Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 64, Number 4, 1996

THOMAS G. ALEXANDER. Utah: The Right Place B. CARMON HARDY 372

WILLIAM E. HILL The Mormon Trail: Yesterday and Today . .RUSH SPEDDEN 373

NORMAN R BOWEN AND MARY KANE BOWEN SOLOMON. A Gentile Account ofUifein Utah's Dixie, 1872-73: Elizabeth Kane's St. George fournal DOROTHY MORTENSEN 374

JOHN S MCCORMICK AND JOHN R SILLITO, EDS. A World We Thought We Knew: Readings in Utah

History DENNIS L LYTHGOE 375

WILLIAM D ROWLEY Reclaiming the Arid West: The Career ofFrancis G. Newlands DAVID BLANKE 377

ROBERT H WEBB Grand Canyon, a Century of Change: Rephotography of the 1889-1890 Stanton ^ Expedition .PETER H DELAFOSSE 378

THOMAS E SHERIDAN AND NANCY PAREZO, EDS. Paths ofLife: American Indians of the Southwest and Northern Mexico DAVID RICH LEWIS 379

In this issue

As Utah approaches the sesquicentennial of pioneer settlement, it is easy to conjure images of hardships and heroism along the overland trail and to neatly conceptualize that great drama as having happened a long time ago Accordingly, one's sense of history will likely be exercised upo n reading Foekje Mulder's account of her 1920 immigration, presented as the first selection in this issue, and realizing that even in the moder n age of ocean liners and automobiles the task of immigrating was never easy. Worries over money, health, language, and employment plagued Foekje and others like her, and the sadness occasioned by leaving loved ones and familiar homes far behind was no more easily abated in the twentieth century than in the nineteenth Yet there are moments of triumph as well, and the reader of this diary will undoubtedly come to love the determined and sensitive Foekje, pictured here with her husband Albertus, and to be touched by the historical experience in a profoundly personal way.

Melting pot dynamics affected not just the newcomers but the native people as well When, in the 1950s, the federal government sought political termination for the Utes, the explosive question of tribal membership erupted into acrimonious debate. Complicated by a very lucrative judicial award won by the tribe and some long-standing intratribal antagonisms, the issue had enormous implications for both the blooded Utes and those of mixed ancestry A dispassionate analysis of that controversy, much needed and long overdue, is offered in the second article.

As we draw the curtain on a most memorable centennial year, it is appropriate that we return to the era of statehood for our final two articles The first of these is a short biography of the talented singer, Emma Lucy Gates Bowen. A granddaughter of Brigham Young, she represents the advancement of Utah culture beyond the pioneer period to the moder n opera halls of Berlin, New York, Boston, and Chicago At the very time the young starlet was discovering and developing her musical ability, Utah was also reaching political maturity and knocking at the door of statehood. One of the leading figures in that quest, Charles W. Penrose, is the subject of the last article As the author reminds us, if a Utah statehood hall of fame were to be established, Penrose would be among its first dozen inductees This illuminating study leaves no doubt as to why.

Engagement photograph, 1910, of Albertus Mulder, age twenty, and Foekje (Fannie), Visser, age nineteen, in Haarlem, Holland. Courtesy of William Mulder.

TheMulderfamily in 1920 on the eve oftheirdepartureforAmerica: Albertus and Foekje and their two children, Angenietje (Annie) and Willem (Wim). Family photographs courtesy of the author.

From Haarlem to Hoboken: Pages from a Dutch Mormon Immigrant Diary

TRANSLATED AND EDITED BYWILLIAM MULDER

Dr Mulder is Professor Emeritus of English, University of Utah He wishes to thank his sister, Anne Glissmeyer, childhood companion on that transatlantic voyage, for remembering or puzzling out names, places, and events, and to thank Theda Van Dongen, widow of the late Sebastian Van Dongen, who served for several years as Dutch consul in Utah, for reviewing his translation The original diary has been placed on deposit with the Utah State Historical Society

NINETEENTH-CENTURY PIONEER AND IMMIGRANT DIARIES are a commonplace in American, especially Mormon, history. Twentieth-century accounts of crossing an ocean and a continent to reach Zion are rare, perhaps because the journey seemed both less hazardous and less romantic than in the days of sailing ships and covered wagons. Yet the later convert-immigrants felt the same pains at parting from loved ones in the old country and the same anxieties on arrival as they dealt with the pots-and-pans realities of settling down in the new.

My mother's diary, kept from the day she and her young family left Haarlem, Holland, on May 20, 1920, toJuly 11, six weeks after arriving in Hoboken, NewJersey, provides a fresh glimpse of the convert-immigrant experience in this century, all the more interesting because my mother, though limited to a grammar school education, proved to be a sensitive, observant young woman. Her diary, written with pen and ink in a neat, meticulous hand in a ruled 6/i-by-8-mch hardcover notebook of the kind she may have used as a school girl, runs to 49 manuscript pages without margins, a bit of Dutch thrift, perhaps, to use every sheet from edge to edge. At my mother's death in 1977 at the age of eightysix it passed to my elder sister Anne (the An or Zus, for Sis, of the diary), who placed it in my custody (I am the Wim, for Willem, of the diary), in the hope I would find time to translate it as a piece of the family's legacy. That hope has finally materialized.

My mother was Foekje Visser, born onJune 19, 1891, in Amsterdam of Friesian ancestry. At eighteen she met my father Albertus Mulder, a nineteen-year-old apprentice printer from Delft, in a small Latter-day Saint congregation in Haarlem Both with Dutch Reformed Church upbringings, they had, unknown to each other, responded to the message of a restored gospel preached by Mormon missionaries from America and, captivated by the idea of "the gathering," looked forward to "going up to Zion" from the moment they were baptized. They were engaged in 1910, married in 1913, and had to wait out World War I while my father served on border patrol with the Dutch Army before they could take the fateful step of going to America. Two children were born to them in the meantime, the An and Wim of the diary.

A loan from Foekje's older brother John (the Koo—pronounced Ko—of the diary),1 already in the States as a "steamfitter" in the Hoboken shipyards, made the move possible Making the journey with them was Uldrik (known as Henry once in America), my mother's

1 The second syllable ofJohn's Dutch nameJacobus produced his nickname Ko.

orphaned youngest brother who, at eighteen as an apprentice baker, became the family's first wage earner after their arrival in Hoboken.2

The diary's opening entry, "The moment has come to say goodbye," is weighted with the anguish of leaving my father's widowed and aging mother (the "Mother" of the diary) and his crippled, dependent sister Mien (for Wilhelmina), who felt bereft at their going. Anxiety about and yearning for them and for the old home thread the diary.

The family could not go on to Salt Lake City, their ultimate destination, immediately Paying back their immigration debt (a recurrent concern in the diary) and, as it turned out, assisting the families of two of my mother's sisters (Joukje, the eldest, and Geertje, the youngest) to come to America delayed them for six years. Meanwhile they learned English.3 My father by good luck, after unaccustomed hard labor in the shipyards scraping barnacles and painting hulls in dry dock, found work within a few months in his trade as pressman for a large printing firm in Manhattan. They brought two more children into the world, Mary and Albert, Jr. (In the diary my mother records the illness which marks the beginning of one of the pregnancies.)4 And they played active roles in the life of the Hoboken Branch, a sizable Mormon congregation in the Eastern States Mission in the days B. H. Roberts presided over it. Uldrik within a year went on to Utah ahead of the rest and established himself as a baker in Ogden, later in Salt Lake City, and ultimately in Compton, California. Throughout the years the hand that kept the diary wrote hundreds of letters in both Dutch and English (and sometimes in a mixture of the two) and occasional faith-promoting verse, the penmanship not as refined but recognizably kin to the beautiful script of the diary. My mother's correspondence was the wonder of all who knew her for its fullness of detail and bright observations Given the opportunity, she might have developed as a writer The diary is notable for narrative economy, descriptive detail, and introspection. It is a model of grammatical correctness, too formal for what I had hoped would be a conversational flow, and I have employed contractions wherever suitable to relieve the stiffness. There are few collo-

2 My

3 1 remember my grade school teacher coming to the house to give lessons

4 Mary married Carlton Ence, and AlbertJr. married LauraJohansen, both couples still living in Salt Lake City A daughter, PatriciaJoy, was born in Salt Lake City, now living as Mrs Herbert Shoemaker in Peoria, Arizona

mother came from a large family of ten brothers and sisters Her father was Harman Jelte Visser, the skipper of a freighter that plied the canals and rivers of Holland, Belgium, and Germany. Her mother, Angenietje Alta, died in 1906 when my mother was fifteen, a younger sister Geertje, eight, and the Uldrik of the diary, five. They were spared life in an orphanage when the eldest sisterJoukje and her husband Hermanus R Kikkert, recently married, convinced the court that they could look after the children and were appointed their legal guardians.

quialisms, but an occasional folk saying and numerous snatches of dialogue often bring moments immediately to life. Tense shifts from past to present and back again, always unconsciously suited to the movement of the narrative There are moments of pathos, passages withholding more than they reveal, rhetorical questions, anguished appeals to Heavenly Father, and a clear control as well as display of emotion. As much concealed as disclosed are the unnamed trouble with a friend, the concern about her relationship with her husband, a brother-in-law Willem's "forgiveness" (for what?). Recurrent entries record her observations of the beauties of nature, her trust in and appeal to her Heavenly Father, her longing for loved ones in Holland, her trepidation about what lies ahead, her resolve to persevere, her desire to repay their immigration debt Among poignant moments are the family's separation on Ellis Island, her finding precious mementos from home broken as she unpacked their sea trunks, her hurt when she finds her husband "a closed book" and her disappointment when he does not have a surprise for her birthday.Joyous moments include crossing the Brooklyn Bridge, boating on the Hackensack River, visiting Central Park in New York City, trolleying down the Palisades from Jersey City to Hoboken, the sight of candles on a birthday cake, receiving news from Holland, hearing "the Prophet" (the president of the LDS church), and gathering with "the Saints" at home or in congregation My mother found two small triumphs worth recording: the day her husband said the communion prayer in English and the day she read the 13th Article of (LDS) Faith in English.51wish there were a companion diary of the continental leg of the journey to Zion in 1926, six years after the family's arrival in America. But perhaps in this instance less is more, indicative of what wonders she might have reported along the Lincoln Highway and what anxieties and aspirations filled the days that became her prolonged years in that Zion on which she had set her heart so long ago in Holland

THE DIARY

[Aboard

Thursday, 20 + 21 May 19206

The moment has come to say goodbye. It was hard, very hard to part from Mother and Mien. O, they were so grieved. We had not thought that

5 The 13th Article remained a favorite, expressing sentiments she tried to live by: 'We believe in being honest, true, chaste, benevolent, virtuous, and in doing good to all men. If there is anything virtuous, lovely, or of good report or praiseworthy we seek after these things."

6 The departure by train from Haarlem and the events in Rotterdam are recorded on board ship as the diary's first entry, accounting for two days, the 20th and 21st of May

the S.S. Rotterdam]

Mien would take our going away so hard. I had kept my composure all through, but when I saw Mien standing there so unhappy, it was too muc h for me. Sobbing, I left them, waving to them as long as I could Jan and Willem7 accompany us to Rotterdam At the station are Joukje and Joop, 8 Betsy and her mother. 9 At the last minute Joukje hands me a packet of sandwiches and chocolate for the children. As always, she is so caring. At 10:30

[A.M.] the train leaves; we wave as long as we can

Arrived in Rotterdam, a worker brings the hand luggage in a handcart to the Wilhelmina quay Uldrik with him, we with line 4 to the transfer boat There we wait until Uldrik and the worker come [who were] also ferried over. There lies the Rotterdam before us, huge and stately. First the baggage to the sheds. After that fetching the ship's papers. O how long we must wait. Albert and Uldrik are inside, the children and I, Willem and Jan wait outside; meanwhile we eat a sandwich with an egg.

When Albert and Uldrik had rejoined us and we came around the corner, we saw br v d Vis10 and Joop standing there. That was a surprise, really touching. At 3:30 we had to be at the doctor's. O, O, what a crowd. There were many emigrants—Russians, Poles, Germans, even Arabs and Negroes After an anxious time, one doctor examined the hands, especially between the fingers and the hair. The other doctor examined the eyes, not very gently, mind! Luckily all was well. Now we are free until eight o'clock, when only then may we go on board.

Now on a visit to Sister ten Hoeve.11 It's a long way and it begins to rain hard I'm thinking it's worst for Br v d Vis and Joop, Jan and Willem—they aren't wearing much. Still more walking. Finally we find the family ten Hoeve. The welcome there was most hearty, which did us a great deal of good after swimming about the whole day. Our deepest thanks, sisters, for the affection shown us Father bless you all for that

Br v d Vis and Joo p had to hurry away At seven o'clock Gerrie ten Hoeve12 took us to the boat. Again we had to stand in a crowd for a long

9

8

10

The diarist, Foekje (Fannie) Visser Mulder at age 27 in Amsterdam.

7 Jan Mulder, my father's elder brother, and Willem Van Os, a very close friend and member of the Haarlem LDS branch presidency.

Joukje Kikkert, my mother's elder sister, and her son Jan, sixteen, nicknamed Joop, who would be known as John in America after the Kikkert family's emigration three years later

Betsy was a close friend of my mother in Haarlem

Brother van de Vis, fellow convert and a member of the Haarlem branch presidency

11 The ten Hoeve family were LDS converts living in Rotterdam

12 Sister Gerrie ten Hoeve, mother's close friend.

time. There seemed to be no end in sight. O, how gladly I would have run away, back to all I hold dear; but no, that may not be; steadily forward.

Finally, at 9 o'clock, we got on board, where the others were already waiting for us. A crew member brought us to our cabin. Must we go in here? It seemed at first a prison cell. I burst into tears, long held back, and I couldn't help it but sobbed and sobbed. That relieved me and Gerrie said, "Let's make the beds; it's only for a few days," and so it is and I thought, Come on, Foek, have courage, all will come aright.

First the children to bed Our cabin has four berths, two above each other The children sleep together so that Uldrik can also stay with us That's pleasant for him There is no comfort in these cabins, no stool or even a wash basin, but we are lucky that our cabin is close by the lavatory and the W.C The dining hall is also close by Gerrie wanted me to visit Second Class The others had already done that Willem and I went with her The rain fell in torrents How fine everything is in 2nd Class The difference is too great I hope if we ever have the privilege of making this journey again we can also go 2nd Class Now we must simply make do

The wash places consist of a large space with a long row of wash tables with sturdy basins. We have to supply our own soap and towels. Jan, Willem and Gerrie take leave and we stay behind. We move the trunks a little and lay ourselves, very tired, to rest. The berths consist of a straw mattress on springs and because we ourselves have a pair of pillows and blankets we lie very well. We are too tired to think very much and quickly fall asleep.

At half past three [A.M.] Uldrik woke us to come and see the ship leaving the harbor It was still raining hard, but notwithstanding that there were still visitors on the wharf Greetings and best wishes were called out back and forth while the Rotterdam was drawn out of the harbor by tugboats

Farewell, Fatherland Shall I ever see you again? Farewell, dear ones, until we meet Each hour now takes us farther from you I can't deny that my heart is still full of longing to be with you again Many sacrifices will first have to be made, but thereafter the blessing will surely not be withheld Be of good cheer

It is now three o'clock [P.M. of the following day, the 21st]. We have slept an hour. That did us good. It is usually a cure for anxiety. I have visited a sick lady who is here with her husband and six little children. She is very ill. I brought her some eau de cologne (Mien, I am most thankful for the lovely bottle) and spoke with her. I think often of Mother and Mien and all whom we have left behind. Shall I ever see you one and all again?

Father, bless us that we might yet be able to do much for them The three of us have stood singing hymns at the stern of the ship, with full throat, as I love to do I often flee to my cabin when my longing overcomes me Not that it stops there, but I can be alone there and ask Father for strength that I might be a good support for my husband, soon to be in strange surroundings

There is great effort here to keep everything clean The crew have plenty of work Wim comes to fetch me to go above where I play some with the children and speak with one or another And some singing with that little group of Hollanders

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At six o'clock below to eat—bread, ship's biscuit, and potatoes with mayonnaise dressing. It tasted good. After that a bit of fresh air. There are white caps on the waves More wind has sprung up

From 2nd Class and also from the upper deck near us sweets and pieces of money are thrown below to the children of the emigrants. The children fall over each other as they scramble for these things It is getting cold; [we go] below and put the children to bed. Myself to bed too so that I can write these lines on my bed. So, I close and shall try to sleep. I still feel tired and want most to lie down. It's wonderful to see our children sleeping so peacefully What a kingdom is ours Father, wilt Thou watch over us this night Amen. F[oekje].

The Rotterdam, Saturday 22 May 1920

It is now nine o'clock in the morning We have had England in sight for a considerable time Because our Annie slept so long, I have missed much of this beautiful scene. In the meantime, I have tidied up our cabin a bit. We have all slept wonderfully well. Last night went to bed at half past ten, first sewed somewhat and wrote some cards so that it got to be very late It is

good weather; the seagulls continuously fly around the ship hoping for food. Enough gets thrown out from the kitchen. Bert complains of stomach ache, which lasted all through yesterday. I hope it gets better soon and he feels cheerful again.

Heavenly Father, we thank Thee that we are able to greet another day. How great is Your wisdom that we behold constantly anew in beautiful nature and Your great creation.

At half past six the gong wakens the people and at half past seven another gong for breakfast. Bread and jam, as much as you want. The waiters are friendly and helpful, the Hollanders' desires their first care in all things.

We are now enjoying the beautiful sight of England's coast. O, what a splendor do our eyes see, I cannot describe it. Beautiful landscapes, valleys and woods wherever the eye stretches. Plymouth harbor, with her pretty lighthouse and here and there various little ships. A boat comes alongside and brings us 400 passengers—there are now 3,600 in all. The Third Class alone has 2,000. So always crowding, very unpleasant. We sit on the canvas [cover] of one of the lifeboats because the few benches here are in constant use by the many folk. As we now experience it, Third Class is very unpleasant. This is the source of the annoyance [of being] nowhere able to find a restful little place to sit reading or writing. Besides, Uldrik is bored. I'm constantly busy trying to keep the children away from that dirty traffic. Wherever Sis carries the doll she gets a lot of attention. The sun shines gloriously. It is warm. The reflection in the water is beautiful and I never tire gazing at it.

We are yet lying still in Plymouth harbor. Directly in front of me I see beautiful overgrown rocks. Yes, these shores are beautiful, more beautiful than what we saw in Germany.

At twelve o'clock we ate pea soup, potatoes with endive, meat and some pickle It tasted good and we were given plenty, although of course it's naturally not as delicious as at home

I have slept a couple of hours. I fell asleep where I sat so that I went to my berth to lie down. A staff member opened the door of our cabin and asked, "Any sick?" No, luckily not. It is now five o'clock, now briefly outside and then at six o'clock again at table. Bread and a warm snack. Many are already sick. A dismal sight, the filth here and there, and the emigrants [uitlanders, literally "outlanders"] are so very dirty, bah! We make steady headway through the ocean.

So, the children have gone to bed; darned Wim's stockings, then one more quick look outside and then under the wool. Bert happily feels well again. I have stood singing with a little group of Hollanders, sociable, we must encourage each other. At 10 o'clock to bed. The second day is at an end. F.

23 May First Day of Pentecost

Today Henkie13 would have been ten years old had he lived. How swiftly the time flies By 5:30 we were already washed and dressed, thinking it was

13 Henkie was the son of Herman and Joukje Kikkert Born in 1910, he lost his life at six years of age when he fell into a neighborhood canal and drowned

later, but we are already two hours behind Holland time Annie sleeps restfully on; [I] walked a bit on deck; it's so heavenly restful there now It is beautiful weather

At table by 7:30. There is corned beef, surely because it's Sunday. Took a sandwich for Sis. Because so many are sick it was not crowded, but still too crowded to say a blessing aloud; we do that together beforehand in our cabin. What a different life from home, but it is only for a short time. I have asked for a deck chair. These cost 1 and 1/2 dollars, but there are none left over from 2nd Class, so then [we do] without. We feel ourselves lucky for which we are very thankful. Now our eyes see nothing but sky and water. At twelve o'clock we ate soup, potatoes and beefsteak, prunes and raisin bread. The food is fine and so is the service.

I can't really believe we are actually going to Zion What will the future bring us? We don't know, but this I know, that God lives and if we do His Will all will be to our benefit whatever we experience, be it good or bad At six o'clock we passed the Hook of Holland, but I felt so tired that I lay until eight There's the reaction and now I feel how exhausted I am At eight o'clock breakfast, bread, butter, cheese Everything is clean and sanitary If only those filthy folk weren't there They are so disgusting.14 It's good they eat apart and sleep in another section but still you encounter them everywhere We have asked for hot water and have made cocoa ourselves At twelve o'clock the gong sounded again for the midday meal: soup, potatoes, much meat and barley with raisins Food in abundance Bread on table at every meal It tasted good The children ate only a little soup

At two o'clock we had a pleasant sitting on deck We now have the Krijtbergen [Chalk Mountains] of Germany [sic; England?] in view A beautiful sight with the sun shining It is moving when we see how grand nature is The children are enjoying the out of the ordinary and are as free as a bird It is also such beautiful weather At six o'clock eating again Bread and a warm snack It's all good Only the crowding oppresses me Sat again for a lovely moment on deck; refreshed by eau de cologne, am feeling much more cheerful The children were dear Bert and Uldrik sat reading Slowly Germany's [sic] coastline is disappearing, after we had taken on 200 [?] passengers from there

We are going to retire early, hoping that every day we shall have such beautiful weather. I end for this day.

24 May 2nd Day of Pentecost

Up at 6:30. Lay awake a long time last night listening to the slap of the waves and the murmur of the sea. Many thoughts, O, so many, have gone through my head. I long to be back in our house and stay there. How one must always struggle to make a sacrifice. We wish we could receive the blessings easily. If we with the help of the Lord can see the truth and are willing to undertake these, then all sacrifices will be rewarded

At half past seven breakfast, cheese on table The children are dear

14 Fastidious all her life about cleanliness, my mother had no kind words for the east European emigrants

After that tidied up the cabin, and now we are sitting on deck Wim attracts general attention when he sets his [toy] Negro dancing.15 That makes for some relief The weather is not as nice as it has been, much wind We all feel very well We see a great ship in the distance, saw one yesterday too

It's 12:30. We have eaten: brown bean soup, potatoes with sauerkraut and bacon. There's bread on table with every meal. Bought a couple of oranges from the pantry @ 12 cents each An[nie] and Wim have found a companion, a 15-year-old girl named Jo She provides the children with some entertainment Sis sits working beside her and Wim with the dominoes

Bert and Uldrik have a midday nap and I shall follow their example The sea breeze makes [one] sleepy On deck one must almost always walk or stand because people always occupy the best places When the sun is warm they lie tangled together like animals on the ground Now and then we play tag How is everyone in Holland faring? I'll be glad to hear they have received a letter from us Be assured, everyone, all is well

At six o'clock ate bread and rice. That was food for the children. After that we went on deck again for a short while. It's not so crowded now. It is 8 o'clock. Bert and I have put the children to bed. Uldrik sat on deck to read. We have to walk a long way before we can go up and the most disagreeable part is that we have to pass through the space of those emigrants. We must learn patience, much patience. Uldrik has just come below and tells us he has seen the sun set. I hope to see it once [while we are still] on board.

O, if I could only see the future for a moment. How shall our way be? We don't know, but I do know with my whole heart that God lives and if we try to do His Will we shall return to His presence. And that is worth the struggle to go forward and to fight the good fight to the very end. For O, how short is our life compared with eternity Father, give us strength to go forth in Your might F

Tuesday 25 May 1920

I'm glad we can get up because it's getting too stuffy in the cabin. Quickly washed and dressed, and helped the children. With that I can always count on my husband's help. He's always ready to help and I'm grateful to him. It does me good to feel his love.

Breakfast at 7:30, bacon on table that tasted so good Sat on deck a little while and read English Sang a little and at 11:30 at table again Pea soup, potatoes, stringbeans, meat and some pickle After that a lovely nap I'm getting lazy

Walked on deck again for a little while and at half past five mealtime again—bread and meatballs with new potatoes. That was tasty. Then again a short nap and then put the children to bed. When they were asleep we went to sit in the cafe. Bert and Uldrik read and I write a little. When I finished, I walked about a bit. A crew member asked me whether I would care to see this and that. Yes, very much, if you please. So he led me around and let me see everything such as the printing shop, the kitchens, the preparation gal-

15 I remember a colorful tin wind-up figure with jointed arms and legs that could be made to "dance," the stereotype, as I realized years later, of the black as entertainer

ley, the engine room, the section for the personnel, and thus brought me to the foredeck, where I stood talking sociably for a moment with some of the crew. I was made aware that our ship was signalling to another visible on the horizon. Then I got Bert and Uldrik and retraced the same way with them. On the foredeck stood talking a while with the cook from First Class, and then to bed.

It was a pleasant evening for us F

Wednesday 26 May 1920

Both my husband's and Uldrik's watches are broken so we can't tell time unless we ask someone now and then I got up with a severe headache and wanted most to go outside right away How is it I have to fight against depression? We are all healthy. Come, hold the head high.

