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Utah Maverick: Frank J. Cannon and the Politics of Conscience in 1896
Frank J Cannon. USHS collections.
Utah Maverick: Frank J. Cannon and the Politics of Conscience in 1896
BY LEONARD SCHLUP
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1896 was a crucial contest in United States history. It constituted a fundamental turning point in American electoral politics and demonstrated the periodicity of political realignment. By 1896 an economic depression had led to an erosion of living standards for thousands, including legions of farmers who watched their incomes plummet and their debts skyrocket throughout the course of the national malaise. During this time a crisis of confidence gripped the presidency of Grover Cleveland, an unpopular Democratic chief executive who remained virtually closeted in the executive mansion and shunned by segments of his party. Years of violence, sectional antagonisms, class conflicts, social unrest, political protest, and economic disillusionment, combined with the problems of growing urbanization and industrialization, fostered frustrations and triggered national anxiety in the late nineteenth century These forces climaxed in the campaign of 1896, the most significant election in the Gilded Age, a term coined by Mark Twain to describe a post-Civil War generation characterized by excess. 1
Admitted as the forty-fifth state on January 4, 1896, Utah joined the Union during this climactic year. Its first state delegation to Congress consisted of Sen Frank J Cannon of Ogden, Sen Arthur Brown of Salt Lake City, and Clarence E Allen of Salt Lake City, the representative-at-large. All three men were Republicans chosen to represent a new state that had always been overwhelmingly Democratic, a fact that helped keep it out of the Union for so long. Cannon took his seat on January 27, with his term to expire, as determined by lot, on March 3, 1899.
Politician, newspaper editor, and mining entrepreneur, Frank J. Cannon (1859-1933) was the son of George Q. Cannon, first counselor in the Mormon church presidency from 1880 to 1901 and its dominant figure after the death of Brigham Young. The elder Cannon was also an editor, engaged in several financial and industrial enterprises, and served as a territorial delegate to Congress. Inasmuch as he needed to assuage the Democratic sympathies of his constituency, George Cannon, a Republican at heart, normally sat on the Democratic side of the aisle Having been born into this prestigious Salt Lake City political and religious family, young Frank was graduated from the University of Utah in 1878 and followed in his father's footsteps by becoming active in the same professions. After working briefly as a reporter on the San Francisco Chronicle and as a private secretary to John T Caine, Utah's territorial delegate to Congress, Cannon secured election in 1884 as recorder of Weber County. He became editor of the Ogden Herald in 1887 and in the following year established the Ogden Daily Standard, the first Republican newspaper in Utah.2
Cannon entered politics with enthusiasm but soon acquired a reputation for independence. In 1891 he helped to organize the Republican party in Utah and won election to the Ogden City Council, serving as chairman of the committee on public buildings and grounds. When the Republican territorial convention met at Salt Lake City in September 1892, Cannon, who sought statehood for Utah, was nominated to run for Congress Although he reduced the normal Democratic majority, he lost toJoseph L. Rawlins, a Salt Lake City attorney whom he later defeated by 1,800 votes in the Republican sweep of 1894, which heralded the beginning of a political realignment that basically endured until 1932. Cannon served as a territorial delegate to Congress from 1895 until he took his Senate seat in 1896. His maverick stand clearly manifested itself during his tenure in the upper chamber.3
Cannon's brief political career in Utah was intertwined with the money issue. He steadfastly supported the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one with gold. For Senator Cannon and Utah's laborers and mining investors, free silver promised better times, more employment, increased farm prices, reduced indebtedness, government purchases of the white metal, and an end to the conservative doctrines and influence of eastern capitalists. Cannon saw silver as a social movement and a political response to an economic crisis. Silver offered a panacea to remedy the nation's ills; it symbolized a new order and a return to the historic bimetallic structure of the country. In fact, Cannon attributed the poor financial condition of the nation in 1896 to its monetary system, and he emphasized that it was impossible with the gold standard to bring the country back to its old degree of prosperity.4
Echoing Cannon on this issue, Sen. Henry M. Teller, a fervent Silver Republican from Colorado, sought to reassure Cannon's father. "Your son . . . has taken his stand on this question," Teller proclaimed, "and it will be very unfortunate for himself if the State of Utah supports the gold standard candidate The Senator has a great future before him if he is properly supported by his State. He is a son that you may be proud of, and your people ought to be proud of him, as I have no doubt they are."5
