic historians aswell as general readers.

\\\\V/f> \ A\M\X •7f\

384

Cowgirls: Women of the American West. By TERESA JORDAN. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992. xxxix +309 pp Paper, $12.95.)

Author Teresa Jordan, a former Salt Lake City resident, traveled some 60,000 miles in the American West to interview more than 100women running ranches and performing in rodeos Originally published in a hard-cover edition in 1982, this reprint contains a new preface andan updated bibliography Among the new information presented one finds this somewhat startling fact on p. xvii: "Over 10,000 more women operated farms and ranches in 1987 than in 1982, an increase of over 8 percent in only five years, even though the total number of operations decreased by nearly 200,000 during the same period."

Readers unfamiliar with the role of women in rodeo (other than as decorative adjuncts to male stars) will enjoy reading about famous performers like Pearl Mason and Fern Sawyer in the years before World War II and the development of the Women's Professional Rodeo Association in more recent times

None to Give Away. By ELSIE DOIG TOWNSEND (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992 222 pp Paper, $9.95.)

A young widow with five children— including two sets of twins—ran agas station and taught school to keep her family together in Montana in the 1940s. She faced this daunting task with a large dose of humor and an honesty that allowed her to admit that it is sometimes harder to live than to die.

Utah Historical Quarterly

The Travels of Jedediah Smith: A Documentary Outline, Including His Journal. By MAURICE S SULLIVAN (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992. xiv + 195 pp. Paper, $9.95.)

This is a reprint of Sullivan's pioneering work of 1934 that contributed to the rediscovery of the now-famous trailblazer Jedediah Smith

Handcarts to Zion: The Story of a Unique Western Migration, 1856-1860. By LEROY R. HAFEN and ANN W. HAFEN (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992 328 pp Paper, $12.95.)

This classic account of the Mormon handcart migration, first published in 1960, draws on diaries and reports of the participants as well as company rosters and songs.

Sending My Heart Back across the Years: Tradition and Innovation in Native American Autobiography. By HERTHA DAWN WONG. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992 x + 246 pp $35.00.)

Professor Wong traces the adaptation and transformation of Native American autobiographical narratives from the pictographic diaries of ZoTom, Howling Wolf, andWhite Bull to collaborative life histories of individuals like Mountain Wolf Woman and Black Elk, personal narratives ofSam Blowsnake and Charles Eastman, and contemporary accounts of N Scott Momaday and Leslie Marmon Silko.

In all, she provides a new andexpansive vision of autobiography.

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Adams, William Henry, and BH War, 305

Alapa, Alice, Iosepa resident, 64-65

Alapa, George, Iosepa resident, 64—65

Aleson, Harry, river runner, 260

Allison, William, and Delta Phi, 364

Allred, Reddick N., and BH War, 305

America Outdoors, 275

American party, 327

Ames, Chester, and Delta Phi, 365, 369

Ames, C W., and Delta Phi, 364

Anderson, David F., judge, and polygamy case, 34-40

Anderson, N. O., and BH War, 317

Andrus, Lamar, child welfare consultant, 42

Arrington, LeonardJ., 342, 346

Ashton, Mr. and Mrs., 161

Baines, Joseph B., 227-28

Baker, Abel (son), 226

Baker, George, W (son), 226-30

Baker, John (son), 226, 228-29

Baker, John T., and MMM, 225-27, 229, 231,233-34

Baker, Manerva Beller (daughter-in-law), 228

Baker, Martha Elizabeth, (grandchild), 228

Baker, Mary (wife), 225-28

Baker, Mary Lovina (grandchild), 228

Baker, Sarah Frances (grandchild), 228

Baker, William T (grandchild), 228

Balser, Harriet Jane Coon, 162

Balser, Louis John, 162 n. 17

Barlow, Daniel, and Short Creek raid, 30

Barlow, John Y, polygamist leader, 36

Barlow, Joseph, and Short Creek raid, 30

Barlow, Louis, polygamist, 42

Barney, Lewis, and BH War, 305

Barney, Walter, and BH War, 305

Barton, J F., cattleman, 246

Barton, Stephen, j.p., 132

Batty, Eliza Ann, 162, 163, 167

Batty, George I., 166

Beck's Hot Springs, Polynesians settled near, 65

Belknap, Bill, and WRGA, 272-73

Beller, David W., and MMM, 228

Beller, Isaac T., 229

Beller, Malissa Ann, 228

Bennett, , lt at Camp Floyd, 53

Bennett, Rebecca, 53

Bennion, Harden, and Delta Phi, 364, 374

Bennion, Heber, and Delta Phi, 365

Bennion, Milton, and Delta Phi, 364

Benow, Johnny, Weeminuche Ute, and Montezuma Canyon, 243-44, 245, 246, 247, 249, 256, 257

