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Excerptfrom midwifefody Wood's " San Juan County 1886 Record of Babys Born, " courtesy of Frances H. Hoopes.
The pioneer sesquicentennial has provided good reason to celebrate durin g this memorabl e year, and Utahns have made the most of it. New books, new videos, festivals, an d reenactment s have allowed peopl e of all ages and interests a variety of ways to touch the historical experience Yet, lest we forget, the first article in this issue will serve as a reminder that pioneers continued to immigrat e to Utah long after 1847, that they came not just across the plains bu t across oceans, an d that they too sought comfort in religious worship These were the "new pioneers"—the ethnic groups who clung to familiar languages, customs, an d rituals in their quest for new economi c beginnings in Utah's settled communities In this analysis, the focus is on Greek women an d their adaptation of the hom e altar tradition Kandilia, themiato, eikones, Stephana, and prayers were essential in easing the pangs of homesickness, in promoting cultural identity, and especially in promoting religious piety within the home They also provided these women an extraordinary opportunity for creative expression. The discerning reader will find food for thought in the author's assessment of how and why that creativity has been circumscribed in recent years.
The next article returns us to the Utah frontier—San Jua n County in the 1890s—and pioneers of a different sort These were the midwives—practitioners of obstetrics, folk medicine, home care, and good cheer who carried the entire burden of health care for the people of that time and place In Hanna h Sorensen's peripatetic clinic and in Jody Wood's devoted practice, we see the early outlines of modern theories striving to emerge from the magic and mystery of nineteenth-century medicine. It is an interesting and inspiring story well told.
Pioneers in land speed have also left their mark on Utah as detailed in the third article At periodical intervals since the 1920s, me n and machines have roared across the Bonneville Salt Flats in hopes of finding that elusive combination of luck, fortitude, and engineering that will earn a niche in the record books As the venue has shifted to northwestern Nevada where new land speed records are being set even as this issue heads for press, it is appropriat e to look at Bonneville's great heyday and analyze the apparent cause of its decline
The final selection is a biography of one of Utah's most colorful jurists, Justice William McCarty Largely self-taught, he rose to judicial eminence just as Utah was making its final sprint from polygamous territory to modern state. Thanks to support from the Utah Bar Foundation, the story of McCarty's role as a transitional figure has been researched and readied for publication It is a fitting conclusion to our 1997 volume which caps a two-year emphasis on the statehood and pioneer eras.
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Icons are often arranged on walls and tables in Utah homes. This photograph was taken in the home of Aphrodite Marcooles, Salt Lake City. All photographs are courtesy of the author.
In the Hands of Women: Home Altar Tradition in Utah's Greek Orthodox Homes
BY
"Watch the flame of the oil lamp in front of the icon and all your nightmares will vanish."
from "Death Watch" in Watch the Flame
by Eleni Fourtouni
is a doctoral student in American history and film at the University of
ELAINE M. BAPIS
Ms Bapis
Utah She
WHE N MY GRANDMOTHER ARRIVED in the United States in 1916, she brought a long-standing tradition from Greece that her daughters remember as one of the vibrant features of their household. 1 She arranged eikones (icons), kandilia (votive candles), and a themiato (censer) in her bedroom to continue religious worship in the manner of her heritage. Creating a center of holiness and spirituality in the home was part and parcel of her life. Like other Greek immigrant women, she felt it was integral to religious faith itself
Studies of Greek American communities treat women's traditions such as this one in an anecdotal manner. Typically, Greek American history is about public institutions and the struggle to develop cohesive organizations. 2 Most inquiry explores the central role of the church—its national and regional history or the nature of ceremonies and rituals conducted within. "It is no exaggeration," observes one historian, "to say that without the Greek Orthodox church there would be no Greek-American community."3 Church history is therefore central to Greek American studies However, the exclusive focus on the public institution in relation to community cohesion has subsumed the importance of long-standing domestic religious customs and their parallel function in cultural transmission. Adopting a new country while successfully transporting a heritage to the West depended upon creating an efficient relationship between home and church in a manner consistent with Greek Orthodox tradition, yet suitable to American settings where immigrants found themselves widely scatacknowledges with thanks the critical comments and suggestions made by Margaret Brady, Robert Goldberg, Katherine Grier, and Dean May during all stages of this project.
1 The phrase "home altars" does not derive directiy from Greek religio-cultural practice It is not a phrase that Greek Orthodox people use to identify their tradition of private worship. The closest phrase would be katekia ekklesia (transliterated form) or "the church in the home," a phrase generally used by the church clergy When lay people refer to "home altars" they usually refer to a specific object, such as an icon of Christ or the Virgin Mary or a kandili. I am using the phrase as a generic label
2 The most notable monograph is Theodore Saloutos, The Greeks in the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964) which, in relation to church history, discusses the pressures on die Greek Orthodox Church to assimilate as it changed from a federation of churches in eastern Europe to a centralized system in America Equally important is the examination of resistance and accommodation of Greek Americans in responding to assimilation Thomas Burgess, Greeks in America (Boston, 1913) describes American reaction to Greeks; and Charles C Moskos,Jr., Greek Americans: Struggle and Success (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1980), combines social and cultural history with memoir and adds demographic information and personal experience to Saloutos's general narrative. Alice Scourby's The Greek Americans (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1984), follows along the same lines The exceptional focus on folk dynamics has been Helen Z Papanikolas's extensive study of Greek tradition in the Intermountain West Most helpful for a description of early immigrant custom, work life, and household are, "The Exiled Greeks" in The Peoples of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), and her earlier monograph, "Toil and Rage in a New Land: The Greek Immigrants in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 38 (1970); also helpful is her "Greek Immigrant Women in the Intermountain West," Journal oJ theHellenicDiaspora 16 (1989): 17-35
3 Alice Scourby, "Ethnicity at the Crossroads: The Case of Greek America," Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora20 (1994): 128
Home Altar Tradition 313
tered In creating and maintaining the home/church dynamic, immigrant women's home altar tradition was critical.
When Greek immigrant women set up private religious sites in their Utah homes in the early nineteen hundreds, they engaged in age-old rituals that provided them with a resource of strength and action At the same time that their faith in home rituals facilitated them personally, it indelibly marked the religio-cultural identity of their families, connecting the individual and the family to a larger Greek community. Women's religious culture in the form of home altars created and sustained a vital relationship between church and home. This home-church connection suggests that Greek communities in Utah not only developed by creating congregations of "the faithful" in church but also by means of private devotion, especially one that could endure relocation. However, even though the home altar tradition is widespread in Greek Orthodox homes, it is not without a history of modification in practice and in meaning of women's religious authority. Based on the experiences of twenty women from three Greek Orthodox communities of Utah, this study examines the nature of Greek women's home altar tradition, its sustaining power, and its changes over three generations.4
Despite its widespread presence in Greek American homes, the home altar tradition has been the exclusive subject of only one study
Robert Teske, in his 1973 analysis of Greek Orthodox custom in Philadelphia, describes religious devotion in the home as one of the most widespread and persistent of the immigrant religious customs.5 He finds little modification in domestic religious tradition and recognizes it as a central feature in Greek American homes Other writers such as Kay Turner and Cynthia Viduarri have studied the tradition of
1 Twenty women from the three Greek Orthodox communities of Utah have contributed information for this project through in-depth interviews Ten second-generation women, speaking about their mothers, provide a general description of early tradition and their own inheritance or modification of it Eight third-generation women describe their response to this age-old tradition, ranging from modification to abandonment One woman who came to Salt Lake City in 1931 and another during the early 1950s represent more recent links to the practice in Greece and provide a comparison to Greek American custom All but two second-generation women are retired, their occupations having ranged from working in department stores and in school lunch programs to operating small businesses and writing professionally Their formal education extended from completion of eighth grade to college Most of the third-generation are college educated and working in their professions The recent immigrant women are both Greece-educated and have spent their years in Utah as Greek language teachers for church education programs Eleven are married, three are single, and four are widows All are officially listed as members of their respective churches While this study only spans three generations, two great-granddaughters (fourth generation) have added insight into contemporary practice Their information has been used to enhance the argument of changed sources of education rather than as evidence for inheritance or rejection They were both college students at the time of their interviews and residents of Salt Lake City
5 Robert Thomas Teske, "The Eikonostasi among Greek-Philadelphians," Pennsylvania Folklife 23 (1973): 20-30
314 UtahHistorical Quarterly
home altars in Tejano Catholic culture,6 and Yvonne Milspaw examines women's religious heritage from a Protestant angle, identifying a similar home-altar practice as standard among German-Anabaptist culture.7 These studies recognize the cross-cultural links between their respective community's religious tradition and Christian practice in general.8 In all three cases, the home altar tradition is an expression of the close ties between ethnic and religious identity. Greek tradition in Utah has similar ties.9
Greek immigration to America had reached about 10,000 by the late 1890s, with the largest concentrations of population in Chicago and NewYork.10 These early groups spurred a wave of large-scale immigration toward the turn of the century with over 100,000 Greeks arriving by 1910." Greek settlement in Utah was part of this twentieth century phenomenon Lured to America by labor agents and vibrant success stories (under a disguised system of forced servitude), large numbers of Greek men were transported west to work on the railroad and in newly opened coal mines.12 Planning to stay only until their servitude expired, these men instead became founders of Utah's Greek American communities. Like the earlier, eastern immigrants, they converted their work enclaves into sites of settlement, and by 1912 many men had sent for families or arranged with relatives to send for brides.
Greeks settled in four Utah areas, Salt Lake City, Bingham, Ogden, and Carbon County with a total population at about 4,039 by
6 Kay Turner, "Mexican American Home Altars: Towards Their Interpretation," Aztlan 13 (1982): 309-26 Cynthia Viduarri, "Tejano Religious Folk Art Forms in South and West Texas," Purview Southwest: Proceedingsfor the 1991 Annual Conference on the Southwest/Texas Popular Culture Association , March 27-30, 1991, San Antonio, pp 26-31
7 Yvonne Millspaw, "Protestant Home Shrines: Icon and Image," New York Folklore 12 (1986): 119-36 She links Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox religious heritage but refers to no specific study that has described Eastern Orthodox practice (Russian, Romanian, etc.)
8 See especially Turner's "Mexican American Home Altars." Her discussion includes information dating home altar tradition to pre-Christian times.
9 In Turner's and Viduarri's studies the use of home altars (while linked to the early Christian church) was not analyzed in relation to modern non-ethnic Catholic communities Linking ethnic identity to home altars is not to suggest that setting up sacred centers cannot be found in all religious communities (nor is it to claim that women's private religious devotion is a primary insurance for the survival of churches), but it is to claim that the particular variety in the Greek Orthodox church—its survival and its long history of female maintenance (like that of Tejano Catholics) is deeply attached to ethnic culture, a powerful force in the development of the church in Utah
10 Peter W Dickson, "The Greek Pilgrims: Tsakonas and Tsintzinians," New Directions in Greek American Studies (New York: Pella Publishing Company, 1991), ed Dan Georgakas and Charles C Moskos Dickson explains that only 15-25 Greeks arrived at the port of New York prior to 1882 By 1892 both New York and Chicago had communities with dedicated churches
11 Papanikolas, "The Exiled Greeks," p. 410 (footnote on 1910 census).
12 Employment records and newspapers, according to Papanikolas in "The Exiled Greeks," indicate that Greeks were the "largest group of immigrants in [Utah] mining towns" (p 416) In many of her accounts, she tells the story of the leading padrone, Leonidis G Skliris, who exploited Greek immigrants as he negotiated their terms of employment
Tradition 315
HomeAltar
1910. Almost all were men. 13 Before women arrived in large numbers (1912), men had already pioneered mutual aid societies, Greek-language newspapers, and political organizations.14 In Salt Lake City by 1905 they had constructed and dedicated the original Greek Orthodox church, Holy Trinity. Serving the Intermountain West, the church became the primary symbol and evidence of Greek identity in the New World. By 1916 Greeks in Price had dedicated their church, and the Ogden community followed at a later date. It was not by chance that the church was the primary means of social, cultural, and religious identity To early generations in Utah the word "Greek" defined both nationality and religion, and maintaining this closeness meant having a central place of fellowship The church with its social hall housed mutual aid society meetings and baptism and wedding parties and essentially became a place where Greek language, food, song, and dance were relished. But the public fashioning of religiocultural identity also depended upon a fluid exchange with the home. A center of cultural security, the home was also a place where women's custom of private worship promoted a "Greek" form of religious piety and kept ties between religion and culture strong. Especially in view of the immigrants' relative isolation from Eastern Christian tradition and their permanent separation from homeland and family, the fact that private worship has survived as a tradition suggests that it served both a private and public need.15 The dialectic between home and church that Greek immigrant women created in Utah recalls early Christian tradition when the home was the original "church" where people gathered (most likely in the loft or some place out of public view) to preach, teach, and partake of sacraments. 1 6
13 According to the 1910 census, fewer than ten Greek women resided in Utah at this time Ibid., p 417
14 The Fiftieth Anniversary Album for Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church of Salt Lake City reports that by 1908 several regional societies were consolidated into a national organization called "Pan Hellenic National Union" in which Utah Greeks participated with their local chapter, "O Kanaris" (p .45) By 1913 three Greek language newspapers provided forums for debate of issues ranging from work conditions in Utah to Greece's political affairs with Turkey (p 48)
15 Keeping the home a place of Greek Orthodox piety was a challenge for immigrant women in Utah Through word of mouth or possibly a few letters, they heard of Greece but did not expect to see their families again Mosdy teenagers or in their early twenties, these women pioneered Greek domestic culture in Utah, grafting their sense of "Greekness" onto unfamiliar food, homes, clothing, and social customs; but being isolated from family placed a new burden on them, since carrying on cultural tradition meant shouldering the responsibility alone Where women would have shared household tasks with neighbors and relatives for numerous religious celebrations in Greece, they found no such support in America It is no wonder that, in view of such demands, immigrant women found personal strength in reprieves such as private places of prayer
16 While it is difficult to trace exacdy, the tradition most likely finds its roots in the Gospel's words as revealed by Paul According to William Barclay in The Letters to the Corinthians, 2d ed (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1956), "It is not until the third century that we hear about a church building at all" (p. 187). In Romans 16:3-5 Paul asks us to "greet the church" that is in the home of Priscilla and Aq'uil-a (Christian co-workers and leaders in Corinth and Ephesus) and again in 1 Corinthians 16:19 he
316 UtahHistorical Quarterly
17
Devotional expression in the home bolstered institutionalization of religion by providing for a non-compartmentalized practice of piety.
A general description of culturally prescribed home altar arrangements begins with the ways that church and home replicate each other materially and ritually. One literally takes the church into the home by placing the most significant visual, Byzantine icons, in private locations, thus marking a sacred space similar to the church's venerated
refers to "the church that is in their [Priscilla and Aq'-uil-a's] house." Barclay explains that when Paul "writes from Ephesus he sends greetings from them, and from the Church that is in their house" (p 187)
The Greek phrase katekiaekklesia (the church in the home) is a common phrase used by church hierarchy to describe the creation of a Christian atmosphere in the home This tradition, as traced through Paul, is important for women's religious history because it connects women to their role as early deacons, teachers, preachers, prophets, and founders of churches, suggesting that they participated in an active discipleship, thus helping to ensure the church's life For information about women's active discipleship see Eva Catafygiotu Topping, Holy Mothers of Orthodoxy (Minneapolis: Light and Life Publishing Co., 1987)
As institutional development replicated the practice of prayer and partaking of sacraments, melding public and private traditions, it did not advance the role of preacher in the church for women Institutions therefore failed to create lasting public hierarchies inclusive of women, and while their notable leadership in Christian history should not be surprising, it is often neglected. Although it is difficult to say for sure, most likely, as the church became the realm of male authority, responsibility for the maintenance of the church in the home passed almost exclusively into the hands of women. This is not to say that men did not participate in religious ritual at home but that their practice does not have the collective identity women's has had
17 Interview with Fr John Kaloudis, Prophet Elias Church, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996 Speaking of a non-compartmentalized religious tradition, he explains: "If youjust come to church on Sunday and that's it, that's really not faith at all; Christianity is meant to embrace every aspect of our lifestyle and that [katekia ekklesia] is an expression of that lifestyle."
HomeAltar Tradition 317
This is the primary icon o/Xristos and Theotokos in Salt Lake City's Holy Trinity Church.
center, the altar.18 As in the church, icons in the home are forms of visual instruction, providing "concise memorials" of significant written scripture.19 Two primary eikones in Orthodox iconography, Xristos (Christ) and Theotokos (Holy Mother), glorify Christianity's central event—the divine Mysterion, more commonly known as the incarnation.20 In home altars as in Orthodox church interiors, these two core icons constitute the primary visual language of worship A third-generation woman who grew up in Salt Lake City describes what she remembers in her home: "We had a little corner of. . . holiness in the bedrooms for the icon and religious effects. We always had the Icon of Christ and the Icon of the Virgin Mary hanging on the wall."21 As in the church, several different icons may be placed around the central ones in home arrangements.22 Among them may be a family member's patron saint or commemorations of miraculous events in early church history.