By 1896 the frenzied enthusiasm for silver had grown to appreciable heights among various groups "It is almost impossible for one outside the United States to comprehend the force of the tidal wave for silver that is now sweeping over this country," wrote former Ohio congressman Adoniram J. Warner, president of the American Bimetallic Union, to Moreton Frewen, an English economist.6 Devoted followers attached an emotional and religious fervor to the crusade as well as a belief in the triumph of right over evil. One observer commented that "the great silver movement—the movement of the masses against the classes—of God's poor against the rich, has continued to sweep on, gathering force and volume and numbers from day to day."7
Known as Utah's "Silver Senator" due to his advocacy of free coinage, Cannon was one of six delegates from his state who attended the Republican National Convention at St. Louis in 1896 to write a platform and select a ticket The other Utah delegates-at-large were Isaac Trumbo, Arthur Brown, Thomas Kearns, Clarence Allen, and William S. McCornick. After considerable debate, Republican delegates adopted a conservative stand on the currency issue.8 The platform stated: "The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are therefore opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the earth."9 During the roll call on the question to approve the hard money position, all six Utah delegates voted against adopting the plank. Senator Teller thereupon proposed a substitute for the money plank that read: "The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, unrestricted, and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold."10 Cannon supported this proposition, which failed of adoption.
Having completed the platform, delegates turned their attention to the presidential nomination. The leading contenders were Thomas B Reed of Maine, the crusty speaker of the House of Representatives, and William McKinley, former governor of Ohio, ex-congressman, and author of the 1890 tariff. The latter was clearly the frontrunner. Although vacillation and opportunism had marked his record on currency, McKinley, the high priest of protectionism, was one of the most successful politicians of his day His personal popularity, gentleness, and kindly nature contrasted sharply with the acerbic Reed. Moreover, McKinley's powerful campaign manager, Marcus A. Hanna, a prosperous Cleveland iron manufacturer and industrialist, mounted a great publicity and mass marketing effort before the convention In the balloting for president, Utah divided, casting three votes for McKinley and three for Sen. William B. Allison of Iowa, a bimetallist who captured Cannon's support.11
The nomination of McKinley as the party's standard-bearer and the adoption of the sound money platform angered Cannon and other disillusioned silver delegates They decided to walk out of the convention, the first bolt in Republican party history. After an impassioned plea, Senator Teller asked that the young legislator from Utah be permitted to read a statement justifying the reasons for the secession of free coinage Republicans. On June 18, Cannon, a short man physically and somewhat foppish in appearance, mounted the podium to address the convention and give the formal declaration of withdrawal.12 His long and emotional speech was a defiant and truculent account of the causes that had compelled the twenty-one silverites to depart. It had been prepared and signed by the secessionists. Delivered in a theatrical manner, Cannon's renunciation speech immediately captivated his supporters and attracted national attention. His manifesto described the depressed condition of the country, harshly denounced the eastern moneyed powers, and sought a redemption of silver as constitutional money Admitting that the minority must bow to the will of the majority, Cannon asserted that he could not abandon his principles for the gold standard, which he believed the people opposed and would be a severe infliction on an already suffering America.13 He could not subscribe to it as an honest man and as a result had to sever his connections with the party The senator said:
Upon completing the reading of this statement, Cannon shook hands with Sen.John M. Thurston of Nebraska, chairman of the convention, and withdrew from the platform Tears welled in Cannon's eyes as he and his cohorts left the floor on the afternoon ofJune 18. The band played "Columbia," "America," "The Red, White, and Blue," and other patriotic songs,joined in by a grand chorus from the audience. The exodus excited the remaining delegates who attempted to outdo each other in displays of loyalty to the GOP. The bolters included four senators—Teller, Cannon, Fred T Dubois of Idaho, and Richard F. Pettigrew of South Dakota. Idaho and Colorado were the only two states whose entire delegations exited the proceedings.15