Benson, Ezra T., and CPRR, 141

Benson, Ezra Taft, as secretary of agriculture, 336

Berry, Joseph Smith, LDS bishop, 164

Berry, Nora, 162

The Bird ofParadise, music for, composed by Halemanu family, 72

Birk, Carrie, 165, 167

Black Hawk, 135-36, 301, 304, 304-6, 310-11

Black Hawk War: murder case during, 124-36; Ute tactics in, 300-318

Black, Leonard (husband), 33, 36, 39, 41, 45-46

Black, Lillian (daughter), 38

Black, Lorna Johnson (sister), 36

Black, Orson (son), 36-38, 45

Black, Vaughn (son), 43-44

Black, Vera Johnson, case involving rights of, as polygamous parent, 27, 27-46

Black, Verna Colvin (sister wife), 36, 37

Blake, Kent, Arizona prosecutor, 31-32

Blight, Alexander, Eureka school supt., 184

Bonetti, Charles, Italian-American leader in SLC, 110, 113

Booth, John, judge in Lynch-King case, 105,109,116,119

Booth, John E., and Delta Phi, 365

Botha, "Dutch Charlie," prison inmate, 117-18

Bountiful Literary and Debating Society, 368

Brady, Mathew, photographer, 140

Bramwell, Ernest, and Delta Phi, 364, 372

Branch Normal School, Cedar City, 159, 160, 165

Breeden, M D., Utah attorney general, 112,122

Brennan, Jack, and WRGA, 264

Bridger Jack, Ute leader, 240

Bringhurst, Susann Adams Steele, 166 n 33, 167

British Columbia Guides Assn., 272

Broad, John, Iosepa resident, 67, 68, 76

Brooks, George, medicine man, 249

Brooks, Juanita, 340, 342, 346; and Short Creek case, 44

Brown, Arthur, U.S. senator, 121

Brown, Charles, and BH War, 314

Buist, Pete, and WWII, 59

Bulfamonte, Peter, Catholic priest, 173

Burbidge, John B., SLC police sgt., 101

Bush, Virginia, U student, 365

Butler, Thomas, and Jose trial, 130

Butt, Dick, cowboy, 246

Butt, John, cowboy, 246

Buttars, Dan, 339

Cache County: community and social life in, 335-52; library in, 345-52, 345

Cache County Bicentennial Commission, 343

Cache Valley Historical Society, 342

Cache Valley Newsletter (Preston, Idaho), 348

Cachupin, Tomas Velez de, and Rivera expeditions, 203, 214

Caine, John T., and Polynesian colony, 66

Caine, John T., Jr., and Delta Phi, 357-58, 365

Calder, Isa, U student, 359

Calderwood, , and Delta Phi, 371

Callahan, Michael, pvt at Camp Floyd, 48

Callister, E H., Smoot supporter, 327-29

Callister, E R., Utah attorney general, 34, 43, 44

Callister, Thomas, and BH War, 125-26

Camp Floyd, 47; life of soldiers stationed at, 47-54

Campbell, Eugene E., WWII chaplain, 277, 277-84

Campbell, George, 165, 167

Campbell, John, 165

Cannon, Dot, U. student, 365

Cannon, Joseph J.: and Delta Phi, 364, 365; as state legislator, 323-24, 328

Cannon, George Q., and Polynesians, 76-77

Cannon, Marsena, photographer, 142

Canyonlands Expeditions, 271

Capitolo, Clemente, restaurant of, in Price, 178

Caputo, A.James, husband of Josephine Giovannoni, 177, 185

Carbon County: Catholic church in, 172-86; immigrants in, 172-74

Carbutt, John, photographer, 139

Carlisle, Edmund, cattleman, 242-43

Carlisle, Harold, cattleman, 242

Carlson, O W., and Delta Phi, 364

Carrico, Paul E., husband of Ancilla Giovannoni, 177

Carson, John, LDS bishop, 53

Casement, Dan, UPRR official, 144

Casement, Jack, and UPRR construction, 145-46, 148

Catholic church: role of Rev Msgr Giovannoni in history of, 168-86

Cattle ranching, and white-Indian conflict in San Juan County, 242-58

Cazier, Stanford, 342

Central Pacific Railroad (CPRR), 138-51

Chamberlain, H W., and Delta Phi, 365

Chiodo, Rose, St Patrick's parishioner, 182

Christensen, Mette Sophia (mother), 321

Christensen, Parley P.: and Lynch-King case, 112-15; political evolution of, 319-34, 319

Christensen, Peter (father), 321

Christiansen, N W., 346

Christianson, E., and Delta Phi, 370

Christofferson, Venoy, and WWII, 57

Chronholm, Esther Christensen, 322

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: and excommunication, 321; and Indians, 126, and law, 64-77; and Short Creek raid, 31, 32; WWII chaplains of, 278. See also Mormons, polygamy, namesofchurch leaders

Cicognani, Amleto G., Vatican official, 183

Civil War, 140

Clark, J Reuben, Jr., and Delta Phi, 364, 365, 374

Cluff, Emily, wife of Harvey, 74

Cluff, Harvey H., and Polynesian colony, 65-69, 72-73, 77

Cluff, William W., and Polynesian colony, 65-66

Coffin, Lynn, ranger at Lees Ferry, 263-64

Colorado River, boating on, 260-72 Colorado River Outfitters, 272

Columbus Day, first Utah celebration of, 177 Common law, history of acceptance of, in Utah Territory, 4-26

Condie, George, and BH War, 127

Condie, John W., and Delta Phi, 364

Conley, Patrick, and WRGA, 273

Conners, Frank, prison inmate, 117-18

Cornish, Utah, V. Hanson's life in, 335-52

Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, 201 Cosmo Club, 351 Council House, 5

Cowley, Matthew, and Delta Phi, 374

Cox, James M., 320

Crabtreejohn, 226-27

Cressman's clothing store, SLC, 106

Crocker, Edwin, CPRR official, 141

Crockett, J Allan, Utah Supreme Court justice, 40

Cross, John, and river running, 261

Culmer, Harry (H L A.), U student, 358, 359

Culmsee, Carlton, 346

Cummings, Aaron, U. student, 359

Cuneo, Joseph, Italian consul, 110, 112,114

Curry, Jack, and WRGA, 262

Curtis, Theodore W., U student, 359 Cutler, John C , governor, 246

Dalton, James H., and Jose case, 132-33

Dame, William H., and BH War, 128

Daughters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul, D.C, 179, 180

Davenport, Ed, and Sheep Ranch holdup, 111, 112, 114

Davis, Albert W., and Polynesian colony, 66

Davis, F M., Tooele doctor, 73

Daz, Rudolph A., Catholic priest, 185

Dean, Bessie, and Delta Phi, 365

Dean, Emily, and Delta Phi, 365

Debs, Eugene V., Socialist, 320

Delaire, Joseph G., Catholic priest, 184

Delta Phi (also Delta Phi Society, Delta Phi Literary Society, Delta Phi Literary and Debating Society): history of, Utah's first fraternity, 353-74; women in,359, 365-66