At 7:30 breakfast, cheese on table. It doesn't appeal to me. But I steel myself, determined to do my best. The children are glad there is cheese. Quickly up on deck It's lovely there I have good company in Jo's mother, a good little woman It is remarkable that such a good spirit prevails among so many different nationalities. The sea is beautiful and smooth as glass. We stay on deck the whole morning, delicious! I wind yarn with Jo's mother, talk a little, and read again But the time still drags Everyone longs for an end to the journey. It hurries up; if the weather stays the same we may arrive on Saturday.

At 12 o'clock at table: vegetable soup, potatoes with fresh meat and rice with raisins. Th e food is good, but always bland. Afterwards sleep for a couple of hours and then up to the deck There is more wind, whitecaps visible We enjoy a lovely sitting and remain there until five-thirty. We saw a ship in the distance.

We eat sandwiches, potatoes and gravy with meat I take my sandwich up on deck. Below I am quickly full. It doesn't go well today and my head is whirling.

At 8 o'clock Bert helped me put the children to bed. Bert and Uldrik sit by me and also write. Now I must mend Sis's stockings and then we go to bed Hoping for a good night's rest, I close F

Thursday 27 May 1920

This morning got up at 6 o'clock and had breakfast at 7:30. Corned beef on table. Our children are happy and healthy. Albert and Uldrik also feel well But what ails me I don't know I feel different than usual Am I getting seasick? I hope not The weather has totally changed The sea is unruly and angry. Shall we now get bad weather? I quickly lie down. Would I were home. Bert hurries below and does everything for me.

At 12 o'clock to table, but it does not appeal to me I am determined to keep well but it does no good White bean soup, potatoes with string beans, meat and pickles were on table. I have gone to lie down again, and afterwards sat in the salon. I felt a little better, thank goodness.

At 5:30 [sat] at table and ate a small portion. Again on deck for a bit and then put the children to bed A heavy fog has settled down, drawing closer and closer to the ship The foghorn sounds continuously I end My energy is gone. Father, keep us safe from harm. Amen. F.

Friday 28 May

This morning up at 5:30. The weather is fully improved, lovely mild weather. The fog has lifted. At 7:30 breakfast, cheese at table. I am recovered but our Wim is not normal. His beautiful blue eyes look feverish. He has no energy and just wants to sit on my lap. We hope he'll soon be better.

Yesterday we saw several icebergs in the distance That was a beautiful sight We have sailed more southward in order to avoid the ice fields. That cost a half day's travel The days are long because we are wakened so early and then glad to leave the cabin where it's so hot

At 12 o'clock we went to table after spending the whole morning on deck The midday meal consisted of vegetable soup, potatoes and meat, and barley with raisins Wim ate nothing After lunch we all slept and then went quickly up to the deck Wim is listless It is wonderful on deck There is opportunity to send telegrams at a cost of fifteen guilders Every now and then we see the birds, a sign that we are closer to land This morning we overtook a boat which we could plainly see

It is now 8 o'clock. Wim lies in bed. I sit by him and write. Bert, Uldrik and Ann are up on deck. I hope that my darling will be better in the morning. F.

Saturday 29 May

Last night I woke up at about three o'clock and could not go back to sleep. So many thoughts went through my head. Wim is still feverish and restless. Got up at 5:30. It is beautiful weather. The sea is so calm. A beautiful rose glow lies on the horizon. At 7:30 breakfast, jam on table. Wim ate a thin little sandwich. He is so listless. He goes on deck with Pa and wants to be carried.

Yesterday a child in 2nd Class died, a terrible blow for the poor parents.

At 11 o'clock we are summoned to see the doctor; such a throng; we waited until the very last; all in order.

At 12 o'clock at table: pea soup, potatoes and meat and endive and pickles. It was not appealing; there's no real appetite. Wim ate nothing at all. Afterwards I put our darling to bed. He has high fever. We stay with him. He just lies still with his eyes shut.

At two o'clock we hailed a freighter from Rotterdam, Now and then there is a heavy fog. We are rapidly approaching our destination. Shall we have solid ground under our feet tomorrow? We hope so. Shall we see Koo16 tomorrow? Has he been able to get a house? Time will tell.

Bert and Uldrik are getting some fresh air Annie is playing in the hallway and I sit by Wim and write Evenings there's more sociability than during the day Negroes box for fun, couples dance, and other sing whatever, and so the time passes O, I long so to make our house pleasant once again and renew my activities Patience will win out!

At 6 o'clock we ate rice Wim had a little of it This afternoon he was delirious and called out for me all the while I was with him Now he's a bit better, the little darling

It is now 9 o'clock. I spent a moment on deck while Bert tended the

16 Mother's elder brotherJacobus (John in the States) who would be expecting them in Hoboken.

children already in bed The workers are busy getting the baggage out ready to load.

I just received word that all the Hollanders are to breakfast at 5:30 and be packed and ready at seven on deck. So now to get packed. This is the last of what I write on board. Where shall we rest tomorrow night? I don't feel very well O Father, lead us on our way Be ever close by F

[no entry for 30 May]

Hoboken 31 May 1920

We are happily at Koo's Yesterday after we disembarked we had to wait [dockside] in the shelter until all the baggage had been sorted. O, what an endless wait. It was finally over and when we thought we could go on to Koo's we were sent down a ramp, put in a boat, and taken to "Island Eiland" [Ellis Island] where we were inspected very closely What I endured there only my Father knows. I was taken care of and the children too, after that Uldrik, and when it was Albert's turn he was given a big chalk mark on both shoulders of his jacket and was set aside to be more closely inspected We had to go upstairs and were brought into the great hall and there more waiting. O, what anxiety that was. My waiting was one prayer that my beloved would be found in order. In such a moment you realize what you mean to each other. Happily, there he came It had been a mistake.17 How thankful I was

After that our papers were looked over and we could go. But first all our money exchanged, which wasn't very favorable We had to give 2.85 guilders for one dollar Then we could buy a box with edibles for a dollar We were glad because we had not eaten since half past four in the morning and now it was six o'clock in the evening. The children had a sandwich around 11 At half past six with the ferryboat to New York There a friendly man approached us and said "To Hoboken?" Yes, was the answer, and we were invited to step into a carriage,18 the baggage on top and we headed for Hoboken. We were under the impression that the man was a friend of Koo and that Koo himself awaited us at his house But we soon had other thoughts. After quite a while and riding through ugly streets and impassable ways we came to Grand Street No. 1409. Did Koo live there? I couldn't understand it and I felt miserable and I'm sure Bert and Uldrik felt the same way The children were the best off and enjoyed the out of the ordinary Albert rang the bell and, God be thanked, there came Koo. O how glad we were. His first words were, Couldn't you have let me know?" We looked surprised. It so happene d that Koo had not received our letter and now we stood unexpectedly before him O, how sorry we were about that How glad we were when we were good and well upstairs, where we were received by a

17 My father had a festering thumb, injured at work in Holland, which, after that long day's anxious waiting, was determined to be noninfectious As a child of five I added to my mother's anxiety when I failed to respond to an inspector's request to speak, to say anything at all to prove I was not deaf and dumb. "Zeg iets!" ("Say something!") my mother implored, shaking my shoulder. I stayed mum. The inspector let us pass

18 To everyone's wonder, a horse-drawn coach This episode has been the subject of family anecdote ever since

friendly lady.19 Her mother and daughter were also close by and a Dutch boy, a brother of Riek Wessels.20

Preparations were quickly made for us but we were too emotional to eat very much. Koo had wanted to surprise us and have everything ready, and now that fell to pieces. That was just too bad for him and for us, but we were here—that was everything

And now Emil, as the lady is named,21 is our good genius Today is Koo's birthday, and so it has been our pleasure to be able to congratulate him in person. We are still exhausted and I have no real desire to go out.

Now we have gone with Koo to the cottage he bought.22 O, how lovely it

19 The "friendly lady" proved to be Koo's betrothed, Amy, whom the diary variously miscalls Emil, Emy, and Emmy Family lore has it that UncleJohn met her in a brothel, which accounts for my mother's surprise to find her so compatible, "clean and eager and not the waywe had pictured the 'ladies,'" in the entries forJune 1 and 3 below

20 A friend in Holland

21 See footnote 19.

22 204 Meadow Lane in Secaucus, NewJersey, on the banks of the Hackensack River It was true countryside; Farm Road, which led to Meadow Lane from theJersey City trolley line, reflected the neighborhood's rural nature I remember a pig farm across from our cottage and meadows filled with iris (flags) and rushes (cattails) spreading out toward the river

Theprincipals in thediary in theirfirst American home at 204 Meadow Lane, Secaucus, Newfersey: Uldrik (Henry) Visser (brother ofFoekje), Foekje and Albertus Mulder, Wim, and Annie, 1920.

is there. We feel ourselves most thankful that we shall live there, if all goes well It is what I have always longed for, a cottage outside the city We are most thankful to Koo for going to so much trouble for us, and hope that he will never regret having helped us. We have returned by riding over the heights [the Palisades] by tram. We have walked and enjoyed the lovely views from the heights and the beautiful surroundings It is more beautiful here than I thought yesterday All will come out well, even though at first we may have a hard time. We feel ourselves well and Koo, too, and that is the main thing.

This evening a pair of Koo's friends paid a visit and we sat sociably for a while, although I could hardly keep my eyes open. How would Mother and Mien be faring? Wouldn't they be worrying about us? And for all we hold dear, we hope the best.

We have had a lovely boat ride with Koo on the "Hakkesak" [Hackensack] River. F.

Grandstreet 1 June 1920

We have slept wonderfully and feel ourselves more fully rested. Koo has gone with Bert and Uldrik for information about our baggage I help Emil some I know I shall become very fond of her She is good and we must feel ourselves at home here. We sleep in her bed while she herself sleeps on the floor. The children are also entirely at home. Sis plays with a doll almost as big as herself

We have done some shopping and I enjoy it The stores are altogether different from [those] in Holland, but there is everything to buy. The prices are much higher than Willem had told us, but that was five or six years ago. Koo went to a bakery with Uldrik and he was hired at once It was 9 o'clock when they applied and Uldrik can start at 5 o'clock He will earn 20 dollars a week. That's a good beginning. We're very happy about that and hope Albert also meets success so early. F.

Grandstreet 2 June Wednesday

It is terribly warm and we wear as few clothes as possible. Emil goes to her work and I must do the wash; we have so many soiled clothes from shipboard I had not thought I would feel at home so quickly Emil and I speak as distinctly as possible so that we can understand each other. The washing here doesn't require bleaching and dries quickly. I have ironed so that everything has been done in one day I feel tired and sleepy; I blame this on circumstances

Th e bakery suits Uldrik. H e just has to persevere, as we do, which makes us strong. Koo takes Albert along to work.23 He sat in a boiler with Koo and came home black The change is very great for him I hope he will soon be in a position to be earning, so that we can quickly repay our debt He earns 54 cents an hour. F.

Grandstreet 3 June Thursday

So, I have tidied everything up and all have been home to eat. I shall send some cards to Holland. I should like to sit in a corner looking at them.

I should like to write them all, but there's so much. It's so warm again. The children are cranky from it

This evening we are going with Koo to our future dwelling and put everything in order so that we can move in tomorrow The children will enjoy such freedom there We feel thankful for all the blessings we receive

It's 11 o'clock at night We have gone to the house with Koo and reached an understanding that we can move in tomorrow Uldrik and Koo stay with Emil for the time being until our house is entirely vacated. The tenants are still there and we will occupy the rooms upstairs.

I can see that there's enough for me to do. What I have seen is dirty, the stoves rusty, but if I stay well nothing will be too much for me.

Emil surprised us with "ice cream" when we returned. That was tasty. Our Annie had gone to the ice cart and wanted some ice so Emil got ice cream later. She is always trying to please us and the children. The children are fond of her and also Uncle Koo

I believe that if we could understand each other better we could see much in each other She is clean and eager and not the way we had pictured the "ladies." There are many such, but Emil is like us. I see she is opposed to our going to the house in the morning but I shall persist. We had a pleasant walk with Koo and also went to the river I hope with all my heart we shall have much enjoyment and see troubles and cares through with courage

Br. Muse with Jo and Riek24 were here yesterday evening. I was so pleased they came. I have feasted tonight on the beautiful sight of the river where the evening red was most beautiful Nature is the loveliest of all F

Secaucus [New Jersey] 4 June Friday

We are in our new house. Koo brought us. One room upstairs is vacant and the lady is willing to help us with everything we don't have yet It was hard to leave Emil How is it I could become so attached to her in so short a time? We were good together, our characters are so much alike. I am certain she will make a good wife for Koo. I'm sorry I couldn't keep my composure, but when we left, the tears, held back so long, came and I could not help sobbing I quickly mastered myself and we were able to leave And now we are here and will do our best to see it through.

It will be nice when the tenants are out and we can have the whole house. We have such a lovely view overlooking farmland and everything green around us It is far from the men's work but they are willing to take the trouble in order to live here.25

Secaucus 5 June Saturday

I'm glad the night is over O, such a night it was Wim constantly awake with a terrible earache. We spent the night looking after him. And to our great shock we saw the bugs26 on our bed. It was an old bed from the tenants.

21 Brother (in the church) Muse, spelled elsewhere as Muuse, and Jo and Riek were fellow converts from Holland living in Hoboken.

25 For Albert, my father, it meant a long trolley ride to Hoboken and by subway or ferry to Manhattan and again by trolley to Brooklyn Uldrik had to go only as far as Hoboken My father's daily trips were shortened to Manhattan after he found work with Van Rees Press

26 The diary calls them wandluisen, which translates simply as "bugs"—they could have been bedbugs or cockroaches

I killed three Now I know what bedbugs/cockroaches [?] are! They have an awful stink. If Willem were here he would know what to do because he experienced this himself. I beat the old bed and hauled it outside. I would rather sleep on the boards. I could cry, it's so filthy here and I am not free to cleanse everything I have cleaned the room as best I could so it feels fresh The lady here is German and it seems that people do only for appearances, as they say. 27

I wish I had some writing paper, then I could write to Holland.

Yesterday I bought a few things with Emil that we needed the most, such as a small pan with a handle for 70 cents, a frying pan was a guilder 27, a small pail for 80 cents, an alarm clock for 2.40 And some groceries Our trunks still have not arrived.

The children already feel entirely at home. F.

Secaucus 7 June Monday

It is nice weather Now the children can be outdoors Yesterday we had a pleasant Sunday School. At around 10 o'clock we went by [trolley] car from here and were with the family Muuse.28 We spent a pleasant while there. Bert played the organ and we sang It was as though I were home again Then Jo and Riek came by and we briefly went to their house with them Everything there is neatly in order and Sister Muuse would be satisfied should she come here. Some Hollanders had arrived on the Lapland and were lodged by Muuse in the Willom.29 They are going on to Salt Lake At two o'clock to the meeting, where from 2 to 3:30 Sunday School was held and after that the meeting until 5.

We liked it very much. It is a nice hall and the congregation is about as large as in Haarlem I had a good impression and was glad to have been there

It's good that we had no great expectations; now much seems agreeable and we can adjust in all things. I feel myself drawn to the family Doesie30and hope to become better acquainted

From there we went to Emil, who had invited us to have supper with her. We were hungry and glad to be able to eat. I was glad to see Emil again and I hope that her good time will come. After supper we were treated to ice cream It's expensive—costs 70 cents a little box

At 9 o'clock we returned home where everything lay in deep rest on our arrival.

Now it is Monday morning I have already done the wash once and it's ready to be laundered further. I'm thankful we all feel so well and my most earnest wish is that everyone in Holland may know this.

It is now 10 o'clock. We have been to the river and Bert has bailed out Koo's boat, which had filled up in the rain The children and I sat in the boat and enjoyed the lovely evening.

A beautiful sight greets one there on the river the lovely green and the houses against the hills—it is so pretty.

In the meeting yesterday testimony was borne in three different languages—we heard Dutch, English, and Danish Uldrik was not with us; he had to work from 12:30 to 8:30

Hoping for a refreshing night sleep, we give ourselves to rest F

Secaucus Tuesday 8 June 1920

It was nice weather today, this evening a lovely rain shower I have cleaned our bedroom as thoroughly as possible O, it's so awfully helpless There is no equipment and I can't really feel at home with everything so grubby.

The days seem long and I am homesick for Holland. I feel so alone and I fight against it as well as I can but I feel O so grieving. There is no one to whom I can express myself. Only Emil understands me, could we only understand each other a little more. She was here for a little while this evening, which I appreciated. She has given me a new name because my name [Foekje] sounds so strange here as an improper word. She calls me Annie.31

If I could I would go back at once. That leaden feeling doesn't leave me. Shall I ever on this earth feel truly happy again? I don't think so. My husband is to me a closed book. Heavenly Father, open his heart more to me, so that I can be more to him. O help me. F.

Secaucus. Wednesday 9 June 1920

I have wandered about a bit with the children Everything is so beautifully green I feel at my best outdoors I would very much like to go to Hoboken, but I must be very thrifty, otherwise we won't make it

We have done some shopping—hamburger, prunes, but I don't like the meat, it looks so dark. The prices are very disappointing. I watch the weight closely. The children ask to be taken out again. That's what I'll do because indoors I feel miserable. The sacrifices are more than they seemed at first. But God will not forsake His own, and if we are faithful, all will be well.

Bert brings home a letter from Holland, from Willem It's so nice to hear from him so soon Bert had already hung his portrait and said that feels more like home I am very thankful that he had done his best to feel he could forgive and that it has turned out so well for him after much struggle.32 All things will work together toward our eternal welfare F

Secaucus Saturday 12 June

It is warm, terribly warm.

Yesterday I was able to clean our room thoroughly. I'm glad of that, although it's not easy in such heat to clean someone else's dirt. Everything has been neglected and it will take a long time to make it all good. Thursday our trunks arrived, to our joy. It cost 5 dollars and 7 cts, to our good fortune. Since the room was cleaned yesterday I have opened the big trunk curious whether everything arrived whole. Two blue saucers are broken, and the glass in a pair of small paintings. But the big portraits and the mirror are

31 "Annie" became "Fannie" to avoid confusion with daughter Annie

32 We have no clue that could explain this reference

whole, though somewhat damaged, but we are glad to have them here Bert has hung them, which feels more like home. The sugar bowl is broken too, which makes me sad because I had been given that by Mother.33 Now I sit on the porch and write after first working in the kitchen I am glad tomorrow is Sunday If I could only be with everyone in Holland for a moment F

[no entries for 13, 14, 15 June]

Secaucus. Wednesday 16 June [marginal note]: Sunday Albert blessed the water for the sacrament in English.

It is so tranquil all around me I feel as if I am in Friesland, everything is so pastoral, even the language resembles the Friesian.34 Sunday [June 13] we had a good time. It was announced at the meeting that the President [Heber J Grant of the LDS church] would speak in Brooklyn at half past seven We went there with a small group of Hollanders after sandwiches at Br Muuse's What a shame Uldrik couldn't be with us; he had to work again. First by ferry to New York and then after walking for about a quarter of an hour we reached the trolley which took us to Brooklyn. We crossed a suspension bridge [Brooklyn Bridge]; it thundered over at a steady pace It was a wonderful ride. We could see the houses far below us. Now we realized we were in the so-called wonderland. By 7:30 we were at the church, a nice building with an organ and a piano. Although we could not understand very much, we enjoyed the Spirit that prevailed there The Prophet bore powerful testimony of the Gospel It was a pleasure to listen to him We were also pleasantly surprised to encounter Br. Hall35 there. "Hello, Foekje," he said. After ten years he still remembered my name. We spoke sociably with him for a few moments and walked with him to the trolley. He well remembered everything from Holland

It was a wonderful evening. We enjoyed the lovely music and song.

Monday [June 14] I felt very tired and unwell because for the fourth time I missed my period when the 14th came around.

Tuesday [June 15] it was very warm again. I did the wash early and ironed in the afternoon and did some sewing. My upper body is covered with a rash and looks very red and itches horribly. O, it's so awful. It makes me think of the time Annie was about to be born Yesterday evening a woman peddler came by: I bought a morning robe [or housecoat] from her for 2.25.

Now it is Wednesday and lessening a little, luckily not so warm. A peddler has just been here and I have bought a skirt for 2 and a blouse for 1 dollar, underwear for Bert for 2.50. He was a happy man. It doesn't seem possible I could buy so much, but because until now we haven't had to pay any rent I can buy a few things with that money. 36

I discover that, although everything has become more expensive since Willem lived here, I can do more with 20 dollars than in Holland.

33 "Moeder" in the diary is always Albert's widowed mother.

34 My mother's sense of a kinship between Friesian and English is sound: Friesian has close ties with Anglo-Saxon, ancestor of modern English

35 An American who had served a Mormon mission in Holland

36 Mother's brother Koo, the landlord, arranged a moratorium

What a joy it will be when the time comes that we can pay our debts

Secaucus 20 June Sunday morning

It is lovely weather, not too warm.

Yesterday it was my birthday; I now count 29 years. I can't believe I am already so old. When I look at the children I often ask myself, Are these my children?

I have bough t a pair of white shoes for 2 dollars They look so good Albert says they are for my birthday I so much wanted a little surprise from him. But he doesn't feel it. Emmy had invited us over for the evening. I was pleasantly surprised: she had baked a cake and burned as many candles on it as I am old. Those tiny lights were a pretty sight.

O n Washington Street [in Hoboken] we met Mina Haentjes. While we stood chatting, Mien37 came along with her prospective husband. We stood talking for a while. She asked if I would like to come and visit, but I won't, to avoid any trouble. There is nothing more to do about it and without wishing it there is still talk about it.38 It is now 11:30; we'll go eat and then go to the Sunday school and meeting.

Hoping to be able to understand much and to comprehen d so that we may be nourished.

It is half past eleven midnight. I can't sleep. I sit covered with rash and everything itches terribly. Th e children and Bert are not bothered. 39 1 must have tasty blood.

The Sunday school and meeting were good. I was called to open with prayer in Sunday school. What a bad spirit prevails in the Sunday school. The members are so spiteful toward each other and one would be more boss than another. We have arrived in a greater Babylon than ever Holland was.

It is by no means Zion here F

[first entry in eight days]

Secaucus 28 June 1920. Monday noon

How swiftly the time flies. Already mor e than a week since I wrote a little herein. It has been warm the whole week.

Albert worked late Friday night until 2 o'clock. And yesterday, Sunday, he worked. That was unpleasant but we'll just have to say "Maar het schrijft" ["it adds up"] . 40 H e has earned a hefty week's wages, about 50 dollars. If he gets that now and then we shall have paid off our debt in a short time.

We have had a letter from Willem. H e has new difficulties. Joo p has been sent away by his uncle because he is too lazy. We wish Willem were here, then we could help him a little. We know he feels lonely now we are gone. With his letter h e sent a piece from the newspape r titled "Eenzaam"

37 Mien, a Dutch friend, not to be confused with the Mien, my father's sister, mentioned at the beginning of the diary Mina Haentjes was a fellow Dutch convert living in Hoboken

38 An obscure reference. "It" seems to have been something unpleasant. My sister reminds me that our mother was a very handsome young woman and, in all innocence, may have caused some jealousy. See the entry for July 11 for her puzzlement about Emmy's (Amy's) strange behavior

39 By mosquitoes?

40 Literally, "But it writes."

["Lonely"].41 That says enough for us. We have also had a letter from Geertje42 and one from Betsy.43 Also a couple of postcards for Ann and Wim. This morning we received a letter from B[rother] Van Or [den]44 and three postcards from Jouk45 and the children. I was happy to receive them. She has received our first letter. I was just about to post a letter to them, so I have written on the outside of the envelope that we had just received the cards. I have also written to Geert and Bets. Tonight we shall write to Mother and Mien.

Writing! It still bothers me most of all. If you spend five minutes talking with each other you can say more than in writing

We have bought two beds, two bedsteads with springs and mattress costing us 70 [90?] dollars Such things are indeed expensive

Yesterday I went to Sunday school with the children and then home I was asked to recite the 13th Article of Faith. It went well. O, I am eager to learn English It will be grand when I do On our way to Sunday school we ran into Jo and Riek Muuse and, since it was still early, we went to their house for a few moments

We long to hear something from Mother F

[no entries for two weeks]

41 Again, an obscure reference Had we read the diary in my mother's lifetime, she could have explained Willem's "difficulties."

42 Mother's youngest sister

43 The friend in Haarlem

44 A fellow LDS convert in Haarlem.

45 Joukje, mother's eldest sister

The immigrant Mulderfamily at ease at Bear Mountain in the Catskills, afavorite Hudson River retreat, ca. 1921.

Secaucus 11 July 1920 Sunday morning

How the time does fly. Soon when I have the [whole] house for my own the time will go even more quickly because I'll have so much to keep me busy. The past week was a good one for us because we received a letter from Mother and Mien And a letter from Willem, yesterday a card from Freek.46 Monday it was a holiday here [4th of July] and there was no going to work We were going to go sailing with Koo but he didn't come. He went sailing just with Emy and was to pick us up later but his pump broke down so nothing came of it I'm not sure how to take Emy sometimes; she seems jealous that Koo should come to us I wish Koo were still entirely free, then everything would be fine again. Now he often doesn't know what bothers Emy when she is so strange. So on the holidayjust the four of us [parents and two children] went out To New York, visited the aquarium and by elevated to Central Park How beautiful it is and so immense We saw only a small part of it. We also saw the deer. That area resembles Artis,47 only much bigger and everything free. Rich and poor can enjoy themselves there.