Three Utah delegates—Cannon, Allen, and Kearns—joined the procession out of the auditorium. The other three Utah delegates remained in their seats, but Trumbo and McCornick refused to support the platform or the presidential nominee. Senator Brown, who considered the tariff the more immediate issue, remarked that the GOP was not the oppressor of the people. Regretting the departure of his colleagues, Brown contended that the money question could not be resolved at the convention and that only "the test of time" would settle the matter and result in silver's eventual reinstatement Although he did not bolt, Brown repudiated the platform but endorsed McKinley for president.16
Cannon strongly defended his conduct in leaving the St. Louis convention In an interview with a news correspondent he delineated his actions and explained his reasons. Holding no animosity toward Brown and the other two Utahns who stood firm against the separatists, Cannon announced with pride his plan to return home to inform the people that he had fulfilled their instructions to him as a delegate and that he had upheld their trust. "This was a case for every man's conscience," he said, "and for every man's interpretation of the obligations under which he was pledged to his people. But for me any other attitude would have been one of betrayal and cowardice. .. . I have never willfully attempted to mislead nor to counsel submission to wrong."17 For Cannon, secession vindicated his honor
Upon leaving the convention, Cannon went to Dubois's headquarters at the St Nicholas Hotel There the dissenting silverites discussed the advisability of putting Teller in nomination for the presidency on an independent Silver Republican ticket. Cannon wholeheartedly favored this approach, complaining that the gold Republicans were governed by "an unholy mastership." He argued that the state conventions that had selected them as delegates gave them the power to withdraw from the national convention and proceed in accordance with the wishes of their constituents. He emphasized that it was not necessary to submit to the people the proposal to nominate an independent ticket, for the delegates themselves could make this decision. Maintaining that Teller's nomination would have a "greater sanctity" coming from an independent citizenship than from a convention or political party, Cannon contended that such action would demonstrate "the right of the people to defend their best principles and to select their most trustworthy man to carry out these principles. Any defection from it now would be a signal defeat of the highest morality for which we have striven."18
Cannon recommended that all parties and organizations opposed to the gold standard unite in supporting Teller for president. He had hoped that the Democrats and the Populists—a third party committed to free coinage and other reforms—would also endorse Teller as the fusion candidate for president. In this way the friends of silver would unite irrespective of party, and their formidable strength would assure McKinley's defeat. For his part, Cannon would do everything he could to aid Teller to the presidency.19
Early in July, Cannon journeyed to Chicago to witness the Democratic National Convention From his room at the Great Northern Hotel he apprised his colleagues of the political situation. The nomination of William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska for the presidency, following his "cross of gold" speech, came as no surprise to Cannon and others who had observed the national attention the Nebraskan had gained as a tariff and silver orator and who had read the many editorials after June 1895 demanding him for president. In fact, Bryan had even been in touch with Teller, Cannon, and other Republican silverites during the struggle over the GOP platform.20
Although Cannon recognized Bryan's loyalty to free silver, he preferred until the end that Teller become a candidate. Cannon feared that a Silver Republican adherence to Bryan's nomination would be both improper and ruinous "The cause of silver cannot be won," he pleaded in a letter to Teller, "if you shall endorse the nomination of the Democratic convention at Chicago. . . . On the contrary it receives a blow from which it cannot recover in its integrity. With a straight Democratic nomination attempted to be centered upon by the Bi-Metallic forces the Republican gold ticket will win." Cannon expressed apprehension that four years of a hard money administration would bring "chaos in the sentiment of the United States" and that "Anarchistic and other tendencies" would "creep to the front... in the fight for what isjust." On the other hand, should Teller permit his nomination by the Silver Republicans and Populists, "regardless of the action of this Chicago convention," the cause of silver would "be much stronger, as concert of action" could be "secured in various otherwise doubtful states and union of forces be obtained upon an electoral ticket" to defeat the gold ticket. Cannon concluded:
Both the Populists and the National Silver party convened in St Louis from July 22 to 25 to select their standard-bearers. Ratifying the Democratic decision earlier that month, these two minor parties chose Bryan as their presidential nominee. Although Cannon would have preferred Teller as the candidate, he acquiesced in the decision of the delegates to unite behind Bryan in an endeavor to defeat McKinley, the gold standard, and the evils of plutocracy. Privately, Cannon at first entertained reservations, for the victory of righteousness in the Chicago convention was not by itself conclusive proof of the repudiation by the Democrats of the men and influence that had recently been dominant in the party's management. 2 2