Delta Phi Kappa, fraternity for returned LDS missionaries, 374

Delta Phi Quartette Club, 370

Democratic party, in Cache County, 344 Desantis, , pvt., and WWII, 60 Deseret Live Stock Co., 76

DeseretNews, and Short Creek raid, 31, 44 Deseret, State of, law and courts in, 7-10, 16, 18-21, 25

DeShazo, Allen P., and MMM, 231-32

DeShazo,James (father), 231-32

DeSpain, Roy, and river running, 261

Dewey, Albert, and BH War, 305

Dinosaur National Monument, river running in, 264, 266

Dios, Juan de, ranch of, 204

Dishface, Navajo Indian, 252

Dodge, Grenville, UPRR chief engineer, 151

Dominguez-Escalante Expedition, 220-22

Draper Young Men's Lyceum, 368

Driggs, F M., and Delta Phi, 364

Drummond, W. W., chief justice, U.T., 12-13

Drysden's orchestra, 370

Dudley, , SLC boarding house of, 108

Duffin, Hyrum, 167

Dunbar, W. C , U. student, 358

Dunford, O. C , and Delta Phi, 365

Dunlap, Adam P., brother of Lorenzo, 234-35

Dunlap, James D., brother of Lorenzo, 234-35

Dunlap, James Douglas, brother of Jesse, 225,234-35

Dunlap, Jesse, Jr., and MMM, 234-35

Dunlap, Lorenzo Dow, and MMM, 234-35

Dunlap, William C , affidavit of, 235

Dunn, Paul H , and Delta Phi, 374

Dunton, W. C , Jr., U. student, 359

Durrant, Thomas, UPRR official, 149

Dwyer, RobertJ., archbishop, 179

Eastern Professional River Outfitters Assn., 274

Eccles, George S., 346

Edina, U society, 362

Edmunds-Tucker Act, and Iosepa, 66

Edmundson, John, and BH War, 317-18

Egan, Howard, court case involving, 11, 18-21

Eliason, , and Delta Phi, 371

Eichnor, Dennis, district attorney, 111, 112,115,119

Ellerback, Thomas, and Delta Phi, 365

Ellingson, Malcolm (Moki-Mac), and river running 261

Ellsworth, S George, 342, 351

Estep, Evan W., supt., Shiprock Agency, 253

Evans, Frank, U. student, 365

Fancher, Alexander, and MMM, 225, 227

Fancher, John, and MMM, 225

Farmer-Labor party, P. P. Christensen nominee of, 319-20

Farnsworth, Julia, and Delta Phi, 366

Farnsworth, Philo T., Jr., and Delta Phi, 364

Farr, Lorin, and CPRR,141

Faulkner, J W., Arizona judge, 30, 32

Faust, J. H., and Delta Phi, 365

Fealy, Sister Eugenia, 179

Federal, Joseph Lennox, Catholic bishop of SLC, 181

Felt, John G., U. student, 359

Fish, Joseph: and BH War, 305, 316; and Jose case, 127-30

Fisher, Vardis, 346

Fitch, Walter, Sr., Eureka resident, 185

Flynn, Frank E., Phoenix attorney, 41-42

Flynn, James, Price mortician, 175-76

Forsey, George, LDS bishop in Eureka, 184

Fort Utah, 315

Franklin, Jim, Baptist minister, 279

French immigrants in Carbon County, 176

Friars Club, fraternity for returned LDS missionaries, 374

Fuoco, Frances, St Patrick's parishioner, 182

Galves, Jose de, Spanish emissary, 201

Gambling, 53, 101-3

Garfield, Josephine Kay, Mona resident, 158-59

Garn, Jake, and WRGA, 270

Garwood, C. M., attorney, 112, 114

Germans at Camp Floyd, 50

Gibbons, J Smith, Arizona judge, 30-32

Gibson, Grace, 167

Gilberson, Lord, U student, 359

Gilberson, Mary, U student, 359

Giovannoni, Adolph (brother), 177

Giovannoni, Alfredo F., Catholic priest, biography of, 99, 168-86, 168, 176, 180, 182, 185

Giovannoni, Agostino (father), 169

Giovannoni, Ancilla (mother), 169

Giovannoni, Ancilla (niece), 177, 178, 182, 184

Giovannoni, EsterJuliani (sister), 170

Giovannoni, Irene (niece), 177

Giovannoni, Josephine (niece), 177, 178, 182

Glass, Joseph S., Catholic bishop of SLC, 171-78, 176, Glen Canyon Dam, 262, 275-76

Goodwin, Hugh, sgt at Camp Floyd, 48-49

Goodwin, Phebe, 338

Gosiutes, relations of, with Polynesians, 73 Gottfredson, Peter, and BH War, 309

Gove, Jesse, lt at Camp Floyd, 52 Grand Canyon NP, boating in, 263-72, 275

Grant, Jedediah M., and common law, 18 Green River, river runners on, 260-66, 272

Griffin, Florence, 343

Gunnison, John W., Utah courts described by, 9, 18 H

Halemanu, Ellen (wife), 72

Halemanu,James (son), 72, 74

Halemanu, Pua (daughter), 72

Halemanu, W K, Iosepa resident, 72 Hall, , and Delta Phi, 371

Halverson, George, and Delta Phi, 364, 366

Hammond, James T., Utah secretary of state, 112

Hanks, Marion D., and Delta Phi, 374

Hanson, Byron (brother), 337, 338

Hanson, Carl (brother), 337

Hanson, Helvie (sister), 337

Hanson , Hilma Fredrika Anderson (mother), 340-336-37

Hanson, Inis (sister), 337

Hanson, Mae (sister ), 337, 338, 338, 340, 350, 352

Hanson, Otto (father), 336-37, 340

Hanson, Virginia, schoolteacher and Cache County librarian, 335-52, 335, 338, 342, 344, 350