Wherever we are and we see various things I always wish our dear ones could be with us to see what we see

How long will it be before we see even one of them again? We don't know. Patient waiting and hoping all will come out well. O. I long so often for just a glimpse of them We have written a reply right away to Mother and Willem

Yesterday afternoon the Muuse boys were here with Uldrik. They swam in the river Albert was near them in a sailboat with the children They like it here We enjoy the friendship of the family Muuse

Albert is now a painter's helper. Koo is working in the shop for himself. We hope he will have lots of work.48 F [end of diary]

In 1926 the family, now numberin g six, with in addition a Mollie Higginson, a British convert who ha d becom e enamore d of my parents while on a mission in the Eastern States, set out for Salt Lake City in a four-cylinder, seven-passenger, secondhan d Willys-Knight, forming a little caravan in company with the secondhan d Hudso n Super Six driven by my uncle William Hooft, who ha d married Geertje and was making the move west with their two children an d a Swiss sister from the mission. (Hooft got some notoriety as "Big Bill" for Wonder Bread's "long loa f when he worked for the m in Salt Lake before the depression uproote d hi m an d sent hi m to Winnemucca , wher e h e started the still flourishing Winnemucca Bakery.) Trekking west by car

46

47 A park in Holland

48

A relative or friend in Holland

Koo (UncleJohn) started his own plumbing business with a workshop behind the Meadow Lane cottage Albert eventually found work as a pressman in his trade, as noted above, with Van Rees Press in Manhattan

was an uncommon adventure when Route 30, the celebrated Lincoln Highway, was a primitive two-lane transcontinental road still under construction.

After a discouraging few years, which included a brief trial as a Fuller Brush salesman and a series of stints in job printing ("Salt Lake is not a printing town," he said), my father found success, first with Paragon Printers, then later with Stevens and Wallis, and finally a small partnership of his own called Mercury Printers. He was a popular figure in the Dutch community for his humorous songs and dramatic recitations, and he sang second tenor with the Swanee [sic] Singers, a men's chorus, for many years.

In all the years of struggle, my mother, renamed Fannie (the diary tells us when she learned that her Dutch name sounded "improper" in American ears), ever anxious about debt (she abhorred installment buying), worked at various tasks to supplement the family income, from door-to-door selling of one product or another and doing housework (even in her sixties) to conducting genealogical research for paying patrons. She answered every call of ward or stake in a range of offices in Primary, Relief Society, and the Genealogical Society and won a reputation as an angel of mercy, a peacemaker, a pillar of faith in the LDS community. The husband who seemed at one point in the diary to be a "closed book" to her was affectionate and loyal but inflicted the greatest pain of her life when he "fell away" from the church, attracted by the occult claims of the "I Am" and related

The four Mulder children shortly before the family's departure for Salt Lake City in 1926: standing, William, Anne, and Mary; seated, Al.

esoteric movements. I recall how fascinated he was by Francis Darter's numerology of the Great Pyramid. His disaffection was my mother's greatest trial, but she remained by his side, as steadfast in her support of him as she was in her own faith. They achieved a golden wedding anniversary and they remained united in their memories of Holland. They did, in fact, make a return sea voyage to the fatherland in 1955 and practiced the native tongue with their relatives and survivors among their friends of yesteryear. After father's death in 1963 my mother made three visits of her own by air, one accompanied by her eldest daughter, the Annie of the diary, who had married LeRoy Glissmeyer and raised a family of her own. My father died a few days short of his seventy-third birthday. His widow did not think she could last a year, but she outlived him by nearly fourteen years, the center of a growing circle of grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

Lambs of Sacrifice: Termination, the Mixed-blood Utes, and the Problem of Indian Identity

BYR. WARREN METCALF

I N 1954 THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS ATTEMPTED to implement policies that would halt federal supervision and trust responsibilities over several tribes of American Indians These new policies, collectively known by the rather ominous sounding name "termination," followed the will of Congress as expressed in House Concurrent Resolution 108. Passed in the preceding year, this document succinctly stated the determination of Congress to make Indians subject to the same laws and privileges as other U.S. citizens and to "end their status as wards of the United States, and to grant them all of the rights and prerogatives pertaining to American citizenship." The resolution further declared that all of this was to be accomplished "as rapidly as possible."1

In due course, more than a hundred tribal groups would be subjected to the termination process The question of how the mixedblood Utes of the Uintah and Ouray Reservation of Utah came to be terminated is the subject of this study. These people were members, for the most part, of the Uintah band of the Ute Tribe. Their story is little known for several reasons—not the least being that scholars of American Indian history have not considered them sufficiently "Indian" to merit study. In this regard they are like other mixed-blood peoples who have been neglected simply because they do not fall within traditional areas of inquiry AsJennifer S H Brown recently pointed out, Anglo-American thought contains a deeply embedded kind of "racial dualism," which carries over into scholarly dichotomies of "Indian" and "white."2

The mixed-blood Ute story has also been neglected because it does not precisely fit the pattern in which Indians serve as the victims of the dominant culture, although it is true that Utah Senator

1 House Concurrent Resolution 108, U.S. Statutes at Large, vol 67, 1953

Dr Metcalf is an adjunct assistant professor of history at Idaho State University

2 Jennifer S H Brown, "Metis, Halfbreeds, and Other Real People: Challenging Cultures and Categories," The History Teacher 27 (November 1993): 21-2

Arthur V Watkins, one of the leading congressional proponents of termination, deserves the disproportionate responsibility for what happened to these people. However, it also remains true that the actual work of terminating the mixed-bloods fell to other Utes and their leaders, assisted by sympathetic BIA officials and even representatives of the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI). The unfortunate fact of the matter is that the mixed-blood Utes fell victim to the termination process largely as a result of the actions of other Indians and even the nominal defenders of Indian rights.

Moreover, the mixed-blood Ute story involves the kinds of controversies that scholars sometimes prefer to avoid: rivalries between tribal leaders, petty jealousies, distrust between tribal bands, and a bitter fight over tribal membership. This last point was especially exacerbated by the windfall of some $18 million received by the tribe as a result of successfully prosecuted claims cases against the United States. In short, what happened to the mixed-blood Utes defies many of the accepted interpretations of the termination era

The Utes at Uintah and Ouray received the news of the $18 million judgment in July 1950 when tribal claims attorney Ernest L. Wilkinson met with the tribe and explained the conditions of a settlement he had negotiated with the government. The situation was complicated by the fact that only two of the three Ute bands residing on the reservation, the Whiteriver and Uncompahgre bands, were party to the claims cases that produced the windfall award. This was so because these bands originally lived in Colorado and were removed to the Uintah Reservation in the aftermath of the 1879 Meeker Massacre. The claims cases derived from the value of the Colorado lands the

U.S. Senator Arthur V. Watkins, fuly 1952. Salt Lake Tribune photograph in USHS collections.

Whiterivers and Uncompahgres lost when forced to relocate. The third band, the Uintah Utes, constituted the remnants of the several Ute bands that once resided in Utah and as a consequence had no legal claim to the judgment money.

Wilkinson knew that a hopeless tangle of lawsuits and countersuits would ensue should only two of the three bands share in the award, and so he engineered an agreement by which the two Colorado bands were compelled to share the money with the Utah Utes as a condition of the settlement. Naturally, this "share and share alike" arrangement engendered considerable resentment on the part of the Colorado Utes, but that was not all The Colorado bands had an additional reason to resent the Utah branch of the tribe: a large proportion of the Uintahs had intermarried with Indians of other tribes. Hence, in the 1950s context of the term, many of the Uintahs were "mixed-blood" Indians—descendants of different tribes.3

The mixed-blood issue contributed significantly to the controversy over who should share in the $18 million award—an argument that erupted during a period of experimentation and preparation for both tribal and governmental leaders In Washington, members of Congress debated and then embraced the philosophy of termination but left the actual task of creating terminal programs with the Bureau of Indian Affairs and tribal leaders. Bureau officials, meanwhile, heeded the legislative mandate of House Concurrent Resolution 108 and began collecting information about specific tribes deemed "capable" of assuming the responsibilities rendered by the federal government The huge Colorado judgment moved the Ute Tribe directly into this category, despite the fact that the tribe had previously been considered ill-prepared for termination. Suddenly tribal leaders found themselves subject to the demands of bureau and congressional policymakers, while tribal factions fought over control of the money. The ensuing disagreements reflected deep divisions within the tribe itself.

Ute tribal leaders initially proposed to spend some of the money on a three-year development program (approved by Congress as

3 According to statistics compiled by the BIA in 1954, only 4 percent of the 672 members of the Uncompahgre Band had one half or less Ute "blood" (to use the blood quantum definition employed by the bureau); less than 1 percent of the 308 Whiteriver Utes were one-half degree or less Ute, while more than half—52 percent—of the 785 Uintahs fell into this "mixed-blood" category See "Population Figures of the Enrolled Members of the Ute Indian Tribe, Uintah and Ouray Reservation, March 1954," RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

As termination philosophy matured into policy, these accumulated pressures threatened the fragile equilibrium that existed among the three Ute bands

Public Law 120 on August 21, 1951) to provide immediate relief for the poverty-stricken tribal members and to develop several experimental programs. Unfortunately, problems quickly emerged over the plan's objective and which tribal factions would benefit the most from it The plan itself offered something for almost everyone, including a per capita payment authorized by the secretary of the interior In October 1951 every enrolled member of the Ute Tribe received $1,000 in the form of an individual money account, subject to withdrawal upon the submission of a brief plan explaining how the funds would be used. The tribe offered very few restrictions on the money in the expectation that members would need the experience gained in handling large sums. According to Superintendent Forrest R. Stone, most of the Utes used the money to buy food and clothing and to pay old debts. He noted in his report to the bureau that almost every family bought an automobile or a truck, exercising "reasonably good judgment" in purchasing these vehicles, but added that there were also a "number of stupid transactions, both in the care that they have taken of their automotive equipment and the tendency to spread out in this direction far beyond their need."4

The per capita distribution continued out of tribal funds over the duration of the three-year program. Additional features of the plan included a program designed to add new land to the reservation and provide more grazing property, to survey the carrying capacity of tribal grazing lands, and to fund improvements on existing range lands through the construction offences, stock ponds, and other useful projects Other provisions of the program helped the members in a more personal way A revolving credit fund of $1 million was established to provide loans to individual members, complete with a rather conservative Tribal Credit Committee. A housing rehabilitation program helped to remodel or build more than a hundred homes, with much of the lumber coming from tribal forestry reserves. The program also made arrangements to close the Uintah day and boarding school at Whiterocks and to transfer the Ute children to public schools in the Uinta Basin. A Reservation School Board was established to assist in this process and to act as a liaison with the local school boards.5

The Ute Planning Division intended that the various provisions

5 Ibid

4 Forrest R Stone to Ralph M Gelvin, February 7, 1952, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9020, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

of the three-year program would further the development of the tribe as a whole and foster the "rehabilitation" of individual members. But all of these provisions—range enhancements, housing and credit programs, and involvement in the public schools—anticipated that participants would already possess a certain amount of experience in business, banking, and education. The assimilationist objectives of the program, therefore, made it inevitable that the most acculturated tribal members would be in a position to receive the greatest benefit from them. The per capita payment program formed the only exception to this general pattern, and government officials observed that the Utes took less interest in their farms, ranches, and off-reservation employment opportunities as a result of the tribal income. 6

Not too surprisingly, tribal divisions widened between the more acculturated mixed-blood members and the full-bloods, especially as the mixed-bloods aggressively took advantage of the various provisions of the program. Over the course of the three years the program was in effect, for example, the average loan made under the credit program was $6,032.04 to the mixed-bloods but only $3,279.81 to the fullbloods. The majority of self-supporting households on the reservation were those of mixed-bloods According to the reports submitted by bureau personnel, the mixed-bloods made "substantial progress" over the course of the program while the full-blood Utes demonstrated "no comparative improvement." 7 The evidence suggests, in fact, that the full-bloods lost considerable ground in the late stages of the three-year program. In March 1954, to cite one rather telling statistic, eighteen cars were repossessed from full-bloods. When merchants in nearby towns took steps to collect large grocery accounts, one case resulted in a civil suit against a full-blood family for refusing to pay a $2,200 bill.8

Full-blood Utes increasingly felt that the tribal leadership, particularly the members of the Tribal Business Committee and the Planning Division, had fallen under the control of the mixed-blood members of the tribe. According to their argument, these leaders claimed to represent the whole tribe, but because they were more acculturated, better educated, and enjoyed a higher standard of liv-

6 "Annual Report to Congress—draft copy," December 22, 1954, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

7 "Remarks by Robert L. Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954," RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

8 Ibid

ing, they "lacked the perspective and appreciation of the peculiar problems of the full-blood people."9 Bureau personnel tended to support this assessment. Robert L. Bennett, a BIA programming officer who visited the reservation several times in 1953 and 1954, stated that the Uintah Agency staff spent 80 to 90 percent of their time working with the mixed-bloods. This was primarily so, he concluded, because the full-blood Utes did not know enough about the available services to take advantage of them.10

In the meantime, Senator Watkins began applying pressure on the Utes to produce what he called a "long-range rehabilitation" plan (his term for a termination program) in exchange for further installments of the award money. But Watkins discovered that the Utes could not be induced to formulate any type of program, terminal or otherwise, because of disagreements between the mixed-blood and fullblood factions The mixed-blood group generated most of the early opposition to the planning effort and boycotted the "adult education" meetings sponsored by the Tribal Business Committee. The full-blood Utes also objected to the planning, both out of resentment toward the mixed-blood agitators and out of a growing sentiment that the programming effort failed to meet their needs. Rex Curry, the chairman of the Tribal Business Committee, sadly reported to Robert L. Bennett that the situation on the reservation had become "very confused" and that the tribe had been unable to make any "headway toward a beneficial program."11

Ironically, on May 12, 1953, the very day that Curry informed Bennett of the conditions on the reservation, Bennett, accompanied by Associate Commissioner H Rex Lee, visited the office of Senator Watkins to discuss the Ute situation. Bennett had already made plans to visit the reservation in an attempt to suppress the opposition to the planning effort, and Watkins assisted by writing a pointed letter for him to deliver to Rex Curry and the Tribal Business Committee. In response to the discord on the reservation, the senator wrote: "Congress will expect you to keep very fully and completely your promises made to the Committee when this legislation [the three-year program] was approved." Then, addressing Curry, he added, "This

9 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," RG 75, BIA, accession #59A-643, box 86, file 17541, National Archives, Washington, D.C, p 10

10 "Remarks by Robert L. Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

" Reginald O. Curry to Robert L. Bennett, May 12, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #68A-4937, box 63, file 8365-54-013, National Archives, Washington, D.C

applies not only to you and those representing the Ute tribes, but also the entire membership."12 Watkins expected the tribal leaders to live up to assurances they had previously given to develop a long-range termination plan

Bennett arrived at Fort Duchesne on May 19, 1953, and handdelivered Watkins's warning He and other BIA officials (most notably H. Rex Lee) had already decided to intervene in the affairs of the tribe, because, as Bennett noted in his official report, "the Bureau could not place the entire responsibility on the tribal leadership to attain what in the main are Bureau objectives."13 In other words, Watkins, Lee, and Bennett felt that they could no longer wait for the tribe to do their bidding. Efforts had to be made to resolve the crisis and get on with the planning effort. To Francis McKinley and the Ute planning committee, however, interference from the BIA on behalf of a U.S. senator amounted to nothing less than economic blackmail. The Utes desperately needed the funding, but many intuitively distrusted the new termination policy. Few understood it, and unsettling rumors swept the reservation.14 After Bennett delivered the letter to Curry and the committee, someone mimeographed it and copies quickly circulated throughout the tribe. Bennett claimed that the letter had a positive effect, but later events proved his assessment far from accurate Even he admitted that the threat of termination produced a certain amount of panic. In an official report to his BIA superiors he noted that "rumors are flying around here like bees about '30-day notices,' etc."15

Resolving the divisions within the tribe and developing a longrange plan satisfactory to most tribal members consumed the remainder of 1953 and much of 1954. In October the Utes met in general council and adopted a plan for each community to submit proposals to an elected tribal planning board that would consist of nineteen elected members. Beyond the creation of the planning board, however, the Utes refused to take action A month later Bennett again visited the reservation to stimulate the "programming effort." When he arrived he found the Utes had adopted a strategy of "doing nothing"

15 Ibid

12 Arthur V Watkins to Reginald O Curry, May 12, 1953, and William C Reed to Reginald O Curry, May 25, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

13 Robert L Bennett to G Warren Spaulding,June 24, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

14 Robert L Bennett, Travel Report, Division of Program, May 25, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #68A-4937, box 63, file 8365-54-013, National Archives, Washington D.C.

in the hope of eventually getting their money anyway. He made the belated discovery that the Utes preferred the status quo. After attending several meetings with tribal groups, he reported to his superiors that the Utes did not feel ready to manage their own affairs, although they also understood that they had to produce some kind of planning document for the BIA and Watkins's committee. Bennett concluded that "a program must be developed to meet this situation."16 Exactly what he had in mind remained to be seen.

Meanwhile, Bennett also agreed to address the tribe over KJAM radio in Vernal on November 4, 1953. He told the Utes that they were at a "crossroads where they must choose a course which will affect their future and their children's future for all time to come," and this, he said, had come about "because of developments in Washington." He then explained House Concurrent Resolution 108 and other related termination legislation in an attempt to impress upon the Utes the importance of creating their own plan. He also spent considerable time explaining how the Menominee Tribe had failed to prepare a plan and consequently had a termination program written for them— by Watkins, no less.17 While Bennett did not favor Watkins's style of forcing the termination issue, he nonetheless hoped his remarks would scare the Utes into action. He later reported that the radio address was designed to promote and explain the tribal programming effort, but he also admitted that he exaggerated the termination threat to the Utes in an attempt to "stir up" the tribe He did not realize at this point how dangerous the threat actually was. 18

In the aftermath of Bennett's November visit and radio address, the tribal planning board resumed its work in earnest. None of the elected board members had the slightest experience in creating a comprehensive, long-range termination program, and they naturally looked to Rex Curry and the Tribal Business Committee for direction But Curry, an assimilated Ute and graduate of Brigham Young University, intended to follow Senator Watkins's orders. Other members of the tribal leadership were dismayed by Curry's cooperative attitude on the pending threat of termination. Francis McKinley, for one,

16 Robert L. Bennett to G. Warren Spaulding, "Field Trip Report," November 19, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

17 "Radio Address Delivered by Robert L Bennett, Program Officer, Over Radio Station K.J.A.M.," November 4, 1953, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

18 Robert L Bennett to G Warren Spaulding, "Field Trip Report."

found himself increasingly estranged from the process, and he strenuously objected to Watkins's strong-arm tactics

Most members of the Uncompahgre Band also resented the planning effort, and when the planning board issued its first preliminary proposals it appeared to John Tabbee and other well-informed Uncompahgres at Ouray that the new program would simply be an extension of the three-year program. 19 As they saw it, the new program would be no better than the old in that the mixed-bloods would once again receive most of the benefits Some Uncompahgres even asserted that the "real" problems confronting the tribe derived from the fact that the mixed-bloods had taken over the tribal government. 2 0 In protest of this perceived situation the Uncompahgre Band largely withdrew from the planning process, which had become quite acrimonious anyway. The argument over the mixed-blood issue came up in every meeting and invariably disrupted the proceedings.21

In light of these developments, the full-blood Uncompahgres decided that the threat of termination demanded that "something new and dynamic" be developed as an alternative. They concluded, therefore, to essentially "go it alone" and argued for a division of the tribe as the best way to confront the problems besetting them.22 Early in the new year, leaders of the Uncompahgre Band approached Francis McKinley with the idea of developing a new program, the main point of which would be to separate Uncompahgre assets from those of the rest of the tribe. This left McKinley in a difficult position since he intuitively sympathized with the Uncompahgres. Yet he was still the tribal planning officer, and support of their proposal meant that he would have to turn his back on Curry and the elected representatives of the planning board Unsure of what approach to take at this fateful juncture, McKinley made plans to attend a special "emergency" conference in Washington, D.C.—a gathering specifically convened by the National Congress of American Indians to confront the threat posed by termination policy.

At this critical juncture Senator Watkins again decided to intervene. He had been observing the affairs on the reservation for more than a year, and his patience had come to an end. In February 1954 he delivered his ultimatum. Just before the February NCAI conference

19 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," p 8

20 Ibid., pp 9-10

21 "Remarks by Robert L Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

22 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," pp 9, 14-5

he wrote another letter to tribal business manager Rex Curry to explain exactly what type of program he would accept, stating that "further legislation for aid or assistance to the Utah Tribe [would] greatly depend upon the activities of the Tribe in performing in good faith the promise which they undertook in 1950, namely to formulate the report and plan" (i.e., a seven-year termination program). As if to underscore the gravity of his threat, Watkins informed Curry that he expected the "final phase" of the Ute program to be tendered within ninety days and added that all of the essential elements could be easily found in other termination bills currently before Congress. If the tribe needed assistance in drafting the legislation, Watkins said he would be happy to provide it.23

Watkins also specifically instructed Curry and other members of the tribe to ignore Indian rights advocates from the NCAI and the Association of American Indian Affairs (AAIA) 24 It is hard to imagine that the senator's ultimatum would have surprised Curry. He was well acquainted with Watkins's objectives and in certain ways even sympathetic to them But tribal planning coordinator Francis McKinley and other tribal leaders, particularly those associated with the Uncompahgre and Whiteriver full-bloods, were stunned by this sweeping declaration of the senator's intentions. They feared that Watkins planned to use the better educated and acculturated mixed-blood Uintahs to demonstrate that the Utes were prepared for termination legislation and thus "prematurely and unwittingly thrust the full-blood Utes into a way of life for which they were not prepared."25

McKinley probably took umbrage at Watkins's warning that Curry and the other tribal leaders should ignore Indian rights advocates from the NCAI and the AAIA. The admonition strongly hinted that Watkins knew all about the pending NCAI conference and its antitermination agenda.26 But McKinley decided to attend the conference anyway. The February 1954 "emergency" conference of the NCAI proved to be a pivotal event in the history of the organization because it confronted federal termination policy and specifically addressed the plethora of termination bills then emerging from Watkins's senate subcommittee Forty-three tribes from twenty-one states sent repre-

23 Arthur V Watkins to Reginald O Curry, February 18, 1954, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

24 See Watkins's comments in "House Report No 2680," 83d Cong., 2d Sess (Washington, 1954), pp 7, 12

25 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," pp 12-14

26 Watkins to Curry, February 18, 1954

sentatives to the conference, which ultimately adopted a "Declaration of Indian Rights" calling for the federal government to honor treaty obligations and trust responsibilities.

While there, McKinley encountered Robert L. Bennett, and he used the opportunity to explain the situation on the reservation and in particular to discuss at length the Uncompahgre proposal to separate from the rest of the tribe.27 McKinley may have recognized a kindred spirit in Bennett, who by all accounts listened sympathetically. Bennett had already spent several months working with Watkins to draft comprehensive termination legislation for the other Indians in Utah, so he already had an intimate awareness of the senator's intentions. Bennett listened carefully as McKinley told him about Watkins's threatening letter of February 14 to Curry and the panic that it had generated on the reservation. A solution remained elusive, but Bennett agreed with McKinley on at least one important point: some method had to be found to subvert Watkins's termination plan.28

After considerably more discussion, Bennett and McKinley hit upon the idea of separating the full-bloods from the mixed-bloods and dividing the tribal assets between the groups. To do this, however, they would have to overcome the probable opposition of Watkins's main facilitator on the reservation, Rex Curry. Ultimately, the two men were able to convert Curry to the idea of allowing the full-bloods to "go it alone."29 Forty-one years after the fact, Bennett reminisced that he, McKinley, and Curry held "a meeting out in a bean field . . . [and] decided that we would present a proposal which would terminate all the Mixed-bloods."30

The three men drafted an agreement to partition the tribe and then took it to the Uncompahgre leaders who gave it an enthusiastic reception. The original plan called for a division of the tribe into the original three bands, with an additional group for the mixed-bloods. At later meetings held to allow comment on the proposal, some Whiterivers and full-blood Uintahs expressed concern about dividing the tribe by bands. At Fort Duchesne on March 16, a Whiteriver Ute named Wallace Jack accused the Uncompahgres of "kicking the Whiterivers out" and leaving them "no place to go."Julius Murray

27 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," pp. 15-6.