Cannon's conscience commanded his course in 1896. Silver for him was a symbol of revolt, a moral question, and a sacred dogma. The white metal would redeem an overburdened people and end the influence and organized greed of gold barons on the government. He stressed to the true believers that justice was on their side and that currency reform represented the cause of the people It constituted a contest for industrial independence and for freedom from the domination of foreign powers and foreign capital. Cannon could not possibly conceive how justice would fail or how wrong could prevail in such a battle. While not overlooking the necessity for other reforms, Cannon concluded that they were not as pressing in 1896 as the financial question, which he regarded as the paramount issue at that critical period. The campaign between McKinley and Bryan was more than a contest about the character of the candidates; it signaled a crusade by a consolidated group of bimetallists, on the one hand, against a platoon of gold monometallists, on the other. Cannon claimed that the victory of the money power in the GOP involved the desertion of the cause of the people in all respects by the leadership of the Republican organization and marked its transformation from the party of Lincoln formed on Jeffersonian principles into an asset of modern commercialism. The duty was clear. Because liberty itself was at stake, silverites had to rescue the nation and prevent the great experiment of freedom from losing its glory.23
The plea of the silverites failed to convince a majority of Americans. McKinley triumphed on election day in 1896. He carried 23 states having 271 electoral votes. The story was dramatically different in Utah, where McKinley trailed Bryan badly. In fact, Bryan crushed his Republican opponent in the Beehive State, receiving 64,607 (82.7%) votes to 13,491 (17.3%) for McKinley. The outcome in his home state pleased Cannon, but Bryan's decisive defeat nationally left no doubt about the public'sjudgment of his candidacy.24
After the election Cannon again concentrated on his Senate duties. His intense opposition to the Republican-sponsored high protectionist Dingley Tariff of 1897 antagonized not only some Utah Republicans but also the national leadership. It further confirmed his reputation as a political maverick. The senator also visited China and Japan on a fact-finding mission to study their methods of using silver. In addition, while in the Senate, Cannon liked to speak on the greatness and beauty of the American West. To enable Americans to learn more about their country, he proposed that Congress set aside several acres near the Capitol on which a relief map of the Union could be constructed with paths separating the states. His colleagues quickly rejected the idea.25
After serving a short term, Cannon ran for re-election to the Senate backed by a combination of Silver Republicans, Populists, and a Cannon faction of the Democratic party (Cannoncrats) He was unsuccessful in his bid for another term. State legislators ultimately chose Thomas Kearns in 1901 to fill the vacancy caused by the failure of the 1899 legislature to elect a U.S Senator.26 In 1900, the year McKinley signed the Gold Standard Act, Cannon joined the Democratic party and supported Bryan for president. Cannon concurred that the "Democratic Party as an organization has set its face against the influences that threaten us. Let us join hands with the progressive and dominant element of the Democratic Party, preserving it from all menace of reaction within, and aiding it to win a glorious victory for liberty and self-government."27 The former senator served as Democratic state chairman of Utah from 1902 to 1904, at which time he attended the Democratic National Convention at St Louis
In 1909 Cannon moved to Denver, Colorado, where he engaged in newspaper work and mining. But his interest in silver continued throughout his life He served as president of the National Bimetallic Association and as chairman of the International Silver Commission, demonstrating once again his total dedication to silver while continuing with his campaign for its remonetization Cannon believed that the Great Depression, which started in 1929, would end if the nations adopted a silver monetary system. In February 1933 he severely arraigned Sen Carter Glass of Virginia, charging him, as President Woodrow Wilson's second secretary of the treasury, with smashing the world price of silver in 1919.28
Cannon's independent stand in politics prevailed as well in his religious views. In April 1914, at a large meeting in Carnegie Hall, Cannon formally denounced Mormonism. Having taken an earlier stand against certain policies of the Mormon church at the time of the seating of Sen. Reed Smoot, Cannon renounced his allegiance to the church because of "the crime of polygamy and the treason of a temporal kingdom in a free republic."29 Cannon was excommunicated and ostracized for championing what he considered the political and social liberties of the Mormon people and for attacking the policies of Joseph F. Smith, a Republican and the president of the church.