Harding, Warren G., 319-20

Harris-Brennan River Expeditions, 264

Harris, Don, and river running, 260-62, 264

Hart, Alfred A., photographer, 140-46, 149, 153, 156

Hart, Charles H , and Delta Phi, 364-65

Hart, Newell, newsletter publisher , 348-49

Haslem.John, 165

Hatch, Bus, and river running, 260

Hatch, Don, and river running, 261, 273

Hatch, Everett. See Tse-Na-Gat

Hatch, Farrel, and WWII, 62, 63

Hatch, Ira, trader, 255

Hatch River Expeditions, 263-64

Hawaiians See Polynesians

Hawaiian Troubadours, Iosepa group, 72

Haworth, Nick, prison inmate, 118-19

Hay, John, and BH War, 305

Hayden, Ferdinand V., survey of, 239-40

Head, F H , supt of Indian Affairs, 302, 306, 307

Headquarters Saloon, 102, 106

Heber Elementary School, 345

Helfrich, Prince, Idaho river runner, 266

Hendricks, King, 351

Henriod, F Henri, Utah Supreme Court justice, 40, 41

Henry, John, Catholic priest, 174

Hewett, Lucile, U student, 365

Heywood, Joseph L., and Delta Phi, 365

Higbee, John M., and Jose trial, 129

Hilton, Thomas H., SLC police chief, 110, 110-14

Holladay, Dee, and WRGA, 262

Hollingsworth, Charles, Weber Republican, 332

Holmgren, Lynn, and WWII, 60

Hoopes, , and Delta Phi, 369

Hope, Bob, and WWII, 60, 63

Hopi Indians, and Spanish exploration, 220

Hopkins, John D., 161 n 6

Horsley, John W., and WWII, 56

Houck, Amy, 349

Howard, O T., U professor, 363

Howell, Joseph, Utah congressman, 321, 323-24, 330, 331

Howell, Louis, and Delta Phi, 365

Huey, C. P., U. student, 359

Humphries, Joseph William, wrangler and mail carrier, 165

Humphries, Sarah Isom, 165 n 28

Hunt, Duane G., Catholic bishop of SLC, 99,276,181-85

Hunter, Milton R , and Delta Phi, 374 Hunter, Rodello, 346

Huntsman, Jay R., probation officer, 35 Hyde, Alonzo, U student, 359

Hyde, Edna, and Delta Phi, 366 Hyde, Jean, U student, 365 Hyde, Rosel, and Delta Phi, 364

IIdaho, river running in, 261, 266, 272

Idaho Outfitters and Guides, 266, 272

Ingalls, G W., and Utes, 301, 307

Intermountain Republican, control of, by Smoot supporters, 323

Iosepa Agricultural and Stock Co., 66, 69-70

Iosepa, Utah: history of Polynesian colony in, 64-77, 64, 68, 72, 75; leprosy in, 73

Irish, O H , supt of Indian Affairs, 302

Isom, Alice Parker, storekeeper in Virgin, 160-62,165

Isom, Annie (daughter), 162

Isom, Evadna (daughter), 161, 165, 166

Isom, George (son), 161

Isom, Kate (daughter), 161

Italian Americanization Club, 177

Italians: immigration of, 170-77; as POWs, 183-84; in SLC, 110, 113

Ivie, James A., Indian killed by, 125-26

Ivie, James R., BH War casualty, 125

Jackson, William H , and Montezuma Canyon, 239-40

Jacobs, Zebulon, prison guard, 117-23

Jennings, Henry, BH War casualty, 125

Jensen, Norm, and WWII, 59

Jepson, James, Jr., 165

Jespersen, Soren N., and BH War, 317

Johnson, Benjamin, and BH War, 125-26

Johnson, Duke, and WWII, 63

Johnson, Ephraim, and Delta Phi, 366

Johnson, Fritz Leonard, and BH War, 311, 316

Johnson, Leroy S., polygamist leader, 30, 31

Johnson, Miles Edgar, and BH War, 308, 310

Johnston, Albert Sidney, Camp Floyd co., 51

Jones, Felix W., brother ofJohn T., 231

Jones, John M., and MMM, 229-31

Jones, Les, and river running, 261, 264, 265

Jones, Milam, and MMM, 230

Jones, Newton, and MMM, 229-31

Jose, Ann (mother), 130, 132

Jose, Thomas, account of trial of, for murdering an Indian, 124-36

Jose, William (father), 132

Joseph, Harry, GOP legislator, 331

Kamakaniau, George, and Polynesian colony, 66

Kanarraville, Utah, diary of resident of, 158-67

Kanosh, Pahvant chief, and BH War, 126

Kansas and New Mexico Land and Cattle Co., 242

Kaulainamoku, J W., and Polynesian colony, 66, 73

Kay, John 'Jack", husband of May Stapley, 160

Kearnes, William, and BH War, 317

Kearney, James E., Catholic bishop of SLC, 181, 183

Kearns, H., and BH War, 305

Kelley, C W., and Delta Phi, 366

Kept, , 162

Kerr, William J., and Delta Phi, 365

Ketchum, H. H , and Montezuma Canyon, 242

Kimball, Albert, U. student, 359

Kimball, H P., and BH War, 305

King, Robert (aka Robert Martell, E T King, E L King, Pedro Paguini), murder case involving, 101-23, 105