Veneration of Byzantine icons in the home and church marks one's source of spiritual connection to Christianity and signifies religious and cultural identity. Not only does the art, dating to pre-schism time, inscribe one's religious history but the Greek letters overlaying the icon's visuals identify culture. Between Byzantine art and Greek letters, these icons distinguish Eastern Christianity from Western and designate Greek culture in relation to the broader Eastern Orthodox heritage. Hence, the visuals and the letters help create a sense of religious and cultural "ecology" for Greeks in their American homes. Traditional religious practice in the home replicates church ritual in three main ways: keeping a vigil light called a kandili, using a
18 Byzantine icons were the first Christian art and are distinguished by the focus on abstraction, highlighting the rhythmical or spiritual rather than the real; the time period of most icons in Greek Orthodox tradition spans 550 and 1453 With the transference of the religious capital to Constantinople in 330, Byzantine art took on its eastern and Greek style David Talbot Rice's Art of the Byzantine Era (1963; 2d ed., London: Thames and Hudson, 1986), is very helpful in describing the history of Byzantine art Byzantine icons appear throughout the interiors of Greek Orthodox churches but are most centrally arranged along a screen, the eikonostasi, standing in front of the altar and facing the congregation
19 Constantine Cavarnos, TheIcon (Haverhill, Mass, 1992)
20 The centrality of the incarnation is equally as representative in Tejano custom; see Kay Turner's "Mexican American Home Altars."
21 Telephone interview with Gregoria Korologos, February 3, 1996, third generation, Salt Lake City and Washington, D.C.
22 Byzantine art has a particular significance for women A controlling idea or expression in the eikona of Christ and the Holy Mother is nurturing—nurturing as elements of both mother and son, male and female. The relatively abstract nature of male and female shapes in Byzantine style, while not obliterating the reality of their humanness, compresses it and highlights and inscribes both the object (male and female) and the idea (nurturing) with an "honorable reverence." The honorable reverence is meant to venerate the idea and act of nurturing as the ideal relationship between human beings (as well as between the individual and the divine) Visuals (through icons) conjure the honorable reverence of nurturing so that women who saw themselves as primary nurturers also saw themselves as engaging in an ennobling commitment Creating spiritual nurturing for many Greek immigrant women was as important as physical nurturing
318 UtahHistorical Quarterly
Top and center: Byzantine icons like these are found in Greek Orthodox churches and homes. In contrast to the popular, westernized "Head of Christ" by Warner E. Sallman, bottom, Byzantine style is identified by the relatively abstract nature of male and female shapes, their two-dimensional flatness, and elongated lines. Although individual artists may vary in their interpretation of Byzantine icons they are commissioned to paint for Greek Orthodox churches, they clearlyfit within the general aesthetics of Byzantine abstract style. The westernized (humanized) rendition of Christ produced by Sallman would be a rarity in Greek Orthodox churches. Written language on icons remains primarily Greek; however, icons such as the one in the center have recently been distributed to Sunday School graduates, indicating the need to combine Byzantine iconography with the English language. That change, along with the appearance of less abstract depictions of Christ, such as Sallman's in Greek homes, represents the influence of western, American religious cultures. It is important to note that westernized images appear in relation to an accumulation of Byzantine icons and are usually few in number.
censer known as a themiato for blessings, and praying.23 The kandili (votive candle), continually lighted in church, is a symbolic reminder of the eternal light of the Gospel. The kandili either hangs from the ceiling next to the eikona or sits on a shelf in a corner of the bedroom or over a doorway or on a table with the themiato nearby Both second- and third-generation women had vivid memories of mothers' or grandmothers' custom of lighting
23 The nature and value of the objects are directly related to the way they function in the actual church liturgy. The central action of the church is Divine Liturgy along with special ceremonies such as baptism through which the faithful participate in Theia Mysteria (Divine Mysteria or holy sacraments) Divine Mysterion in baptism, for example, occurs when we see a body bathed in the water and believe that the soul is simultaneously cleansed through the "Grace of the Holy Spirit." The objects themselves have a specific purpose in relation to the idea of mysteria. The Divine Mysteria, exclusively administered by clergy, through appropriate, visible symbols initiate one into things invisible. Sacraments and clergy constitute the central feature of church as institution Constantine Cavarnos, Orthodox Christian Terminology (Brookline, Mass.: E Marshall Publishing & Translation Services, 1994), p 53
Home Altar Tradition 319 ' / ''••' f \ \ \ HOiMTHTHS SIP W m 4 ^flfl; ^ \. ^*^J B \ ^ Tw^i 'lM
An electric kandili in the home ofMaxine Bapis, top, replicates on a small scale those hanging in front of the eikonostasi (icon screen) in Holy Trinity Church, bottom.
the votive candle A third-generation woman characterizes her grandmother's kandili ritual: "She would light it at fast days and name days; it was a big part of her life."24 A Salt Lake City woman recalls her grandmother's tradition: "We had the kandili, thick glass with wide rim filled with oil and a little water to hold the wick. The kandili was lit each night before the prayer before we went to bed. It also served as a night light but that was not the main purpose."25 Another woman explains the dynamic relationship between church and home symbolized by the kandili: "The first thing that comes to mind is the relationship with the spiritual. . . and that light, seeing that light is the same thing as lighting a candle every Sunday [at church]."26
During church services the priest blesses the faithful with the themiato. Women have traditionally done the same at home for their families in particular and as acts of kindness in general. A third-generation woman describes her mother's practice: "We had the themiato for the incense and the charcoal We burned the incense and charcoal on Sundays and holidays We always did our cross and said a prayer of thanks."27 One woman explains the ritual: "When we themiazi [use the censer, i.e., incense burner] we believejust because the smell and the smoke goes [sic] up, that's [sic] our prayers go up. We themiazi the night before [a] holiday like Saint George, SaintJames, Saint Stellianos, every name day and in the morning too before
320 UtahHistorical Quarterly
24 Interview with Myra Varanakis, Salt Lake City, March 30, 1996, third generation. 25 Korologos interview 26 Varanakis interview 27 Korologos interview
we go to church; I go first to my icons and then to all the rooms and then to my car because I have icons there and then I stay in the front door and themiazi outside and I pray for everybody in the world and for my dead people. I don't ever change anything for me."28
Finally, home and church imitate each other through the goal of prayer, a means of communion (communication) with the divine. A recent immigrant explains how the church and home integrate religious practice: "We like to continue the prayers from the church to the house ... its some kind of connection."29 Gratitude, seeking forgiveness, and asking for help are the primary motivations for prayer. How often is entirely up to the individual; for some it is daily and for others occasionally. A 1950s immigrant remembers her mother's ritual in Greece: "If [she] has problem she went [sic] any time of day but in the evening yes."30 Another woman explains the role of home prayer: "We'd worship just like we would if we were in church, so we would all line up at night . . .when we went to bed we'd stand in front of the eikones and pray."31
Prayer (in front of the eikones) for a 1930s immigrant functions as a source of strength and a place of veneration: "Anytime I go in that room and I see the icons I have to make my stavro [sign of the cross]
kai tha kano kai oti mou erthiesto mialow mou kai tha zitiso hari [and then I ask whatever comes into my mind and any favors from God]. If I am very sorry, very sad about something, I have to go there. I do it anytime I want, anytime."32 Belief in the power of prayer for one immi-
28 Interview with Aphrodite Marcooles, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996, first generation, 1950 29
Interview with Bessie K Markos, Plain City, February 9, 1996, Ogden community, second gen-
32 Interview with Eleni Bovos, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996, first generation, 1931
Home Altar Tradition 321
Censer (themiato) usedfor burning incense as prayers are recited. From the home of Maxine Bapis.
eration
Ibid 30 Ibid
grant woman, whose livelihood came from raising goats and selling cheese and milk, was undeniable. Her daughter describes this close relationship in the story about their goats being poisoned: "I think I was only four or five years old then . . . Mom was very unhappy and she kept . . . cursing them [the neighbors] and praying and . . . one night Panageia [Virgin Mary] came to her and told her don't get too distressed and don't hate 'em and don't curse 'em; I'll take care of them and then spring come [sic] along right after and we had some nasty weather and their animals were lambing . . . and they lost almost all of their animals and . . . our few goats ... a good many of them had twins so that made mora feel like God answered."
33 One second-generation woman who grew up near Price remembers the central role of the home in their religious life. "We couldn't go to church to worship so we worshipped at home and everyday [mother] used her censer and censed the house and lit her vigil light every night."34
The tradition of home altars represents the dynamics between church and home in another way For married women, a fourth traditional object, the Stephana (marriage crown) appears in a glass case near the eikones. As one woman remembers, "[the] Stephana... were in my parents bedroom next to their icon."35 When women place the Stephana from the church marriage ceremony next to the eikones, they carry the event of marriage into the home and give it a venerable station. According to Cretan tradition, the Stephana isburied with the first deceased spouse. 36
322 UtahHistorical Quarterly
33 Markos interview 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid 36
Quarterly 52 (1984): 36.
Shelf in the home of one Utah interviewee's relatives in Greece. Even today many homes in Greece are built with a corner shelf like this.
Helen Z Papanikolas "Wrestling with Death: Greek Immigrant Funeral Customs in Utah," Utah
Historical
If the early immigrants had no access to the products they found ways to make them: "In those days we did not have wicks because it was hard to get 'em ... so [mother] just spun a piece of cotton and she had a little metal like across the glass with water on the bottom and then put the oil and the oil comes up on top naturally . . . and then she'd put that little wick through a little hole in her metal holder then it just lit all night." Another item that was frequently constructed was the traditional shelf many women left behind in Greece: "Dad built mother a little . . . box-like shelf more or less and it was with a cross on top; it was like an altar and she had all her icons in that and her vigil light and the vigil light was lit every night; we woke up at night we had a little light ... it was sacred to her."37 This sacrality is not interrupted by political or secular images such as pictures of family members, political leaders, or national flags.38
While most respondents described eikones,kandilia, themiato, and sounds of prayer as typical of immigrant women's daily religious practice, few mentioned reading and studying
HomeAltar Tradition 323
Gilded case in the home of Bessie Markos holds the Stephana (marriage crowns or wreaths) with an eikona in the center.
Greek American womenfound innovative ways of creating a corner shelf as this one in the home ofAphrodite Marcooles illustrates.
37 Markos interview.
38 In traditional Catholic home altars, for example, pictures of family members and especially pictures ofJohn F Kennedy appear frequently See Turner, "Mexican American Home Altars."
Bibles. The Bible and prayer books have always been central to Orthodox religious dogma, but the eikones, kandili, and themiato have played a significant role in helping women to create an intimate relationship with the sacred world while transmitting religious culture to their families. Since Greek Orthodox women's access to hierarchical management of the church (where dogma is decided and debated and clergy are educated) met an early death, and since liturgical administration is the exclusive right of men, generations of women have found ways of engaging actively in religion through domestic ritual The emphasis on the visual in Greek Orthodox tradition (compared to the written word for Protestants) has a particular significance for immigrant women. The sensory tradition provided them with a means of "unmediated" worship in the home. Praying, censing the house and family, and keeping an eternal flame endowed women with the ability to activate religious worship and sustain Orthodoxy in Utah's largely Protestant region. Isolated from their homeland and estranged from their religious environment, Greek immigrant women were not disconnected. Relocating their religious practice was as simple as packing an icon in a bag.
In transporting traditional practices from Greece to America, early immigrants provided their communities with a direct link to Greek Orthodox religious history and culture, allowing uninterrupted religious worship where getting to church may have been occasional at best. Through the kandili, themiato, prayer, eikones, and Stephana, immigrant women found ways to continue the familiar, complementary relationship between church and home, while passing on cultural and religious identity to their families. Subsequent generations—at the very least—procured a sense of "Greekness" through identification with the religious items and their function in the church-home dynamics
Subtle but significant modifications in the home altar tradition appeared with second generation women. The first item to disappear, generally speaking, was the shelf. Since the traditional shelf was an item unavailable in Utah, women arranged their eikones on walls or tables (some keeping the east-facing tradition and others not) with a kandili nearby Some continued rituals such as blessing the family As one third-generation daughter explains: "[I] definitely [remember my mother] blessing the house with the . . . how would she call it, themiazi; T would themiazi the house' . . . one day specifically that she cense[d] was the first day of the year . . . she [would] light the incense
324 UtahHistorical Quarterly
Icons arranged on a table in the home of Bessie K. Markos, Plain City, Utah. Note angels she acquired at an interfaith conference.
in the kitchen and then she went directly to the icons to [sic] the bedroom . . . and then she would go to each room in the house; we each took the palm of our hand in a vertical position and we go over the smoke with the sign of the cross and she would have each one of us specifically [do that] I remember it being a real special time."39 If the rituals of blessing occurred only occasionally for some, second-generation women retained prayer as the primary function of their religious center. Another time-honored component has been the continued separation between the sacred and the secular.40
Two important changes, however, suggest American influence. Religious statues have been discouraged as a general rule in Greek Orthodox tradition since the "too-real" nature, as opposed to the preferred abstractness of flat Byzantine icons, suggests idolatry No religious statues appear in Greek Orthodox churches today. Their inclusion would indicate Roman Catholic tradition. Many second-generation women, though, have found a way to accommodate religious statues without spiritual conflict. One second-generation woman in Salt Lake has a collection of three statues of the Virgin Mary that a Catholic friend had given her as a gift.41 Another has included two
39 Varanakis interview
40 The exception was an icon that had been hand embroidered by a person who was in prison in Greece It was Byzantine in style, theme, and image but had two Greek flags on either side of the Theotokos; this was an unusual expression of religion's and culture's inseparability (icon appears in the collection of Aphrodite Marcooles shown on page 312, left hand side of icon arrangement) Still, no political figures such as presidents interrupted the sacred visuals of Christ, Mary, and saints in these women's home altars
41 Interview with Maxine Bapis, Salt Lake City, February 29, 1996
HomeAltar Tradition 325
angels that she acquired at an interfaith conference. Blending them with traditional items suggests an open attitude toward Christian faiths on a broad spiritual level and a gift-giving dialectic apparent in America because of proximity with other religions. Women identify these items as appropriate religious expressions with no threat to their distinct Greek Orthodox practice Similarly, the appearance of westernized icons or unusual representations ofJesus in some Greek Orthodox home altars suggest Catholic and Protestant influence and a way of appropriating religious identity in a broader sense. A parish priest explained what he found at an elderly lady's home: "She has her little icon and I give her communion [regularly] and she's got these real unusual pictures of Jesus there; but out of her own personal reverence she said, Tjust can't throw those things away' and she puts them there; they wouldn't typically go there but it'sjust an expression of her own piety."42
In the case of an interfaith marriage, combining statues and icons was a way of blending cultures. A third-generation daughter explains: "My grandmother was a very devout Catholic and . . .when my mother married my father . . . she told my mother that her children, my brother and I, should be Greek Orthodox. My mother kept her little icons and she also had statues . . . the Catholic statues of the Virgin Mary mostly and they were intertwined We always had the kandili because the Catholics always had them."43 Another change was the addition of a low voltage electric kandili that allowed the eternal glow without the hazard of a lighted candle or the oil and water combination: "About 1945 my mother purchased an electric kandili which was a beautiful deep red glass surrounded in a gold container."44 This sometimes replaced the votive candle and in other instances complemented it, with the candle being lit only on special occasions.
A major change for second-generation women has been more frequent readings of the Bible and prayer books. This shift from a more
326 UtahHistorical Quarterly
Combining of traditional Greek Orthodox icons with Catholic statues.
42 Kaloudis interview 43 Interview with Sophie Wondolowski, Salt Lake City, February 9, 1996 44 Korologos interview
oral cultural tradition to a literary one can be marked in the secondgeneration's recent participation in Bible classes and a more active church system of distribution of religious texts. Early immigrant women's dependence on home altar traditions issued largely from their mothers and grandmothers Contemporary reliance on written authority has changed the traditional relationship with written texts for Greek women in Utah. The Bible, for instance, represents a useful resource from which to read independently rather than just a sacred text lying next to sacred icons. Many second-generation women have found a new balance in their domestic religious practice between active ritual and the more isolated act of reading.