28 "Remarks by Robert L Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

29 Ibid

30 Robert L Bennett interview by Thomas Cowger, oral history interview, Albuquerque, New Mexico, May 20-21, 1993, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, p. 102.

speculated that the Whiterivers would also pull out, leaving the full-blood Uintahs at the mercy of the mixed-bloods. He said, "this is a very dangerous proposition It is only the full-blood people who will suffer and the mixed-blood people will take care of themselves."31

When the Whiteriver and full-blood Uintahs objected to the proposal, McKinley, Bennett, and the Uncompahgre leaders elected to change the method of dividing the tribe from a division by bands to a division between the mixed- and full-bloods.32 At this point in the negotiations the mixed-bloods demonstrated considerable opposition, the intensity of which alarmed the full-bloods in all three bands and united them behind the proposal.33

In many respects the new proposal to divide tribal assets between the mixed-bloods and the full-bloods represented a real breakthrough for Bennett, McKinley, and Curry because it simultaneously resolved two long-standing problems. First, it eliminated the age-old mixedblood question and, second, it provided a sudden opportunity to protect the balance of the tribe by sacrificing the mixed-bloods to Watkins's termination program. In his report to the bureau on April 15, 1954, Bennett suggested the latter point in several significant ways. He argued, quite directly in fact, that the partitioning process would result in the immediate termination of the mixed-blood Utes. The fullbloods would then be in position for "intensive work" with the BIA to prepare them for "eventual termination."34

It stands to reason that if Bennett and the tribal leaders had, in fact, favored termination, they would not have taken steps to separate the more acculturated members from the rest of the tribe. The fullblood Utes virtually acknowledged this to be the case in the "Ute Ten

31 "Notes, Bennett Field Trip, March 1954,"RG 75, BIA, accession #68A-4937, box 63, file 8365-54013, National Archives, Washington, D.C

32 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," p 17

33 "Remarks by Robert L. Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

34 Robert L Bennett to Homer B.Jenkins, April 15, 1954, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

Ute Indian Agency headquarters at Fort Duchesne on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, 1964. USHS collections.

Year Development Program." This document, written after the division of the tribe, explained that the full-bloods were motivated out of "concern" that Watkins would focus his termination agenda on the Utes primarily because of the relatively high degree of acculturation possessed by the mixed-bloods.35 The document also described the aims and accomplishments of the three-year program for "assimilating the Ute Indian into the American culture and society with all the rights, privileges, and responsibilities of the citizenship." The termination of the mixed-bloods, it went on to state, essentially met this objective—a frank admission that more than half of the Uintah Band had been sacrificed to meet the terminationist agenda.36

Following the formulation of the plan to separate the mixedbloods from the tribe, Bennett, McKinley, and Curry spent the first few weeks of March 1954 presenting the proposal to several Ute communities across the reservation. The Uncompahgres at Ouray were the first to hear of it, and they received it enthusiastically. The comments of John Tabbee expressed the sentiments of most of the full-blood Uncompahgres. He said that Bennett had taken the original arguments of the Uncompahgres and given them "character and substance." He also noted that the Uncompahgres had not been fully aware, until Bennett pointed it out, that the Uintahs "were getting the greater share" of the judgment money. 37

In commenting on the threat of termination posed by Watkins, Tabbee spoke for many when he said, "We highly value our status as Indians. We know we have certain privileges which other people don't have and it would be difficult to surrender them."38 An influential Uncompahgre leader named Pawwinnee also addressed the Ouray group and seconded Tabbee's sentiments. He noted, somewhat disingenuously, that the full-bloods had a basic idea of what to do all along but did not know how to proceed until Bennett arrived with the plan to divide the tribe. "Now," he said, "it is up to us to develop it and give it substance." He also warned that the full-bloods needed to "think about the future instead of how soon they are going to receive money. In planning think about our community and the future of our people. We have the poorest section of the reservation—no excuse for people who are supposed to have money."39

36 "Ute Ten Year Development Program," pp 12-3

36 Ibid., p 28

37 "Notes, Bennett Field Trip, March 1954."

38 Ibid

39 Ibid

Bennett, McKinley, and Curry received a considerably cooler reception in the predominantly mixed-blood communities in the northern part of the reservation. Bennett's official report provides a good chronology of these meetings On March 8 he wrote that the three of them came under "violent personal attack" from mixed-blood spectators at the Tribal Business Committee meeting On March 11 more resistance developed in a meeting held at Fort Duchesne when the mixed-bloods attempted to have McKinley fired. Bennett later recalled that when the three leaders first presented the plan to the mixed-bloods, the meetings became quite "ugly" and featured a lot of name calling. He reminisced that on one occasion he sat between Curry and McKinley and literally held on to their coat tails, so that when they were insulted they could not jump up and respond.40

When Bennett left the reservation for ten days at mid-month, considerably more contention erupted as the mixed-bloods threatened law suits and "other actions" against the rest of the tribe. Bennett characterized the mixed-blood antagonism as personal and not directed against the merits of the plan.41 He had good reason to characterize the opposition this way because it deflected the criticism away from the partitioning proposal. In point of fact, the mixed-bloods had several reasons to object to the proposal itself. Albert H. Harris, a BIA employee and mixed-blood Uintah of Ute-Shoshone descent, offered some of them in his comments at the Fort Duchesne meeting He argued that splitting the tribe would result in many committees "instead of one" and that it would bring "earlier taxation." He felt that the tribe needed more time to consider the issues, especially given the terminationist mood of Congress. If they were all going to be terminated it would be easier to divide assets after the fact.42 In making this point Harris unwittingly touched the heart of the issue. He did not grasp, at that time, the real reason for partitioning the tribe: to protect the full-bloods from termination by sacrificing the mixed-blood Uintah population

Following his return to the reservation, Bennett continued to work with McKinley and Curry to refine the resolution for presentation to the tribe at the General Council meeting scheduled for March 31, 1954 The language and provisions called for the division of the tribal assets between the full-blood and mixed-blood groups Mixed-

40 Robert L Bennett interview, May 20-21, 1993, p 103

41 Robert L Bennett to Homer B.Jenkins, April 15, 1954

42 "Notes, Bennett Field Trip, March 1954."

blood members were defined as those having less than onehalf Ute Indian blood, and both groups would exercise jurisdiction and control of their own people and property.43 The resolution also contained an interesting proposal for the creation of a committee to draw up partitioning plans. Bennett and his confederates anticipated mixed-blood opposition— the proposed committee would consist of a majority of full-blood members (six to three over the mixedbloods) . Also, the plans created by the new committee would require the approval of the Tribal Business Committee. In other words, the resolution made it clear that the partitioning of the tribe would be controlled by the full-bloods and that the mixed-bloods would have input in the process, nothing more. 44

The situation came to a climax at the March 31 General Council meeting What actually took place is a matter of considerable controversy, though it is known that Robert L. Bennett, Ernest L. Wilkinson, and John S. Boyden attended and that Wilkinson presented the prepared resolution calling for the division of the tribe and the termination of members having less than 50 percent Ute Indian ancestry.

The meeting had been orchestrated well in advance. Attorneys Wilkinson and Boyden, along with area director L. L. Nelson and BIA employees Bennett, McKinley, and Curry, met in the morning before the General Council meeting to discuss the proposed resolution and how best to present it to the tribe. In fact, Wilkinson, Boyden, and Nelson had already had plenty of time to discuss a course of action,

Ernest L. Wilkinson, October 1964. Salt Lake Tribune photograph in USHS collections.

13 Proposed Resolution, drafted for the General Council of the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, March 31, 1954, RG 75, BIA, accession #68A-4937, box 63, file 8365-54-013, National Archives, Washington, D.C 44 Ibid

Lambs of Sacrifice

since the three of them had ridden out to Uintah from Salt Lake City in Wilkinson's car.

45

According to Bennett's official version of the meeting, the Utes received the proposal calmly and accepted it without serious opposition He took pains to note that a mixed-blood Ute offered a motion to accept the proposal and another seconded it.46 Unofficial versions of the meeting, however, tell a far different story. According to Waubin Waunzitz, who chaired the meeting, the proposal to divide the tribe was not even on the agenda. Waunzitz claimed that Wilkinson simply pushed him aside and took control. Wilkinson then presented the resolution and explained that the move would be in the best interests of the tribe. The mixed-blood Utes, unprepared for this intrusion, had no answer for it. Finally, to placate the attorneys, Waunzitz called for a feasibility study on the proposal, but before a vote could be taken a large number of the Uintahs walked out Many of those remaining either abstained from voting or thought that they were voting for the feasibility study.47 According to Bennett, 152 Indians voted in favor of the resolution, with only 8 voting in opposition. But exactly what they were voting for remains a controversy. Nevertheless, the results of this vote were used tojustify dividing the tribe, and Watkins again got what he demanded.

After the fateful step of dividing the Utes, both groups had little choice but to go forward with their separate development plans. Once again, Watkins and his legislative mandate forced the issue. Deadlines had to be met. One of the last came on April 5, 1956, when the publication of the final rolls officially divided the Ute Indian Tribe. According to statistics compiled by the BIA, 1,314 full-blood Utes retained membership in the tribe, while 490 mixed-bloods found themselves scheduled for termination.48

The decision to divide the Ute Tribe and terminate the mixedblood members gains added significance when cast into historical perspective, for the mixed-blood question has a long and illustrative history. Determining which version of tribal history to believe presents significant difficulty, particularly in light of the fact that the official

45 L. L. Nelson to Ralph M. Gelvin, April 7, 1954, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 9639-52-075, National Archives, Washington, D.C

48

4fi "Remarks by Robert L Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

47 Deposition of Waubin Waunzitz, September 18, 1969, Affiliated Ute Citizens of the State of Utah v. United States, in possession of Parker S Nielson, Vernon, Utah

"Bureau of Indian Affairs Memorandum," Homer B.Jenkins, April 10, 1956, RG 75, BIA, accession #59A-643, box 86, file 17071, National Archives, Washington, D.C

version, developed by BIA programming officer Robert L. Bennett in early 1954 tojustify his actions, proved to be highly selective.

According to the series of reports Bennett filed with his BIA superiors, the three bands on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation willingly shared their funds with one another for most of the first half of the twentieth century without regard to the derivation of the funds. But in Bennett's account, the turning point came in 1950 with the $18 million award. At the time of the settlement, claims attorney Wilkinson engineered a "share and share alike" agreement among all three bands, despite the fact that the judgment applied only to the two Colorado bands—the Uncompahgre and Whiteriver Utes Many full-blood Utes, mostly Uncompahgre and Whiteriver, refused to vote on this measure, and it was passed over their abstaining protest.

Bennett asserted that the Uncompahgre and Whiteriver Utes subsequently believed that the mixed-blood Uintahs made much more effective use of the three-year program, a situation that provoked resentment since most of the money derived from sources intended for the two Colorado bands.49 In fact, Bennett made the rather questionable assertion that the mixed-bloods developed the plan largely for their own benefit. He also claimed that the Uintah leaders planned to use the forthcoming Spanish Fork judgment funds for their exclusive benefit, a revelation that increased interband antagonism.50

Bennett maintained that, regardless of which faction received the most benefit, the evolution of the three-year program demonstrated the divergent desires of the two groups. To bolster his claim he might well have pointed to the official report on the program which noted that "experience gained under the three-year program led to the formulation of legislative proposals to partition and distribute the tribe's assets between the Mixed-blood and Full-blood members." And further, "Probably the most significant result of the three-year program was to develop an accent on the divergent interests of the Mixed-blood and Full-blood members of the tribe."51

Beyond the contentions made by Bennett, the larger question about the genealogy of the mixed-bloods remained. Specifically, who were these people? Ute tradition holds that the mixed-bloods were actually Indians of Paiute, Navajo, Shoshone, and other extractions

49 "Remarks by Robert L Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954.

50 Robert L Bennett to Homer B Jenkins, April 15, 1954

51 "Annual Report to Congress—draft copy," December 22, 1954

Lambs of Sacrifice

339

who married into the tribe.52 The "Uintah" Utes descended from several Utah bands that once inhabited central and eastern Utah and evolved into a composite tribe after the removal of the Utah bands to the Uintah Valley following the Spanish Fork Treaty of 1865. Some of these earlier bands shared extensive cultural contact with neighboring Indian peoples. The Pah Vant and San Pitch Utes, for example, lived near the Kwiumpats Band of Southern Paiutes and adopted similar methods of sustaining themselves in the desert environment.53 The Cumumba or Weber Utes lived in the present Ogden area and intermarried extensively with the Northern Shoshones. In fact, the Cumumba Utes may have been bilingual.54

An even more striking example of cultural exchange may be seen in the circumstances of the Sheberetch and Weeminuch Ute bands of southeastern Utah These two groups, particularly the Weeminuch, operated in a region devoid of governmental control during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Far from the political and population centers of the state of Colorado and territory of Utah, the Sheberetch and the Weeminuch roamed freely between the Colorado Utes to the east, the Southern Paiutes to the west, and the Navajos to the south. They often served as intermediaries in the systematic cattle raiding that took place in the region. Navajos, for example, frequently used Weeminuch territory as an escape route for moving cattle northward out of New Mexico Territory Much evidence suggests that the Weeminuch occasionally joined Navajos and Paiutes in raids on Mormon settlements in southern Utah. The Ute warrior Autenquer (or Black Hawk, as he is usually known in Utah lore) frequently included Navajo and Paiute warriors in his raiding parties.55

The salient point is that the Uintah Ute people had a long history of incorporating members of other tribes into their social structure. It is not at all surprising that they continued to adopt Shoshone, Paiute, and Navajo people into the band following the Ute removal to Uintah in the 1860s and 1870s.

r

'

2

Perhaps the most significant problem faced by the mixed-bloods of the Uintah and Ouray Reservation was the same as that faced by

Bennett frequently admitted this to be the case. See "Remarks by Robert L. Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

63 Fred A Conetah, A History of the Northern Ute People (Salt Lake City: Uintah and Ouray Tribe, 1982), p. 24.

54 Kathryn L MacKay, "Indian Cultures, c 1840," in Deon C Greer et al., Atlas of Utah (Ogden and Provo, Ut.: Weber State College and Brigham Young University Press, 1981), p 77

56 R Warren Metcalf, "A Reappraisal of Utah's Black Hawk War" (M.A thesis, Brigham Young University, 1989), pp 61-63

57

mixed-blood people elsewhere in the United States: their relative lack of legal and social standing as a distinctive and legitimate cultural group. Recent scholarship has attributed the "invisibility" of racially or ethnically mixed populations to the "deeply embedded" racial dualism (white and Indian) in American thought AsJennifer S H Brown noted, "there is no separate term in common American usage to designate people who combine the two ancestries."56 An outgrowth of this racial dualism is the traditional belief that mixed-bloods are marginal people "suspended between cultures" and incapable of inclusion into either group. Consequently, a common stereotype holds that mixedbloods are somehow psychologically disadvantaged in terms of participation in these societies A considerable amount of evidence demonstrates, however, that this perception is false. Anthropologists and sociologists have revised the stereotype by showing that such people tend to develop complex, bicultural methods of adaptation, or, as ethnohistorian James A. Clifton put it, they become "culturally enlarged."

Moreover, according to the notion of racial dualism, membership in cultural groups such as Indian tribes follows lineal descent—in the common idiom, "blood lines." It springs from the European concept that one's racial origins determine one's identity and characteristics, a kind of rigid, biological determinism used to explain cultural distinctiveness. But these racial constructs are European in origin, entirely lacking in Native American cultures prior to European contact. Among these indigenous peoples, skin color and other racial characteristics were considered irrelevant Membership in a clan or band depended instead on language, behavior, social affiliation, and loyalty. According to Clifton, the most common identity question asked of strangers was not, "What nation do you belong to?" or "Of what race are you?" More typically, strangers would ask, "What language do you speak?"

58

The fact that Indian tribes came to define membership in terms of blood quantum merely reflects the acceptance of the European construct. But this tendency has confused the older, ethnically derived methods with the newer racial ones. The problem with identifying Indians by race is that it presumes certain intrinsic characteristics, and

56 Brown, "Metis, Halfbreeds, and Other Real People," p 21 "James A Clifton, "Alternate Identities and Cultural Frontiers," inJames A Clifton, ed., Being and Becoming Indian (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1989), p 29

58 Ibid., p 11

since membership in a particular race is derived entirely from parentage, as the theory goes, one can do little to alter or escape it Indeed, in the Euro-American tradition, native peoples have been presumed to possess certain controlling characteristics of behavior and physiognomy. 59

The Utes followed the standard administrative procedure of the 1950s in establishing their membership criteria, although in recent years defining tribal membership according to race has come into serious question. In his definitive study of American Indians and the 1980 Census, C. Matthew Snipp noted that Indian tribes have historically relied upon an administrative definition derived from the "blood quantum" theory to delineate membership.60 This theory holds that the amount of blood a person possesses from a particular race determines the degree to which that person resembles and behaves like other members of that race. 61 However, since racial blood types cannot be directly observed (again, according to the theory), the degree of blood quantum must be inferred from ancestry. As a consequence, most tribes came to rely on some type of benchmark for identifying ancestors considered to be "100 percent" members. Usually tribal censuses taken in the late nineteenth or early twentieth centuries served in this fashion. The Uintah and Ouray Utes used the 1934 date of tribal incorporation under the Indian Reorganization Act as the benchmark

In more recent times, blood quantum definitions have been undermined by genetic science and social theory Modern research has shown that genealogical bloodlines do not clearly determine who is an Indian and who is not, nor is there any biologically significant way of determining the degree of "blood" at which a person is considered to be an Indian. As a consequence, blood quantum definitions are no longer legally enforceable for most purposes. 62

Standards of ethnicity constitute a potentially more accurate way of defining Indian identity, or, in this case, delineating membership in the bands of Ute Indians, for identity according to ethnicity derives

59 Ibid., p 26

60 According to Snipp, racial definitions generally fall into three categories: "mystical" definitions, which assert that modern racial groups have descended from mysterious ancient civilizations—a standard he terms the "most pernicious" and "far removed" from reality; "biological" definitions, which divide the human race into four main groupings based on genetic indicators; and "administrative" definitions which are created by bureaucratic and political instititutions such as the Bureau of the Census or tribal governing bodies See C Matthew Snipp, American Indians: The First of This Land (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1989), p. 28.

61 Ibid., p 32

1,2 Ibid., p 34

from a common cultural and historical heritage. Typically, ethnicity follows certain standards of speech, dress, and behavior that are not fixed. In other words, people can learn or unlearn or, for that matter, adopt or reject these cultural patterns. Groups that define themselves ethnically have a potentially greater capacity for adopting or encompassing new membership. 6 3 According to ethnohistorians such as Clifton, the pattern of biological inbreeding among people of European, African, and Indian descent has been so extensive that relatively few Indians can trace their ancestry exclusively to full-blood Indians As Clifton put it, "the Indian population of North America is an amalgam of composite indigenous American, European, African, and other ancestries." In point of fact, he notes, many contemporary Indians have little or no "native American biological ancestry" at all.64

The logical consequence of this tendency to define Indian identity along blood quantum lines is that the process of determining tribal membership has invariably been politicized At times when Indian identity has been little valued by the dominant society, membership in Indian tribes has been relatively inclusive. Robert L. Bennett noted, for example, that from 1911 through 1936, a period that might be termed the "highpoint" of assimilation policy as applied to the Utes, the three bands freely shared tribal funds, regardless of derivation.65 Unfortunately, the opposite tendency has also proven true. At times when Indian identity has been highly valued, either for cultural or economic reasons, tribes have been forced to adopt exclusive membership requirements. In the Ute case, with the tremendous increase in tribal funds from the Colorado judgment and from oil and shale royalties, both the full and mixed-blood Utes struggled to control the membership process. In other words, with the advent of new money, membership in the tribe became a sharply contested political battleground upon which the blood quantum argument merely served as a convenient excuse for fighting over the real issue—the question of who would get the judgment money.

One of the most obvious aspects of the struggle over tribal membership is that it coincided with Senator Arthur V Watkins's campaign to terminate the Utes, which induced the full-blood Uncompahgres to move beyond the usual political measures and take drastic steps to

63 Clifton, "Alternate Identities and Cultural Frontiers," p 26

64 Ibid., p. 23.

66 "Remarks by Robert L Bennett on the Uintah and Ouray Program at Bureau Staff Meeting, 20 May 1954."

protect both their status as Indians and their tribal resources. Had it not been for Watkins's interference, the membership issue would probably have subsided relatively quickly. A 1933 episode is instructive in this regard. During that year the Utes came into a substantial amount of money through the settlement of some claims against the United States. With the prospect of the membership receiving large per capita payments, a group of full-blood Utes petitioned the commissioner of Indian Affairs to halt the enrollment of mixed-blood Utes into the tribe. No action was taken, however, and following the disbursement of $1,100 per capita the entire matter faded from view. A few years later, with the incorporation of the tribe under the provisions of the Indian Reorganization Act, the mixed-blood Utes were enrolled without significant protest.66

Twenty years after the 1933 incident similar circumstances arose; the latter episode concerned not only the divergence of the mixedbloods and the full-bloods but also the bitter disagreement between the Colorado and Utah bands over rights to the Colorado judgment funds The Uncompahgres held legitimate grievances against the formula employed by Wilkinson to share their money with the other Utes, and in time these grievances evolved into genuine animosity among the three bands.67 The Uncompahgres increasingly came to believe that the actions of the government "progressively reduced" their share ofjudgment monies. The so-called "share and share alike" agreement of 1950 vexed them most of all.68

When combined with threats from Watkins, either delivered personally through correspondence or vicariously through BIA personnel, the mixed-blood question assumed even greater importance for the Utes. Because the mixed-bloods were considered neither fully Indian nor fully white, they found themselves without defenders or advocates in the fight over the money and the subsequent decision to partition the tribe. They became the sacrificial lambs of Senator Watkins's termination program.

66 For a brief overview of these events, see Reginald O Curry to Secretary of the Interior Oscar L Chapman, November 30, 1950, RG 75, BIA, accession #57A-185, box 196, file 13916, National Archives, Washington, D.C

67 Robert L Bennett to G Warren Spaulding, "Field Trip Report."

68 "Ute Ten Year Development Program."

BY CATHERINE M.JOHNSON

Emma Lucy Gates. All photographs arefrom the Widtsoe Collection, USHS.

Emma Lucy Gates Bowen: Singer, Musician, Teacher

I N 1846 THE MORMONS LEFT THEIR HOMES in the Midwest to establish a new community where they could practice their religion as they chose. history

Ms.Johnson, Ithaca, New York, is a graduate of Brigham Young University where she majored in

Their settlements in the Great Basin reflected the Puritan background of their leader, Brigham Young, who abhorred extravagance and other symbols of vanity. Yet, eager to promote cultural attainment in the new pioneer environment, he encouraged the construction of a theater in which the fine arts could be pursued

Furthermore, since Young had felt deprived of the advantages of a formal education, he made sure that his children had the best education available in the valley—education of a caliber not available to the children of most other families. One of their teachers was the eminent educator Karl Maeser, a German immigrant who would later become president of the Brigham Young Academy. Daughter Susa Young Gates was a beneficiary of this emphasis on education and culture in the home.1

Even after Young's death the family's connections with prominent people continued to provide opportunities not available to many citizens of the community. In 1878 Susa, given a scholarship by the new church president, John Taylor, enrolled at the Brigham Young Academy. She also entertained the idea of going to London to study, implying that financing was available for her to do so. Instead, she accompanied her "Aunt" Zina to the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) where she became reacquainted with Jacob Gates. In early 1880 they were married and settled in St George, Utah Jacob, an insurance salesman and realtor, was also musically talented and intellectual.2

Marriage and motherhood did not prevent Susa from availing herself of opportunities that took her away from honie, from Jacob, and from the eleven children they eventually had. For instance, she attended a summer session in literature and education at Harvard in 1892 Even though she frequently left her husband and many children to develop her own talents, she did not approve of such interests taking the place of home and family. Susa believed, as her father had, that a woman's first responsibilities were "obedience to authority and reverence for the Priesthood. . . . "3

One of the children born to Susa andJacob was Emma Lucy—on

1 Susa Young Gates, "Family Life among the Mormons," North American Review 150 (1890): 339.

2 Interview with Eudora Widtsoe Durham, Lucy's niece, May 31, 1991, Salt Lake City Susa's marriage to Gates was her second. She filed for divorce from her first husband, Alma Dunford, in 1877. It was an acrimonious proceeding and was followed by a temple cancellation of the sealing, highly unusual for the time There were two children; the court awarded custody of daughter Leah, age four, to the father and custody of son Bailey, age two, to Susa for ten years at which time he could choose which parent he preferred See Rebecca Foster Cornwall, "Susa Y Gates," in Vicky Burgess-Olson, ed., Sister Saints (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), pp 68-69

3 AndrewJenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols (Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson History Co., 1914), 2:629

November 5, 1880, in St. George. When she was two, the family moved to Provo. They moved again in 1885 when Jacob was called on his second mission to the Sandwich Islands. There Lucy sang everything her young voice could encompass. She also played on the mission's organ, a guitar, and a ukulele "with childish abandon."4

Lucy's family returned to the United States when she was nine At age thirteen she won a prize for playing the piano in a contest in the Salt Lake Tabernacle. On that occasion three eastern critics served as judges, and 10,000 people were in attendance. The other contestants were all over seventeen.5

"I began about that time to dream of going to Europe to study," Lucy was later to say, "and one day I put my arms around Grandma's neck and asked her to find me the way." Lucy's parents concurred, feeling that she could become an accomplished music teacher upon her return to Utah.6

In March 1898 Susa Gates wrote to her mother, Lucy Young, asking if she would accompany young Lucy to Germany as her chaperon. As a beneficiary of Young's estate, Lucy Young was likely in a financial position to do so But due to other considerations, she declined, and so an alternative arrangement was made. Lucy's older half-sister, Leah Dunford, was to be married toJohn A. Widtsoe later that summer, and they were planning a move to Germany to continue his studies Susa did not want Lucy to accompany the Widtsoes, fearing her presence would spoil the honeymoon. However, at the Widtsoes' insistence, Lucy shared their honeymoon journey without any apparent problems.7

Emma Lucy Gates "at 16 years taken in my sister's graduating dress. "

4 "Lucy Gates," MS, Emma Lucy Gates Bowen Collection, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake

6 "The Magic of a Voice," unidentified newspaper clipping, and Lucy Gates to parents, February 15, 1900, Gates (Bowen) Collection, Special Collections, Brigham Young University Library, Provo, Utah

7 "Lucy Bowen's Funeral Service, May 3, 1951, Remarks by Richard L Evans," Widtsoe Family Collection, Utah State Historical Society

'M

In August 1898 the three of them sailed for Europe. Upon reaching their final destination, Gottingen, Germany, they found an apartment and Lucy began her studies Before long, however, she wrote home that she would like to go to Berlin to study in March 1899. She would remain with Leah until then while she learned the German language and customs. In the meantime, she could also study with a professor of music at the university who had a fine reputation.8

Lucy's letters often contained apologies and explanations for her busy schedule which prevented her from writing more often. She also felt the need to justify her financial expenditures in some detail. She was obviously distressed whenever she felt she was not pleasing her parents Finances were an ongoing concern for Lucy, and she wanted her parents to know she was spending her money wisely. Her years of studying were funded primarily by her grandmother, but later Lucy was able to supplement that money with earnings from her own performances.9

Lucy and her professor were very pleased with her progress on the piano. However, while practicing the piano one day, she took a rest and started to sing to amuse herself as she often did. Her music teacher happened to enter the room. Realizing that she was unaware of his presence, he sat down to listen. His reaction was later described in a Boston newspaper: "He was wonderstruck at the marvelous beauty of her voice. It was so flexible and sweet; the range was so wide; the quality was so pure." He was afterward to comment, "It was the voice of a generation." The professor continued to listen until he could not

Emma Lucy Gates Bowen, left, and her half-sister, LeahDunford Widtsoe, undated but later than their trip to Europe.