King, W H , U.S senator, 121

King, William, and Polynesian colony, 68, 69

Kingsbury, Joseph T., U. professor, 362

Kinney, Aaron, counsel for polygamists, 32

Knights of Columbus, 177

Knowlton, Horace J., attorney for the Blacks, 36, 40-42, 44

Kolb, Ellsworth, and Colorado R., 268

Korth, Ray, and WWII, 56, 59

Kramer, H. H , and BH War, 306

KT cattle outfit, 246, 251

Ku Klux Klan, 177

Lafora, Nicholas de, Spanish inspector, 201

Lamour, Dorothy, and WWII, 60, 63

Lantern, U. publication, 362, 370

La Prade, Paul, Arizona prosecutor, 31-32

Larson, A L., and Delta Phi, 364

Larson, Christian J., and BH War, 305, 308

Larson, Gustive O., 342

Larson, John Farr, child welfare official, 42

Lauritzen, John, witness in Short Creek case, 38-39

Lauritzen, Verda, witness in Short Creek case, 39

Laver, Arch, and WWII, 63

L C cattle outfit, 242

Leaver, E S., and Delta Phi, 364

Leaver, S. H , U. student, 359

Lee, J. Bracken, and Short Creek case, 33, 43

Lefevre, William, witness in Jose trial, 129

Leonard, Glen M., 342

Leupp, Francis E., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 246

Lewis, H. C , and Delta Phi, 364

Lewis, L., and Delta Phi, 369

Linford, James, and Delta Phi, 365

Litizzette, Victor E., and K of C., 177

Loader, Patience, wife ofJ Rozsa, 53-54

Lockwood, Lorna E., Arizona judge, 32

Lone Star gambling house, SLC, 108

Loofbourow, Frederick, asst county attorney, 111

Loving, Ron, and MMM documents, 225

Loader, Emily, and Jose trial, 130, 133

Lowder Monroe, and Jose trial, 128, 130-33, 135

Lynch, James, murder case involving, 101-23, 105

M

McCabe, Henry, and Utes, 250-51

McDonough, Roger I., Utah Supreme Court justice, 40

Mace, John, prison inmate, 110-16

McFate, Henry, and Jose case, 132

McGrady, Kyle, Idaho river runner, 266

Mcintosh, Aggie, U student, 359

McKinley, William, 333-34

McLaughlin, James, major, 248-49

Madsen, Andrew, and BH War, 311, 313

Madsen, Fred, and WWII, 59

Majors, Abe, prison inmate, 117-18

Majors, Jack, cattleman, 254

Mallet, Jerry, and WRGA, 274

Mancosjim, Ute leader, 243, 246

Mann, , and WWII, 281-82

Margetts, Phil, Jr., U student, 359, 359

Mariano, Ute leader, 240

Maroney, Johnny (son), 52

Maroney, Mrs (wife), 52

Maroney, Patrick, sgt. at Camp Floyd, 52

Marston, Otis, and river running, 264

Martell, Robert See King, Robert

Martin, Antonio, and Rivera expedition, 210

Martin, Jose, and Rivera expedition, 210

Matesen, Jack C "Butch", and WWII, 55-63, 55, 59, 63

Masons, lodge of, at Camp Floyd, 50

Mathews, Lottie, and Delta Phi, 365

Matthews, , partner ofJ Mace, 114

Mehan, Pat, death of, 175

Men, study of 19th-century gender roles of, at Camp Floyd, 47-54

Merrill, Joseph F., and Delta Phi, 373

Messmer, Sebastian Gebhard, archbishop of Milwaukee, 170-71

Mexican Cession, 16, 22, 23

Mexicans, and Montezuma Canyon, 254

Meyers, William, store clerk, 104, 105-7, 116, 119

Military Dramatic Assn., 50

Miller, Alan, witness in Jose trial, 130

Mitchell, Charles R , and MMM, 232-33

Mitchell, Frederick A., and Polynesian colony, 65-66

Mitchell, Joel D., and MMM, 232-33

Mitchell, Nancy, wife of William, 234

Mitchell, Robert H , affidavit of, 235

Mitchell, Sam, son of William, 233, 234

Mitchell, William C , Arkansas state senator, and MMM, 225, 232-37

Mitty,JohnJ., Catholic bishop of SLC, 181

Montague, Samuel, CPRR chief engineer, 151

Montezuma Canyon, San Juan County, history of, 238-58, 238, 241

Montgomery, , U professor, 369

Mormons: and Camp Floyd soldiers, 53-54; and common law, 4-26; culture of in Cache County, 335-52; and Delta

Phi, 353-74; and Indians, 247, 249; and Iosepa, 64-77; and transcontinental railroad, 141 Morrill Act, and Iosepa, 66

Morris, Durham, Cedar City judge, 45 Morris, George, Q., U. student, 365 Mortensen, Peter, murderer, 118

Mountain Meadows Massacre (MMM): depositions describing Arkansas emigrants killed in, 224-37; monuments to, 224, 237

Moyle, Oscar, and Delta Phi, 364 Muniz, Andres, 223 Munroe, Joe, and WRGA, 268

Narraguinip, Ute leader, 240, 243 National Park Service, and river running, 263-72

Native Americans, history of, in Montezuma Canyon, 238-58. See also various tribes and names of individuals

Navajos, and Montezuma Canyon, 242, 250, 252-55, 257

Navajo War Trail, 204

Naylor, , SL County sheriff, 113-14

Neal, W. D., and Delta Phi, 364, 366

Nebaker, , Miss, and Delta Phi, 365

Nebeker, Aquilla, and Delta Phi, 365

Nelson, Grace, U student, 365

Nelson, V Pershing, Washington County attorney, 36-38,45

Nevills, Norman, and river running, 260

Nielsen, Chris, and BH War, 312

Nielsen, Emil, and BH War, 309, 312

Nielson, Christian, and BH War, 308

Norbeck, Carl, and WRGA, 274

Normal, U society, 362

Northern Utah Literary Club, 341

Notre Dame de Lourdes, Price, 176-79, 176, 180

Notre Dame School, Price, 179, 180, 181

Nouman, Joseph F., and UPRR, 141

Nystrom, , and Delta Phi, 369

Odd Fellows, lodge of, at Camp Floyd, 50

Old Mexican, Navajo Indian, 253-54

Old Spanish Trail, 203-4, 219, 222 n 27-29, 222

Oliva, Moke, Iosepa resident, 75

Professor, orchestra of, Olsen, 371

Olsen, Ralph "Whitey", and WWII, 57, 63

Onate, Juan de, Spanish colonist, 201, 220-21

O'Reardon, Michael J., Catholic priest, 174

Osmond, Alfred, and Delta Phi, 364, 373

Osmond, Rose, and Delta Phi, 365

O'Sullivan, T H., photographer, 155

Ottinger, George, painter, 142

Overton, Alice, U student, 359

Pahvant Indians, and BH War, 125-26

Paiute Indians: and BH War, 125, 126, 133, 300; enslavement of,221; and Posey War, 252