While active engagement in blessings with the themiato and lighting the kandili functioned as a central part of domestic religious devotion for immigrant women and as a complimentary component for the second generation, the eventual disappearance of active ritual from third-generation homes not only began a change in practice but also a significant shift in the role of women's religious authority. Thirdgeneration response to home altar traditions ranges from complete abandonment to modified devotional expression. Generally, third-generation practice is marked by a less elaborate collection of eikones and a more simple arrangement, with many married women having one or two icons next to the Stephana. While the second generation had either an electric light for a kandili or the votive candle (or both), the third generation tended not to have either. Several of them mentioned that they had the kandili but it sat in a drawer or was used only sporadically at a few specific moments during the year. Modification generally meant less ritualized practice such as blessings with the themiato. One woman laments the loss of the themiato, "I've never done that; I remember my mom so specifically; I bought all the stuff and I've got it but I've never done it." Her devotional expression, like that of other third-generation women, consists of prayer and the immigrant tradition of placing the eikoneson the east wall, as she demonstrates: "They [people] had to . . . face the sun's rising so they [icons] always had to be on the east wall and I remember in every apartment or in every house I would say now are the icons going to be on the east wall; so to this day they are on the east wall in my house; so we've always passed that on."45
Although third-generation women were less inclined to activate
45 Varanakis interview.
Home Altar Tradition 327
From the top: Icon arrangements in the Salt Lake City homes of Eleni Bovos, first generation, and Sophie Wondolowski and Myra Varanakis, third generation.
family rituals such as blessing the family with the themiato, they have continued to draw on prayer in front of their eikones as a resource for spiritual strength: "I think that's my way of saying this is my [spiritual] link; definitely a feeling of security . . . definitely."46 It is a place and a moment of privacy for women, respected and understood by family members: "I remember my mother," comments one woman, " and she went to . . . her bedroom and locked the door and she said I am going to pray, don't make too much noise."47 Not generally a place where the family comes together in prayer, the home altar site retains the aspect of a woman's space, as suggested by this comment: "We never prayed as a family in that area where the icons [were]. She [mother] would tell me specific times that she would pray to the icons; I never saw her; I don't think it was a daily thing; I remember her very specifically,
328 Utah Historical Quarterly
46 Ibid 47 Marcooles interview
maybe troubled times, when she would say that last night I knelt and prayed."48
In a significant way, domestic religious tradition generated piety, cultural identity, and a form of religious authority for women through modeling and a female "ownership" of custom. As one person observes, "Nobody ever said this is what you do; it was all just from what I saw my mother do."49 Another woman clearly understood the importance of modeling: "It's seen as an expression; if they see, if they light the candle .. . I think that means something to them . . . like my grandchildren. When they live [sic] here overnight I tell them let's go to [sic] pray . . . each one pray[s]." 5 0 While both male and female children most likely procured a sense of "Greekness" through identification with the material items, women assumed primary responsibility for creating and attending to religious centers in the home. Few respondents remembered their adult brothers, for example, acquiring the home altar tradition
Keeping a sacred center still functions as a means of sustaining a dynamic relationship between church and home. The potent nature of domestic religious tradition in maintaining a dialectic between community and home is especially exemplified in the way it conjoins the church and home through special occasions. At Easter, for example, parishioners may place objects from the church service in the home. These customs range from taking the lighted candle from Good Friday services all the way home and lighting a kandili to placing the palm from Palm Sunday or the carnation from Good Friday next to the eikones. A third-generation woman explains: "On [Good] Friday night I always put the flower always, we all do and we let them dry there sometimes I will even put them in [the] box that holds
Home Altar Tradition 329
From the Palm Sunday liturgy, strips of palm leaves shaped into crosses are taken home and placed on icons. Home of Bessie Markos.
48 Varanakis interview. 49 Wondolowski interview 50 Marcooles interview
the crowns; I kept them in there for awhile and then my mom's always told me you have to burn them; you can't throw them in the garbage; we try to bring a light home from the service."51 Other occasions may include bringing ayiasmos (holy water) from the Epiphany church service into the house As one woman explains: "Ayiasmos was always available at home in case someone needed to take some due to illness."52 For another person: "[Mother] had the holy water that she'd get from the church and she'd sprinkle with that and if any of us were sick she would give us a teaspoon of it and hope that the Lord would reach us and help us heal and we still do it to this day."53 Holy water has also been used in blessing the house as one person explains: "The priest. did visit our home with basil and holy water and blessed each room by forming the cross with the basil and the holy water."54 One woman pointed to a basket next to her eikones which held a bottle of ayiasmos brought to her from the Holy Land. The home's place of prayer symbolizes a way of identifying oneself as Greek Orthodox, and in the simple act of placing a carnation in the frame of the eikona, or a palm from Palm Sunday, one engages in a dynamic relationship with the larger Greek Orthodox community. Yet, as the dialectic between church and home, evidenced by such time-honored rituals as placing religious objects from church services on the eikones, persists, women's role in that dialectic has lost its vitality
Finding themselves in a world vastly different from their grandmothers, third-generation Greek American women face a more efficient church system that has assumed an assertive role in educating members on religious issues to keep an extremely diverse community together. While addressing the needs of a changing community, influenced especially by interfaith marriages, the church has become an influential (if not primary) source of religio-cultural instruction. Through clergy-laity newsletters, a church-sponsored newspaper, Bible and prayer-book classes, and youth retreats, the church standardizes information about worship and religious culture and distributes it on a national basis. As more young people participate in retreats where they are taught traditions of domestic religious devotion through church direction, they engage in new systems of cultural transmission. This change has given young people, both men and women, wider access to
330 UtahHistorical Quarterly
31 Varanakis interview 52 Korologos interview 53 Markos interview 54 Korologos interview
religious culture, creating a renewed interest in the private sphere as a place for religious devotion. Fourth-generation descendants now have a chance to acquire the tradition of sacred centers in the home where their third-generation mothers may have abandoned it.
While some see this shift as a resurgence of religious practice in the home, it is important to recognize how a switch in the means of cultural transmission has occurred and what that suggests about Greek Orthodox women's heritage of religious authority. What has been accomplished in the institutional supervising of religious training is the maintenance of a fluid relationship between church and home. What has changed is the role of women as activators of religious ritual in the household Third-generation women's religious activity has retained its aspect of a personal means of religious devotion but has lost its prominence as a means of active engagement for women in the religious maintenance and education of family. Several third generation respondents mentioned that they were involved in more Bible classes and religious conferences than their mothers were The aspect of study, brought into the home by the second generation, has given women's domestic religious tradition an institutional character, dependent on written authority more than on modeling. It is not unreasonable to assume that as church members attend religious classes and conferences, they participate less in the kind of domestic religious culture characteristic of immigrant women's tradition and more in the prescribed style of church authority. While keeping a sacred center in the home has been traditionally encouraged by women, they are no longer the central vehicle through which its inheritance proceeds. Where third generation women acquired religious "training" from both memory of women's active engagement and written authority, their children are more likely to gain religious education through written and church-regulated sources than from home custom. Responsibility for religious training has shifted into the hands of the church.
The switch from modeling as a means of cultural transmission to institutionalized, formal religious training can be illustrated in another way. Inter-religio-cultural marriage has become a permanent feature in Greek Orthodox communities.55 As a result, formal instruc-
56 When our grandparents identified themselves as Greek, they signified their religion, culture, and geography through one word, Greek Ethnic and religious identity were inextricably tied to each other and to the land of Greece However, in an American setting dispersement and diversity have forced Greek communities to affiliate in new ways One example is the experimentation with labels such as Orthodox Christians or Eastern Orthodox that church communities have acquired (instead of Greek Orthodox)
HomeAltar Tradition 331
tion, an effective way to educate converts, has naturally evolved. The recent publication of A Guide toGreek Traditions and Customsin America is an embodiment of the demand on the Greek Orthodox community to meet the needs of a varied and diverse audience.56 In the preface, author Marilyn Rouvelas (a non-Greek) explains that when she "met her Greek-American husband in 1965, everything from the food to the church services was literally foreign" to her. After her conversion to Greek Orthodoxy, she adopted the many customs which have "inalterably changed [her] life." Addressing the dual needs to explain to converts and also to "preserve" these customs, she compiled a kind of guide to Greek Orthodox culture. Among the traditions secured upon A Guide's pages is a section describing katekia ekklesia: "If possible, locate the ikonostasi [collection of icons] on an east wall of the house so that you face east while praying some people prefer an upstairs hallway; others select the parents' bedroom The choice is yours." The rest of the section defines the items and their "official" purpose. What is significant to this paper is that publishing what previously has been considered natural custom—just habits of the home confirms the changed audience claiming Greek Orthodox identity and culture as well as the changed nature of acquiring "custom." The book, written mostly in imperative voice, places custom in the context of a new authority—the written guide. The author generously hopes that her "book may spark new enthusiasm" among immigrants' descendants and aid a rising group of converted members to feel more included and able to "share the Orthodox faith and recognize it as a powerful bond that transcends geography and ancestry."57
The guidebook's ambition is both to revive and preserve Greek Orthodox culture. In the process it has become a new cultural product, that is, an example of how new infrastructures are being created through which Greek religio-cultural identity is issued. Guide books, similar to church Bible classes, are important strategies through which people meet the challenge of keeping diverse communities together. These new approaches indicate a dynamic, ever-changing process of culture. To be sure, preservation on paper ensures the life of one kind
56 Texts were distributed through a speaking tour by the author to various Greek Orthodox communities throughout the United States
57 Marilyn Rouvelas, A Guide to Greek Traditions and Customs in America (Bethesda, Md.: Nea Attiki Press, 1993), p ix The hope of transcending geography and ancestry suggests that the Greek Orthodox communities in the United States are in a period of transition where the word Greek can no longer underpin their identity Unable to locate a word that comfortably identifies a common ancestry, contemporary communities continue to struggle for definition Where the word Orthodox ignores specific Greek history and culture, the word Greek ignores diverse ancestry common to interfaith marriage The early immigrants faced no such paradox
332 UtahHistorical Quarterly
of authority, but it is unable to transmit another What seems to be left out is the potent nature—the emotions and substance—of our grandmothers' and mothers' practice, in motion. Blurred is the powerful realm of ministry for women that strengthened cultural and ethnic ties, nourished by the memory of the homeland. In some ways, the new emphasis on studying religion, preserving custom through the written word, and the present hope for Orthodoxy to transcend geography and ancestry have made our connection to women's traditional strategy of faith historical and nostalgic.
These changes suggest that an important shift in the function of the home altar tradition has occurred. It has retained its role as a resource of spiritual strength (where an individual may pray) and as a connection between home and church, but it has lost its vitality as a source of women's religious authority. Many third-generation women have become more dependent on the formal study of religion rather than a more active, visually ritualized expression learned through the custom of their ancestors. This shift in women's religious authority also indicates that a more formalized authority than modeling has become a primary means for religious training. While the themiato may be burning less in the homes of Utah's Greek Orthodox, the pages of Bibles and prayer books are turning more.
The variables determining how subsequent generations will engage in a tradition such as home altars are many and complex. Understanding the complete picture of how Greeks pioneered their cultural traditions in Utah means more than telling the story of building churches and setting down the rules of religious custom. It means remembering the hands making the sign of the cross, the lips moving for the repose of souls, the smell of incense, or the sight of the flickering flame infusing nights with a little bit of safety It means remembering how Greek immigrant women brought their community into the home and their history into a modern world. Their altars were not merely repositories or archives shelving old country relics, but a dynamic, vitalizing system symbolizing one's engagement in creating and maintaining a religious culture and identity.
Greek American poet, Eleni Fourtouni, confirms the vitality of her mother's religious life that gave the icons, kandilia, and prayers their potent nature. In "Death Watch," a poem memorializing her mother, she recreates her mother's image in relation to religious objects. The poem ends with the following words:
HomeAltar Tradition 333
I am mute now my eyes hold only the shape of your coffin the silverplated icon reflects the flame of the oil lamp
I am blind now I remember only your face reflected on the flame.58
It is significant that she shapes her mother's image through the most personal religious objects, the kandili and the eikona. The ethereal reflection brings the nurturing of the lamp and the mother into a unified source of grace and comfort. One is remembered in dynamic relation to the other and like the pictures in our minds of the women who left a legacy of religious piety in Utah, the written poem is inseparable from the lived one It is shaped by the images reflected on an icon, a light, and a prayer
334 UtahHistoricalQuarterly
58 Eleni Fourtouni, WatchtheFlame (New Haven: Thelphini Press, 1983).
Divine Duty: Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah
BY ROBERT S. MCPHERSON AND MARY LOU MUELLER
As HANNAH SORENSEN EMERGED from between the winding walls of Cow Canyon and into the outskirts of Bluff City, Utah, in August 1896, she must have had second thoughts about where she would spend the next six weeks Although Bluff could boast a number of stone houses and public buildings, the town was small and still a teenager in its development, having been founded only sixteen years before. Compared to the conveniences of Provo and the Wasatch Front she had left behind, Bluff had little to offer. Indeed, of all the places where Hannah had
Robert S McPherson, Blanding, is an instructor at the College of Eastern Utah-SanJuan campus and serves on the Advisory Board of Editors for UtahHistoricalQuarterly.
The valley of the San Juan at Bluff, Utah, November 4, 1895. Photograph by Charles Goodman, courtesy of Hilda Perkins.
Mary Lou Mueller, Blanding, is a graduate of the College of Eastern Utah-SanJuan campus, which she attended under the Michael T Hurst Scholarship Fund, and is currently pursuing a degree through Utah State University
been dispatched to teach her Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class, Bluff must have seemed one of the most austere and remote.1 But in keeping with the tradition of hard work and sacrifice that characterized midwifery as a profession, she accepted her assignment and six weeks later left behind an important legacy. Working under difficult circumstances was not new to Hannah. Her life had been as bumpy as the road that brought her to Bluff She had graduated from the Royal Hospital of Denmark in 1861 at age twenty-five and worked for the Danish government practicing obstetrics for the next twenty-two years. The government provided her with a lovely home for her ten children and husband, while her job assured her prestige at a time when women struggled to break into the professional world But these benefits did not offset the pain of an unhappy marriage caused primarily by differences in religious beliefs.2
In 1883 Hannah joined the Mormon church and was told immediately that "a Mormon could not occupy any position under the government." When she lost herjob and her home, her husband left, too, forcing her to move to a poorhouse with her four youngest children. Friends immigrating to America offered to take her daughter, Maria, with them and Hannah consented Subsequently, her husband coerced authorities into taking her three sons, the youngest a baby, from her and placing them in foster homes. "Oh cruel day," she penned eleven years later, "when my little boys were snatched from my arms by the brutal police—my heart bleeds from the wound even this moment." Hannah was told that all would be restored if she would deny her new faith, but she remained steadfast Within a few months, having sacrificed everything for her beliefs, she was on her way to America with the help of the church.3
In Utah, devotion drove Hannah to assume a personal mission, under the sanction of church leaders, to enlighten women about medical practices. She took pride in her efforts, commenting that "the Lord blesses my work wonderfully."4 Her work became a consuming passion and suggests today's approach to holistic medicine. Far more was involved in healing a person thanjust working with the
1 By contrast, see the account byJoseph Eckersley, clerk of the LDS Wayne Stake, of the enthusiastic reception Hannah Sorensen received in Loa, in DeseretEvening News, March 8, 1895
2 Hannah Sorensen, "A Diploma of the First Degree," Our PioneerHeritage, 20 vols (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77), 6:402-4
3 Ibid
4 Ibid
336 UtahHistorical Quarterly
physical body In 1889, while lecturing in Sevier County, Hannah had said:
The course taken in practicing obstetrics in all the civilized world is in many ways very wrong and contrary to the true principles of nature Midwifery, as I understand it, embraces the natural laws of procreation and explains the mission of woman It embraces her life and duties, we may say, from the cradle to the grave. 5
Thus, when the course began in Bluff on August 20, 1896, Hannah taught a new perspective and philosophy on health care that differed from accepted practices of the day
Her critique of obstetrics was even more broadly representative of attitudes in remote communities. Although physicians were a rarity in small Mormon settlements like Bluff, the general feeling toward orthodox medicine was one of mistrust Many doctors in rural areas practiced with very little formal training and relatively little "reading" about medicine. Most physicians who had graduated from college preferred life in the East to the isolation of frontier settlements One historian remarked that not a single orthodox doctor practiced outside Salt Lake City prior to 1870.6
Hannah
Among Mormons, mistrust of the profession can be traced to early church leaders. Brigham Young spoke openly against the "surgeon's medicine"and warned Captain Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion:
If you are sick, live by faith, and let the surgeon's medicine alone if you want to live, using only such herbs and mild food as are at your disposal;
Hannah Sorensenand Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 337
Sorensen. Courtesy ofPatsy Shumway.
5 Julie A Dockstader, "Angels of Mercy: Pioneer Midwives in Utah," Pioneer, vol 42, no 1 (Winter 1995), p 14, quoting from Midwife Instruction Book, notes taken from lectures by Hannah Sorensen, Feb 8—May 11, 1889, Elsinore, Sevier Co., Utah, Rosa B Hayes, reporter, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City
6 Robert T Divett, "Medicine and the Mormons," Bulletin of theMedical Library Association, vol 51, no 1 (January 1963), pp 3, 4
if you give heed to this counsel, you will prosper; but if not, we cannot be responsible for the consequences A hint to the wise is sufficient.7
Ineffective medical practices and an upsurge of promising herbal remedies fueled such sentiments. Samuel Thomson's patented system of botanical treatments in his book New Guide toHealth, or Botanic Family Physician (1813) significantly influenced medical practices of the day.