8 Lucy Gates to parents, September 12, 1898, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

9 Lucy Gates to parents, October 17, 1898, ibid.

restrain himself from applauding He then advised Lucy to begin training her voice, even if she had to give up her piano work.10

Lucy was undecided about what to do. In November 1898 she wrote to her parents that her heart was leaning toward pursuing vocal studies. "Mywhole soul seems to be brought out more when I sing," she said "I love to sing and I think one of the greatest pleasures of my future life will be in singing praises to God in His holy Temples." She also observed that there was not then a "good Mormon teacher or Emma Lucy Gates and hergrandmother Lucy Bigelow Young. singer in Utah."11

Within a few months Lucy and her parents decided that she would apply to the Berlin Conservatory of Music and that she would study voice. In the spring of 1899 her grandmother, Lucy Young, decided to join her in Berlin, serving as a chaperon and companion thereafter.

Lucy had not been at the conservatory long when she realized that its required courses (not related to music) would necessitate three more years of studying to graduate. Also, the additional studies were robbing her of time to spend on her voice and piano lessons. Despite only limited encouragement from one of her new professors, she knew she could be an accomplished singer. Thus, she left the conservatory in search of another voice teacher.

When she found Madame Correlli, Lucy wrote to her parents about their first meeting: "She tried my voice and said it wasn't as spoiled as she had expected it to be after being in the Hochschule [conservatory] for the winter and I told her that I hadn't let it go as much as they wanted me to as I knew a little before I went there."12

An unidentified columnist from the Boston Herald wrote that in

10 Boston Herald, November 17, 1901

11 Quoted inJohn Louis Coray, "Emma Lucy Gates (Bowen), Soprano—Her Accomplishments in Opera and Concert" (master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1956), p 11

12 Lucy Gates to parents,January 20, 1900, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

the fall of 1900, before Lucy left Germany to return to America, an American man heard her sing at Madame Correlli's studio: "He said that her voice is one of the sweetest and most sympathetic he has ever heard, and that it will be too bad if it is kept in Utah, and the public not allowed to hear it." Madam Correlli had responded that Miss Gates was "the most promising voice she had ever trained."13

The article recounting that incident did not name the man who praised Lucy. However, about the same time an important American, Major Pond, heard her sing and was also impressed with her voice He expressed interest in engaging her "for an American tour in conjunction with a boy violinist [prodigy] Florizel."14 Since Lucy and her family had intended that she return to Utah and become a music teacher, suggestions that she should perform caused some consternation within the family.

As always, though, Lucy showed a deep and loving desire to have her family's approval. She wrote, responding to a letter from her father, "Father dear I have no, no desire to become a public singer! . . .

To give a few concerts before I was married was all the ambition in concert life I have ever had." But in a letter to her mother at another time, Lucy expressed interest in becoming a great singer. Apparently she envisioned this to include some performing as well as teaching, for she said, "I don't mean opera, I think I shall never want that, but concert and . . . teacher at home in my own dear state, but be able to give concert tours if I can do good to the Church and family."15

Lucy's teacher had her own feelings on the subject of her student's voice and her returning to stay in Utah. Correlli stated

it was lamentably wicked that she should be buried in the West, to sing only in the Mormon Temple [sic], which was what she was expected to do, and which was the only career laid out for her by her parents, who were much opposed to her going before the public even as a concert singer, while they were overcome at the idea of her appearing in Opera. And the girl had no wish beyond theirs.16

The issue of whether or not Lucy should perform in concert apparently remained undecided when she left Germany to return to Utah. On the way home she visited Major Pond in New York, and he made her a formal offer to do some concert work. Lucy did not accept but left the matter until she could go over it with her parents at home. 13 Boston Herald, November 17, 1901

14 Deseret Evening News, April 26, 1909

15 Lucy Gates to parents, October 18, February 15, 1900, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU.

16 Boston Herald, November 17, 1901

After discussion and deliberation, her parents finally agreed to let Lucy accept Pond's offer. Barely twenty years old, she was to begin her professional career.

Upon returning to Utah during the summer of 1901, Lucy performed in church programs throughout the state. Her first official concert was given in the Salt Lake Tabernacle on a program with the Mormon Tabernacle Choir. In the years to come, upon spending vacations in Utah, she would continue to perform widely on local musical and religious programs.

Also in 1901 Lucy formulated some long-range plans. One of her major goals was to establish a local opera company. According to a Salt Lake newspaper, "The young woman believes that in the course of two or three years, at the latest, it will be possible to organize a local grand opera company."17 Lucy and her brother, B. Cecil Gates, were only able to lay the foundations for that project; it would not become a reality until 1915

In accordance with Major Pond's arrangements, Lucy traveled to New York to make her concert debut there in February 1902. At that time she appeared at Carnegie Hall in conjunction with Florizel, the boy violinist. The reviews of her performance were not favorable.18

That same month Lucy also performed in Boston, and those reviews were flattering One admirer referred to her as the "Utah Nightingale," a description that remained with her for many years. 19 Following the adverse New York reviews, Lucy was especially pleased with Boston's response.

Returning to New York, Lucy auditioned to study under Madame Fride de Gebele Ashforth, who said of Lucy's voice, "I was surprised

Emma Lucy Gates, "1st concert 1902. "

17 Salt Lake Herald, January 12, 1902

18 "Florizel Arouses New York Audience to Enthusiasm," The Concert Goer (New York), February 8, 1902, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU.

19 Salt Lake Tribune, February 7, 1902

beyond expression. . . . She has a truly wonderful voice."20 The singer and her teacher decided that Lucy would make her European debut and establish a reputation there before making another New York appearance. In 1907 they finally left for Europe and, reaching Berlin, found a vocal coach. Ashforth returned to the United States in June while Lucy stayed to continue her work Prior to Ashforth's leaving they decided that Lucy would make her debut in December 1908.21

But unexpected problems arose. In a letter to her parents in April 1908, Lucy expressed concern about a condition that had developed in her voice and explained that she had returned to her former teacher, Blanche Correlli:

When I went to Correlli my voice was in a condition that I could not sing two Arias one after another, and that badly That was what drove me nearly crazy! Because I knew I could not sing over five or ten minutes, and Gerke, my kapellmeister [coach], said it was useless to go to any agents while I sang as I did! He said he could tell there was something wrong with a naturally beautiful voice. . . . 22

Correlli said she could remedy the problem, making Lucy promise to stop all singing until her voice was "set in the proper place." Lucy said, "My whole voice and method of singing had to be changed ['mended' written above]. This took some time and careful work."

Correlli was able to restore her voice within five months, and Lucy vowed never again to tie herself to a bad teacher, She was more than ever convinced that Correlli taught the best method of singing.23

In the fall of 1908 one of the foremost agents in Europe, Herr C. Harder, arranged for Lucy to try for an opening for prima coloratura at the Royal Opera House of Berlin The audition was successful, and in April 1909 she sent her parents the news that she had signed a fiveyear contract, to be final after two trial performances. Within just a few weeks Lucy had successfully completed the trial performances, and the Berlin Opera House ratified her permanent engagement.

While she was with the Berlin company, Lucy received many flattering offers from rival opera-houses. Among them was the Royal Opera House of Cassel where Lucy had appeared as a guest performer in Rossini's The Barber of Seville, one of the most difficult operas to per-

20 "The Magic of a Voice," Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

21 Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1902; Coray, "Emma Lucy Gates (Bowen), Soprano," p 32; Lucy Gates to parents,June 22, May 22, 1907, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

22 Lucy Gates to parents, April 5, 1908, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

23 Raye Price, "Utah's Leading Ladies of the Arts," Utah Historical Quarterly 38 (1970): 72; Lucy Gates to parents, May 18, 1908, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

Emma Lucy Gates,clockwisefrom upper left: with a Mr. Besphorm, Fairchild Studios, New York; as Oscar in Verdi's A Masked Ball, Cassel, Germany, 1911; as Marguerite in Gounod's Faust; as Constanzein Mozart's Abduction from the Seraglio, Cassel; in the titlerole of Bizet's Carmen.

form. The general manager was so impressed that he offered her a contract.24

In the meantime, problems arose between Lucy and the management of the Royal Opera House of Berlin. Newspaper articles from Salt Lake City had made their way back to Berlin and caused some misunderstandings that Lucy alluded to but did not really define One apparent result was that the Berlin Opera wanted to renegotiate her contract. Uneasy about the friction, Lucy felt it best to accept the offer from Cassel and performed there many times during the next few years. She also performed in many other European cities before leaving for a vacation in Utah.

With the outbreak of World War I, Lucy was unable to return to Germany. In the United States she had a hard time securing recognition Finally, her manager, Foster and David, secured a contract for her with Columbia Records, and she began to attain success. She also auditioned for the Metropolitan Opera, singing for them on three different occasions After two business discussions the Metropolitan finally offered her a second position that consisted of frivolous, supporting roles.

Fortunately, Lucy received a simultaneous offer for first position with the Chicago Opera. They also offered her guest engagements with some of the leading stars of the time and allowed her freedom to perform in concerts as well. She accepted.25

In the summer of 1915 Lucy returned to Utah to fill some engagements, including one act of Rigoletto. This production was so successful that another production, La Traviata, was planned for October These performances were the start of the opera company that she had talked about in 1902, the Lucy Gates Opera Company.

The Lucy Gates Opera Company gave operas at intervals in some of the larger cities throughout the Rocky Mountains. Lucy starred in the leading roles and acted as artistic director and stage manager Her brother Cecil was the conductor and musical director. Unfortunately, the opera company lasted only a couple of seasons. 26

Lucy returned to New York for her operatic debut there which was declared a success. Her debut in Chicago received raves as well.27

25

26

27 Salt Lake Herald, October 27, 1916; DeseretNews, August 5, 1918

24 "German Laurel to Salt Lake Singer," unidentified newspaper clipping, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

Lucy Gates to parents, April 23, 1915, Gates (Bowen) Collection, BYU

"Lucy Gates," Emma Lucy Gates Bowen Collection, USHS; Coray, "Emma Lucy Gates (Bowen), Soprano," p 62; interview with Margaret Bowen, wife of Albert E Bowen,Jr., Lucy's stepson, August 22, 1995, Salt Lake City

During the next few years she sang in many cities of the United States and Canada, including New York, Brooklyn, Newark, and Philadelphia. She captured the hearts of audiences wherever she sang.

In 1916 Lucy married attorney Albert E. Bowen, a widower with two children who later became an LDS apostle. Bowen realized the great satisfaction his wife received from performing and supported her in doing so. In fact, the Bowens engaged live-in help to relieve Lucy of enough of the household and family responsibilities that she was able to continue a career outside of the home, just as her own mother had done.

Susa, however, continued to see Lucy's career as a problem At one point mother and daughter even exchanged heated words backstage during a performance. The fact that their personalities were as "different as night and day" apparently complicated efforts to resolve their disagreements.

Gradually, Lucy limited her musical engagements outside of Utah. Although she never had children of her own, her niece, Eudora Widtsoe Durham, recounted that Lucy was "thrilled to death" to be a wife and stepmother. This was a role she always assumed she would fulfill even as she pursued a career. Lucy, herself, said, "if I had to choose between home and children and a career, I'd take the home and children."28

Lucy filled an important role in developing the arts and artists of Utah until her death in 1951. She lent her support to the Utah Symphony when it was a struggling new orchestra; through her musi-

Emma Lucy GatesBowen with her husband, Albert E. Bowen, and his twin sons, Albert and Robert.

Interview with Florence Stamm, June 8, 1995, Salt Lake City; Durham interview

cal connections she was able to engage soloists for a reasonable fee to come and perform with it. She encouraged and promoted talented young musicians who were trying to make names for themselves. And, finally, she became that music teacher in her "own dear state" of Utah that she had set out to be.

Emma Lucy Gates Bowen 355

Emma Lucy Gates Bowen in herlateryears.

Charles W. Penrose and His Contributions to Utah Statehood

BY KENNETH W. GODFREY

This photograph,probably taken in Washington, D.C, ca. 1887, includes a number ofthose Penrose worked with in the statehood quest. Standing: George F. Gibbs, L. John Nuttall, Charles W. Penrose; seated: John T. Caine,Margaret Caine,JosephE Smith, Emily Richards, Franklin S. Richards. USHS collections.

Dr Godfrey, Logan, is retired from the LDS Church Educational System and is a past president of the Mormon History Association

BOR N IN ENGLAND IN 1832, CHARLES WILLIAM PENROSE, after becoming a Mormon prior to his nineteenth birthday, began serving a decadelong proselyting mission in his native land. The only member of his family to join the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, he arrived in Utah with his wife and small family in the fall of 1861. A gifted student of the gospel and a fine author, he was known for writing hymns and many articles for the church's England-based Millennial Star. His public speaking ability as well as his devotion to Mormonism were also noteworthy.

After serving another three-year mission in England during 1862-65, Penrose moved his residence from Logan to Ogden in 1870, accepting Franklin D Richards's offer to become managing editor of the semi-weekly Ogden Junction, a newspaper Richards had just founded.

In his first editorial, Penrose wrote that the Junction would not be a particularly religious, political, or scientific paper; its goal was to serve the interests of the city, the county, and the territory. He reserved the right to write on any subject "that may affect the interests of our readers."

1 Penrose also continued to polish his speaking ability, delivering a gospel discourse in the Ogden area almost every week, thus becoming widely known as a defender of the Latter-day Saints

Only six weeks after composing his first editorial, he was elected to the city council where he served four terms and found politics to his liking He also represented Weber County at the 1872 constitutional convention where he helped write a constitution for a proposed state of Deseret and a memorial to Congress requesting statehood. In 1874 he was elected to the territorial legislature, and, taking an active role, drafted a number of bills and documents.

In 1877 Penrose received a request from Brigham Young to move to Salt Lake City and assume a position as assistant editor of the Deseret News. There he would work under the editorship of George Q. Cannon and Brigham Young, Jr., both members of the church's Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. Before leaving Ogden, Penrose was offered ownership of the Junction by Franklin Richards, a proposal he wisely refused

With his two wives and numerous children, Charles Penrose arrived in the territory's capital city shortly before the death of Brigham Young in August 1877 Beginning his employment with the 1 OgdenJunction, January

Deseret News, he found that the two apostles with whom he worked delegated most of the editorial responsibilities to him, so he virtually ran the newspaper himself.

When A. P. Rockwood died, Penrose received the appointment to take his place in the legislature. One of his first initiatives was to author a bill guarding "the sanctity of the nominative franchise." This bill, which passed, established nominative precincts throughout the territory and specified the requirements for holding the offices of treasurer, librarian, notary public, trustee of the school district, aswell as any educational or clerical office in the territory.2 He also spoke vigorously in favor of a bill establishing the University of Deseret on a permanent basis, urging a $50,000 appropriation for that purpose.

When Orlando J Hollister, U.S collector of internal revenue for Utah and correspondent for the New York Tribune, requested an interview with church president John Taylor, Penrose was chosen to assist Taylor in answering Hollister's questions. Broaching the topic of Utah statehood and plural marriage, Penrose told the reporter "that God, not Joseph Smith, had instituted polygamy, and that there had been no promise of compromise regarding plural marriage when the 1872 petition for statehood was formulated by the constitutional convention of which he had been a member."3

Working behind the scenes, Penrose, Angus M. Cannon, and George Reynolds selected and prepared the banner the Saints carried in a "grand demonstration of the Mormon people's displeasure and detestation for the government's actions of imprisoning Latter-day Saints who were merely being true to their sacred covenants."4 In 1881 he served on a committee with five members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles whose purpose was to thwart the ratification of the Edmunds bill and encourage Congress to enact legislation granting statehood for Utah.5 This committee was unsuccessful; the Edmunds bill ultimately passed, and Utah failed once more to win statehood.

Early in February 1882, Penrose, now editor-in-chief of the Deseret News, gathered with other members of the territorial legislature in yet another attempt to achieve the elusive goal of statehood During meetings held over a two-week period the delegates reluctantly surren-

2 Salt Lake Herald, February 3, 1880

3 Samuel W Taylor and Raymond W Taylor, eds., TheJohn Taylor Papers: Records of the Last Utah Pioneer, 2 vols (Redwood City: Taylor Trust, 1984), 2:37

4 Ibid., p 53

6 Edward Leo Lyman, Political Deliverance: The Mormon Quest for Utah Statehood (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), p 22

dered some vestiges of the old state of Deseret, including the name They also resolved that Utah's residents should demand a "republican form of government." The territory's voters overwhelmingly approved the new constitution, and envoys were dispatched to the nation's capital, hoping to bring Utah into the Union. The petition, to the lobbyists' dismay, languished in committee, and nothing further resulted from this statehood attempt.6

In an effort to more clearly explain the Mormon religion to the American people, Penrose, at the request of church leaders, composed a number of pamphlets elucidating Latter-day Saint beliefs. To explain the "plainness" of Mormonism, he wrote a small book titled Mormon Doctrine Plain and Simple, or Leavesfrom the Tree ofLife. He hoped to show that church doctrine replicated biblical truths and convince skeptics that Latter-day Saints were indeed followers of Christ Unfortunately, few non-Mormons bothered to read what he had written.

In the fall of 1884, Penrose received a request from the church's First Presidency to answer anti-Mormon charges that the church practiced blood atonement and that Brigham Young had ordered Latterday Saints to kill immigrants camped at Mountain Meadow in September 1857. On the evening of October 12, 1884, before a packed house gathered in the Salt Lake Twelfth Ward assembly hall, Penrose delivered a long lecture on blood atonement that was later printed and sold in the territory. In his treatment of this subject he argued that the doctrine is founded on the blood Jesus Christ shed for the sins of the world. Only a few sins such as murder, he argued, warrant the death penalty. There had not been a single case of the church ever executing a killer, he declared. Instead, all church leaders from Joseph Smith toJohn Taylor "have a horror, a repugnance to the shedding of blood." He denied that a Danite band existed in the church to execute members who committed adultery or were guilty of murder. Furthermore, he rejected arguments that Judas Iscariot's fellow apostles had blood-atoned the traitor, as some Latter-day Saints were alleged to have said.7 Penrose's discourse attempted to move Mormonism away from the more radical statements of early leaders and make it more palatable to the nation's people.

Two weeks later, before another standing-room only audience, Penrose spoke about the Mountain Meadow Massacre Producing new information regarding this tragic event, he admitted that some Mormons

6 Ibid., p. 24.

7 Journal ofDiscourses, 26 vols (Liverpool, 1854-86), 6:125-26

had been participants. Then he reported the first-person account of James Holt Haslam's ride from Cedar City to Salt Lake City and back with orders from Brigham Young that the immigrants must be protected if it took all of Iron County to do so. Absolving Brigham Young of any wrongdoing, he called the massacre the most unfortunate, tragic event in territorial history. His published lecture contained a statement from President John Taylor condemning those who participated in the dastardly deed. Taylor stated unequivocally that the affair had no basis or justification in Mormon doctrine. The church, he said, does not uphold the committing of "so heinous a crime." Church leaders were using Penrose to defuse the arguments of anti-Mormon citizens, hoping that politicians would realize that Latter-day Saints were in reality law-abiding, honorable, loyal citizens of the United States, not a church of murderers.

The 1884 election of Democrat Grover Cleveland as president of the United States prompted a celebration among the Mormons and again heightened their hopes for statehood. Shortly after that election, an L. Miller, who has never been identified, contacted church leaders, passing himself off as "a secret agent of the Cleveland administration" and convinced them that if they were willing to expend $25,000 at the right time in the right way the Democrats just might grant statehood for Utah. He also suggested that church officials meet with members of the Cleveland administration.8

On January 3, 1885, Charles W. Penrose and Brigham Young, Jr., both of whom were Democrats, accompanied Miller east to consult the president-elect and his advisors. They were also authorized to expend as much as $25,000, if such an expenditure would further the statehood cause. 9 Arriving in Albany, New York, on January 9, they found lodging in a hotel while Miller met with "the Cleveland People." That same evening Miller came to the room of Penrose and Young with a list of questions the new administration wanted answered. Penrose spent most of the evening composing the replies, which Young then approved, and they were given to Miller

The following day, January 10, as instructed by Miller, the two Mormons went to New York City and again secured housing The next day Miller appeared with more questions that took Penrose the entire day to answer in pencil. Miller later told him that administration offi-

8 William C Seifrit, ed., "To Get U[tah] In U[nion]': Diary of a Failed Mission," Utah Historical Quarterly 51 (1983): 363

" Diary of Charles W Penrose, January 3, 1885, Utah State Historical Society Library, Salt Lake City Later much larger sums were expended to influence officials to vote for statehood Except as otherwise noted, the remaining discussion of this incident is based on the Penrose diary.

Charles W. Penrose

cials were satisfied with his responses. Still, the days that followed were filled with Penrose answering additional questions. ByJanuary 20 both Young and Penrose were convinced that something was awry and demanded satisfaction from Miller who "appeared confused." Two days later Penrose met with Daniel S Lamont, Cleveland's private secretary, "who denied knowing Miller or anything about the scheme." Lamont said Miller was a fraud.

Fortunately, Lamont directed Penrose and Young to where the president-elect was residing. Knocking, the two men were met at the door by Cleveland himself who invited them inside. He told his visitors that he knew nothing of Miller and believed he should be arrested Then Penrose and Young discussed the Utah situation with Cleveland who "showed much interest." In fact, he was so interested that he invited them back for a two o'clock meeting where they talked for more than an hour. Penrose called his attention to "many facts and points, as well as agreeing to send him some written material regarding the Utah question." Penrose and Young believed they had made a good impression on the new president, and they were favorably impressed with him. Future events would prove them correct in both assessments

On January 26, 1885, Penrose, now in the nation's capital, talked in the evening with A. M. Gibson, a businessman of some note, who suggested that he lobby the New York merchants trading with Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution. Gibson also suggested putting a "prohibitory clause against polygamy" in a new constitution. After statehood is achieved, he said, the clause could be repealed. Though Penrose at the time said this could not be done, he later passed the suggestion along to church leaders, arguing that it would be better to be prosecuted by fellow Latter-day Saints for practicing plural marriage under state laws than continuing to be prosecuted by antiMormon officials. Two years later such a clause was a plank in the proposed new constitution.10

February 7, 1885, was a particularly good day for Penrose and Young. Making their way to New York City's Victorian Hotel, they met Miller. Soon a "fat fussy man" with a dark, dyed mustache hurried into the room and was introduced as Mr. Banks. He told the two lobbyists, that "all was arranged; Utah would be admitted," and a Missouri friend of the Mormons would be appointed attorney general of the United 10 Lyman, Political Deliverance, p.48

States. All that remained was to give Miller $20,000. Penrose and Young were shown a map of the new state, which included Utah, parts of Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, and New Mexico, making it square After asking a few questions they were further convinced that Banks was a fraud "who did not know Cleveland." Refusing to part with the money, they left Miller, who was aware that "his game was up." Back in their own hotel, Penrose wrote John Taylor a full account of their activities and the attempt to defraud the church.