Palmer, William Reese, historian, 159, 161

Pannikay (Panacara or Parmikang), Pahvant Indian killed in BH War, 125-26

Park, Ham, columnist, 185

Park, John R, U. president, 356, 365, 357, 364

ParkRecord, and P. P. Christensen, 329-30

Parker, Zina Ett, friend of May Stapley, 161, 163

Parsons, Kate, and Delta Phi, 366

Peery, Joseph S., and Delta Phi, 365

Pellegrino, Francis B., Catholic priest, 175

Pendleton, Calvin C , physician, and Jose case, 128, 130-31

Petersen, Elizabeth, and BH War, 309

Peterson, C , and BH War, 306

Petillo, Anthony, Catholic priest, 173

Phelps, Mae, and Delta Phi, 365-66

Photography and photographers in 1860s and at Promontory, Utah, 137-57

Piacitelli, Henry J., Catholic priest, 181

Pickering, John D., and Jose trial, 130, 131

Pittman, Don W., 346

Piatt, John William, 161 n 6

"Politic Debating Society" of YMCA, 368

Polk, Ute leader, 240, 246, 248, 249-52

Pollock, William Wallace, 161 n. 6, 163

Polygamy: and common law, 14—15; legal rights of parents in, 27-46

Polynesians: history of colony of, in Utah, 64-77, 64, 68, 72, 75; prejudice against, 65

Porter, Fitzjohn, adjutant at Camp Floyd, 51-52

Porter, Hattie, wife of Fitzjohn, 51-52

Posey, Ute leader, 240, 246, 248, 249, 251-523, 257

Posey, Anson, 248

Posey, Jess, 248

Posey War, 252

Potter, Noah, 339

Powell, John Wesley, and Utes, 301, 303, 307

Pratt, Arthur: as prison warden, 123; as U student, 359

Pratt, Harmel, U. student, 358, 365

Pratt, Mrs. A., U. student, 359

Price, Utah, Catholic church in, 173-81

Prichard, Alf, U student, 365

Professional River Guides, 272

Professional River Outfitters, 270

Progressive party, 333 See Christensen, Parley P

Prohibition, and Utah GOP, 326-29

Promontory, Utah, history of photographing joining of rails at, 137-57, 137, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152

Prostitution, at Camp Floyd, 53

Prowse, George, gambling house owner, murder of, 100, 101-3, 108-9, 111, 113, 114, 123

Public Service Commission, and river running, 264

Putnam, Graham F., SL County attorney, 105

Pyle, Howard, Arizona governor, 30-31, 33

Quigley, Anne Fitch, Eureka resident, 185

Quist, Al, and river running, 260-61

Raddon, Sam, editor, ParkRecord, 329-30

Ranee, , 162

Red Jacket, Ute leader, 240

Reid, William C., and Knights of Columbus, 177

Reeves, John, 164

Rentz, Samuel, trading post of, 248-50

Republican party: and direct primary law, 326, 331; divisions within, in Utah, 319-34; and prohibition, 326-29

Rich, John, stockman, 66

Richards, Henrietta, 359

Richards, Henry P., and Polynesian colony, 66

393

Richards, Stephen L., and Delta Phi, 365, 373-74

Ricks, Joel E., 346

Riddle, Isaac, Beaver resident, 127, 130

Ridges, A J., and Delta Phi, 370

Rigby, S. F., and Delta Phi, 364, 365

Riggs, L R, and Delta Phi, 364, 371

Rinetti, Nicola, restaurant of, in Price, 178 River running , 259; beginning s of, 260-61; and WRGA, 261-76

Rivera, Juan Maria Antonio de, 1765 entradas of, into present Utah, 200-223; 200, 205, 206, 209, 212, 213, 216, 218, 219

Robb, Thomas, and Jose case, 131-32

Robb, William, and Jose case, 130

Roberts, Rolla, U. student, 359

Robertson, John, and BH War, 307, 311

Robertson, Josiah, and BH War, 301

Rocky Mountain Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons, 50

Rogers, Samuel H : and BH War, 128; and Jose case, 131-32, 134

Rogerson, Josiah, and BH War, 301

Roundy, Byron Donalvin, 162, 164

Roundy, Alma Byron, husband of Rachel, 161 n 6

Roundy, Matilda Ann, 162

Roundy, Middie May, friend of May Stapley, 163-66

Roundy, Othello, friend of May Stapley, 159,162-64, 166-67

Roundy, Napoleon Bonaparte, 162 n 11

Roundy, Rachel Emily Griffin, friend of May Stapley, 161-62

Roundy, Sarah Catherine "Rate" Stapley, sister of May Stapley, 161-64, 163

Rowan, Francis M., friend of MMM victims, 229-31

Rozsa, John, sgt at Camp Floyd, 53-54

Rubi, Marques de, Spanish official, 201, 223

Runyon, Llewelyn, Methodist minister, 278-79

Rush, Lorenzo D., Sr (father), 229

Rush, Milam L., and MMM, 229

Russell, Andrew J., photographer, 137, 138-40,143-56, 146, 147, 154

Ryberg, Bob, and WRGA, 261

Sacred Heart Chapel, Sunnyside, 182, 182

St Anthony's Church, Helper, 99, 173-75

St Anthony Lodge, 183

St Mary of the Wasatch, 183-84

St Patrick's Parish, Eureka, 184-84

St Patrick's Parish, SLC, 181-83

Salmon, Belle, and Delta Phi, 365

Salt Lake City: gambling in, 101, 103; Main Street of, 106

Salt Lake Sunday Times, and P P Christensen, 329

Samoans See Polynesians

Sanada, Susan, 350

Sanders, Eunice, 165

Sanders, Julia, 165

Sandoval, Andres de, and Rivera expedition, 208

Sandoval, Gregorio de, and Rivera expedition, 210, 217

San Juan County, history of Montezuma Canyon in, 238-58, 238, 241

San Juan River, boating on, 260, 263, 263-64

Sanpitch, Ute chief, and BH War, 125

Savage and Ottinger, photographic studio, 142-43

Savage, Ann Rogers (mother), 141

Savage, Annie Adkins (wife), 142

Savage, Charles Roscoe: photographer, roles of at Promontory, 137-57; photographs by and of, 145, 148, 149, 150, 155