Willard Richards, Thomas B. Marsh, and Frederick G. Williams were among early church leaders who joined the Thomsonians. For twenty dollars and a pledge of secrecy, they received his book and became doctors of herbal medicine From their positions within the church they and other leaders influenced the membership in general. It is not surprising, for example, that when Joseph Smith called Ann Carling as a midwife, he told her to use herbs exclusively.8
The Popular Health Movement of the 1830s, which formed in New England and spread to Ohio, denounced the use of alcohol, tobacco, tea, coffee, opium, and other stimulants. While not entirely focusing on herbal healing, members advocated a botanical approach The movement also espoused moderation in diet, encouraging the use of grains and denouncing excessive meat consumption. Much of what is expressed in the LDS Word of Wisdom parallels these health reform tenets.9
Disease was prevalent in early Utah settlements due to primitive sanitary conditions Church leaders established the Council of Health around 1850 to teach sufferers to treat themselves with herbal remedies. Council meetings were so heavily attended that within two years they were moved to the spacious Tabernacle Women traveled long distances to learn about home herbal remedies and to hear speakers preach against the evils of "the poison doctors."10
Around 1850 priesthood healing was reemphasized since members had become increasingly reliant on "the arm of flesh" in treating their afflictions. In 1852, Brigham Young taught:
When you are sick, call for the Elders, who will pray for you, anointing with oil and the laying on of hands; and nurse each other with herbs, and mild food, and if you do these things, in faith, and quit taking poisons,
7 N Lee Smith, "Herbal Remedies: God's Medicine?," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 12 (Fall 1979): 43
8 Ibid., pp. 40-43; Blanche E. Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice, Utah Historical Quarterly 10 (1942): 44
9 Smith, "Herbal Remedies," p. 40.
10 Ibid., pp., 44-45
338 UtahHistorical Quarterly
and poisonous medicines, which God never ordained for the use of men, you shall be blessed.11
Near the end of his life Young moderated his attitude towards orthodox medicine, and he admonished people to be wise in using "every remedy that comes within the range of. . . knowledge."12
Young had long advocated the role of women as midwives because it seemed compatible with a woman's nature to serve and care for the sick and those in childbirth. Modesty also necessitated midwives Even into the 1930s many women preferred having a female midwife over a male doctor to deliver their children.13
Once discouraged from studying medicine, women were being told by 1868, "The time has come for women to come forth as doctors in these valleys of the mountains."14 Although some became doctors, their numbers were few compared to the demand. Undaunted by fairly primitive circumstances, midwives continued to meet a wide range of health care needs Their role did not begin and end with childbirth; the scarcity of doctors placed added responsibility on them to treat injury and illness as well One midwife in the 1900 census listed her occupation as "nurse."15 In the community, however, she was described as the "doctor, the obstetrician, the allround [sic] physician for disorders physical and mental."16
Although midwives treated a range of maladies, they were armed mostly with folk remedies local to the area For example, a journal kept by MaryJones, a Bluff midwife, included instructions for setting a broken limb. She wrote that the bone was set by "pulling on it and pressing with the thumb and fingers until you feel it slip into place." Then, while applying pressure, the fracture was wrapped with cotton and "board splints a little of an inch wide all around then bandaged with a bandage dipped in starch (made with cornstarch or flour)." When the dressing had dried and been trimmed, the patient was then confined to bed for a while to restrict movement.17 Other folk reme-
11 Linda P Wilcox, "The Imperfect Science: Brigham Young on Medical Doctors," Dialogue: A Journal ofMormon Thought 12 (Fall 1979): 28.
12 Joseph R Morrell, "Medicine of the Pioneer Period in Utah," UtahHistorical Quarterly 23 (1955): 131
13 Divett, "Medicine and the Mormons," p. 5.
14 Wilcox, "The Imperfect Science," p 33
15 Toni Richard Turk, Rooted in SanJuan: A GenealogicalStudy of Burials in San Juan County, Utah, 1879-1995 (Salt Lake City, 1995), p 285
16 Albert R Lyman, "Josephine C Wood: Nurse of the SanJuan Frontier," p 1, Special Collections, Lee Library, Brigham Young University
17 MaryJones, notes titled, "The Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class of Bluff, August 20, 1896," p 15, in authors' possession
Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 339
dies included sagebrush and Brigham tea which served as stimulants, blood purifiers, and cure-alls Milkweed, tobacco, whiskey, or black mud cured snake bites; sometimes a live toad, frog, or chicken was cut open and placed on the bite to draw the poison. When physical remedies failed, priesthood-holders provided anointing and the layingon-of-hands for divine aid.18
This last point is important. In nineteenth-century Mormon culture, sickness and physical distress were healed as much by supernatural means as physical remedies. Prayers of faith were as powerful as any elixir. That is why, for instance, one San Juan County midwife, known affectionately to Mormon and gentile as "Aunt" Jody Wood, relied heavily on faith and priesthood authority When she received her calling as midwife from Bluff bishopJens Nielson, she said, "I'm as green as a cucumber and I don't know how babies are born."Jody was promised during a blessing "that if she would do her best, she would be led by the Holy Spirit." During her first delivery she panicked. The baby's umbilical cord was wrapped tightly around its neck. Not knowing how to proceed, she heard the voice of Bishop Nielson from behind tell her plainly what to do When she turned around she was alone, but the baby had come safely into the world.19
A midwife was a prominent symbol of social order as she fulfilled her responsibilities within the community. A knock on the door at any hour was often all the warning a midwife would receive One such person, Olive Myrtle Black Palmer, began practicing nursing and midwifery around 1899. Whenever the need arose, "Aunt" Myrtle could be seen wearing her apron, walking along the dusty streets with her
18 Austin and Alta Fife, Saints of Sage and Saddle:
257-58
19 Clair Noall, "Mormon Midwives," Utah Historical Quarterly 10 (1942): 133; Frances H Hoopes, "Josephine (Jody) Chatterley Wood: Midwife of San Juan," Blue Mountain Shadows 2 (Fall 1988): 35; Lyman, "Josephine C Wood," p 3
340 UtahHistorical Quarterly
fody Wood. Courtesy ofMargaret B. Halls.
Folklore Among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1980), pp
little black bag. Her appearance was an indication that "somebody was going to have a baby."20
Sometimes the delivery of a baby could last for days Once preparations had been made, all the midwife could do was encourage and reassure the mother. If complications arose the midwife called in the elders and they prayed at the bedside for the patient's muscles to relax. After delivery the midwife visited daily to bathe and care for mother and child, or the midwife stayed with the family during the mother's ten-day confinement Often she did all of the housework, including cooking, washing, and supervising the children, while caring for the mother and her infant.21
Fortunately, the midwives were devoted to their practice, for they received little monetary reward. Fees ranged from $2.50 to $10.00 for delivery and duties during confinement. Jody Wood charged $2.50 until Stake President Walter C. Lyman insisted on paying her $10.00 for delivering his son. She felt $10.00 was too much. After that, at the insistence of Bishop Nielson, Jody settled her fee at $5.00, although, on occasion, she also accepted goods and commodities in trade Myrtie Palmer charged $10.00 for delivery and ten days of care; however, she delivered six children in a certain family without receiving a penny and went back and delivered a seventh child because her skills were needed. 2
Training for midwives became increasingly popular in the latter half of the nineteenth century In 1873 Eliza R Snow organized a medical program through the Relief Society that invited two or three women from each ward in the church to come to Salt Lake City for instruction in hygiene, nursing, and midwifery.23 Among others, Dr. Ellis R. Shipp, considered "Utah's Grand Old Lady," taught "hundreds of women [who] went out from her classes to take to all corners of Utah . . . instructions in the basic principles of obstetrics and home nursing."
Obviously, midwives learned much from experience. Many possessed a natural instinct and desire to be of service. Their demeanor had a calming influence on patients that was comforting at a time when medicine alone was inadequate in treating afflictions. Albert R.
20 Ida Nielson and Venice Lyman, interview with Erin Hubble and Robert S McPherson, Blanding, November 16, 1994
21 Dockstader, "Angels of Mercy," p. 14; Noall, "Mormon Midwives," p. 118.
22 Hoopes, "Josephine (Jody) Chatterley Wood," p 36; Nielson and Lyman interview
23 Carol Cornwall Madsen, "Creating Female Community: Relief Society in Cache Valley, Utah, 1868-1900,"/oMrn«/ of Mormon History 21 (Fall 1995): 133; Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice," p. 31.
Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 341
2
Lyman, a local historian, noted that at age sixteen he suffered from a terrible boil or abscess on his back. It had been poulticed with everything imaginable without improvement. He was in such agony that he could not bear to have anyone come near him until his father sent for Jody Wood:
When she came, for she came without any delay, and I twisted my neck to look u p at her face, it radiated assurance, it inspired cheer Her voice gave me courage. She said that the abscess, or whatever it was, needed to be lanced, and that I would not feel much pain. It was magic; the magic of love an d sympathy and faith. It was wonderful; she had something which few doctors have: the power of projecting her courage into the souls of people who are in sickness and in sorrow, and doing for them what no medicine can do.24
So when Hannah Sorensen arrived in Bluff in August 1896 many people realized the importance of her visit.25 Twenty-six women from the Four Corners area attended the special nursing course sponsored by the Relief Society. Although it was designed for midwives, other women could and did attend, and Sorensen encouraged all women to participate.26
She had written her own text in 1892—
Notes Writtenfor the Benefit
ofMembers of the Woman's Hygienic PhysiologicalReform Classes. Her purpose was two-fold. She could not find a textbook she agreed with, and she wanted her students to have a reference to take home. She told the class to take notes every day "so that there would be no room for misunderstanding concerning the instructions given."27 Mary Jones, the daughter of Bishop Jens Nielson and wife of Kumen Jones, kept faithful notes. In a photograph of those attending, Mary is clearly visible on the front row with her notebook open and pen poised. Her writings now serve as an important record of what
transpired
All of the women, despite the inexperience of some, were instructed in midwifery. Sorensen, anticipating the question, stated:
I suppose you will say: Why is that necessary we do not intend to be midwives No, not practicing midwives, but you do intend to possess the same physical knowledge of the female system as a midwife should possess, which is right and proper you should ... . it means a qualification that you, everyone of you, should possess.
24 Lyman, "Josephine C Wood," p 4
25 Wilmer Bronson, "Marion Frengler Bronson: Midwife of Monticello," Blue Mountain Shadows 5 (Fall 1989): 65
26 Hannah Sorensen, Notes Writtenfor the Benefit ofMembersof the Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Classes (Provo: Dispatch Press, 1892), p 3
27 Ibid., p 2
342 UtahHistorical Quarterly
According to Sorensen's text, a midwife is one who comprehends "a knowledge of woman and her offspring during pregnancy, labor, and the puerperal state."28
Ideally, a midwife's qualifications included much more than just delivering babies: "The nature of her labor requires a healthy, skillful, intelligent, and truthful woman . . . refined, quiet, and sensitive ... a true lady. When called out, she should be prepared against contagious diseases that she shall not be the cause of bringing any diseases to the lying in woman either from unclean hands or clothes." She must keep strict confidence, never indulging in "slander nor scandal."29
Many of Sorensen's qualifications correspond with those of her contemporary, Dr. Ellis Shipp. In the May 18, 1888, issue of the Utah Sanitarian, Shipp listed the qualifications nurses should possess:
They should be pleasant; look clean, particularly the finger nails; should be good cooks, and serve food artfully; see that there is sunlight and air;
Ibid., pp 3, 4
Ibid., pp 4-5
Hannah Sorensenand Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 343 1 1 Q, , mmr & '______• •_3 _ M a, -# .-***.*
Members of Hannah Sorensen's 1896 obstetrics and nursing class at Bluff. Front row, L to R: Mary Jones, Harriet H. Barton, Agnes A. Allan, Jennie D. Wood, Anna Bayles, Leona W. Nielson, Amelia Hammond, Sarah Perkins. Second row: Josephine Wood, Cornelia Mortensen, Annette N. Johnson, Celestia S. Hancock, Marian Bronson, Luanda A. Redd, Caroline N. Redd, Rachel C. Perkins, Colista B. Hammond, Lettie StevensJensen. Third row: May L. Jones, Evelyn M. Adams, Emma B. Scorup, Eliza Redd, Anna M. Decker, Sister Bell, Adelia Lyman, Evelyn Lyman Bayles, teacher Hannah Sorensen. Photograph by Charles Goodman, courtesy ofPatsy Shumway.
bathe the patient; not be too talkative in the sick room; should not communicate a sick person's thoughts and actions to others.30
Sorensen felt strongly about virtuous women and the kind of men they should marry: "A man of God is he who, above everything, regards the laws of God; who would sacrifice earthly comfort and pleasure ... he who will sacrifice his own selfish, human cravings if they are of such a nature that he thereby injures the true happiness, health, and virtue of the woman given to him in holy wedlock." Her "law of continence" stated that "The reproductive element, or organs . . . were not given to man and woman, were not placed in their body for the sake of gratification of fleshly passions, but for another great and Divine purpose, namely, reproduction . .. . " Therefore, "Men and women should not indulge in sexual intercourse during pregnancy or during the nursing period for their children will inherit licentiousness." Mary Jones recorded in her notes, "To bring into subjection these passions, we should not use spice, liquors, beer, nor meat." A man of God "must be free from bad and contaminating habits such as drinking, gambling, smoking, swearing, blaspheming, and . . . promise to live a strict continent life." One reason for this belief, Sorensen stated, was that "the wife is poisoned by having a husband that uses tobacco, by intercourse with him, for nicotine is all through his body and there is a large portion of this in the semen, and the delicate organs are so susceptible that they become diseased."31
Considering Sorensen's own marital difficulties, one can understand her belief that "Instead of happiness, marriage has, in many instances brought the greatest misery." Moreover, she wrote, "I do not pretend to give any specified explanation of married life." She did, however, expound that it was the lot of women to bear the brunt of physical suffering when the law of continence was ignored. So, she felt it her duty to "stand up as a defender."32
Having established this foundation, Sorensen explained that the purpose of the Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class was to study three subjects: "Hygiene, Obstetric, and Sexual-Physiology." All are "linked to the other," she explained, "and all included in the life-history of every daughter of God." She went on, "We must understand Nature's laws in order to be governed by them. The soul, mind and body are
30 Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice," p 31
31 Sorensen, Notes, pp 29, 31;Jones, notes, pp 5-6
32 Hannah Sorensen, What Women Should Know (Salt Lake City: George Q, Cannon & Sons Co., 1896), pp 62-63; Sorensen, Notes, p 31
344 UtahHistorical Quarterly
inseparably connected, hence, our instructions will be spiritual as well as physical. Perfect law and reason in everything should be our constant study."33
Mary Jones's notes are interspersed with Sorensen's advice: avoid "feather beds [which] gather all kinds of germs and filth;" and "the more sensitive of two bed fellows will absorb the poison excretions from the body of the other," causing "languor and nervousness" upon arising.34
After thirty-one years of medical service, Sorensen concluded that the practice of obstetrics in her day was contrary to natural principles. She expressed dismay that her classes were not more widely attended, but that did not diminish her zeal to teach. "It is hard to sin against knowledge, if we have any hope or character," she wrote, "but easy to do wrong in ignorance." She believed that "misery is brought upon woman because of a lack of knowledge of natural laws" and warned:
Wake up, especially you daughters of Zion, to see the grandeur of your mission, to see the wonderful and perfect laws by which an all-wise an d almighty Creator has surrounded you, and by which, if complied with, you will safely be carried through and escape not only the misery but the fear.35
Sorensen preached that women should understand their physiology in order to eliminate fear of the unknown and increase their ability to handle the unexpected Thus, her instruction began with an overview of a woman's reproductive anatomy Mary Jones's notes detailed an anatomical description of the female pelvis: "There is no difference in the pelvis of a large and a small woman. God created them to bear children, the large as well as the small.... Hence we see God's wisdom. We were all formed to bare [sic] children."36
3 Sorensen, Notes, p. 2.
4 Jones, notes, p 5, 9
5 Sorensen, Notes, pp 2, 6, 46
6 Jones, notes, pp 3, 15
Hannah Sorensenand Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 345
Mary Jones. Courtesy ofDoris Alexander.