Two weeks later Penrose talked with Sidney Dillon and Jay Gould, men of wealth and influence, and Daniel Manning, Cleveland's secretary of the treasury. Manning told him that "the whole country was prejudiced against polygamy" and the church's control of Utah politics but that nothing would be said about Utah in Cleveland's inaugural address. He stated further that Cleveland would talk more with Mormon officials after the inauguration.11 A few days after this Penrose, to avoid being arrested for cohabitation, left for England and yet another church mission there

What had his lobbying accomplished? He had established a personal relationship with President Grover Cleveland that lasted for many years. Furthermore, the seed of the idea was planted and began to sprout that a plank be included in a new state constitution prohibiting plural marriage in Utah. Additionally, the delegation had met wealthy influential eastern entrepreneurs who did business in Utah and recommended that these men use their political clout to promote statehood if they wanted to maintain their activities there. Each of these measures would continue to be important For example, two years later Senator Leland Stanford was quoted as saying "that he wanted to stand in with the people [of Utah] and wants them to stand in with him," implying a mutual need for a business alliance and good will.12

Penrose's third mission to England lasted only eight months. He returned to Salt Lake City on November 10, 1885. Spending the next months conferring and planning strategy with church attorney Franklin S. Richards, newspaperman Frank J. Cannon, and others regarding political matters, and writing editorials for the Deseret News, Penrose also secretly married a third wife, Dr. Romania Bunnell Pratt, the divorced wife of Parley P Pratt, Jr.13 In April, only a month after " Penrose diary, February 21, 1885 12 Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 74-75 13 Soon after the marriage Romania hung a sign on her office which read Dr Romania Pratt Penrose So much for the secrecy

Charles W. Penrose

363

his nuptials, he traveled with George F. Gibbs, secretary to the First Presidency, to Washington, D.C, where he worked again with Brigham Young,Jr., Delegate to CongressJohn T Caine, and others in the statehood effort Helping secure the appointment of William Hyde, editor of the Salt Lake Herald, as United States printer, Penrose took his place as editor of the Herald (while serving in England he had been replaced as Deseret News editor), where he continued to promote the Democratic party and attack the anti-statehood position of the Salt Lake Tribune. Using biting prose and impeccable logic, he effectively argued the cause of statehood. Typical was an editorial penned in 1888. Commenting on the failure of Montana and the Dakotas to become states, Charles wrote:

They are as loyal to the government as are the people of New England; they are law abiding, enterprising; working for the glory and prosperity of the republic; they are self sustaining, tax-paying and ambitious; they are good citizens in all that the word implies and the nation requires. And yet they are governed as Russia governs her colonies; are ruled by men not of them [nor] have an interest in them or their welfare; their laws are interpreted, applied and enforced byjudges and court officers who are sent among them as strangers, and who are really not in political sympathy with them.14

Penrose believed the same logic applied to Utah In another editorial he said, "Fortunately the Territories are few in number and are growing in population and importance so rapidly, that they cannot much longer be kept out of the Union and deprived of their rights. The infamous system must soon go because there will be no place or people upon whom to visit the tyranny."15

In the summer of 1887 Penrose was sent once more to Washington to assist John T. Caine in lobbying for statehood. His friendship with Cleveland gave him some influence with other politicians as well. After a few weeks in the nation's capital, he sent a letter to church leaders in which he suggested that another constitutional convention be called and a constitution formed prohibiting polygamy. Arguing that accepting such a constitution would be purely a political matter, Penrose also wrote that "Non-polygamist Mormons would be the only ones who could vote on the Constitution, therefore general authorities [who could not vote because they were all polygamists] would not be committing themselves on the matter." According to the leading authority on the subject, this was the first time that church

14 Salt Lake Herald, February 2, 1888

15 Ibid., February 24, 1888

leaders "distinguished between political and religious positions on the doctrine of plural marriage." With corroboration from Penrose, "Mormons could assume assurance that the Cleveland administration was willing to accede to the distinction between a political and a theological concession embodied in the constitutional provisions, with only the political being expected."16

President John Taylor had to be convinced that in consenting to "these terms we neither yield nor compromise an iota of our religious principles" nor was it "necessarily a capitulation on the part of the Church relative to plural marriage." Penrose argued, as he had before, that it would be better if laws were enforced by officials chosen by Mormons than by hostile federal appointees. Finally, Taylor encouraged Penrose to proceed with assurances to Cleveland that the church would accept such a constitution as a political necessity, not as a compromise or a yielding of principles. In a letter to Cleveland, Taylor reinforced this view by quoting Penrose, "If a constitution should be adopted according to its provisions it would, at worst, only be punishing ourselves for what our enemies are now punishing us."17

Aware of Taylor's letter and its content, John W. Young, church lobbyist and son of Brigham Young, and Penrose arranged an audience with Solicitor General George A.Jenks. Jenks told Penrose that the administration viewed the proposed antipolygamy plank in the Utah constitution as purely a political settlement of the plural marriage question and that Cleveland was willing to go along with it.18

Returning home, Penrose reported to the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve Apostles Abraham H Cannon, a general authority and son of George Q. Cannon, recorded in his diary the evening following Penrose's briefing that they had asked Penrose to prepare a statement that could be adopted at the July 1887 constitutional convention. This new provision made polygamy a misdemeanor punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 and imprisonment of not more than three years. 19

The First Presidency dispatched general authorities throughout the territory to inform the Saints of their decision. Penrose and others also worked with officials in the Cleveland administration to secure pardons for leading church officials, including himself, so that they

16 Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 43-44

17 Ibid., pp 45, 65-66 See also letter of Charles W Penrose toJohn Taylor, February 16, 1887, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City

18 Lyman, Political Deliverance, p 85

19 Ibid., p 48

Charles W. Penrose 365

could once more safely appear in public Penrose was also influential in having Judge Charles S. Zane removed from office and another judge, more sympathetic to the Mormon people, appointed.20 Finally, Solicitor General Jenks came to Utah as an observer of the constitutional convention and reported that pledges made were carried out.

When the Senate Committee on Territories conducted hearings on the proposed constitution in February and March 1888, witnesses for the church, coached by Franklin S. Richards,Joseph F. Smith, and Penrose, presented Utah's case for admission into the Union. Richards assured the committee that if Utah became a state those who engaged in plural marriage would be pursued and church officials would not dominate state politics.

Church leaders also agreed to stop speaking publicly about polygamy, and missionaries were instructed to avoid raising the excitement of non-members on this subject. Members were told not to criticize the federal government and its officials in still another attempt to court public favor. Joseph F. Smith, speaking for the First Presidency, declared that plural marriage was a permissive law,just as were other gospel laws, a position that Penrose had espoused earlier. In private, however, Smith said that he thought those who obeyed and practiced plural marriage occupied a higher plane than those who disregarded it.21

Penrose, Young, Richards, and Caine met with Alexander Badlam and other influential Republicans from California who advised them to downplay the church's interest in statehood while they worked behind the scenes. Badlam, Isaac Trumbo, and others wanted to develop their mining interests in Utah without federal interference and therefore favored statehood.22

In the spring of 1887 Badlam and Trumbo became involved in the Bullion-Beck Silver Mine at Eureka, Utah. They visited the mine in May of that year, accompanied by Bishop Hiram B. Clawson. Following the visit, Clawson wrote to John W. Young telling him that these men "had powerful financial reasons, as well as personal friendships, for seeing that Utah received just treatment from the federal government."23 Badlam and Trumbo were to play a major role in see-

20 Edward Leo Lyman, "Political Deliverance: The Mormon Quest for Statehood" (Ph.D. diss., University of California-Riverside, 1981), p 101 See also Thomas G Alexander, "The Odyssey of a Latterday Prophet: Wilford Woodruff and the Manifesto of 1890," Journal of Mormon History 17 (1991): 188

21 Alexander, "Odyssey of a Latter-day Prophet," pp 188-89; Lyman, "Political Deliverance," p 105

22 Lyman, Political Deliverance, p 56

23 Lyman, "Political Deliverance," pp 123-24

ing that the statehood dream became a reality. Their activities demonstrate once again that economic interests are often more powerful persuaders than are moral factors in political matters

Dispatched to Washington in the company of Joseph F. Smith who used the aliasJason Mack, Penrose, still not pardoned, used the name Charles Williams. Visiting key senators and representatives, Penrose told them that only a few Latter-day Saints actually practiced polygamy and that if Utah were admitted to the Union it would come in as a Democratic state However, when a vote was suddenly called by irate Senator Shelby Cullom, it became obvious that Utah would not achieve statehood unless plural marriage was abandoned by the church. The provision in the proposed constitution would not suffice. While powerful Californians worked to secure statehood for Utah, the First Presidency sent Penrose east again with considerable funds to work with newspaper editors He was to encourage them to publish articles that "might dispel the ignorance and prejudice toward the church." He was also authorized to pay for such articles if necessary. Furthermore, he was to tell John W. Young that because of his inefficiency the church was probably not going to continue to use him as a lobbyist. After delivering the message to Young, Penrose began to lobby editors of the nation's most prominent newspapers. He paid $74,000 to the New York Times, the New York Sun, the New York Evening Post, the Philadelphia Times, the St. Louis Globe, and the Chicago Times. Money was also disbursed to the San Francisco Chronicle and the San Francisco Call.24

Penrose also engaged the Chicago Times in an editorial debate regarding what the Times called "The Mormon Statehood Fraud" and continued his work with eastern editors. He was successful in having published an interview with Arizona Congressman Curtis C. Bean that depicted the Latter-day Saints favorably. Generally, however, he had little success in getting his replies to negative articles published. The populace preferred reading articles that degraded Mormons.

After a few months at home, Penrose and attorney Franklin S. Richards traveled to Washington early in December 1888. Grover Cleveland, defeated in the November election, was now a lame duck president The two lobbyists met with the defeated president for more than an hour, discussing the potential advantages to the Democratic party if it would lead the way for Utah statehood. Cleveland promised

to assist as much as he could and made a number of helpful suggestions.25

Officially pardoned by Cleveland for his participation in plural marriage, Penrose was free for the first time in many years to appear in public. He, together withJoseph F. Smith, not yet pardoned, edited and approved the printed presentation made before the Senate Committee on Territories by Franklin S. Richards,John T. Caine, and Republican attorney Jeremiah Wilson.26

February and March of 1889 found Penrose and other lobbyists meeting regularly with senators from various states. They told Joseph F. Smith that Henry B. Payne of Ohio was a prejudiced, senseless, soulless old duffer who, while admitting facts, utterly ignored their force and purpose. 27

They ran into similar opposition from others As senators and representatives discussed the territorial bill behind closed doors, Penrose and Richards found the caucus very much divided and considerable dissatisfaction among prominent congressmen concerning Utah. Several told Penrose they could not vote to admit Utah because of the prejudice of their constituents. Finally, when church leaders refused to sign a paper sent to them from Congress stating that Mormons should abide by the law of the land, the proposed Utah enabling bill was quickly killed.

Penrose also learned that leaders of both political parties had agreed to "press to the limit the church financially" until they gave up plural marriage.28 Late in December 1889, after spending a few days in prison for contempt of court because he refused to answer questions regarding his own plural marriages, Penrose met with Wilford Woodruff who requested that he write a document, later labeled "An Official Declaration," which was signed by the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve Apostles.29 In this circular letter, dated December 12, 1889, Penrose declared that the church did not favor killing those who left the church and did not believe in blood atonement, except on the part ofJesus Christ and when carried out under civil law. He also stated that church leaders would not interfere with the political rights of Utah's citizens and declared unequivocally that

23 Ibid., pp. 82, 103-104.

26 Francis M. Gibbons, Joseph F. Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1984), p. 168.

27 Ibid., p. 167.

28 Lyman, "Political Deliverance," p 230

29 Scott G Kenney, ed., Wilford Woodruff's Journal, 1833-1898, Typescript, 9 vols (Midvale, Ut.: Signature Books, 1983-85), 9:73

the temple endowment was not hostile to the United States government. Latter-day Saints, he wrote, claimed no religious liberties that they were not willing to grant to other religions and non-religious groups, and he again stated that Mormons were loyal to the United States government.30

Throughout the early months of 1890 Penrose continued to meet with the First Presidency on political matters He worked, too, with church members, encouraging them to take the oath required by the Utah Commission that they did not practice or believe in plural marriage, so that they could vote. He reported to church leaders that some members refused to accept his counsel. Under the direction of Joseph F. Smith he also prepared statements "establishing the position that plural marriage was an optional practice not necessary for salvation."31 This position aroused the anger of several apostles.

As summer reached for fall the most significant event in the Mormon quest for statehood took place, with Charles W Penrose as an important player in the drama. On Sunday, September 21, 1890, after returning to Salt Lake City from a trip to California, President Wilford Woodruff met with Franklin S. Richards and Penrose. He told them about his meetings with rich, powerful, prominent California Republicans and their efforts to push forward statehood with the Republican administration. Penrose told Woodruff that it was likely that a bill would pass Congress disfranchising all Latter-day Saints who otherwise were eligible voters.32 Two days later Penrose, George Reynolds, andJohn R Winder edited a 516-word document written by Woodruff to 356 words to prepare it for publication This document, known as the Manifesto, officially ended plural marriage in the Mormon church. Now only one major obstacle remained before statehood could be achieved.

The nation's political leaders believed that the church hierarchy dictated the politics of Utah Thus, forces were set in motion to align the people of Utah with the nation's two major political parties Penrose, an early advocate that the Saints divide along national party lines, used his influence as a newspaper editor to encourage the Utah populace to attend the Republican and Democratic parties' mass meetings, study the issues from a national perspective, and make an

30

31

(1985): 43

James R Clark, comp., Messages of the First Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ ofLatter-day Saints, 1833-1964, 5 vols (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965-71), 3: 184-187

Alexander, "Odyssey of a Latter-day Prophet," pp 199, 203

32 D Michael Quinn, "LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1890-1904," Dialogue 18

intelligent choice as to party affiliation. He also wrote and published a rebuttal to the report of the Utah Commission that plural marriages continued to be contracted in Utah.33

When the church's semi-annual conference convened on October 6, 1891, Charles Penrose was asked to speak In a stirring address he commented on the recent report of the Utah Commission in which they sought to make it appear "that the people of Utah are dominated by their leaders in political matters—that they are by them treated as political serfs." The objective of the Commission's report, Penrose said, was that the Latter-day Saints be kept in territorial vassalage and denied the rights accorded other people. Concluding his remarks, Penrose said, "I know that I have not been dominated or coerced in political matters I have never seen anything of that character. The people," he stated emphatically, "have voted as they pleased. We have had the secret ballot, and the authorities of the Church could not know who a person voted for if they wished to. . , . We are a free people, and our leading men have not led us into bondage." 3 4

Following his discourse, President Woodruff told the congregation, "What Brother Penrose has said is true; and as a proof of this I will say that I had a great desire in my heart at the last election, that we might have some Republicans in our legislature, and have not got one Here is Brother Lund [Anthon H. Lund, an apostle.] I believe he is a Republican. He ran, but did not get elected. This shows that if I had anything to do with it, I certainly had no influence with the people; for we have got no Republicans in the legislature."35

Still, Penrose and Woodruff both knew that church leaders were doing all they could to develop a true two-party system in Utah. With Republicans in control in Washington, the First Presidency believed that Utah would not achieve statehood unless more of the populace voted for Republican candidates. Penrose, Moses Thatcher, and Brigham H. Roberts, committed Democrats, were of the opinion that if church leaders could and did use their influence on behalf of Republican candidates, then they as citizens should be free to speak out in favor of Democrats.

As election day 1892 approached, both parties had a full slate of viable candidates. Joseph F. Smith, second counselor in the church's

First Presidency, prepared and published a booklet titled, Another Plain Talk: Reasons Why the People of Utah Should be Republicans. The booklet's purpose was to answer a Penrose column that had appeared in the Salt Lake Herald providing a litany of reasons why Utahns should be. Democrats. Having read the Smith booklet, Penrose wrote and printed a broadside in rebuttal, calling attention to its "errors and misstatements." His prose was so strong that the general authorities believed him to be out of harmony with his brethren.36

Penrose truly believed in political independence and was ecstatic when Democrats carried the election of 1892 As it turned out, it was fortunate that the Republicans did not win this election, for it would have given the appearance that the church did indeed dictate the state's politics. That Penrose, Thatcher, and Roberts defied church leaders and continued to openly support Democratic candidates also sent a message to Washington that Utahns were free when entering the voting booth.

In the aftermath of the 1892 election Penrose was called to meet with President Woodruff who chastised him for his political behavior.

Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp 201-202, 208

1' In

Charles W. Penrose, man with moustachein center ofphotograph, and others on scaffolding around theSalt Lake Temple,1893. USHS collections.

Some believe that Penrose was told that he would not be allowed to attend the dedication of the Salt Lake Temple unless he made right his wrongs. Woodruff's diary does not state that such was the case. However, before Penrose left Woodruff's presence he had achieved a reconciliation and was never at odds with his ecclesiastical leaders again.37

As 1892 came to a close Penrose used the editorial page of the Salt Lake Herald to continue the campaign for statehood. His editorials applied pressure on the Republicans to grant statehood, accusing them of thwarting past efforts "The Mormon people of Utah want statehood and they want it as soon as it can be obtained They have always wanted it, he asserted."38

Finally on December 13, 1893, Wilford Woodruff could write in his diary, "Glory to God in the Highest, for He fulfills his word to the Sons of men. What we have been looking for so Long Came to Pass this day The House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States Passed a Bill for the Admission of Utah into the Union with Equal Powers of the other States with ownly five 5 opposing votes I think it is an Event unheard of in the whole History of the American Government."39

Six months later, as the legislation worked its way to the president's desk, Grover Cleveland signed the Enabling Act that virtually assured Utah's admission into the Union. President Woodruff wrote that day, "That has been a hard struggle for years as it had seemed as though all earth and hell have been combined against the Latter-day Saints and a state government."40

Many men were willing to take credit for Utah's admission to the family of states Still, if a statehood hall of fame were to be established the first inductees would include John W Young, LeGrand Young, John T. Caine, Franklin S. Richards, George Q. Cannon, Joseph F. Smith, Wilford Woodruff, Joseph L. Rawlins, FrankJ. Cannon, Hiram B. Clawson, Isaac Trumbo, Alexander Badlam, and Charles W. Penrose. These men perhaps experienced more satisfaction on July 17, 1894, than any other citizens. Their mission was finally accomplished.

In this impressive work Tom Alexander has provided us with the most able account of Utah's history yet assembled In his preface Alexander indicated that he wanted to achieve a sense of "integration" while, at the same time, representing the state's "complexity" and "variety." I commenced reading the book seriously doubting that anyone could wed those conflicting objectives. After completing the volume, I was satisfied not only that he succeeded but that more was delivered than promised

Beginning with a chapter-length description of Utah's geology, fauna, flora, and climate, Alexander proceeds chronologically to describe the region's native inhabitants, early EuroAmerican explorers, the coming of the Mormons, and the state's last hundred years of economic and political trial as well as its astonishing cultural achievement. Observing that more than half of Utah's "recoverable" past lies in the twentieth century, the book faithfully reflects this ratio, devoting its last two hundre d or so pages to events since 1896.

Alexander's combing of the past is broadly inclusive, recollecting the experiences of Native Americans, Protestants, Catholics, immigrant minorities and women, and delving into culture and sports. Subjects as diverse as the dangers faced by nineteenth-century laborers in Utah's mines (pp 162-64), the World War II Japanese relocation center at Topaz

(pp. 353-56), Utahns' tragic experience with fallout from atomic testing in the Nevada desert (pp 346-47, 367-70), and Frank Layden and the Utah Jazz (pp 441-42, 455) are examples of the immense variety of topics treated in this book. At the same time, issues cutting across the interests of all groups are explored And one of these, for Utahns, has always been the land. Repeatedly, questions of land ownership, land use, and water are shown to have played a major role in the lives of those residing in the Beehive State In the twentieth century, the long struggle over adequate and fair allocation of upper- and lowerbasin waters from the Colorado River has been particularly long lasting and crucial Alexander's account of the controversy (pp 303-7) provides an informative review meaningful to all residents of the American West.

Integration of topics is partially achieved by an opening and ending section in all chapters, knitting their contents to one or more pervasive themes and setting them within their relevant national and international contexts. Particular theses are also developed to achieve integration An example was Utah's nineteenth-century movement from communitarian to individualistic approaches in land and water use—a change that was part of an even larger shift: Utah's assimilation into the dominant American culture Yet another conceptually unifying theme has been the movement from a

Utah: The Right Place. By THOMAS G ALEXANDER (Layton, Ut.: Gibbs Smith, Publisher, 1995 487 pp $24.95.)

colony unde r the domination of the federal government and/o r eastern financial interests to a commonwealth in which most of Utah's capital and management are now generated within the state itself

An even more pervasive influence in Utah than the land, perhaps, has been Mormonism Alexander devotes most of four long chapters to the rise of the religion, the Saints' migration to the West, and their extended struggle for statehood. Along with crediting the church with important humanitarian and economic contributions, Alexander provides a balanced account of Mormonism's practice of polygamy while unsparingly describing its part in the Mountain Meadows Massacre and church members' sometimes presumptuous policies toward ethnic minorities Indeed, even with the state's diverse cultural flowering in the twentieth century Mormonism is described as a powerful, inclining force in Utah's social and political life Without explicitly saying so, Alexander sketches a Utah of recent decades that, in some ways, displays the power constructions of territorial life a century ago Utah, he says, has nearly become a one-party state (conservative Republican). And the Mormon church has acted as an influential ally in this development. Constituting 72 percent of the state's population, Mormons count 80-90 percent of their state legislators as in the fold (p 419)

There is so much to praise about this book—the clearly labeled subsections within chapters, the wealth of biographical and statistical information, the extensive bibliography, and, very important, Alexander's wonderful phrase-making style—that I hesitate to engage in that disturbing tendency of so many academic reviewers to find something wherein the volume falls short. But surely, so magnificent a production as this, Utah's "Official Centennial History," specially commissioned by the Utah State Historical Society, deserves better illustrations Because all pictorial representations are in black and white some maps are but a confusion of shade and line (see, e.g., those illustrating the geology of Utah and routes of the early fur traders, pp. 12, 60, respectively). The book is so reasonably priced that the additional cost of employing some color in its graphics certainly seems justified Thankfully, the volume is wrapped in an attractive dust jacket featuring a beautifully colored painting by Calvin Fletcher from the Springville Museum of Art

Apart from this single criticism, Utah: The Right Place is the right volume to read for an understanding of the state's rich heritage in this, its centennial year.

B CARMON HARDY California State University Fullerton

The Mormon Trail: Yesterday and Today. By WILLIAM E HILL (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1996 xxii + 216 pp Paper, $19.95.)

The main theme of The Mormon Trail: Yesterday and Today is the presentation of drawings, paintings, and early photographs of landmarks and scenes along the trail, together with recent photographs the author has meticulously taken to illustrate those features

in their present-day setting. The pictures with captions are so intriguing as to tempt the reader into visiting sections of the trail to see these historical sites.

Pictures alone, however, do not tell a complete story Hill has supple-

mented his photographic essay with a concise history of the nineteenth-century western expansion. He notes that the Mormon Trail was used extensively not only by the Latter-day Saints on their way to Utah but also by many immigrants going to Oregon and California. He also concludes that the trail experience was unique for the Mormons in that the migration of over twenty years' duration was organized and conducted by a single entity with the purpose of founding a complete and separate religious community With this objective the Mormon Trail was developed with permanent way stations for supply, river ferries for use by Mormon and non-Mormon alike, and its own experienced guide service

The great western movement began with the Louisiana Purchase and the Lewis and Clark Expedition The author's chronology of pertinent events, from 1803 to 1869 when the transcontinental railroad was completed, summarizes trail development Lansford W Hastings, who had successfully led an immigrant party to Oregon in 1842, did much to spur the later immigration by glowing descriptions of California in his lectures around the Midwest in 1843 and 1844. His The Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California, published in 1845, proposed a shorter route to California by way of the Great Salt Lake In that same year

John C Fremont camped at the future site of Salt Lake City and from there went west to California He reported "for wagons, the road is decidedly better." Hastings's "shorter route," which a year later became Hastings Cutoff, had been outlined. When Hastings sent the Donner-Reed party down East and Emigration canyons in 1846, the wagon roads later followed by the Mormons starting in 1847 had all been opened. The reproduced collection of pioneer maps with accompanying discussion illustrates what was known of the country and the roads crossing at that time Several maps and guides are known to have been in the hands of the Mormon leaders as they planned their exodus. The author's brief history of the Mormons' prior ordeals provides the reader with enough background to understand how the Mormon migration meshed historically with the development of the West

In addition to serving as a travel stimulant, a trail guide, or a brief history of western development, the book has an excellent bibliography. Even for those readers well versed in trail history, this well-written and interestingly organized book will capture attention.

RUSH SPEDDEN

Utah Westerners

A Gentile Account of Life in Utah's Dixie, 1872-73: Elizabeth Kane's St. George Journal.