The former senator's break with the Mormon church resulted from several factors. For one thing, his political independence while in Utah had antagonized Mormon leaders, who had aligned themselves with Republican policies, the railroad lobby, the sugar trust, and the so-called Gilded Age plunderbund, a term referring to a league of commercial, political, or financial interests that exploits the public Moreover, in his speeches and writings, Cannon had castigated the Mormon hierarchy for interfering in the political and judicial process in Utah. He claimed that its leaders had broken their covenant to the nation and betrayed the trust of the people under their despotic and "absolute political power in Utah."30 Cannon's estrangement from the church was also an important ingredient in his drift into maverick status.
Cannon's life was inextricably linked to certain important social and political developments of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He lived during a time of change when industrialization and urbanization imposed enormous economic and social transformations on the United States, resulting in a more heterogeneous society Like many a persistent dissenter before him, Cannon lived to see the dawn of a new political day that brought his brand of pragmatism back into fashion. Indeed, his career in politics had begun with political adjustment in the 1890s, and his life ended in 1933 with President Franklin D. Roosevelt's new Democratic realignment Ironically, Cannon died one month after FDR took the United States off the gold standard. Cannon's role in the presidential election of 1896 was, therefore, but one important part in the life of a fascinating figure in Utah history.
NOTES
Dr. Schlup is a history bibliographer in Akron, Ohio.
1 Stanley L.Jones, The Presidential Election of 1896 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964); Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), pp 148-63; and Elmer Ellis, "The Silver Republicans in the Election of 1896," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 18 (1932): 519-34.
2 Deseret News, July 26, 1933; Charles S Peterson, Utah (New York: W W Norton & Company, 1977), p 88.
3 The Frank J. Cannon Papers are at the Colorado Historical Society Library in Denver. The collection deals only with the time period from 1929 to 1934 and contains correspondence, speeches, news releases, manuscripts, and publications Caroline Evans, whose correspondence is an important element in the collection, was secretary of the National Bimetallic Association.
4 William V Allen, "Western Feeling towards the East," North American Review 162 (1896): 588-93; Lindley M Keasbey, "The New Sectionalism," Forum 16 (1894): 578-87 The Coinage Act of 1873 had demonetized silver.
5 Henry M Teller to George Q Cannon, September 1, 1896, Henry M Teller Papers, Colorado Historical Society.
6 A. J. Warner to Moreton Frewen, June 28, 1896, Moreton Frewen Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C See also James K Jones to William J Bryan, July 21, 1896, and Teller to Bryan, July 15, 20, 1896, William Jennings Bryan Papers, Library of Congress.
7 H. C. Bell to William Lochren, July 14, 1896, William Lochren Papers, Minnesota Historical Society, St Paul See also H E Taubeneck to Ignatius Donnelly, July 5, 1896, Ignatius Donnelly Papers, Minnesota Historical Society.
8 Official Proceedings of the Eleventh Republican National Convention 1896 (Pittsburgh: James F Burke, 1896), pp 76, 96, 86-91.
9 Kirk H Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds., National Party Platforms, 1840-1960 (2d ed.; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961), p 108.
10 Earl R Kruschke, Encyclopedia of Third Parties in the United States (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 1991), p 156; New York Times, June 19, 1896 The currency dilemma was one of the Gilded Age's most controversial and complicated issues Richard J Oglesby, a Republican governor of Illinois, once remarked: "These Democrats undertake to discuss the financial question They oughtn't to do that They can't possibly understand it The Lord's truth is, fellow citizens, it is about all we Republicans can do to understand that question!" See Adlai E. Stevenson, Something of Men I Have Known (Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Company, 1909), p 346.
11 Official Proceedings, 1896, p 123; Marcus A Hanna to William McKinley, April 21, 27, 1896, William McKinley Papers, Library of Congress; McKinley to John Sherman, March 22, 1896, John Sherman Papers, Library of Congress; and Herbert D Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work (New York: Macmillan Company, 1912), pp 192-204.