Jones's next entry described the fetal head's construction, including cranial bones, sutures, regions on the skull, and fontanelle (or "soft spot"). Sorensen taught these concepts to help them understand the "precedings [sic] of delivery":
By comparing the form and size of the fetal head with that of the pelvis, we will find how perfect and grand all these laws of nature are in harmony with each other; so wisely adapted to suit our welfare, if we will only learn this one grand lesson, to understand them in their fullness and beauty, and live accordingly.37
Much of the subject matter Sorensen taught was avoided by society "because of its delicacy." As a result, she felt that most people lived in gross ignorance. They needed to approach frankly these intimate topics to improve acceptance of the natural functions of a woman's body She asserted, "There is no shame connected with womanhood." The women in her class were taught every aspect of female development from puberty to maturity In discussing menstruation, Sorensen stated, "Awoman is not healthy because she menstruates, but in spite of it ... . Its cause, as also its treatment, is so little understood of woman-kind in general that it is one of the many causes for a woman's degraded physical condition today." Nosebleeds should not be attributed to irregular menstruation, she advised, and "Don't be afraid to wash when you menstruate." Her other teachings on this topic reveal nineteenth-century perceptions: Early menstruation was caused by "luxury, stimulants, indolence, hot rooms, pruriency of thought . . . novel reading, acting on the stage in love affairs, (yes we might as well say, that to witness these performances has the same effect)," and, she added, "secret associations with the opposite sex." Such things brought misery to the young woman and consequently, to the entire human race Sorensen cautioned mothers that medicine, baths, and "many other things too curious to be named" should not be employed to force menses during puberty Instead, mothers should examine whether their daughters were round dancing, "given to unnatural appetites . . . improper mode of dress . . . lack of physical work, and outdoor exercises."38
A balanced diet and proper hygiene were essential to good health for young girls as well as any other person. Sorensen advocated the use of "very little salt, no vinegar or pepper, nor anything strong and irritating to the delicate membranes lining the internal organs." The
37 Sorensen, Notes, p 10
38 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 31;Jones, notes, p 12; Sorensen, Notes, pp 17, 20, 22-23
346 UtahHistorical Quarterly
ideal diet should include plenty of fresh fruit and vegetables, "as near their natural state as possible, as fresh in the season thereof, or in cans put up fresh, also dried fruit stewed." Common vegetables should be properly prepared with sweet cream She considered bread the most important food if it was prepared carefully from coarse flour, ideally graham, and baked well. White bread was to be strictly avoided. Jones's class notes included a recipe for nutritious fruit sandwiches: "Spread slices of light whole wheat or graham bread with a little whipped cream, and then with fresh fruit jam lightly sweetened with fig sauce, or steamed figs, chopped steamed prunes, or sliced bananas . . . most relishable."39
Referring to the Word of Wisdom, Sorensen agreed that meat should be eaten sparingly: "One [person] thinks it sparingly to have meat once a day, another likes it more, and what he would call sparingly would be twice a day." Along those same lines, she advised, "We should not eat much meat and [teach] our children to spare animal life . . .we cannot do it while we kill animals to eat."40
In addition to her concern about diet, Sorensen decried the fashions of the day: "It is either through ignorance of the laws and principles which govern the beautiful, or lack of stamina, independence, and stability of character that the daughters of God throughout nearly all of the Christian nations have become such inveterate slaves on this subject." She believed that corsets and whalebones caused "the deformity his Satanic Majesty intended" by altering the shape of the pelvis and that constricting the generative organs rendered them "unfit for the mission the Creator designed them for." Women were counseled to wear comfortably fitting garments that hung from the shoulder, thus alleviating the weight and confinement of a banded skirt and allowing proper breathing. As for foundation garments, she advised, "Do not have colored under clothes, [since] it will cause sickness."41
In 1865 when Sorensen began her practice the science of bacteriology had advanced from ignorance of contamination to recognition of bacteria as a source of infection Hungarian obstetrician Ignaz Philipp Semmelweis, who died that same year, had discovered that transmission of infection to women after childbirth was pronounced
39 Sorensen, Notes, p 23;Jones, notes, p 27
40 Sorensen, Notes, p 25;Jones, notes, p 11
41 Sorensen, What Women Should Know, pp 56, 53, 58;Jones, notes, pp 5, 9 The controversy over proper, healthful fashion began as early as 1851. Patty Sessions, considered the mother of Mormon midwifery, wrote in her journal: "I went to Sister Smith's to help form a fashion for the females that will be more conducive to health than the long tight-waisted dress filled with whalebone and hickory that they wear now." See Noall, "Mormon Midwives," p 107
Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 347
in hospitals but almost nonexistent in home births. He determined that the unsanitary practice of physicians moving from one patient to another and even leaving the autopsy room without washing increased chances of mortality for their patients. Although his findings were not well received, they eventually led to the adoption of more sanitary practices and a pronounced decrease in deaths of new mothers
With that knowledge firmly established, Sorensen explained in What WomenShould Know the nature of puerperal septicemia, or childbed fever. She defined the symptoms as a "fever beginning within the first week after labor—usually before the fourth day—attended with septic infection of the woman's blood and inflammation of one or more of the reproductive organs." She believed that the infection came from corruption within. Although colds and "milk fever," or the dispersion of breast milk throughout the body, were usually blamed, she thought the cause was "failure to reassimilate, or to excrete such products of tissue degeneration . . . [with] accumulation in the blood and . . . consequent increased susceptibility to other sources of infection. It is called self-infection." She believed that if the patient was "in a perfect or normal state of purity of body, there is no soil in which the germs or bacteria can flourish or multiply, for such can only live on dead or waste matter."42
Sorensen stressed strict aseptic procedures: Boiled bedcovers were to be used on the delivery bed to ensure they were free from germs. Midwives were instructed to "have a clean cloth to wrap around the child; white if you can get it. Do not use old dirty or colored cloth, for then the first breath of air the child breathes is impure and fills its lungs with impurities."43
Sorensen identified many sources of infection for the "lying in woman" and described them in detail:
It may be brought from other women already infected .. . on sponges, clothes, sheets, bed pan, instruments, or the hands of midwives or nurses, or even by neighboring women who are often in attendance to help . . . from persons suffering from contagious diseases as typhus fever, scarlet fever, measles, erysipelas, diphtheria, etc It may also have its origin from cadaveric poison, or poison conveyed from dead bodies.44
MaryJones noted: "Be very careful in regards to contagious dis-
42 Sorensen, What Women Should Know, pp Ill, 113
43 Jones, notes, p 36
44 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 114
348 UtahHistorical Quarterly
eases and be sure you do not carry germs with you to the sick room in your clothes." Women were counseled to change before waiting on another patient. "Do not wash the dead and then go to the sick room until you have been disinfected. Have a nail brush and clean your nails before waiting on a woman. Have carbolic with you and put a few drops in the water to wash."45
In cases of measles or skin diseases Sorensen advised the women to move the patient to a room away from others, remove curtains and carpets, and bathe the patient every day, twice if necessary. Soiled clothing and bedclothes were to be wrapped inside a towel soaked in carbolic, removed without exposing them to those in other rooms, and put directly into boiling water.46 In spite of these instructions, measles, one of the most communicable diseases of childhood, swept through Bluff in 1899. A notation made byJody Wood on the front page of her "Record of Babys Born" stated: "All the children in Bluff had the measles in the months of November and December 1899. All of our children have had them."47
During the course of her instruction Sorensen covered all phases of pregnancy, labor and delivery, including how to cut the umbilical cord, treating the diseases of pregnancy, and care for the woman and
45 Jones, notes, p. 34.
46 Ibid., p 15
"Jody
(Fall 1988): 32-41
Hannah Sorensenand Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 349
Samuel and Jody Wood in Bluff, 1896. "AuntJody" often traveled by horseback to nurse the sick and deliver babies. USHS collections.
C Wood, Bluff, "SanJuan County 1886 Record of Babys Born," p.l, in possession of Frances Hansen Hoopes, used by permission For a comprehensive review of the life of AuntJody, see Frances H Hoopes, "Josephine Catherine Qody) Chatterley Wood: Midwife of San luan," Blue Mountain Shadows 2
newborn during confinement.48 One would expect no less from a midwifery course, but obviously Sorensen taught much more than that.
She concluded her instruction by answering questions such as "how early is it proper to instruct our girls and boys concerning the natural laws by which they, as physical beings, should be governed?" That time will be made known to a mother by the spirit of God, Sorensen explained, which will also enable her "to explain such principles as these .... It takes a wise woman to be mother of children of God." Near the end of her prepared text she stated: "I have now written down in these notes, some of my ideas concerning women physically, and such as concern our sex in general."49 She told her Bluff class that they would all be qualified to act as nurse and midwife when the need arose.
Toward the end of herjournal, MaryJones entered this notation: "Farewell to my Lovely Class. We have met and now we shall part. Shall we ever meet again? Each answers: Perhaps. I thank God that He caused me to meet you on myjourney."50 Besides this sharing and friendship, what were the lasting effects of Hannah Sorensen's instruction? The gravity of their education was indicated by this sober notation in Mary's notebook: "A mistake made in midwifery cannot be corrected. That chance is gone forever and a life may be lost."51 It seems logical to assume that every woman retained what mattered most to her from the instruction. Each resumed the cadence of her daily routine, some with the newly added responsibility of midwife. For many of the women, that burden was most certainly lightened by their encounter with Hannah Sorensen.
The need for midwives in remote southeastern Utah remained for many years. They continued to attend women in childbirth, nurture newborns, console grieving families, and treat the injured and infirm Epidemics of smallpox, typhoid, diphtheria, and influenza pressed them into action during the first quarter of the twentieth century. Rural Utah was often hard hit by contagion because of a reluctance to accept vaccinations that continued for decades.
In 1908 and 1909 the hazards of contagion in San Juan County prompted the selection of district quarantine officers who enforced regulations meant to curb the spread of diseases such as diphtheria.
48 Sorensen, Notes, index
49 Ibid., pp. 64, 65.
50Jones, notes, p 33
51 Ibid., p 34
350 UtahHistorical Quarterly
Additionally, health officers assumed the responsibility to bring towns in the county into a "sanitary condition."52 This included everything from control of garbage collection and manure removal to protecting outhouses from an invasion of flies.
As acceptance of orthodox medicine increased, medical personnel were still reluctant to practice in rural communities. The scarcity of doctors in SanJuan County meant suffering and death for some. In 1911 fifteen-year-old Parley Hunt, son ofJoseph and Adalaid Hunt, fell with his horse near Bluff and a broken rib punctured his lung. "They brought him home twelve miles," wrote his mother "He lived thirtysix hours and suffered a thousand deaths. We sent 75 miles for a doctor, but he could do him no good" and Parley died.53 Advanced local care might have saved the boy's life.
The first doctor to practice in San Juan County located in Monticello in 1914 but stayed less than a year; a second doctor lasted only a few years. The first successful attempt to keep a doctor in Monticello for an extended period did not occur until 1929 when county residents retained the services of Dr C R Spearman by guaranteeing his income.54
Because of the lack of trained physicians, midwives served for a longer period in San Juan County than in other, more populated regions. Some students of Hannah Sorensen's Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class were still practicing nursing and midwifery well into the twentieth century Did her students understand in 1896 the important contributions they would make to society during their lifetime? If length of service is an indicator, they certainly did.
Class member Marian Frengler Bronson of Monticello listed her occupation as "nurse" in the census of 1910 and "general nursing" in 1920. In addition to these duties, she raised six children and held various church positions. As one relative wrote, "She heard the cries of those in trial, and closed the eyes of the dying." After forty-seven years of service, she died in 1935.55
MaryJones was the mother of only one son, born in 1889 when she was thirty-one. She labored as nurse and midwife with any who
52 Cornelia Perkins, Marian Nielson, and Lenora Jones, The Saga of San Juan (Salt Lake City: Mercury Publishing Company, 1957), p 257
53 John LaRay Hunt interview, John Hunt Family History (n.p., n.d.), copy in possession of authors
54 Robert S. McPherson, A History of SanJuan County (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society and San Juan County Commission, 1995), pp 275-76; Stephanie Singer, "Early Medical Care," Blue Mountain Shadows 8 (Summer 1991): 67
55 Turk, Rooted in SanJuan, p 377; Bronson, "Marion Frengler Bronson," p 65
Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 351
needed her services—Anglos, Navajos and Utes. She died at age seventy-five in 1933.56
Mary's sister-wife, May Lyman Jones, also a student of the course, had ten children, losing two in infancy. She did not practice midwifery but made it possible for Mary to be away from home by taking on added domestic responsibilities. When May was forty-two she was severely burne d and died as a result in April 1906. Mary then became a second mother to the children.57
Jody Wood, a legend of heroism in San Juan County, came to the course already knowledgeable Her journal, "Record of Babys Born," showed that she had already been delivering babies for a decade. Although her first delivery was entered as December 19, 1886, she noted at the bottom of the first page: "I did not keep a record of this at first and now I put them down as I get them." Despite her experience, Jody was always anxious to enhance her education. Her sister and fellow classmate, Caroline Nielson Redd wrote: "She took care of me when eight of my children were born. Sometimes Aunt Mary Jones came with her, and when these two good women entered my home, all fear left ... . If there is such a thing as perfection on the earth, Aunt Jody can be counted as such. To know her was to love her." The last baby Jody delivered was a girl born to Mr. and Mrs. Walter C. Lyman, in September 1908 She passed away six months later on February 1, 1909, at age fifty-six, having served diligently since 1882.58
Of most midwives it can be said that they constantly gave of themselves, providing an important service to the community. Myrtle
352 Utah Historical Quarterly
Marian Bronson. San Juan Historical Commission photograph.
56 Perkins et al., The Saga of San Juan, p 315; Turk, Rooted in Sanjmxv, p 191
57 Perkins et al., The Saga of San Juan, p 315
58 Wood, "Record of Babys Born"; Hoopes, "Josephine Catherine (Jody) Chatterley Wood," p 36; Perkins et al., The Saga of San Juan, pp 340-41
Palmer, for example, delivered 501 babies, beginning in 1889, only two of which died, and she lost no mothers. She continued nursing until age seventy-two, when her health failed. In 1949 she died at the age of eighty-four.59
And what of Hannah Sorensen, dedicated instructor of the 1896 Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class? As the Relief Society celebrated its fiftieth year in 1892, Hannah wrote a brief autobiographical sketch for a "jubilee box" prepared by the Provo Fourth Ward The container was opened twenty-five years later From her own history we learn that Hannah sacrificed everything for her new-found faith. After arriving in America in 1883, she was reunited with her Maria. Both mother and daughter were saddened by the absence of the little boys. Tragically, Maria passed away three years later.
In 1885 Hannah entered into plural marriage, receiving "very litde comfort and no support from him [her husband]." Still, she felt satisfied by fulfilling what she believed was right. Six years later, Hannah's nineteen-year-old son, Christen, discovered his mother's whereabouts andjoined her. She wrote of him, "He was baptized into the Church about nine months ago—thanks to the Lord. What a joy that boy is to my soul I will hope still that more of my children will come."
In 1892, the same year that What Women Should Know was published, she included her life sketch, as a letter addressed to her youngest son, in the "jubilee box" along with "my picture as I look now, and a little relic for your wife, or your daughter, also a lock of my hair." And so her letter ended.
An update was added by Christen's widow years after the jubilee box was opened. Eventually, Hannah learned that her first husband had immigrated to Chicago with her children and made them give him their earnings from whateverjobs they could find Ultimately, she was reunited with her children in Chicago and spent her last days there.60 Although no record of Hannah's death has been found, Mary Jones's classjournal records a sentiment expressed by Hannah: "When I die, I do not want any show displayed. I appreciate your kindness to me here, and I shall never forget it. I will take these feelings with me into the Eternal worlds."61
59
B0 Sorensen, "A Diploma," 6:403-4
61 Jones, notes, p 28
Hannah Sorensenand Midwifery in Southeastern Utah 353
Ida P Nielson, Book of Remembrance, pp 16-17, in possession of the Nielson family, Blanding, Utah.
Certainly Hannah's principles represent the actions and beliefs of many of the midwives she taught. Grounded in the very tangible world of birth, sickness, and death, these women used their skill and knowledge to relieve suffering in the remote areas of southeastern Utah at the turn of the century. Some of Hannah's philosophy even seems prophetic for her time, as she wrote: "I sincerely believe that with wise treatment and a better understanding of 'how to live,' we may look for the day when difficulties in labor will be a thing of the past, and there will be no necessity for being confined to the bed as a result of delivery."62 To a certain extent we are seeing that day.Yet perhaps the most lasting lesson to come from Hannah Sorensen's class a hundred years ago is that values such as kindness, concern, and morality, when mixed with knowledge, serve as a powerful force to heal and comfort members of a society
62 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 111
Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation
The Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101-1182. The editor is MaxJ. Evans and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine
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354 UtahHistorical Quarterly
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The Ice-Age History of Southwestern National Parks. By SCOTT A ELIAS (Washington, D.C : Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997 xvi + 200 pp Paper, $16.95.)
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By Luci TAPAHONSO (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997 xviii + 107 pp. Cloth, $22.95; Paper, $12.95.)
Personal introspection from a Navajo cultural point of view character-
izes these stories and poems Sensitively written, each rendering speaks of different aspects of life—birth, courtship, divorce, death—that are par t of the universal human experience. The book is appropriate for readers concerned with Native American literature, Navajo studies, and general humanities
A Century of Enterprise: The History of Enterprise, Utah, 1896-1996. By W. PAUL
REEVE
(Enterprise: City of Enterprise, 1996 xii + 291 pp $30.00.)