Savage,John (father), 141

Savage, Ray (son), 148

Scanlan, Lawrence, Catholic bishop of SLC, 171, 173, 181

Schrum, Robert J., attorney for Blacks, 40

Scott, Johnny, cowboy, 246

Sebastian, William K., U.S senator, Arkansas, and MMM, 225, 232-33

Sedgwick, Stephen J., asst to A.J Russell, 155-56

Seymour, Silas, UPRR official, 144

Shar, John, and UPRR, 141, 151

Sheehan, Msgr. Michael F., 169 n. 1

Sheep Ranch, SLC gambling house, 100, 101-3,111, 114-16,123

Sheets, George, police detective, 102-3, 109,111

Shipley, William, and Delta Phi, 365

Shipp, Richard R , and Delta Phi, 365

Shipps, Jan, 342

Shoemaker, Herbert C , welfare commissioner, 35, 43, 44

Short Creek, Arizona, 1953 raid on and trials of polygamists in, 28-46, 29

Short Hair, Ute Indian, 250

Sidell, Ernest, Sheep Ranch employee, 101

Siegel, , and Delta Phi, 369 Sierra Club, and WRGA, 269

Sigma Gamma Chi, LDS fraternity, 374

Simeon, Paiute murdered by T Jose, account of, 124-36

Simington, A. W., and Indian allotments, 253

Simmonds, A. J., history of Cornish by, 343

Simper, Grant, and WWII, 59

Six, B. P., supt. at Shiprock Agency, 254-55

Skull Valley Reservation, 73

Smith, Don, Idaho river runner, 266

Smith, George A.: and Howard Egan case, 19-20; and Indians, 128

Smith, H. A., and Delta Phi, 364

Smith, Howard H , and WRGA, 261

Smith, Jesse N., Iron County judge, 129, 133-35, 134

Smith, John Henry, and Delta Phi, 365, 374

Smith, Joseph Fielding, and Polynesian colony, 66, 74, 76-77

Smith, O. C , UPRR paymaster, 156

Smith, R V., and Delta Phi, 364

Smith, Silas S., and Jose case, 127, 127, 131, 134

Smoot Reed, 246, 327; control of Utah GOP by, 320, 321, 323-33; and direct primary, 326, 331; and prohibition, 320-29

Snelgrove, Howard, U. student, 365

Sniffen, M. K, and Indian rights, 247

Snow, Adie, U student,359

Snow, Erastus, and Indians, 128-29, 129, 135

Snow, O W., U student, 364

Snow, Zerubbabel, territorial justice, 11, 20,20

Sorensen, Jens, and BH War, 317

Sorensen, Sadie, 350

Sorensen, Soren A., and BH War, 310-11

Sorensen, Virginia, novelist, 346

Southern Ute Agency, 243-44

Spanish, exploration of Utah by, 200-223

Spear, J S., school supt., 247

Spencer, Albert, and Delta Phi, 364

Spendlove, Ada, 165-66

Stacy, Claud, and WWII, 59

Stanford, Leland, CPRR official, 149

Stansbury, Howard, 9

Stapley, Elizabeth Zetta Hubschmid (cousin), 164 n 27

Stapley, Elizabeth Steele (mother), 159, 162-63, 165

Stapley, Harrie t Louisa Berry (sister-in-law), 161 n. 6

Stapley,James (father), 159, 162-64

Stapley, James Steele (brother), 161 n 6

Stapley, John Alma (brother), 162

Stapley, John Edward (cousin), 164 n 27

Stapley, Linda (cousin), 164

Stapley, Mahonri Moriancumer (brother), 163

Stapley, Mary Elizabeth (May), Kanarraville resident and teacher in Virgin, diary of, 158-67, 158, 163, 167

Stapley, Seymour (cousin), 166

Stapley, William Tarbet (brother), 159, 161-63

Staveley, Gaylord, and WRGA, 270

Steele, John, grandfather of May Stapley, 162, 167

Steele, Mahonri Moriancumer, 165 n 29

Stella D'America, Italian lodge, 176-77

Stenhouse, T. B. H , and photography, 142

Stevens, Henry S., Arizona judge, 33

Steward, S. W., and Delta Phi, 364

Stohl, O N., and Delta Phi, 364, 366

Stookey, , and Delta Phi, 371

Story, Joseph, U.S Supreme Court justice, 21

Stout, Gretchen, 161 n 10

Stout, Hosea, and common law, 4, 6-8, 11-12, 12

Strange, John , prison inmate , and Lynch-King case, 110-16

Stratton, Edwin, 166-67

Stratton, Powell Johnson, 161, 165-66

Summerville, Jim, Catholic priest, 278-79

Sunshine Terrace, Logan seniors' home, 341

Sylvester, Frank, 166

Symons, A H , Indian agent, 249

Tabby, Chief, 302

Tackitt, Cynthia, and MMM, 229-31

Tackitt, Pleasant, and MMM, 229-31

Tackitt, Sebron, and MMM, 230

Taft for President Club, 323

Talmage, James E., professor, 369

Tanner, Arthur, trader, 255

Taylor, John, and Indians, 126

Taylor, E. G., U. student, 359

Taylor, Henry D., and Delta Phi, 374

Temperance Society, activities of, at Camp Floyd, 49

Thomas, Joseph, accidental death of, 14

Thompson, Ezra, SLC mayor, 121

Thompson, G M., and Delta Phi, 364

Toronto, Joseph B., U professor, 363, 365, 369

Torrance, H. H , 229

Tracy, Albert, capt., at Camp Floyd, 52

Transcontinental railroad, history of photographing of, 137-57, 137, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152