12 Elmer Ellis, Henry Moore Teller (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1941), pp 247-84; St. Louis PostDispatch, June 19, 1896; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, June 19, 1896; Washington Evening Star, June 18, 1896; Chicago Tribune, June 18, 1896; St. Louis Republic, June 19, 1896; and Philadelphia Press, June 19, 1896.
13 Louis W Koenig, Bryan: A Political Biography of WilliamJennings Bryan (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1971), p 175; Arthur W Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, 2 vols (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1922), 1: 174—81; Herman H Kohlsaat, From McKinley to Harding (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), pp 33-48; and Joseph B Foraker, Notes of a Busy Life, 2 vols (Cincinnati: Stewart & Kidd, 1916), 1:463-88.
14 Official Proceedings, 1896, pp 98-100 See also, Deseret Evening News, June 18, 1896 A committee of the withdrawing delegates signed the statement They were Henry M Teller, Fred T DuBois, Frank J Cannon, Charles A Hartman of Montana, Richard F Pettigrew, and A C Cleveland of Nevada.
15 Richard F Pettigrew to Teller, June 28, July 6, 1896, Fred T DuBois to Teller, June 26, 1896, Teller Papers; New York Times, June 19, 1896; Review of Revieius, July and August 1896; and items in the Edward O Wolcott Papers at the Colorado Historical Society and the Richard F Pettigrew Papers, Pettigrew Museum Library, Sioux Falls, South Dakota.
16 Salt Lake Tribune, June 18, 1896; New York Times, June 19, 1896.
17 Salt Lake Tribune, June 19, 1896.
18 Frank J Cannon to Teller, July 9, 1896, Teller Papers.
19 Akron Beacon and Republican (Ohio), June 19, 1896; Marion Butler to William M. Stewart, June 24, July 6, 1896, William M. Stewart Papers, Nevada Historical Society, Reno; Thomas E. Watson to Butler, July 28, 1896, Marion Butler Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
20 Teller to Bryan, July 15, 1896, Pettigrew to Teller, July 6, 1896, Cannon to DuBois, July 14, 1896, Teller to Cannon, August 31, 1896, Teller to Butler, July 15, 1896, Teller Papers; Chicago Daily Tribune, June 2-7, 1895; W J Stone to Bryan, July 14, August 26, 1895, Bryan Papers; James K Jones to J N Camden, May 17, 1896, Johnson N Camden Papers, West Virginia University Library, Morgantown; and Paolo E Coletta, WilliamJennings Bryan: Political Evangelist, 1860-1908 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964), pp 109-10.
21 Cannon to Teller, July 9, 1896, Teller Papers.
22 Gold Democrats assembled at Indianapolis in September to nominate Sen John M Palmer of Illinois as their candidate for the presidency See John M Palmer, Personal Recollections ofJohn M. Palmer (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke Company, 1901), pp 589-619.
23 William Jennings Bryan, The First Battle (Chicago: W.B Conkey Company, 1896), pp 178-87 For Cannon, the election of 1896 marked not just a change of presidents and parties but, with Bryan's nomination, a generational shift as well.
24 Carolyn Goldinger, ed., Presidential Elections Since 1789 (4th ed.; Washington, D.C: Congressional Quarterly, Inc., 1987), p 110.
25 New York Times, July 27, 1933.
26 William Howard Taft to George Sutherland, September 10, 19, 1922, William Howard Taft Papers, Library of Congress; Taft to Sutherland, July 2, 1921, George Sutherland Papers, Library of Congress.
27 Cannon and others to Teller, March 4, 1901, Teller Papers.
28 New York Times, July 27, 1933.
29 Ibid See Frank J Cannon and Harvey J O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah: The National Menace of a Political Priestcraft (Boston: C. M. Clark Publishing Company, 1911); Frank J. Cannon and George L Knapp, Brigham Young and His Mormon Empire (New York: Fleming IL Revell Company, 1913) The papers of Sen Reed Smoot are in the Special Collections Division of the Harold B Lee Library at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.
30 Cannon and O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah, pp 19, 397. For additional information on Cannon and Mormonism, see LeonardJ Arrington, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-Day Saints (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1979), pp 247-48; Wallace Turner, The Mormon Establishment (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1966), pp 79, 183-90, 273; and LeonardJ Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1985), pp 400-01, 424-26.