Located in northwestern Washington County, Enterprise was founded in the year of Utah statehood, 1896 For its 100th birthday, the city treated itself to this full-scale history It is an extraordinarily nice present Talented writer-historian Paul Reeve, in partnership with an energetic research team led by Doris Truman, has produced an engaging narrative that is well illustrated and attractively packaged. Agriculture has bee n the basis for Enterprise's prosperity throug h the years, and that story—from construction of the initial reservoir and canal to modern alfalfa cubing operations—is the heart of this history Even the Idaho Russet, which owes much of its success to enterprise in Enterprise, merits a spot. Mining, community activities, schools, churches, businesses, city administration, and a look at lifestyles during the Great Depression are also detailed Anyone looking for a pleasant stroll through local history will be well rewarded by this fine book
wj-j/n
INDEX
Italic numbers refer to illustrations
Abrams, Milton C , USHS board pres., 292
Adams, Evelyn M., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Adams, Fred, San Juan County tax assessor, 11-12
Adams, John, and Navajos, 14
Albitron, J. L., Methodist minister, and Mortensen case, 34
Alexander, John X, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
Alexander, Thomas G., historian, 299
Allan, Agnes A., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Allen, John, motorman, 39
Allred, James T. S., prosecutor in Manti, 173
Alter, J. Cecil: books written by, 224-25; weatherman and founding editor of UHQ, 224-32, 225, 236, 238-39
Alter,Jennie O Green (wife), 224
American Automobile Assn (AAA), and salt flats, 360-61
American Fork River, boating facilities at mouth of, 66
American Museum of Natural History, New York, and prehistoric Utah sites, 104, 108
American party, formation of by antiMormon Republicans, 378, 379, 380
AMTRAK, 292, 295
Anasazi, prehistoric culture, 100, 103, 110, 121-22, 124-25
Anasazi State Park, 121
Anderson, Euray, SLC artist, 138, 138
Anderson, Thomas, Second District Courtjudge, 376
Aneth, Utah, history of Navajo Faith Mission at, 4-24
Antes, Evelyn (Eva) S (Wife), 5, 6, 9
Antes, Howard Ray: background of, 5; conflict of, with W T Shelton, 15-23; Navajo Faith Mission of, 4-24, 9; sale of Four Corners properties of, 15-17, 22-23; as spokesman for Navajo grazing rights, 11-15
Antes, Samuel S adopted Navajo son of the Anteses, 20-21, 24
Arapeen, Ute leader, and Indian slave trade, 172, 174-75
Archaeology, 150 year history of, in
Utah, 100-133, 100, 109, 112, 115, 121, 127
Archuleta, Miguel, N.M. trader, 172 Arfons, Art, auto racer, 362-64, 366
Arfons, Walt, auto racer, 363 Arrington, LeonardJ., as LDS church historian, 296
Arthur, Chester A., and extension of Navajo Reservation, 13
Atkinson, David, USHS employee, 284 Atkinson, Larry, slot machine owner, 84 Auerbach, Herbert S., USHS board member, 224, 228, 228-32, 236, 248, 274
Badger, Alexander C , Jr., civilian employee at Camp Douglas, 50 Badger, Rodney, arrival of in SL Valley, 163
Baldineros, Juan Antonio, N.M. trader, 173-74
Bangerter, Norman H., governor, 292, 295
Bapis, Maxine, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 320, 321, 325 n. 41
Barkdull, P A., Logan City school head, 152
Barker, Johnny, and Provo River pier, 80-81
Barlow, James M., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33
Bartch, George, Utah Supreme Court justice, 379
Barton, Harriet H., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Barton, Joe, and Navajos, 14 Bates, , UP engineer, 56 Bayles, Anna, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Bayles, Evelyn Lyman, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Bean, George, Indian interpreter, 171, 175
Bean, H H., excursion boat of, 66 Beauregard, Don, 109
Beaver, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 103—4, 111
Bee, James, amateur archaeologist, 131 Bee, Robert, amateur archaeologist, 131 Beehive History, creation of 284, 286
B
Bell, class in Bluff, 343
, and obstetrics/nursing
Bell, William W., lieutenant at Camp Douglas, and deserters, 56-57, 59-63
Bennion, John, diaries of, 248
Berge, Dale L., archaeologist, 124
Biggs, Wilford, Phoenix artist, 138, 138, 140, 142
Bigler, David, and UHF, 281
Bills, William A., Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
Bingham, Utah, Greek immigrants in, 315
Blair, Seth M., prosecutor in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177, 177, 180
Bliss, C. R., Interior secretary, and Navajo grazing controversy, 12
Blood, Henry H., 1932 election of, as governor, 230
Bluff, Utah: obstetrics/nursing class in, 335-54; relations of citizens of, with H R Antes, 10
Blum, Doc, and 1909 Cummings expedition, 109
Bolton, Herbert E., historian, and Escalante diary, 228
Bonneville Salt Flats: curvature of earth visible on, 356; effect of 1-80 on, 368; hot rod racing on, 361; history of racing and land speed record attempts on,355-71
Bonneville Speedway Assn., 368-69
The Book of the Pioneers, 221
Booth, Hiram E., and GOP, 379
Bourne, John M., USHS employee, 293
Bovos, Eleni, Greek orthodox traditions of, 321 n. 32, 328
Bowman, Dr C A W., leader of N.M trader group, 182-84
Bradshaw, George, prehistoric sites on farm of, in Beaver, 111
Brannan, Sam, arrival of, in SL Valley, 163
Breeden, M A., Utah attorney general, 379
Breedlove, Craig, auto racer, 363-64, 368, 371
Brenchley, Julius, French traveler, 106
Brew, John Otis, archaeologist, 113
Bridger, Jim, biography of, 224
Brigham Young Monument, 200, 201, 203
Brigham Young University: archaeological research at, 117, 124, 130, 131; and 1936 Pioneer Trail art tour,
134-54; summer school excursion of, 78
Bringhurst, Samuel, Jr., Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
Brodie, Fawn McKay, USHS Fellow, 258, 259
Brooks, Juanita: historical works of, 238, 251-52, 257; support of, for A R Mortensen, 238-39, 264, 270; as USHS employee and board member, 239, 240, 250-51, 267
Bronson, Marian Frengler, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 351, 352
Brown, Andy, auto racer, 365
Brown, Thomas D., diaries of, 250
Bryan, William Jennings, 1897 visits of, to Utah, 202-4
Buchmiller, Alex and Tillie, Kearns mansion caretakers, 250
Bullock, Thomas, pioneer campsite described by, 158
Butcher, H J., auto racer, 360
By-a-lil-le, dissident Navajo leader, 16-17, 18, 21
Caine, John T, and USHS founding, 206, 213
Calhoun, James, N.M territorial official, 169, 172, 180
Cameron-Brown, Isabella, and USHS founding, 206
Camp Douglas. See Fort Douglas
Camp Floyd, and Utah Lake boating, 65
Campbell, Donald, auto racer, 362, 365
Campbell, Sir Malcolm, auto racer, 358-59, 361, 365, 368
Cannon, Frank, and American party, 378
Cannon, John Q., and USHS founding, 203
Cannon, Marba, USHS employee, 222
Carbon County, Greek immigrants in, 315-16
Carling, Ann, midwife, 338
Carmack, Effie M.: Arizona artist, 99, 138, 138, 189, 143, 150; poem of, about 1936 art tour, 140-48, 150-51, 154
Carmack,John K (Grandson), 154
Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh, and prehistoric Utah sites, 109
Carrington, Albert, account of, of pioneer arrival in SL Valley, 156
394 Utah Historical Quarterly
Carter, Kate B., DUP pres., and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 265-72, 269
Carter, Thomas, USHS employee, 288
Catholics: and Indian slave trade, 167; Mormon prejudice against, 166
Cedar City, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 106
CETA grant, effect of, on USHS, 291
Chasseloupe-Laubat, Count Gaston de, first land speed record set by, 356
Chaves, Vicente, N.M trader, 172
Chicago World's Fair, 1893, Utah antiquities displayed at, 105, 109
Christensen, C. C. A., Mormon artist, 137
Christensen, C L., sheriff, and Navajos, 11
Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Historical Department of, 295-96; historic sites acquired by, 100; and H Sorensen's midwifery classes, 335-37; MIA of, erected "This Is the Place" marker in 1921, 161-62, 162; and priesthood healing, 338-39; Relief Society of, 341, 342, 353; and Word of Wisdom, 338, 347 See also Mormons, Polygamy, and names of individual Mormons
Claflin-Emerson Expedition, 112, 112-13
Claflin, William H., Jr., Boston businessman, 112-13
Clayton, William: account of, of pioneer arrival in SL Valley, 156, 163; letterbooks of, 248
Cleland, Robert Glass, and J D Lee diaries, 238
Clyde, George D., governor, 274
Cobb, John, salt flats speed records of, 358-61
Condra, Phillip, stonemason, 287
Cook, Jim, auto racer, 366-67
Cooley, Everett L.: as first state archivist, 241, 255-56, 259-64, 262, 270, 275; as USHS director (1961-69), 248-49, 252, 258, 259, 262, 274-85; as UU Special Collections director, 260- 61, 282-83
Council of Defense, and WWI history, 222-23
Council of Health, 1850, herbal remedies promoted by, 338
Council House, removal of, to Capitol Hill, 244
Covington, Lorin, Hurricane artist, 138, 138
Cragun, Elinor, 374
Cragun, James, 374
Crampton, C. Gregory, historian, 258
Crane building, as interim USHS hdqrs., 249-50, 290-93, 293
Crane, Helene, USHS employee, 284
Creer, Leland, H historian, and pioneer Trail, 157, 161; as USHS board pres during Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 267, 268-71
Crime and criminal justice: and controversial Mortensen murder trial, 25-48; and desertion cases at Camp Douglas, 56-63; and Don Pedro Leon slave trade case, 165-86; and murder ofJ King Robinson, 53
Cross, David Eugene: family of, 54 ns. 17-19; letters of, 54-55, 59-60; new identity of, as Bradley W. Willson, 63; as soldier and deserter at Fort Douglas, 1866-68, 49, 51-62
Cummings, Byron, UU professor, archaeological interests of, 108-12, 109, 121
Cummings, William, and Utah Lake boat, 65
Curtis, Viola Hale, SLC artist, 138, 138, 141, 152
Dahl, Debbie, USHS employee, 294
Dailey, John R., Mortensen juror, 36 n. 33
Danger Cave, 116, 118-20, 127
Daughters of Utah Pioneers (DUP): and Capitol exhibits, 221; and Deseret Museum, 220; and historic sites, 263; and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 265-72; marker of, vandalized, 265-67
Decker, Anna M., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Dellenbaugh, Frederick S., explorer, correspondenae of, 248
Denver Museum of Natural History, and Utah prehistory, 124
Denver & Rio Grande Railroad Depot, as USHS hdqrs., 246, 249-50, 289-300, 294, 296, 299
Deseret Hospital, 215
Deseret Museum, 216, 220
Deseret News: history of, by A.R. Mortensen, 238; and Lone Cedar
Index 395
Tree controversy, 266, 268; notice of USHS organizational meeting in, 201 Deseret National Bank, 26
Desert Culture,J. D.Jennings concept of, 120, 122
Dezbaa', grandmother of Samuel Antes, 20
Dinosaur National Monument, prehistoric sites in, 124
Dominguez-Escalante expedition; antiquities described by, 101-2; USHS publications on, 228
Donner-Reed Party, trail of in Emigration Canyon and SL Valley, 156-57
Dooly building, demolition of, 281
Dooly, John E., and USHS founding, 206
Dorman, J. Eldon, Price physician, and archaeology and historic sites, 131, 286
Dye, Delia L., USHS employee, 250
Early UtahJournalism byJ.C Alter, 224-26
Eastmond & Sons of American Fork, steamer built by, 66
Egan, George E, USHS board member, 270
Egan, Howard, July 24, 1847, trail described by, 160—61
Eichnor, Dennis C , prosecutor in Mortensen case, 35-42, 44
Eldridge, Mary, Methodist, 6
Emerson, Raymond, Boston businessman, 112-13
Emigration Canyon, descent of, by 1847 Pioneer Company, 156-57, 160-61
Ephraim, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116 Eureka, Utah, transportation of ore from mines in, 66
Evans, MaxJ., USHS director (1986-), 294, 295-300
Eyston, George, auto racer, 359-61
Federation Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA), and land speed records, 356
Ferguson, Ellen Brooke, and USHS founding, 203, 206, 214-15
Ferguson, James, and Don Pedro Leon case, 180
Ferguson, William, husband of Ellen, 215
Fish, Dr W E, and H R Antes, 19
Flake, Chad, D.L Morgan's Mormon bibliography completed by, 236
Florence, excursion boat, 66-67
Footprinters Club, excursion of, on Utah Lake, 83
Forest Dale, SLC suburb, sensational 1901 murder in, 25-48, 40
Fort Douglas: life of an enlisted man at, 1866-68, 54-63, 50, 52, 56; soldiers and civilians at, 53
TheFounding of an Empire: The Exploration and Colonization of Utah, 1776—1856, by L.H. Creer, 268-69
Four Corners area: exploration of, 102-3, 106, 108; Navajo Faith Mission in, 4-24, 7
Freduiger, Phil, auto racer, 367
Fremont Culture, defined by Morss, 100, 111-14, 119, 122, 125, 127-28
Fremont River, rock art along, 122
Frick, Joseph, Utah Supreme Court justice, and W M McCarty, 375-76, 381
Fuller, Craig, USHS employee, 294, 299
Gabelich, Gary, auto racer, 364, 364
Geneva Resort on Utah Lake, 66, 67
Gibbs, George E, and Mortensen case, 36
Gillin,John, archaeologist, 115-17
Glen Canyon, prehistoric sites in, 114, 116, 118, 120-22
Gold Medal Orchard and Farm, H.R. Antes's property near Cortez, Colo., 8, 15, 16, 20, 23
Goodman, Charles, photographer in Bluff, Utah, 4, 9,10, 16
Goodman, Jack, USHS board member, 256, 275
Goodwin, Charles C , and USHS founding, 203, 213
Graham, Athol, auto racer, 365
Graham, Charles, relic hunter, 107
Graham, Howard, relic hunter, 107
Grand Gulch, prehistoric sites in, 107, 125
Grant, George D., juror in Don Pedro Leon case, 180
Grantsville, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 114
Great Basin, anthropology of, 114-15, 118,120, 122, 127-28
396 Utah Historical Quarterly
Great Salt Lake: prehistoric sites around, 116; tourist boats on, 66
Greeks: immigration of, to U.S., 315; Orthodox traditions of, in Utah, 312-34, 312, 317, 319, 320, 321, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329; settlement of, in Utah, 315-16
Green, Bill, orchestra of, 76
Green, H C , Baptist minister and relic hunter, 100, 107
Green, Tom, auto racer, 362
Greenwood, Caleb, mountain man, biography of, 253-54
Guernsey, Samuel J., archaeologist, 112
Guldbrandsen, Louisa, wife of B W Willson, 63
Gunnison, Utah, prehistoric sites near, 103-4
Hafen, LeRoy R., historian, 287
Haglund, Karl T., USHS employee, 288, 290
Hall of Relics (1897), 203, 208, 209, 211, 277, 217, 219-20
Hammond, Amelia, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Hammond, Colista B., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Hammond, James T., and USHS founding, 206, 213
Hancock, Celestia S., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Harper, Charles A , pioneer campsite described by, 158
Harris, Franklin S., BYU pres., 135, 151
Harrison, William H., Camp Douglas deserter, 56-57, 60-62
Hartley, Don, USHS employee, 292
Hatch, Garn, and Wasatch Tabernacle, 281
Hawkes, Kristen, archaeologist, 128
Hay, Aggie Sharp (wife), 26-29, 33, 37-38, 43, 46-47
Hay,James (son), 47
Hay, James Robert, SLC businessman, murder of, 25-33, 31
Hay (later Hays), Robert (son), 47
Hay, Ruth (daughter), 47
Hayden, Ferdinand V, Four Corners explored by, 102-3
Hayzlett, George W., Indian agent, and Navajos, 10-12
Hedenborg, Olof, and Utah Lake boat, 65
Heizer, Robert, archaeologist, 119, 128 Hedquist, Edna May, Provo caterer, 77 Herda, Bob, auto racer, 365-66
Hewitt, Edgar Lee, archaeologist, 109, U l