Tse-Na-Gat, son of Polk, 247, 248, 249-50

Tuckett, Mercy Westwood, actress, 50

Tuckett, Phillip, and theater, 50

Tullar, Robert S., Arizonajudge, 31

Union Academy Building, 361

Union Pacific Railroad (UPRR), and transcontinental railroad, 138-41, 144-51

United Effort Plan (or Trust), polygamist co-op, 36

University of Deseret See U of Utah

University of Utah: campuses of, 357-58, 353, 361-62; history of early fraternity at, 353-74

Utah Constitutional Convention (1895), 321

Utah Department of Public Welfare, and Short Creek children, 39-40, 42-44

Utah Guides and Outfitters, 272

Utah Library Assn., 346

Utah National Guard, WWII experiences of unit of, 55-63, 57

Utah Paper Co., 107

Utah State Prison, in Sugar House, 117; escape from, 116-19

Utah State Supreme Court: and common law, 15; and parental rights, 28, 33, 40, 46

Utah State University, foreign students at, 340-41

Utah Territory: evolution of law and legal system in, 4-26; Organic Act of, 10, 13, 15-16, 22-23

Utah Territorial Supreme Court, and common law, 10-15, 17, 21

Ute Crossing of the Colorado, 220-23

Ute Indians, 310, and BH War, 124-36, 300-318; and Montezuma Canyon, 240, 242-52, 256-57; and Spanish exploration, 201-3, 206-11, 213-22

Ute Mountain Agency, 249

Ute Slave Trail, 204, 207, 211 n 19, 221

Valentine, Don, and WWII, 59

Van Cott, Ray, and Lynch-King case, 105 Vienna Cafe, SLC, 106, 107

Virgin, Utah, diary of schoolteacher in, 158-67

Volpi, Giovanni, bishop of Lucca, Italy, 169

Waddell, Harry, prison inmate, 117-18

Waddoups, Myra, wife of Thomas, 69, 74, 75,77

Waddoups, Thomas A., and Polynesian colony, 68-70, 75-76

Waddoups, William, j.p in Iosepa, 69-70, 77

Wallace, Mabel, U student, 365

Wanless, Will F., attorney for Lynch and King, 105, 107-10, 113-15, 119

Warm Springs, Polynesians settled near, 65

Wasatch, Ute chief, 220

Wash, Ute leader, 246

Watkins, C E., photographer, 156

Watson, Stella, U. student, 365

Watters, , and Delta Phi, 369

Weidman, Wayne, and WWII, 55

Wells, Daniel H , and BH War, 311

Wells, Heber M.: and Delta Phi, 373, 374; and Lynch-King case, 111-12, 121-22

Wells, Junius F., and Delta Phi, 365

Wells, Rulon S., and Delta Phi, 357, 365

Welti, Walter, 346

West, Chauncey W., and CPRR, 141

Western Pacific Railroad, and Iosepa residents, 71

Western River Expeditions, 274

Western River Guides Assn (WRGA), history of, 259-76

Whitaker, John M., U. student, 364, 363, 368

White, , and Delta Phi, 370

White, Georgie, and river running, 260

White, R. C , sgt. at Camp Floyd, 50

Whitlock, , actress, 53

Whitlock, Charles, and BH War, 310, 317

Whitney, Orson F., U. student, 357, 358, 359, 361, 365

Whitney's store, 130

Widtsoe, John A., and Delta Phi, 374

Wilburn, Fielding, 230-31

Wilckin, David, prison guard, 117

Williams, Liza, Mona resident, 160

Wilson, James C , trading post worker, 248

Winslow, C F., and Delta Phi, 360

Wittenberg, William, messenger, 104-5, 107-8,113, 116,119

Wood, J H , sheriff in Monticello, 246-27

Woodworth, Art, and WRGA, 273

Woolley, Edwin, Jr., and BH War, 316

Woolley, Samuel, Grantsville farm of, 70, 73

Work, Herbert, secretary of interior, 252

World War II, reminiscences of, 55-63, 277-84

Worthen, George M., Utah Supreme Court justice, 28, 40

Wright, Alma, 167

Wright, Dora, Cache County librarian, 345

Wright, Sister, 165

Wyman, , gen., in WWII, 283-84

Yenewood (Jake Arrapeen), and BH War, 309

Young, Alfales, U student, 359

Young, Brigham: and Indians, 126, 128; and law , 17-18; and railroad, 141; and Zina D. H. Young, 120-21

Young, Caroline, U. student, 359

Young, Charles, and Jose case, 132

Young, Jake, cowboy, 246

Young, J C , U student, 358

Young, Joseph A., and UPRR, 141

Young, Levi Edgar, and Delta Phi, 364, 368

YMCA, and debating, 368, 370

Young, Retta, U student, 359

Young, Vilate, U. student, 359

Young, Zina Diantha Huntington, 120-21, 121

Zeta Gamma, U. fraternity, 356-58, 361-62, 367-68, 370-71

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1993 Chair

PETER L Goss, Salt Lake City, 1995 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

DOUGLAS D ALDER, St George, 1993

DALE L BERGE, Provo, 1995

BOYD A. BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1993

HUGH C GARNER, Salt Lake City, 1993

DAVID D HANSEN, Sandy, 1993

DEAN L. MAY, Salt Lake City, 1995

AMY An FN PRICE, Salt Lake City, 1993

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1995

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1993

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

DAVID B MADSEN, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Tide VI of die Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire furtiier information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240