Preface and notes by NORMAN R BOWEN and profile of Elizabeth Kane by MARY

KANE BOWEN SOLOMON (Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, University of Utah Library, 1995 xxx + 184 pp $24.95.)

Elizabeth Kane (Mrs Thomas L.) kept this hitherto unpublished journal in St George during the winter of 1872-73 The Kanes and their two young sons were the personal guests of Brigham Young who had invited the family to travel with his party to Utah's

Dixie in the hope that the mild climate would prove beneficial to the health of his (and the Mormons') friend, Major General Thomas Kane Mrs Kane's letters to her father describing the trip south were published in 1873 as Twelve Mormon Homes Visited and repub-

lished by the Tanner Trust Fund and the University of Utah Library in 1974. This book completes the story of the Kanes' sojourn with the Mormons at a time of great national agitation over the polygamy issue

The Kanes were comfortably housed at the Erastus Snow home, then located on the southeast corner of First North and Main Street In her journal, dated St. George, Christmas Day 1872, to Friday March 7 (editorially corrected to February 7), Mrs. Kane offers insights into a wide spectrum of Mormon temporal, spiritual, and social life. She notes that "Mormon meetings for spiritual purposes are invaded by the concerns of their daily lives, as much as their daily lives are by their religion." She marvels at the people's ability to take disappointments bravely, their confidence in "Heavenly Providence."

Mrs Kane describes the geographical setting of Utah's Dixie, the watering system, the gardens, and how irrigation washes out the saleratus and ruins the soil and also "eats away the walls and fences at the point where the stone meets the earth." She fears that "this people is lavishing labor for too trifling a return."

The Mormon Indian missionary/ interpreter system interests her, and she discusses the Indian unrest during the Prophet Wovoka phenomenon She abhors the practice of polygamy but is impressed with "women's independenc e compared to Eastern harems." After enjoying the sisters' hospitality for several weeks she confesses: "When I first came here I thought somewhat contemptuously there are

plenty of ignorant English women led astray, but I meet no educated English ladies These are women sufficiently educated to have studied their Bibles " When the St George party returned to Salt Lake, the Kanes spent a "week or so" at the Lion House, a step, she said, "which I took as a public testimony . . . that my opinion of the Mormon women had so changed during the winter that I was willing to eat salt with them." And though she knew that it would probably be more interesting for her to describe the Lion House household than any other in Utah, she says: "I am the only 'Gentile woman' to whom every door within the walls was set freely open, and who was invited to the most familiar intercourse with Brigham Young's wives and children. Yet that very fact seals my lips. I was not there as a newspaper correspondent, but as the wife of an honored and trusted friend of the head of the household I met non e but good and kindly women there, as in the other Utah homes where I became familiar."

The preface, notes, and profile put the lives of the Kanes into historical context and illuminate the personal relationship between Kane and Brigham Young. The whole has the emotional impact of a novel This beautifully crafted book should indeed prove to be an important addition to the library of the student of Utah, the Mormons, and the West.

Dorothy Mortensen Salt Lake City

A World We Thought We Knew: Readings in Utah History. Edited by JOHN S MCCORMICK and JOHN R SILLITO (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1995 x + 491 pp Cloth $65.00; paper, $24.95.)

This commemorative volume, edited by two well-known Utah historians, comprises thirty rather uneven selections treating issues ranging from

Mormon-Indian relations to Salt Lake City prostitution in the late nineteenthcentury, from the election to local office of scores of Socialists between 1900 and 1920 to the internmen t of Japanese Americans during World War II, from environmental history to the growth of a new urban West

Unfortunately, the selections are not new, and so one wonders about the validity of this volume All but one of the articles selected have appeared in magazines, journals, or books, some of them as long ago as the 1970s, with the great majority having appeared in Utah Historical Quarterly. In organizing the selections into one volume, the editors said they were trying to "illustrate the expanding boundaries of Utah's history, and contribute toward building a more complete understanding of the state's past."

There may be differing opinions from the readers of this volume as to whether the editors succeeded in their goal, but this reviewer finds it ground already plowed. In fact, the essay toward the end, "Suggestions for Further Reading," includes many more interesting and more appropriate articles than the ones chosen for this volume, even though it is an incomplete list

For a volume designed to tell some of the more salient facets of Utah's past, there are many subjects here that are of only superficial interest. Indeed, the entire selection of essays could be easily dismissed as marginal and unlikely to appeal to the interests of a general reading public

At least eight of the authors chosen for this volume read like an inside list of historians who have either worked for the Utah State Historical Society or published books unde r its banner.

blacks in early Utah. There are essays on the fur trade, prostitution, and the seagull, but virtually nothing about the importance of the Mormons in Utah's history Although the volume professes to place special interest on the twentieth-century, there is only a single essay about twentieth-century politics— Ernest Wilkinson's unsuccessful race for the U.S Senate in 1964 Strangely, there is nothing at all about the really important politicians in twentieth-century Utah, such as Governor J Bracken Lee, who stands out above all other political figures, or Calvin Rampton and Scott Matheson, who presided over a Democratic dynasty that endured for twenty years.

Clearly, Wilkinson, who raised many hackles in a lengthy tenure as president of Brigham Young University, had almost no political career at all, and therefore rates only an asterisk in Utah's political history

In a collection made up mostly of academic articles, there are a few that seem glaringly out of place—such as reminiscences and puff pieces from the now defunct Utah Holiday Magazine. If the editors wanted to go in a less scholarly direction, they could have balanced their approach by including any number of better or more representative feature stories about Utah life and politics from the Deseret News and the Salt Lake Tribune. But do they want academic analysis, or do they want journalistic descriptions and impressions? The decision should have been made prior to publication.

There are only two essays that make an important enough contribution to Utah's history to in fact justify the price of the book—Robert Goldberg's fine essay on "Building Zions: A Conceptual

Reclaiming the Arid West: The Career ofFrancis G. Newlands. By WILLIAM D. ROWLEY. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996 xvi + 199 pp $27.50.)

William Rowley and the editors at Indiana University Press are to be commended for the inclusion of Francis G. Newlands in their successful series of publications on the American West in the twentieth century Rowley's account re-examines Newlands's personal and political career in ways that illuminate the subtle and unique interplay between national and regional histories In the process, Rowley explodes not only the myths surrounding Newlands's wealth, racial ideas, and progressive policies but also familiar assumptions concerning the Far West. Most historians are familiar with Newlands's contributions, as a Nevada congressman and senator, toward the passage of the Water Reclamation Act of 1902 and its significance to western development. However, corporate influence and "rotten boroughs" purchased by affluent developers shroud the conventional understanding of western politics and progressive policies. But Rowley's treatment of Newlands's life unveils a more subtle and sophisticated politician, and hence political milieu, than previously assumed For example, while Francis Newlands was an heir to the tremendous wealth of William Sharon, and often used his financial advantages to sway elections in his favor, he was also a leading proponen t of limiting campaign expenditures in the hope of establishing "real democracy" in his state (p. 156). Similarly, Newlands's devoted crusade for intensified irrigation and other internal improvements also served two masters Rowley keenly concludes that when Newlands "talked about appealing to the rule of the people and spoke of the higher ideals of social achievement many detected a discomforting strain of sincerity in his

words" (p 91) Rowley shows how the broad support for federal oversight of western land and water, corporate regulation, and even Newlands's overt racism are properly understood only within the context of this unique blend of regional Progressivism.

Rowley writes in a clear and engaging manner, his research is exhaustive, and his conclusions are well reasoned and persuasive Furthermore, he seamlessly integrates his subject into the larger narrative of both the West and the nation. Put simply, this is an excellent book by which to introduce students to the distinctive evolution of the postwar West. Newlands's early legal career in San Francisco, his life within Sharon's vast empire, and his struggles to come to terms with his potential political career make for an engaging story that should keep the interest of all but the most reluctant undergraduate readers. The second half of the book, dealing with Newlands's public life in Nevada from 1889 to his death in 1917, brings this same excitement to the leading political questions of the day: irrigated agriculture, the "Silver Issue," third party and fusion movements, and tariff reform, to name only a few

Francis Newlands was much more than a paradoxical representative of the West's ruling elite Throug h his career, Rowley demonstrates the vital link between western development and the direction of the Progressive movement and cautions those who would try to understand this era without first acknowledging these unique regional qualities

DAVID BLANKE Rosary College River Forest, Illinois

Grand Canyon, a Century of Change:Rephotography of the 1889-1890 Stanton Expedition.

By ROBERT H WEBB (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996 xx + 290 pp Cloth, $60.00; paper, $26.95.)

Robert Brewster Stanton is one of the most important figures in Colorado River history. Appointed chief engineer of the Denver, Colorado Canyon, and Pacific Railroad, he directed a survey of the Colorado River canyons with the goal of demonstrating the feasibility of building a water-level railroad from Grand Junction to the Pacific Ocean. The survey began in 1889 and ended abruptly in Marble Canyon with the drowning of three crew members. Returning to Glen Canyon later that year, Stanton completed the survey the following year at Yuma.

Stanton relied on photography to documen t canyon features He was among the first to use rolled film which was more compact than the earlier bulky glass plates Although the railroad project was a failure because of Stanton's inability to secure financial backing, the survey must be counted a success for the 2,200 photographs that were taken of the river canyons and which are now preserved in the National Archives Robert Webb, a USGS hydrologist, rephotographed the 445 Stanton images of Marble and Grand canyons, matching each original view, and converted the Stanton photographs into a base data file for determining topographic and vegetative changes during the past century

Opening with a summary account of the Stanton survey and the science and art of rephotography, the bulk of the text is devoted to descriptions of the changes in the plant life, animal habitat, rapids, and sandbars that have taken place in the Grand Canyon during the past century Forty-five dual StantonWebb photographs illustrate these changes. The level of detail captured in the Stanton and Webb photographs is remarkable. This detail and the author's interpretive skill give the reader a better understanding of the ever-changing

world of the Grand Canyon than any coffee table book devoted to color photography of the canyon country

We do not completely understand all of the factors that contribute to longterm change in the Grand Canyon, but we now appreciate the important role played by catastrophic events such as the formation of rapids by cloudburst-generated, side canyon debris flows and the rearrangement of debris by periodic river floods. If Stanton's railroad had been built, the Colorado River canyons would have changed dramatically, although the railroad would not have been as desUuctive as the obliteration of Glen Canyon by Glen Canyon Dam. Indeed, the closing of the Glen Canyon Dam floodgates in 1963, which eliminated periodic river floods and replaced silt-laden water with clear water, is a catastrophic event that will affect the Grand Canyon for centuries to come

Yet even though river flows have been modified in Glen and Grand canyons in historic times, the Grand Canyon continues to be profoundly affected by natural phenomen a and is constantly changing on a geologic, not a human, time-scale. The Stanton and Webb photographs provide a series of comparative snapshots of the Grand Canyon along the continuum of time They constitute a valuable analytical tool today and will serve as benchmarks for future scientists

The book includes detailed endnotes, excellent maps and diagrams, and a useful index It is an important contribution to the literature of the Grand Canyon and will be of interest to the specialist and the general reader. The author and the publisher are to be commended for a volume that belongs in every Colorado River collection.

Paths of Life: American Indians of the Southwest and Northern Mexico. Edited by

THOMAS E. SHERIDAN and NANCY PAREZO (Tucson:

University of

Arizona

Press,

1996. xxxvi + 298 pp Cloth, $45.00; paper, $17.95.)

In 1993 and 1995 the Arizona State Museum presented a two-part exhibit titled "Paths of Life," a celebration of American Indians past and present Rather than staging another ethnological display, the curators intended to express the dynamism, cultural vitality, and interconnectedness of Indians of the Southwest and norther n Mexico through artifacts, graphics, printed words, and contemporary voices—to dispel stereotypes of Indians as peoples without history, as peoples who resisted change and disappeared.

Paths of Life moves beyond a standard exhibit catalogue to present more detailed ethnohistorical information on ten tribes—Navajo, Yaqui, Western Apaches, Pais (Havasupais, Hualapais, Yavapais), O'odha m (Pima and Tohono O'odham) , Tarahumara, Southern Paiute, Seri, Colorado River Yumans, and Hopi Each chapter begins with native origin accounts and includes some basic ethnography, contact history, and a survey of contemporary issues While brief, these are nice straightforward summaries of complex tribal histories. All but three are written exclusively by exhibit curators/editors Sheridan or Parezo, so there is a continuity of themes and styles lacking in other edited collections. Sidebars within the text explore specialized topics, much like exhibit display text

Taking their theoretical cue from anthropologist Edward Spicer, Sheridan and Parezo emphasize the "persistence of ethnic identity in the face of constant change" (xxv). This ethnohistorical perspective allows the editors to explore how tribes defined and redefined themselves over time in response to changing natural and huma n environments, how they endured the pervasive reality of change

by embracing and making it their own. The chapters highlight different cultural themes or values that helped each group endure, revealing the different paths native peoples took in dealing with the common problems of land and subsistence displacement, political and religious imperialism, and the decimation and rebirth of their populations The Navajo chapter is organized around their incorporation of sheep and reproduction of Navajo ways of relating to each other and living off the land in a changed world The Yaqui chapter focuses on the fusion of UtoAztecan and Catholic rituals to create a uniquely Yaqui religion and identity Mountains define the Western Apache response, water the O'odham, war and intermarriage the Yumans, while isolation and hopivotskwani—define the Hopi "path of life." The text leaves no doubt that native peoples were actors rather than passive victims, innovators rather than foils of progress, and that they continue to be so today

Paths ofLife is a handsome book with numerou s illustrations and photographs, including color inserts. It is geared to general readers and will introduce them to more sophisticated ways of understanding native peoples, past and present This is its real contribution. While the title claims to cover the Southwest, the book focuses only on Arizona tribes—a function of exhibition decisions and museum limitations Those looking for a larger readable survey of southwestern Indians with more photographs and contemporary information can consult Stephen Trimble's The People: Indians of the American Southwest (1993).

DAVID RICH LEWIS Utah State University

Cyrus E. Dallin: His Small Bronzes and Plasters. By KENT AHRENS (Corning, N.Y: Rockwell Museum, 1995 Il l pp. Paper, $22.50.)

This handsome production offers a rich descriptive narrative of Utah's most famous sculptor and many of his works, including (despite limits suggested by the title) some of his monumental figures Most of the forty-four high-quality halftones are of Dallin's creations, reflecting the range of his interest while revealing the extent of his special predilection for Native American subjects. The author does not see Dallin as the equal of August Saint-Gaudens or Daniel Chester French but acknowledges him as "an artist of talent and sensitivity toward his subjects." Beyond the Mafia: Italian Americans and the Development of Las Vegas. By ALAN BALBONI (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1996. xx + 168 pp. $27.95.)

Las Vegas existed as basically a railroad town, considered only as the major stop between Salt Lake City and Los Angeles, until the Nevada legisla-

ture re-legalized gambling in 1931 Gambling transformed the desert oasis, and many Italian Americans pioneered the development of the city. Pietro Orlando Silvagni, a contractor who had constructed the coke ovens in Sunnyside, Utah, built the Apache Hotel, labeled as the most modern and elegant of Las Vegas's hotels in the 1930s and early 1940s. Thus, one aspect of the story of Las Vegas glitter lies in the opportunities afforded to immigrants of all nationalities Economic opportunities abounded, and although organized crime in the broad sense played a role in Las Vegas's storied past, so did the hard work of many Italian Americans in entertainment, gaming, the professions, and business.

Post-World War II Las Vegas experienced the largest growth of Italian Americans As the author notes, "No doors were closed to the ItalianAmerican immigrants in the West" (apparently at least in Las Vegas). In this light, Italians lived and assimilated in a Las Vegas where ethnic communities and organizations proved not as necessary as in other cities. In dealing with the Italian Americans of Las Vegas. Alan Balboni goes "beyond the mafia" to shed light on the roles of Italian American men and women in shaping this unique city's history.

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Abravanel, Maurice, and Utah Symphony, 165-67

Adams, Ruth Baugh, motel owner in Hurricane, 152

Adams, Thomas, Valley Tan editor, 231, 235

Aleson, Harry L., river runner, 61

Alta, Utah, Chinese in, 79, 80

American Fur Co., 55

Anderson, Kirk, Valley Tan editor, 227-31

Anthony, Susan B., SLC visit of, 129

Arapeen, Ute leader, 160

Archaeology: and Anasazi and Fremont peoples, 158-59; and evidence of bison, 168

Archambeau, Auguste, Uinta Basin trading post of, 55

Aschieme general store in Park City, 37

Ashforth, Fride de Gebele, voice teacher, 350-51

Ashley-Smith expedition, 171

Association of American Indian Affairs (AAIA), 331

Atkins, John D C, Tennessee congressman, 274-75

Auerbach's department store, 126-27

Augur, Christopher C, commander, Dept of the Platte, and de Trobriand, 206, 216-18, 220, 221

Autenquer See Black Hawk

Authors' Club, 115 B

Badlam, Alexander, California Republican, and Utah statehood, 365-66, 371

Baker, Jim, frontiersman, 178

Bakken, Gordon M., and Utah Constitution, 265

Baptists, and Chinese, 89

Barnes, Claude T., zoologist, 178

Barrett, P J., Ogden attorney, 82

Bartleson-Bidwell party, and buffalo. 174

Beadle, James H., and Corinne Reporter, 72

Beckstead, Roger, Uintah School District official, 261-62

Belknap, William, secretary of war, 222

Bennett, Robert L., BIA official, 327-29, 332-38, 342

Bernstein, Jerome, and Utah Constitution, 265

Bing Kong Tong, 73, 78, 95

Bison, prehistoric and historic distribution of, in northern Utah, 168-80, 168, 179

Black, George, territorial secretary, 217-19

Black Hawk, raids of, 339

Blackburn, Lester, Orderville resident, 150

Blair, Seth M., and Mountaineer, 231-45, 231

Blood, Adele, friend of Silver Queen, 18-19, 22, 29

Blood, Dawn, daughter of Adele, 22, 29

Bonneville, Captain B. L. E., and buffalo, 171, 174

Boulder, Utah, cheese factory in, 148

Bouton, C W., injury of, 123

Bowen, Albert (stepson), 354

Bowen, Albert E (husband), 354, 354

Bowen, Emma Lucy Gates, musical career of, 344-55, 344, 346, 347, 348, 350, 352, 354, 355

Bowen, Robert (stepson), 354

Box Elder County, Chinese in, 72-73, 87

Boyden, John S., attorney, 336

Brandebury, Lemuel, 279

Bransford,John: as mayor of SLC, 12; as Silver Queen's brother and financial advisor, 3, 6, 11, 12, 15, 17

Bransford, Milford, Silver Queen's father, 5, 7-9

Bransford, Nellie, Silver Queen's sister, 3,9, 14-17,23-24

Bransford, Sara Ellen, Silver Queen's mother, 5, 10, 14, 16

Bransford, Wallace, Silver Queen's nephew and son-in-law, 12, 15-19, 27

Brayman, Mason, Idaho territorial governor, 278

Bridger, James, trapper, 177-78

Brocchus, Perry, judge, 279

Brown, H W., and race horses, 126-27

Buchanan, James, and Utah War, 226-27, 241

Bullion-Beck Silver Mine, 365

Cabanne, Jean Pierre, trader, and D Julien, 68

Caine, John T., delegate to Congress, 356, 363, 365, 367, 371

Caine, Margaret, 356

Calder's Park, horseracing at, 126

Camp Douglas. See Fort Douglas

Camp Floyd: arrests at, 238; demise of, 244; establishment of, 226; performing arts at, 235; and Valley Tan, 224-30, 233

Camp Rawlins, incident involving soldiers from, 212-16

Canda, Charles J., banker, 183-86

Cannon, Abraham H., and polygamy, 364

Cannon, Angus M., 358

Cannon, Frank J., and statehood, 362, 371

Cannon, George Q.: as delegate to Congress, 275; and Deseret News, 357; speech of, 129; and statehood, 371; and Valley Tan, 230

Cannon, Joseph, and Geneva Steel, 166

Cannon, Martha (Mattie) H., and Reapers' Club, 117

Cartee, Lafayette, Idaho territorial surveyor, 278

Cass, Lewis, 1848 presidential candidate, 269-71

Catholic church in SLC, 129

Centerville, Utah, experiences of magician in, 34, 48

Chambers, R C, and Emery estate, 7, 10-11

Chapman, Annie E., Congregational missionary and teacher, 88-89

Chapoose, Connor, Ute leader, 255

Chase, Salmon P., U.S. chief justice, 273

Cheney, Nathan, LDS bishop in Centerville, 48

Chidester, John, constitutional convention delegate from Panguitch, 122

China Mary, murder of, 79

Chinese: and anti-Chinese sentiment, 72-74, 80-84, 93; history of enclaves of, in Utah, 70-95, 70, 81, 95; laws affecting, 74, 78; and mining, 79-80, 91, 93, 94; and railroad, 70-72, 78-80; and vice, 74, 76-78

Ching Yu, Ogden Chinese, 79

Chin Quan Chan, SLC Chinese "mayor," 85-86

Chouteau, Pierre, fur co of, 54-55

Christensen's Hall, Constitutional Ball at, 128

Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Eastern States Mission of, 300; federal laws affecting, 273, 276; and statehood, 356-71 See also Mormons, polygamy, and names of individual Mormons

Civilian Conservation Corps, camps of, near Escalante, 140

Clawson, Hiram B., and statehood, 365, 371

Cleveland, Grover, and statehood, 360-64, 366, 371

Clyman, James, 1846 California journey of, 175

Collier, John, commissioner of Indian Affairs, and education, 248-49, 249

Conetah, Fred A., Ute Tribe official, 257, 257

Congregational church, and Chinese, 88, 129

Connor, Patrick E.: as founder of Fort Douglas, 207; and Nauvoo Legion, 211-12

Cope, J Austin, store owner in Tropic, 136

CorinneDaily Mail, and Chinese, 81

Corinne, Utah, Chinese in, 71-72, 74-75,79,81,90-91

Corlett, William W., Wyoming delegate to Congress, 274

Correlli, Blanche, voice teacher, 348-49, 351

Cox, Clara, arrest of, 130

Cradlebaugh, John, anti-Mormon federal judge, 239, 242, 242-43

Crossman, G H., colonel at Camp Floyd, 233

Cuch, Forrest S., and Ute education, 260

Cullom, Shelby, opposition of, to plural marriage, 366

Cumming, Alfred, territorial governor, arrival of, 226

Curry, Rex, Ute Tribe official, 327-36

Curtis, Edward J., Idaho territorial secretary, 278

Daly Mining Company, 7

Davis, Ben, arrest of, 130

Davis, William L and Minnie, Escalante residents, 152

Dawson, John, 279

Day, Henry, 279

Delitch, Radovan Nobelkov, Yugoslavian doctor and third husband of Silver Queen, 23-25, 24

Dellenbaugh, Frederick S., and D Julien, 58-61

Democratic party, during territorial period, 267-68

Dennis, Charles, arrest of, 130

Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, Park City line of, 182

Deseret Neius: and Camp Rawlins incident, 213, 215; and Chinese, 72, 78, 83, 90, 92, 93; and C. W. Penrose, 357-58; as voice of Mormons in early Utah, 224-30, 232-34, 239, 244-45; and Zamloch, 44

de Trobriand, General Regis, commander at Camp Douglas, 203, 207; and Mormon-federal relations, 204-23; painting by, 204

DeWolfe, Stephen, Valley Tan editor, 238-43

Dexter Stables, Park City, 37

Dillon, Sidney, 362

Ding Ling Ho, Park City Chinese, 93-94

Dominguez-Escalante expedition, and buffalo, 170

Donsure, Frank, railroad section boss, 79

Drummond, Willis, 279

Duchesne County, education of Ute Indians in, 247-63

Dunbar, William C, and Chinese, 72

Durham, Eudora Widtsoe, niece of Emma Lucy Gates Bowen, 354

Durham, Milton J., Kentucky congressman, 275

Dutch immigrants, 1920 diary account of, 298-321

Edmunds-Tucker Act, 276

Education: funding for, 246-51; and Indians in public schools, 246-63; and Title IV, 258-63

Edwards, William H., and steamboat, 58-60

Emerson, T. H., Ogden judge, 7

Emery, Albion, Park City postmaster,

miner, and husband of Silver Queen, 7,7-11

Emery, Grace Louise, adopted daughter of Silver Queen, 8-12, 9, 15-19

Ence, Mary Mulder See Mulder, Mary Engalitcheff, Nicholas, Russian aristocrat and husband of Silver Queen, 22, 25-26, 26

Escalante, Utah: effect of Great Depression on, 138-40, 146; electric power in, 150-51; life of businessman L. L. Munson in, 133-54, 133, 138, 141, 749;livestock industry in, 139, 145, 147-48; water system for, 148-49

Ethnic life See Chinese, Dutch immigrants

Eureka, Utah, Chinese in, 84

Evans, David, constitutional convention delegate from Weber County, 128

Evans, Robert, and buffalo, 173

Federated Trades and Labor Council of Utah, anti-Chinese resolution of, 84 Feldman, J. E., Silver Queen's gardener, 27-28