Hewitt, William P., Utah Geological Survey director, 369
Heywood, Joseph L., U.S marshal, 176, 177
Hicks, John D., historian, 258
Hill, George R., and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 266-67
Hill, Joe, murder conviction of, confirmed by Utah Supreme Court, 380 Hills, Lewis S., and USHS founding, 213 Hispanics, 1850s activities of and treatment of, in Utah, 165-86
Historic American Buildings Survey, 282
Historic American Engineering Record Survey, 282
Hole-in-the-Rock, USHS trek to, 276-79, 279
Holley, James M., trader in Aneth and later federal employee, 14—15, 19
Holliday, Nellie, singer, 214
Holmes, William H., Four Corners exploring by, 102-3
Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church, SLC, 316, 317,320
Home, Flora Bean, USHS employee, 230
Hovenweep, exploration of, 103 Howell, J A., judge in Ogden, 379
Hubert, Sophia, Navajo Faith Mission teacher, 7,9, 9
Hunt, Adalaid, 351
Hunt, Jefferson, BYs advice to, about surgeons, 337-38
Hunt, Joseph, 351
Hunt, Parley, death of, 351 Hunter, Howard, R., LDS apostle, 295 Huntsman, Ralph, Nevada artist, 138, 138, 152
Hutchings, John, museum of, in Lehi, 131
Hyde brothers, archaeological expedition of, 108
Hyde, Frank, and Navajos, 14
I
Immisch, Norma McEwan, dancer, 76
Indian slavery: effects of, on Negro slavery, 166; rivalry over, threatened Mormon colonization, 168; trafficking in, in Utah Terr., 165-86
Index 397
H
Indians. See names of specific tribes, Archaeology
Ingham, Charles H., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33
Intermountain Press and Clipping Service, 222
Inter-Mountain Republican, and politics, 380
Iverson, J Grant, USHS board member/pres., 259, 273, 274
Ivins, Anthony W., LDS leader of Mexican colonies, 254—55
Ivins, Stanley S., research of polygamy by, 254-55, 255
Jackson, William H photographer, 102-3, 137
Jacobson, Lars, and Utah Lake, 65
Jacobson, Pearl E, and UHQ 276
Jacobson, T Harold, state archivist, 276, 297
James, John W., Jr., USHS librarian, 227, 229, 241-50, 243, 255, 258-59
Janetski, Joel C , archaeologist, 128-29
Jaskey, Willa, USHS employee, 222
Jenkins, Ab: auto racer, 357-58, 360—61; Mormon Meteor III race car of, 355
Jennings, Jesse D.: career of as UU archaeologist, 117—26, 121; and preservation program, 287
Jensen, Lettie Stevens, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Jensen, Mary, Brigham City artist, 138, 138, 145, 146
Jenson, Andrew, plans of, for historical magazine, 225-26
Johnson, Annete N., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Johnson, Georgiana, Provo artist, 138, 138, 140, 141
Johnson, Hadley D., and USHS founding, 211
Johnson, Jeffrey O., state archivist, 297
Jones, Daniel, Indian interpreter, 171, 179-80
Jones, Kevin, archaeologist, 128
Jones, Kumen, Bluff resident, 14, 342
Jones, Larry, USHS employee, 288, 290
Jones, Mary, midwife and community nurse in Bluff, 339, 342, 343, 344-53, 345
Jones, May L., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 352
Jones, W. A., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 12-13
Jordan River, tourist boats on, 66
Joyner, Pam, USHS volunteer, 299
Judd, John, U.S attorney, 376
Judd, Neil, archaeologist, 108-12, 109, 116-17, 121
Justensen, Alix, husband of Ruth Watkins Mortensen, 46
Kaiser potash plant, 369
Kaloudis, John, priest, Prophet Elias Church, SLC, 317 n 17, 326 n 42
Kanab, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104, 111, 114,121
Kanosh, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 111, 114
Kearns mansion, as USHS hdqrs, 241-50, 245, 247,249, 250, 255, 263, 287, 289-90
Kearns, Thomas: and American party, 378, 380; career of mining magnate and U.S senator, 242-43; and W.J Bryan, 202-3
Kelly, Charles: as Capitol Reef supt., 252; research and writings of, 253, 253—54; and USHS, 235, 240
Kelly, Harriette (wife), 253, 254
Kentucky Hotel in Monroe, Utah, 375
Kerr, Andrew, archaeologist, 109
Kidder, Alfred V, archaeologist, 108, 112-13, 118
Kimball, Heber C.July 24, 1847, route described by 161
Kingsbury, Joseph T., and USHS founding, 213, 215-16
Kinney, Antoinette Brown, and USHS founding, 211,213
Kinney, Clesson S., and USHS founding, 213
Kopp, Michael, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
Korns, J. Roderic, and Westfrom Fort Bridger, 235
Korologos, Gregoria, and Greek Orthodox traditions, 318 n. 21, 320 ns 25 and 27, 326 n 44, 330 ns 52 and 54
KOVO, Provo radio station, 86
LaBarthe, Eurithe K, and USHS founding, 206, 206
398 Utah Historical Quarterly
K
LaMar Marden's Victorians, dance orchestra, 77
Lambert, Asael C , BYU Summer School dean,13 5
Lambourne, Alfred, view of SL Valley by, 164
Larsen, Bent E, BYU art prof., and 1936 art tour, 135-54, 136, 138, 153
Larsen, Geneva (wife), 137, 138, art tour travel log of, 139-43, 145, 148-49
Larson, A. Karl, historian, 257
Lawrence, Henry W., and USHS founding, 203, 213
Layton, Stanford J., USHS employee, 240-41, 286
Leasher, Glenn, auto racer, 365
Leatherwood, Ohleen, USHS employee, 264
Ledyard, Mrs Henry, and Navajo Faith Mission, 6, 10
Lee, J Bracken, governor, and USHS, 241-43,260
Lee, Joh n D., diaries of, 238, 251-52
Lee's Ferry, Colorado River, 115
Leon, Don Pedro, N.M slave trader, activities and trial of, in Utah, 165-86
Leonard, Glen M., USHS employee, 230,232,284
Lester, Margaret D See Shepherd, Margaret D
Letcher, Jerrold Ranson, lawyer, journalist, an d USHS founder, 204-6, 205, 209-13, 219, 221, 224
Letcher, Sarah Black (wife), 205
Leupp, Francis E., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20
Lewis, William Henry, Camp Douglas commander, 53
Lincoln Highway, dedication of, 357
Lindsay, La Mar, archaeologist, 127
Lipe, William, archaeologist, 125
Lister, Robert, archaeologist, 116
Little Hoover Commission, 1965, effect of, o n USHS, 261-63
Little, James A., July 24, 1847, route described by, 161
Lossee, Ferron, Dixie College pres., 287
Lott, Lois, USHS volunteer, 298
Lowell, Joh n W., steamboat of, 65
Lujan, Don Pedro Leon See Leon, Don Pedro
Lyman, Adelia, an d obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Lyman, Albert R., medical treatment received by, 341-42
Lyman, Amasa M., arrival of, in SL Valley, 163
Lyman, Walter C.,: baby of, 352; as San Jua n LDS stake pres., 341 Lyon, T Edgar, historian, 256
McBride, William, jur y foreman, Leon case, 175
McCarty, Frank H. E. (son), 378 McCarty, James Hardwick (father), 372-74
McCarty, Lovina L. Murray (wife), 378 McCarty, Lydia Margaret Cragun (mother), 373-74
McCarty, Margaret Lovina (daughter), 378
McCarty, Murray W (Son), 378 McCarty, Roy S (Son), 378 McCarty, William Murdock: biography of, Utah Supreme Court justice, 372-83, 372; death of, 382; education of, 372-73, 375; and GOP, 378-80, 383; and Joe Hill case, 380, 383; judicial decisions of, 375-83; law practice of, 376; and Mormons, 373, 377-78
McCormick, John , USHS employee, 288 McCrea, William, USHS board member, 270
McCune, H E, and USHS founding, 206
McDaniel, E. W., 1895 defeat of, by W. M McCarty, 377 MacDonald, Malcolm, and Pony Express reenactment, 289
McLloyd, Charles, relic hunter, 107 Macomb, J N., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3
McVicker, Emm a J., and USHS founding, 206
Mabey, Charles R., governor, 262
Madsen, Brigham D., historian, 258
Madsen, David B., archaeologist an d USHS employee, 126-27, 127, 129, 131,287-88
Madsen, James H., Jr., USHS employee, 288
Madsen, Peter, Jr., an d Utah Lake, 65 Maguire, Don, peddler, and prehistoric sites, 105-6, 131, 217-18
Malmquist, O N., journalist an d autho r of Salt Lake Tribune history, 284
Marchese, Bob, auto racer, car of, 367 Marcooles, Aphrodite, Greek Orthodo x
Index 399
M
traditions of, 312, 321 ns 28-30, 323, 328 n 47, 329 n 50
Markos, Bessie K, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 321 n. 31, 322 ns. 33-35, 323 n. 37, 323, 325, 329, 330 n. 53
Marsh, Thomas B., Thomsonian doctor, 338
Martin, Bob, Navajo interpreter, 17
Martin Millerich Hall, Spring Glen, historic site, 286
Martin, Wilson G., USHS employee, 288, 290, 297
Marysvale, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116 Matheny, Ray T., archaeologist, 124
Matheson, Scott M., 289, 298; and Kearns mansion, 289-92
Mathison, Helen, USHS employee, 284
Matson, R G., archaeologist, 125
Medicine: early attitudes toward and practices of, 336-54; and folk remedies, 339-40; and Thomsonian practices, 338
Memorial House, Memory Grove, and USHS, 221
Merrill, Harrison R., BYU Extension Division director, 135
Mesa Verde, exploration of, 103, 107
Mestes, Albino, N.M trader, 172
Metcalfe, Duncan, archaeologist, 128
Methodists, missionary efforts of, 5-6
Midwifery: practice of, in Utah, 335, 337, 339-54; training in, 341-54
Miller, David E., historian, 157, 256, 258, 276-77
Mining, and Greek immigrant workers, 315-16
Montgomery, Henry, UU prof., excavations of, 105-6, 105, 109
Monticello, Utah, first doctor in, 351 Moore, CD. , excursion boat of, 66
Morgan, Dale L.: historian, 224, 232-37, 241; Mormon bibliography of, 236; and Pioneer Trail, 157, 161, 163; and USHS, 227-37, 239, 250, 256; and WPA, 232, 234, 236, 237
Morgan, Nicholas C , Sr.: USHS board member, and Kearns mansion acquisiton, 245-46; and library, 244-45, 245; and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 267, 268-71; oil leases of, 272-74
Mormon Battalion: arrival of members of, in SL Valley, 163; study of route of, 284, 285
Mormon Meteor III, race car of Ab Jenkins, 355 Mormon Pioneer Centennial, 1947, and salt flats racing, 360 Mormons: and archaeology, 102; and founding of USHS, 202-13; and Indian slavery, 165—86; and medicine, 337-40; and Navajos, 14; prejudice against, in Denmark, 336; prejudice toward Hispanic Catholics by, 166. See also Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names ofindividual Mormons
Morris, Earl, archaeologist, 121
Morse, Charles W., judge in Mortensen case, 35, 38, 40, 43, 44
Morss, Noel, Fremont culture identified by, 111-13
Mortensen, Arlington Russell: and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 264—72; as NPS historian, 270;
as UU Press director, 260, 274-75; as USHS director (1950-61), 237-75
Mortensen, Bessie Burch, first wife of A R., 238
Mortensen, Cornelia, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Mortensen, David, brother of Peter, 45 Mortensen, Dorothy Summerhays, second wife of A.R., 240, 246, 270, 272, 274
Mortensen, Henry, brother of Peter, 35, 45
Mortensen, Morten, father of Peter, 43 Mortensen, Peter, SLC building contractor, murder trial and conviction of, 25-48, 25, 31
Mortensen, Ruth Elizabeth Watkins, wife of Peter, 27, 29, 32-34, 45-48
Mosida, Utah, farm town west of Utah Lake, 67-68
The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 251 Mulloy, William, archaeologist, 116
Murdock, Orris A., law partner of W M McCarty, 376
Murphy, Barbara, USHS employee, 288
Murphy, Miriam B., USHS employee, 226, 228, 284, 286
Murphy, Paula, auto racer, 363 Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, N.Y., and prehistoric Utah sites, 104, 111
Naisbitt, H W., and pioneer relics, 203
400 UtahHistorical Quarterly
N
Nash v. Clark (27 Utah 158), irrigation case, 381-82
National Endowment for the Humanities, 284
Native Americans. See names ofspecific tribes
National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, effects of, on USHS programs, 283-84, 288
Nauvoo, Illinois, BYU art tour in, 142-46
The Navajos Evangel, newspaper published by H R Antes, 5-6
Navajo Faith Mission, Aneth, Utah: building of, 6-9, 7; sale of, to government, 15-17, 22-23; school at, 6-10, 9, 22-23
Navajo Indians: controversy over grazing rights of, 11-15, 24; destitute condition of, 10-11; education of children of, 6-10, 9, 20-21; and Navajo Faith Mission, 3, 4, 4^2,4;, 7, 9; and reservation boundaries, 13-15; slave raids on settlements of, 184-85; and weaving, 10
Neff, Andrew Love, and WWI history, 222-223
Neilan, Russell R., USHS volunteer, 295
Nelson, Henry, and Utah Lake boat, 65
Nelson, William, SL Tribune editor, 379
Nephi, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 117
Nevills, Timothy, USHS employee, 291
Newberry, J. S., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3
Nibley, Preston, and Pioneer Trail, 156
Nielson, Jens, LDS bishop in Bluff, 10, 340, 342
Nielson, LeonaW., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Nine Mile Canyon, prehistoric sites in, 105-6, 113, 115-16
Noble, Richard, auto racer, 371
Notarianni, Philip E, USHS employee, 288, 291, 293
Nuggets, BYU social unit, 78
Nusbaum, Jesse, archaeologist, 108, 111-12
O'Connell, James F, archaeologist, 127-28
Ogden, Utah: Greek immigrants in, 315-16; political corruption case in, 379-80
Ogden City Cemetery, P. Mortensen refused burial in, 44—45
Old Mexican, Navajo involved with H R Antes, 8, 22
Olpin, A. Ray, UU pres., 274-75
Olsen, Thera Lou, Manti artist, 138, 138, 145, 148
Oregon Trail, 149
Pacific Lumber Co.: founding of, 27; and P Mortensen, 27-28, 37, 42
Page, , Nauvoo House caretaker, 143-44
Palmer, Olive Myrtie Black, midwife, 340-41, 352-53
Palmer, Edward, artifact collector for Smithsonian, 104-5
Palmer, William R., Cedar City historian, 260
Panic of 1893, 207-8
Papanikolas, Helen Z., historian and USHS Fellow, 246-47; 288, 292
Paragonah, Utah, prehistoric ruins near, 102-6, 111,218
Parratt, D W., USHS officer, 221, 223
Payson, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104-5, 111
Peabody, Harriet M., charity worker, 14 Peabody Museum, Harvard, and prehistoric sites in Utah, 104, 112, 116
Penrose, Charles W., and USHS founding, 206
People's party, disbanding of, 377
The Peoples of Utah (1976), 292
Perkins, Kate, San Juan County clerk, 12 Perkins, Rachel C , and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Perkins, Sarah, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Peters, George S., U.S. district attorney for Utah, 376
Peterson, Alton, Jensen artist, 138, 138
Peterson, Charles S.: as USHS director (1969-71), 283-86, 285; and USU, 286
Peterson, Myrtle, Jensen artist, 138, 138
Philips, Albert E, early USHS librarian/curator, 225
Piercy, Fredrick, Mormon artist, 137
Pierson, Bob, hot rod racer, 361
Pierson, Dick, hot rod racer, 361
Pioneer Jubilee (1897), 200, 201-3, 206, 214, 217, 219, 221
Pioneer Trail, 1847: and campsites in SL Valley, 155-64, 159; and 1936 BYU art
Index 401
tour of, 134-54, 134-35, 138, 143, 146, 149, 150, 153
Plain City, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 105 Politics: and Mormons, 377, 378; and patronage appointments at USHS, 230; and resignation of M.T Smith, 295
Polygamy: court cases involving, 376-77; opposition to, by some Mormons, 374, 378; study of, by S.S Ivins, 254-55
Pomeroy, Francis, Spanish interpreter, 175
Popular Health Movement, similarity of, to LDS Word of Wisdom, 338
Potter, Wester, and salt flats, 367
Poulson, Wilford, and Auerbach collection, 229
Powell, Allan Kent, USHS employee, 284-86, 287, 288, 299
Powell, John Wesley: and archaeological sites in Utah, 103, 105; vols. 15-17 of UHQ devoted to explorations of, 253-54
Powers, Orlando W., and USHS founding, 206
Pratt, Orson, final pioneer campsite selected by 158
Provo Chamber of Commerce, 78
Provo City Lumber Co., 66
Provo River: bathing and boating facilities at mouth of, 64, 66, 75-77, 79-82, 82, 86; effect of drought on, 79
Provo, Utah, prehistoric sites near, 103, 105, 114
Rampton, Calvin L.: governor, and reorganization of state government, 262-63; and salt flats, 369; and USHS lobbying, 281
Rampton, Lucybeth, UHF honorary chair, 282
Ramsey, Lewis A., painting by, 155
Randall, Debbie, architectural historian, 300
Reagan, Albert, archaeologist, 117, 131
Reanon W, Utah Lake excursion and freighting boat, 67, 67-68
Recreation, and Utah Lake, 64-87, 64, 67, 69, 82, 85
Redd, Caroline N., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 352
Redd, Lemuel, and Navajos, 14
Redd, Lucinda A., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Religion, and Greek Orthodox traditions, 312-34, 312, 317, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329. See also Antes, Howard Ray, and various denominations and churches and church leaders
Remy, Jules, French traveler, 106 Republican party, factionalism of, in Utah, 378-80
Reusser, Herbert A., husband of M.L Sinclair, 229
Reynolds, Earl, dentist and sailboat owner, 76
Rich County, 1897 parade float of, 200
Richards, Franklin D., first USHS pres., 206,210-11,213-15,274
Richards, Franklin S., and USHS founding, 204, 206
Richards, George E, LDS apostie, and DUP marker dedication, 266, 268
Richards, Willard, as Thomsonian doctor, 338
Richfield, Utah, Backhoe Village site near, 127
Ricks, Joel E., USHS board pres., 273 Rio Grande Cafe in D&RG Depot, 291-92
Rishel, Bill, and salt flats, 357
Riter, William W., businessman, and pioneer marker, 162, 163
Roberts, Allen, USHS employee, 288
Robinson, J. King, SLC doctor, murder of, 53, 55
Robinson, Merla, Coalville artist, 138, 138
Rock, Alma Henry, Jr., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33, 43-44
Romney, George Ernest, partner in Pacific Lumber Co., 27-29, 38
Romney, William S., partner in Pacific lumber Co., 27
Roosevelt, Theodore, and Navajos, 13-15
Roper, Roger, USHS employee, 288, 300
Rose, Stephen B., investigator, 174, 180-81
Rosenblatt, Joseph, and Little Hoover commission, 262-63
Rouvelas, Marilyn, convert to Greek orthodoxy, 332
402 UtahHistorical Quarterly
Sabloff, Jeremy, archaeology historian, 126
St Geroge, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104, 105, 121, 125
Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce, and salt flats racing, 357, 369
Salt Lake City, Greek immigrants in, 315-16
Salt Lake City Bonneville Speedway Assn., 361
Salt Desert Trails by C. Kelly, 253
Salt Lake Herald, and politics, 380
Salt Lake Telegram, and politics, 380
Salt Lake Tribune, and politics, 370-80
Salt Lake Valley, 1847 pioneer trails and campsites in, 155-64, 159
Salter, Butch, auto racer, car of, 367
Sanderson, John, and Utah Lake, 65
San Juan County: federal lands in, 11; medical practices and problems in, 335-54; prehistoric sites in, 105, 125 See also Antes, Howard Ray, and Navajo Indians
Santa Clara, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104-5
Saratoga Resort on Utah Lake, 67
Scorup, Emma B., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343
Scott, Donald, archaeologist, 113
Scott, Hugh L., colonel, raid on Navajos investigated by, 17-19
Scott, Iris, USHS employee, 272
Seifrit, William C , USHS employee, 291
Severance, Mark, and Wheeler Survey, 103-4
Sevier County, H. Sorensen's 1889 obstetrics/nursing class in, 337
Sharp, Heber, son ofJames, 38, 46
Sharp, James, SLC businessman, sensational testimony of, in Mortensen case, 29-30, 29, 34-38, 41-43, 46
Sharp, John, LDS leader and father of James, 26
Sharp, John C , client of P Mortensen, 37
Sharp, Lizzie Rogers, wife ofJames, 26
Sheets, George A., SLC police detective, and Mortensen case, 29, 39
Shelton, William T., supt. of Shiprock Agency, 13-23
Shepherd, Charles, USHS employee 288
Shepherd, Margaret D., USHS employee, 248, 249
Shipp, Ellis R., physician, obstetrics/nursing classes of, 341, 343
S.S.Sho-Boat, excursion boat on Utah Lake, 64-86, 64, 71, 74, 76, 82
Shoemaker, Samuel, government farmer in N.M., and Navajos, 10-11
Shurtliff, H D., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33
Siler, Andrew, attorney for N.M. traders, 173, 74
Simms, Steven R., archaeologist, 128-29
Simpson, James H., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3
Sinclair, Marguerite L., USHS secretarymanager, 224, 229-32, 231, 235-36, 239
Slayton, Josiah, defense attorney in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177-81
Small, Chuck, auto racer, 367-68
Smith, Elma, wife of Elmer, 75, 76, 77, 81,86
Smith, Elmer: co-owner/operator of S.S. Sho-Boat, 68, 87, 71, 76, 85; ice boat of, 69, 69-70
Smith, Elmer R., archaeologist, 116-17, 119,133
Smith, George A., defense attorney in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177, 179
Smith, Henry, father of Elmer and Provo pool hall owner, 69
Smith, Jedediah S., papers of, 248
Smith, Jenis, cousin of Elmer Smith, 84
Smith, John S H., USHS employee, 290
Smith, Joseph E: LDS pres., and Mortensen case, 34-35; political influence of, 378
Smith, Joseph, LDS prophet, influence of health reform movements on, 338
Smith, Joseph, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
Smith-Mansfield, Patricia, USHS employee, 297
Smith, Melvin X: as historic preservation officer, 283-85; as USHS director (1971-86), 286-95, 289
Smith, Norma, S. S. Sho-Boat hostess, 78, 84
Smithsonian Institution, and prehistoric Utah sites, 104-5
Smoot, Abraham O., and USHS founding, 204
Smoot, Reed, U.S senator and GOP factions in Utah, 378-80
Snarr, Glen, USHS board member, 275
Snow, Eliza R., and Relief Society medical program, 341
Index 403
Snow, Erastus, pioneer campsite discussed by, 160
Snow, Lorenzo, LDS pres., 211
Snow, Zerubbabel, judge in Don Pedro Leon case, 170, 174-75, 176, 178-79
Sorensen, Christen, son of Hannah, 353
Sorensen, Hannah: conversion of, to Mormonism, 336; obstetrics/nursing class of, in Bluff, 335-54, 337, 343; plural marriage of, 353
Sorensen, Maria, daughter of Hannah, 336, 353
Southern California Timing Assn., 371 Southern Paiutes, and prehistoric burial sites, 103-4
Spanish Trail, and Indian slave trade, 18 Spearman, C R., doctor in Monticello, 351
Spry, William, and GOP politics, 379 Standing, Arnold R., guest speaker, 276 Statehood Day, USHS celebrations of, 210, 275-77, 277
Sterling, Le Roy, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33
StevensJones, Carrie, USHS employee, 264
Stevens, Roswell, arrival of, in SL Valley, 163
Steward, Julian H., archaeologist, 113-17, 115, 121
Stewart, Barnard J., defense attorney in Mortensen case, 32, 38-44, 41
Stewart, Charles B., defense attorney in Mortensen case, 32, 39-44, 41
Stewart, I J., defeat of, by W M McCarty, 377-78
Stewart, Martha R., USHS employee, 246, 284, 298
Stites, Jane (Helena B.), USHS employee, 264
Stout, Hosea, diaries of, 248, 251-52, 269
Straup, Daniel, Utah Supreme Court justice, and W M McCarty, 375, 382
Strauser, Ethel, Springville artist, 138, 138, 145, 149
Strebel, George, Vernal artist/photographer, and art tour bus driver, 138, 138-39, 144, 152, 154
Strickley v. Highland Boy Gold Mine Co. (28 Utah 215), McCarty decision in, 381-82
Strong, Etta, wife of Hewitt, 69, 75, 76, 86
Strong, Hewitt: car built by, 68, 69; as co-
owner/operator of S.S. Sho-Boat, 68-87, 71, 76, 85; ice boat of, 69, 69-70
Strong, Hewitt, Jr., worked on S.S. ShoBoat, 78, 84
Strong, Roland, worked on S.S. Sho-Boat, 78,84
Sullivan, Louis, architect, SLC building of, demolished, 281
Summers, Bob, auto racer, 363
Sun Foundry, Provo, 66
Sutherland, George, and GOP factions, 378-80
Tabula, pleasure boat on GSL, 67
Talmage, James E., Deseret Museum director, 216-18, 220
Teague, Al, auto racer, car of, 370
Teller, H M., U.S senator from Colo., and Navajos, 17, 19
Telluride Motor of Provo, 68—69
Templeton Building, 204
Tezlaff, Teddy, auto racer, 357
Theosophical Hall, 214-15
The Third Molar, sailboat, 76
Thompson, Mickey, auto racer, 365
Thompson, Richard, archaeologist, 125
Thompson, William T., Camp Douglas deserter, 57-58, 60-62
Thomson, Samuel, influence of, on Mormon medical practices, 338
Thorne, Leo, amateur archaeologist, 131
Thurman, Samuel, law partner of W. M. McCarty, 376
Tooele, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116
Topping, Gary, historian, 199, 199
Torgersen, Frank, James Hay's body uncovered by, 30, 31, 35
Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress, 1897 convention of, in Utah, 202-3
Transportation, and freighting of ore and farm products on Utah Lake, 66-68
Tribe, Henry, Mortensen juror, 37, n 33
Tripp, George, amateur archaeologist, 131
Truth, and politics, 380
Uinta Basin, archaeology of, 117, 131
Union Pacific Railroad, route of, 56, 59
United States v Pedro Leon et at., history
404 Utah Historical Quarterly
U
and effects of, on Utah and N.M., 165-86
University of Utah:, and archaeological research, 101, 108-10, 114-26, 128
University of Utah Press: A.R Mortensen as director of, 251, 274-75; collaboration of, with USHS, 251
Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 224
Utah: A Guide to the State, WPA project, 234
Utah Commission, 205-6
Utah Conservatory of Music, 215
Utah Department of Development Services, 263
Utah Division of State History, antiquities section of, 101, 123-26, 132. See also Utah State Historical Society
Utah Heritage Foundation (UHF), organizing of, 281-82
Utah Historic and Cultural Sites Review Committee, 283, 286-87
Utah Historical Quarterly: and A.R Mortensen, 241, 246, 254-57, 257; and E L Cooley, 275, 276; founding of byJ. C Alter, 223-32, 227, 239; influence of D. L. Morgan on, 234-36; sales of, 294, 301; staff of, 284
Utah in the World War, first book published by USHS, 222-23
Utah Lake: beach resorts on, 66-67; boating on, 64, 64-87, 69, 71, 74, 76, 82, 85; effect of drought on, 79, 81; fishing in, 65; ice boating on, 69, 69-70; racing on, 86
Utah Museum of Natural History, 122
Utah Salt Flats Racing Assn., 355, 366, 371
Utah: The Storied Domain byJ C Alter, 224
Utah State Archives, founding of, 241, 259-64, 275
Utah State Capitol: building of, 220; USHS offices in, 220, 232, 233, 239, 241, 243
Utah State Historical Society (USHS); annual meetings of, 213-19, 258-59, 259; Antiquities Section of, 209-10, 212, 218, 287-88; effects of Great Depression on, 226; founding of, 201, 203-13; and historic preservation, 210, 279-88; and historic treks, 276-79, 279; library of, 209, 211-12,
229, 241-42, 244-50, 243, 247, 249, 255, 272, 291; and local history orgs., 285, 299; museum of, 212, 214, 220-21, 293, 296; 100-year history of, 200- 302; publications of, 210, 222-32, 294, 299-300; as a state agency, 219, 261-63; and WWI, 219, 221-23 See also Utah Division of State History, Utah Historical Quarterly, and names of directors, board members, employees, and historians associated with Utah State Parks Commission, 224
Utah State Supreme Court, and W M McCarty's tenure on, 379-84
Utah Statewide Archaeological Survey/Society, 118, 131-32
Ute Indians: and archaeological sites, 103; and slave trade, 167, 169-72, 183-84
Valerio, Lucy, host of KUTV series on The Peoples of Utah, 292
Varanakis, Myra, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 320 ns. 24 and 26, 325 n. 39, 327 n. 45, 328, 328 n. 46, 329 n. 48, 330 n 51
Vesco, Don, auto racer, car of, 370 Vikings, BYU social unit, 78
Wakara, Ute leader, and slave trade, 172-73,175, 183-84
Ward, Margery W., USHS employee, 250, 274
Warrum, Noble, and WWI history, 223, 223
Wasatch Stake Tabernacle, Heber City, preservation of, 274, 281-82, 283
Washington Square, immigrant campground, 160
Watkins, Charles, witness in Mortensen case, 39
Watkins, Richard C , brother-in-law of P. Mortensen, 32, 33, 41, 42
Watldns, Theodore, brother-in-law of P Mortensen, 31-32, 41, 42
Weir/Cosgriff mansion, demolition of, 281
Wells, Emmeline B., and USHS founding, 206
Wells, Heber M.: governor, and Mortensen case, 44; and Navajo grazing controversy, 12-13; and USHS founding, 203, 206, 210, 210-11, 213
Index 405
W
Westfrom Fort Bridger, vol 19 of UHQ 235, 254
Western Park Museum, Vernal, 131
Wetherill, John, and antiquities, 107-8 109, 112, 121
Wetherill, Richard, and antiquities, 107-8,112
Wharton, Tom, reporter, 370
Wheeler, George, USGS survey of, 103 Whetstone, Susan, USHS employee, 291 Whitney, Orson E, and Mortensen case, 36
Wilbert, Harry E., highway engineer, 369
Wilkes, C.S., and GSL cruises, 66-67
Willard, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 105, 114
Willey, Gordon, archaeology historian, 126
Williams, Anna R., Ogden artist, 138, 138
Williams, Frederick C , Thomsonian doctor, 338
Williams, Grant, and Sevier Valley Chapter of USHS, 276
Williard, H O., cavalry captain, and raid on Navajos, 17—19
Willson, Bradley W., Mormon identity of D. E. Cross, 63
Wilson, William M "Billy," Geneva Resort mgr., 67
Witte, Wreatha A , USHS employee, 293
Woman's Democratic Club, 215
Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class of H. Sorensen, 335-54
Women: and Greek Orthodox home altar traditions, 312-34, 312, 320, 321, 323, 325, 326; and midwifery and community nursing in southeastern Utah, 335-54, 343
Wondolowski, Sophie, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 326 n. 43, 328, 329 n. 49
Wood, A. M., and pleasure cruises on GSL, 66-67
Wood, Josephine C (Jody, Aunt Jody): birth register of, 311, 349, 352; midwife in Bluff, 340- 41, 343, 349, 352
Wood, Samuel (husband) 349
Wooden, Earl, auto racer, car of, 366 Woodruff, Wilford: diary of, 225; farm of, 158; arrival of, in SL Valley, 160-61
WPA Historical Records Survey and Writers Project, records of, at USHS, 232, 234, 238, 242, 245, 248-49, 259, 261
Wormington, Marie, and prehistoric site near Moab, 124
Wright, Boyd, son-in-law of Elmer Smith, 87
Wurzbach, Emil E, and boating on Utah Lake, 65
Yarrow, H. C , and Wheeler survey, 103-4
Yellow Ochre Club, 1936 BYU art tour group, 148, 152, 154
Young, Alfales, and USHS founding, 204
Young, Brigham: and archaeological ruins, 102; arrival of, in SL Valley, 155, 155, 160-62; attitude of, toward Mexicans, 180, 185; call of, to settle Dixie, 374; and Indian slave trade, 166, 170-71, 175, 181-84; and medicine, 337-39
Young, Levi Edgar, USHS board member, 223, 231
Young, Lorenzo Dow, reminiscences of, 161
Young, Richard W., defeat of, by W. M. McCarty, 379
Young, Royal B., Forest Dale resident and adopted son of B Young, 30 n 14, 32, 40, 44
Yurtinis, John E, and Mormon Battalion Trail study, 284, 285
Zane, Charles S., and USHS founding, 206
Zeller, Deane H., BLM official, and salt flats, 370-71
ZCMI, 26
Zobell, Jane Hay, granddaughter of James R. Hay, 47
406 Utah Historical Quarterly
UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY FELLOWS
THOMAS G. ALEXANDER
JAMES B ALLEN
LEONARDJ ARRINGTON
MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER
EVERETT L COOLEY
S GEORGE ELLSWORTH
BRIGHAM D MADSEN
DEANL . MAY
HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS
CHARLES S. PETERSON
HONORARY LIFE MEMBERS
MILTON C ABRAMS
VEE CARLISLE
EVERETT L COOLEY
LORA CROUCH
J. ELDON DORMAN
JACK GOODMAN
FLORENCE S JACOBSEN
MARGARET D LESTER
LAMAR PETERSEN
HAROLD SCHINDLER
MELVIN T SMITH
MARTHA R STEWART
JEROME STOFFEL
BY JESSIE EMBRY AND RON SHOOK
STEVEN K MADSEN Sandy, Utah