Feldman, Letitia, wife ofJ. E., 27-28

Feminism, 110

Fenn, Stephen S., Idaho delegate to Congress, 274

Ferguson, James, and Mountaineer, 231-45, 231

Ferris, Warren Angus, and buffalo, 173-74, 178

Ferry, Elisha P., Washington territorial governor, 278

Floyd, John, secretary of war, 226

Flynn, John J., and Utah Constitution, 265-66

Fong, Jack, SLC Chinese, 92

Fort Douglas, 204, 215; during 1870-71 under de Trobriand, 204-23

Fort Uintah, trading post near Whiterocks, 68-69

Fox, Ruth May, and Reapers' Club, 113

Freeze, Lelia Tuckett, and Reapers' Club, 115

Freeze, Mary Ann Burnham, and Reapers' Club, 115

Fremont, John C , and buffalo, 175

Froiseth, B A M., realtor, and pollution, 124

Gardo House, and Silver Queen, 12-13, 17,21

Garkane Power Co., organization of, 150-51

Gates, B Cecil, brother of E L G Bowen, 350, 353

Gates, Jacob, father of E. L. G. Bowen, 345-46, 349

Gates, Susa Young: education and marriage of, 345-46; as mother of E L G. Bowen, 345-46, 349, 354

Geddes, , SL County selectman, 123

Germania Singing Club, Camp Floyd, 235

Gibbon, John, colonel, 7th Infantry, 207-8

Gibbs, George E, secretary, LDS First Presidency, 356, 363

Gibbs, H. Spencer, Marysvale gasoline dealer, 140-41

Gibson, A. M., businessman, 361

Gilbert, Grove K, geologist, 56-57

Glissmeyer, Anne See Mulder, Angenietje (Annie)

Glissmeyer, LeRoy, husband of Annie Mulder, 321

Gobel, Silas, and buffalo, 173

Gogorza, E., New York businessman, 183-86

Gogorza, Utah, 181, 185; Parley's Summit railroad station, misspelling of, 181-86

Gorgoza, Utah See Gogorza, Utah

Gould, Jay, 362

Grand Canyon Market, Kanab, 148

Grant, Heber J., LDS speaker in Brooklyn, 316

Grant, Ulysses S., Mormon policy of, 210, 222

Great Depression, effects of, 138-40, 146, 148

Greeley, Horace, interview of, with Brigham Young, 236-37, 237

Griffin, Claron, Escalante resident, 150

Harrison, Benjamin, as Indiana senator, 276-77, 277

Hart, Charles Henry, constitutional convention delegate from Cache County, 122

Hartman, Gage, husband of Susanna, 24 Hartman, Susanna, niece of Silver Queen, 16-17, 23-24, 29-30

Hartnett, John, owner of Valley Tan, 229-31,233,243

Haslam, James Holt, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 360

Hastings, Lansford W., 1846 journey of, 175

Heed, Judge A., anti-Chinese agitator, 82 Henshawe, H W., ornithologist, 176-77

Hickman, Martin B., and Utah Constitution, 265-66

Higginson, Mollie, British LDS convert, 319

Hilton, Allen, 126

Hing, Dave, SLC Chinese, 85 Historical Club, 115

Hodge, Kate, singer, 129

Hoeve, Gerrie ten, friend of Fannie Mulder, 302-3

Hoeve, Willem ten, Dutch Mormon, 302-3

Hoffman, John E, and D. Julien, 67 Hollister, Orlando J., U.S. collector of internal revenue, 358

Holmes, Edwin F, Chicago businessman and husband of Silver Queen, 11-13, 14, 16, 18-22

Holmes, Susanna Bransford Emery (Silver Queen): biography of, 4-33, 4, 13, 14, 24, 28; civic contributions of, 13-14; finances of, 7-8, 12, 18-19, 25, 27-30; homes of, 3, 8, 12-13, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21-23, 25; husbands of, 5-9, 19, 21-26; as socialite, 5, 13, 19-22, 25, 27, 30-33; youth of, 5-6

Hooft, William, baker, 319

Hooper, William H., delegate to Congress, 243

Hoo Sing, Chinese association, 78

Home, Mary Isabella Hales, and Reapers' Club, 113

Hales, George, foreman, Valley Tan office, 243

Harder, C , E. L. G. Bowen's agent, 351 Harris, Albert H., BIA employee, 335 Harrison, , St. George resident, 43-47

Horseracing, 126-27

Hough, A. S., major, 13th Infantry, 219 Houston, Sam, presidential bid of, 234

Hovenweep National Monument, 158

Huston, Joseph W., U.S. attorney in Idaho, 278

Hyde, William, Salt Lake Herald editor, 363

Indians See specific tribes, bands, and individuals

Ivins, Stanley S., and Utah Constitution, 265

Jack, Wallace, Whiteriver Ute, 332 Jacobs, Orange, Washington delegate to Congress, 274

Japanese, as replacement workers for Chinese, 94

Jenks, George A., solicitor general, 364-65

Jensen, Ole, SLC visit of, 125, 131-32

Jenson, Andrew, speech by, 129

Johnson-O'Malley Act, and Indian education, 248-49, 256, 260-61

Johnston, Albert Sidney, and Utah War, 226, 244

Johnston, Theodore, building of, 228

Jordan, C. N., banker, 183-86

Journalism: and Horace Greeley, 236-37; and Mormon/anti-Mormon rivalry, 224-45

Judge, John, Park City entrepreneur, 8

Julien, Denis: fur trapper/trader, life of, 52-55, 55, 66-69, 67; inscriptions of, 52, 52, 53, 54-66, 57, 59, 63, 64, 68-69

Kahlstrom, Caroline, and pollution, 124

Kearney, Dennis, anti-Chinese agitator, 80

Kearns, Thomas, mining entrepreneur, 8, 11

Keith, David, mining entrepreneur, 8

Kelly, Charles, historian, and D. Julien, 54, 56, 58, 60

Kelly, Milton, Idaho Statesman editor, 278

Kikkert, Hermanus R., Dutch immigrant, 300 n 2

Kikkert,Jan (Joop), 302, 317

Kikkert, Joukie Visser, sister of Fannie Mulder, 300, 302, 318

Kimball, Nathan, anti-Chinese agitator, 82

Kirk Anderson's Valley Tan. See Valley Tan

Kittson, William, and buffalo, 171

Kneale, Albert H., Uintah and Ouray superintendent, 247—48

Knights of Labor, boycott of, against Ogden Chinese, 82-84

Knights of Pythias, 129

Kramer, Betty Jo, anthropologist and Ute Tribe employee, 259, 263

Ladies' Literary Club, 115

Lagoon amusement park, 127, 127

La Hontan, Baron, and Great Salt Lake, 169-70

Lamar, L. Q. C , secretary of the interior, 280

Lamb, Grizzelle Houston, 18, 21

Lamb, Harold, Jr., 20, 29-30

Lamb, Harold Vernon, nephew of Silver Queen, 8, 9, 17-18,21

Lamb, Viola Bransford, Silver Queen's sister, 8

Lamb, Willis, husband of Viola, 8

Lamont, Daniel S., Cleveland's private secretary, 361

Lay, Kim, husband of Evelyn Munson, 151

Layden, Frank, and Utah Jazz, 165-67

Lee, H. Rex, BIA official, 327-28

Lee, Sam, SLC Chinese, 85

Leonard, R. G., and D. Julien, 58-59

Leonard, Zenas, and buffalo, 174

Liberal party, demise of, 267

Lincoln, Abraham, 271; and national sovereignty, 272-73

Lindquist, Mark, and D Julien, 60

Loy, Jung O., Congregational convert, 88-89

Lucy Gates Opera Company, 350, 353

Lund, Anthon H., LDS apostle, and politics, 369

Lung, Charley Ong, Park City restaurant of, 86

Lung, Jim, SLC Chinese, 92

Mcintosh (Mclntire?), Sister, Toquerville resident, 47-48

McKean, James B., Utah chief justice, 216, 216-17, 220-22, 273

McKinley, Francis, Ute Tribe official, 328-36

McNeil, John, murder victim, 234

Ma Coy, Corinne restaurant of, 74

Maeser, Karl, educator, 345

Maguire, N. H., Valley Tan, editor, 235-38

Mahlstrom, Pauline, horse of, injured, 123

MajorPowell, river steamboat, 58-59

Malone, Karl, Jazz star, 165, 765

Manning, Daniel, secretary of the treasury, 362

Marchesi Club, 129

Marshall, John, U.S. chief justice, 268-69, 273

Marston, Otis R "Dock," and D Julien, 54, 58, 62

Marx, Billy, magician's assistant, 38, 41-43, 45-56, 49-50

Mayflower Mine, Park City, 7, 8, 10

Mecham, E. D., hunter/trapper, 177

Melone, Locke, and Chinese Mormons, 90

Mercur, Utah, Chinese in, 84, 87

Mercury Printers, SLC firm of Albertus Mulder, 320

Methodists, and Chinese, 89

Milford, Utah, Chinese in, 84

Military Dramatic Company, Camp Floyd, 235

Mill Creek, pollution of, 124

Miller, L., attempt of, to bilk LDS church, 360-62

Miller, William, LDS bishop and Provo alderman, 213

Mormons: and buffalo, 175-76; and Chinese, 83-84, 89, 90; choir of, 350; and Danites, 229, 234-35, 238, 240, 242, 245; in 19th-century Utah, 160-62; and polygamy, 229; relations of, with federal/army officials, 204-23; 20th-century immigration of, 299, 300; and Utah War, 226; and women's movements, 110-15, 120; and Zamloch the magician, 38, 40-45 See also Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names of individual Mormons

Morrill Antibigamy Act, 273

Morrow, Henry A., colonel, 13th Infantry, 210, 216-17, 222-23

Mountaineer, pro-Mormon newspaper, history of, 224-45, 224

Mountain Meadows Massacre, 359-60

Mulder, Albert, Jr. (son), 300, 320

Mulder, Albertus (husband), Dutch printer, 1920 immigration of, to U.S., 297, 298, 298-321, 311, 318

Utah Historical Quarterly

Mulder, Angenietje (Annie, An) (daughter), 1920 immigration of, to U.S., 298, 298-321, 311, 318, 320

Mulder, Foekje Visser (Fannie), 1920 immigrant diary of, 297, 298, 298-321,302,304,311,318

Mulder,Jan (brother-in-law), 302-3

Mulder, Mary (daughter), 300, 320

Mulder, Patricia Joy (daughter), 300 n. 4

Mulder, William (Willem, Wim) (son), 1920 immigration of, to U.S., 298, 298-321, 311, 318, 320

Mulford, Walter, Torrey resident, 146

Munson, Emma A Morrille (mother), 134

Munson, Evelyn (daughter), 135, 147, 151

Munson, Forest (brother), 134, 150

Munson, Hortense Cope (wife), 135, 135-37, 145-46, 147, 150, 152-54

Munson, Howard (son), 135, 151

Munson, Lasca (daughter), 135, 151

Munson, Levar (brother), 134, 138, 148, 152

Munson, Lewis Leo, businessman in Escalante and Hurricane, 135, 147, 153; and Garkane Power, 150-51; life of, 133-54; as mayor, 147-48; store and scrip of, 133, 144

Munson, Lewis T. (father), 134, 147

Munson, Lillian (daughter-in law), 152

Munson, Lloyd (son), 135, 151, 152

Munson, LoRee (daughter), 135, 152

Munson, LoRell (son), 135, 151, 152

Munson, Orpha (daughter), 135

Munson, Pratt (brother), 135, 147, 149-51

Munson, Thora (sister-in-law), 148

Munson, Vaunda (daughter), 135

Munson, Voyle L. (son), 135, 143, 147, 149, 150

Murray, Eli H., territorial governor, 280

Murray, Julius, 332-33

Myer, Dillon S., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 252

National Congress of American Indians (NCAI), 323, 330-31

Nauvoo Legion, role of, in federalMormon conflict, 211-23

Navajos, and education, 256

Neff, John and Seymour, and pollution, 124

Nelson, L. L., BIA official, 336

Nixon, J C, arrest of, 130

Nixon, Richard M., Indian policy of, 258 Nuttall, L.John, 356

Odd Fellows, 129

O'Donnell, Charles Carroll, antiChinese lecturer, 80-81

Ogden Herald, and Chinese, 82-83

OgdenJunction: and Chinese, 72; and Penrose, 357

Ogden, Peter Skene, and buffalo, 171-72

Ogden Standard, and Chinese, 87

Ogden, Utah, Chinese in, 71-72, 75, 77-79, 81, 82-84, 86-89, 92, 94

Old Folks Day, 127

Ontario Mine, 10-11

Orphan's Home and Day Nursery, 14

Osborne, Nathaniel, commander at Camp Rawlins, 212

Park City Bank, 37

Park City, Utah: Chinese in, 71, 75, 80, 81, 86, 91, 93, 94; experiences of magician in, 34, 37-40, 39; rail line to, from SLC, 182-86; and Silver Queen, 6-11

Park Mining Record, and Chinese, 81, 83

Parley's Canyon, railroads in, 181-86

Pawwinnee, Uncompahgre Ute, 334

Payne, Henry B., Ohio senator, 367

Penrose, Charles William: contributions of, to statehood, 356-71, 356, 370; as Democrat, 369-70; as journalist, 356-59, 363; as legislator, 358

People's party, demise of, 267

Petersburg, Steve, NPS employee, 63

Phelps, John, officer at Camp Floyd, 227

Philopathian Debating Club, 128

Pike, Ralph, murder victim, 234

Poland Act of 1874, 273

Politic Debating Club, 128

Pollock, Ila Munson, daughter of Lewis T Munson, 134

Polygamy: and law, 273, 276; and Reapers' Club membership, 112-13, 120; social divisiveness of, 110-11; and statehood, 361-68; and Valley

Tan, 229

Polysophical Society, 123-24

Pond, Major, and E. L. G. Bowen, 349-50

Porter, Frank, arrest of, 130

Potts, Benjamin F, Montana territorial governor, 278

Pratt, , SL County commissioner, 124

Pratt, Romania Bunnell: marriage of to C W Penrose, 362; and Reapers' Club, 117-19

Provo, Utah, and Camp Rawlins incident, 212-16

R

Rawlins, Joseph L., and statehood, 371 Reapers' Club, SLC literary org., history of, 108-20

Reasoner, Calvin, publisher, 124 Red Butte Canyon, quarries in, 183 Red Men, 129

Reed, James, trading post of, 55 Reed, William, trading post of, 55 Republican party, during territorial period, 267-68

Reviews' Club, 115

Reynolds, George, 358; and Manifesto, 368

Reynolds v. United States, 273 Rice, W. V, mining entrepreneur, 8 Richards, Emily, 356

Richards, Franklin, and Chinese, 72 Richards, Franklin D., and Ogden Junction, 357

Richards, Franklin S., attorney, and statehood, 356, 362, 365-68, 371 Richards, Willard, as Deseret News editor, 226

Roberts, Brigham H.: as Democrat, 369-70; and Eastern States Mission, 300

Robidoux family (Antoine, Francois, Isidore, Joseph II, Joseph III, Louis, Michel), fur traders, and D Julien, 55,67-69

Robinson, Blake, Escalante resident, 152 Rockwood, A P., legislator, death of, 358 Roosevelt, Utah, education of Utes in, 250-61, 260

Ross, Glade, NPS employee, 63 Roundy, Wallace, Escalante resident, 148

St George, Utah, experiences of magician in, 34, 43-47, 46

Saltair, 127-28

Salt Lake & Eastern Railroad, and J. W. Young, 183

Salt Lake & Fort Douglas Railroad, 183

Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce, 280

Salt Lake City, Utah, 107, 121, 155; Chinese in, 70, 71-72, 74-82, 84-95; history of Reapers' Club in, 108-20; life and manners in, in 1895, 121-32

Salt Lake County, Chinese in, 72-73

Salt Lake Cycle Co., 131

Salt Lake Herald, 363; and Camp Rawlins incident, 213; and Chinese, 72, 78, 80-83, 91

Salt Lake Railroad Co., streetcar line, 121, 125-26

Salt Lake Rapid Transit Co., streetcar line, 126

Salt Lake Temple, 370

Salt Lake Theatre, 44, 130

Salt Lake Tribune, and Chinese, 72, 83

Sanitary Meat Market, Escalante, 142

Scowcroft, John, and Co., grocery wholesaler, 138

Seeley, J Doe, arrest of, 130

Shaffer, John Wilson, territorial governor, conflict of, with Mormons, 210-14, 211

Shaw, Reverend Anna, SLC visit of, 129

Sheridan, Philip, general, 206-7, 223

Sherman, William T., general, 205-6, 214, 215, 217, 222

Sherrill, Culver, Silver Queen's secretary and business manager, 22, 25-31, 31

Shield's grocery, Park City, 37

Shipp, Ellis R., and Reapers' Club, 117, 118

Shipp, Maggie, and Reapers' Club, 117

Silver King Mining Co., 8, 10-11, 29

Silver Queen. See Holmes, Susanna Bransford Emery

Silver Reef, Utah: Chinese in, 71, 73, 75-78, 91, 94; experiences of magician in, 34, 42-43

Simpson, J. H., and buffalo, 178

Sing, Tom, Ogden restaurant owner, 86-87

Smith, Ada, arrest of, 130

Smith, Elias, Deseret News editor, 233

Smith, Jennie, arrest of, 130

Smith, Jedediah, and buffalo, 172-73

Smith, Joseph, scribe for Utah Constitution, 121-22

Utah Historical Quarterly

Smith, Joseph F: address of, at BY Academy, 123-24; and statehood, 356, 365-71

Society Hall, Park City, 38-40

Soldier's Circus, Camp Floyd, 235

Soo Lung Kee, herbalist, 87

South Ward Relief Society , Escalante, ice house of, 137

Springer, William M., Illinois congressman, 276-77

Squire, Watson C , Washington territorial governor, 278

Squires, George, constitutional convention delegate, 122, 128

Stanton, Robert B., railroad survey of, 62

Star Hall, Escalante, 149, 149

Stanford, Leland, and Utah statehood, 362

Statehood, contributions of C W Penrose to, 359-71

Steward, Julian H.: and buffalo, 180; and D Julien inscription, 56

Stewart, George E., and D Julien, 62-63

Stiles, Jim, NPS ranger, 64

Stone, Forrest R., BIA official, 325

Stone, Julius S., 1909 expedition of, 59

Stout, Hosea, and Mountaineer, 231-35, 231

Stover, David, constitutional convention delegate, 128

Summit County, Chinese in, 72-73

Swan Motel, Hurricane, purchase of by Munsons, 152-54, 153

Tabbee, John, Uncompahgre Ute, 330, 334

Talmage, May Booth, Reapers' Club secretary, 122

Taney, Roger B., chief justice, and states' rights, 270-73, 270

Taylor, John: and B Young, 205; and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 360; and polygamy, 364; and scholarship, 345; and Valley Tan, 230

Templeton Building, offices of Woman's Exponent in, 112, 112

Thatcher, Moses, LDS apostle and Democrat, 369-70

Thomas, Carrie S., Reapers' Club treasurer, 112

Thompson, John, arrest of, 130

Thompson, Rex (Fat), Circleville resident, 148

Tip, John, marriage of, 74

Toquerville, Utah, experiences of magician in, 3, 47-48

Troy Laundry, anti-Chinese activity of, 83

Trumbo, Isaac, and statehood, 365-66, 371

Twitchell, Eldon, Escalante resident, 150

Twitchell, Nelda, Escalante resident, 152

Ty Kee, Ogden Chinese, 83

Uintah and Ouray Reservation: education of children from 246-63; termination of mixed-blood Utes on, 322-43

Uintah band of Ute Tribe: and claims cases settlement, 324-26, 328; origins of, 339; and termination, 322-43

Uintah Basin Educational Council, and Utes, 256

Uintah County, education of Utes in, 247-63

Uncompahgre band of Ute Tribe: and claims cases settlement, 323-34, 338; and termination, 330-32, 334, 342-43

Union Vedette, Camp Douglas newspaper, 225, 245

United Order, failure of most attempts at, 161

U.S. Army: desertion in, 216; discipline in, 208-9; role of, in Utah during 1870-71,204-23

University of Utah, and Ute Tribe, 256, 259

Utah Constitutional Convention (1895): events for delegates to, 128; and signing of engrossed document, 121-22

Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, 111, 115-17

Utah history, essay by T. G. Alexander on,155-67

Utah Jazz, 165-66, 165

Utah Oil Refining Co., Marysvale plant of, 140-41

Utah Reporter (Corinne), and Chinese, 72

Utah State Constitution (1895): and previous constitutions, 264- 65; shaping of, by territorial experience, 264-81; sources for, 264-67

Utah Symphony, 165-67

Utah Territory: crime in, 234-35, 245; and English common law, 278-79; and federal government, 268-81; and Mormon-non-Mormon conflict, 267; and political parties, 267; population of, 267; religious diversity of, 267, 279-81;

Utah War, 226-28

Utah Women's Press Club, 116

Ute Indians: claims cases of, 323-26, 338; early explorers' reports of, 170; and education, 325; and mountain men, 55, 68; poverty of, 252, 255-57; prejudice against, 247-50, 253-54; and public schools, 246-63; and termination, 322-43

Valentine, Lee, and D. Julien, 60

Valley Tan, anti-Mormon newspaper, history of, 224-45, 225

Vasquez, Louis, and buffalo, 171

Visser, Geertje, sister of F Mulder, 300, 318

Visser, Jacobus (Koo,John), brother of F. Mulder, 299, 310-19

Visser, Uldrik (Henry), brother of F. Mulder, 299-300, 302-3, 305-21, 311

Waite, Morrison R., chief justice, and Reynolds case, 273

Wakefield, Lena, Congregational missionary, 88

Walkara (Walker), Ute chief,159-61, 160, 177

Walker, Joseph, and buffalo, 174

Wall, Enos A., mining entrepreneur, 122

Wanship, Ute chief, 176

Ward, Joseph, gambler, 130

Washington County, Chinese in, 72-73

Washington Debating Club, 128

Watkins, Arthur V, U.S senator, and Indian termination, 322-43, 323

Waunzitz, Waubin, Ute leader, 337

Weber County, Chinese in, 72-73

Wells, Daniel H.: arrest of, 221; and Nauvoo Legion, 211-12; and Valley Tan, 229

Wells, Emmeline B., and Reapers' Club, 108, 709,111-12, 772, 773,115, 118-19

Wells, Junius E: and de Trobriand, 223; and railroads, 183-85

West, Caleb W., territorial governor, 280

Whiteriver band of Ute Tribe: and claims cases settlement, 323-24, 338; and termination, 331-33

Whiterocks boarding school, 247, 249, 257,251,254

Whitney, Orson E, publisher, 124

Widtsoe, John A., marriage of, 346-47

Widtsoe, Leah Dunford, sister of E L G Bowen, 346-47, 347

Wilcock, Edward (Teddy), Escalante store owner, 137, 148-49

Wilkinson, Ernest L., Ute Tribe claims attorney, 323-24, 336, 336-38

Wilson, Jeremiah, Republican attorney, 367

Winder, John R., and Manifesto, 368 Woman suffrage, role of clubs in, 110 Woman's Exponent, and Reapers' Club, 111-12,116-18

Wong Gee Lee, Congregational convert.

Wooden Gun Rebellion, 212 Woodruff, Wilford: and Manifesto, 368; and political parties, 369-71; and statehood, 371

Woods, George L., territorial governor, 216-17, 220, 221-22

Works Progress Administration, Escalante residents employed by, 140

Utah Historical Quarterly

World War II, effects of, on business, 151 Wright, Alvey, Escalante mayor, 148

Yee Yen, Chinese financial agent, 79 Young, Brigham: and cohabitation charge, 204-5; and culture, 345; and C W Penrose, 357; and de Trobriand, 205, 219-23; and H Greely, 236-37, 237; leadership of, 160-62, 767; and Mountaineer, 231; and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 359-60; power of, 217; and Utah War, 225-26; and Valley Tan, 227, 230, 233

Young, Brigham, Jr.: and Deseret News, 357; and statehood, 360-63

Young, John W.: and Gogorza, Utah, 185; as railroad promoter, 183-85, 184; and statehood, 364-66, 371

Young, LeGrand, and statehood, 371

Young, Lucy Bigelow, grandmother of E L G Bowen, 346-48, 348

Young, Phebe, and Reapers' Club, 118

Zamloch, Elizabeth, wife of George, 38, 51

Zamloch, George Anton: children of, 51; experiences of, as a traveling magician in Utah, 34-51

Zane, Charles S., territorial chief justice, 279-80, 365

ZCMI, 126, 766

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD O F STATE HISTORY

PETER L GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1999 Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 1997 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1999

DAVID L BIGLER, Sandy, 1997

BOYD A BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1997

LORI HUNSAKER, Brigham City, 1997

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 1997

RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1999

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1999

AUGUSTINE TRUJILLO, Salt Lake City, 1999

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1997

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, AssociateDirector

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

This publication has been funded with theassistance ofa matching grant-in-aid from theDepartment of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966as amended

This program receives financial assistance for identification andpreservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 andSection 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 TheU.S Department ofthe Interior prohibits discrimination on thebasis ofrace, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, orfacility as described above, orifyou desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240