The Jefferson Map

Utah Historical Quarterly

Vol. XIX, 1951, Nos. 1-4

THE JEFFERSON MAP

AMONG the records which have preserved for future generations the story of the pioneering of the Hastings Cutoff, none exceeds and few match in interest the extraordinary Map of the Emigrant Road from Independence, Mo., to St. Francisco, California, which was published in New York in 1849 by T. H. Jefferson as the fruits of an 1846 journey to California by way of the Hastings Cutoff. So rare is this map, only three copies known to exist, that its vital bearing on the Hastings Cutoff long escaped attention and has only come to be generally appreciated since the publication of George R. Stewart's book about the Donner party, Ordeal by Hunger, which appeared in 1936. In December, 1945, the California Historical Society reprinted 300 copies of the map and its brief Accompaniment, thus for the first time making it generally available to scholars. Not unnaturally, this edition itself promptly went out of print, and already copies have become difficult to find.

The strange thing about T. H. Jefferson is that down to this writing his map has been the sole evidence that such a person ever existed. His name is not mentioned in any of the known diaries or reminiscences of 1846; there appears to be no record of him in California; and although his map was published in New York City, from which it has been inferred he lived there, the only Thomas Jefferson the New York City directories list from 1842 is a colored porter, not the likeliest of candidates for the honor of having produced one of the great American maps.

The researches of Dale L. Morgan in frontier newspapers have now identified Jefferson by name in the immigration of 1846, and confirmed New York as his place of residence, though whether city or state remains to be established. Fittingly enough, this shred of evidence comes from the Jefferson City, Mo., Jefferson Inquirer, of May 13, 1846, which paper quotes a late issue of the Independence Western Expositor as saying: "We notice among those going out, Col. Wm. H. Russell, Dr. Snyder, Mr. Grayson, Mr. McKinstry, Mr. Newton, and others from below,—Messrs. Lippincot [t] and Jefferson from New York, and from about here, Ex-Gov. Boggs, Judge Morin, Rev. Mr. Dunleavy, and hosts of others." This allusion would indicate that Jefferson was regarded as among the notables of the year's immigration. Yet apart from this one mention, Jefferson's Map of the Emigrant Road is still the sum total of our knowledge about him.

In the introduction he wrote for the California Historical Society's edition of Jefferson, George R. Stewart sums up all that can be deduced about the traveler whose remarkable map is provocative of so much curiosity about him:

The Accompaniment tells much of the author's character, but little of his actual life. He had some familiarity with the city of St. Louis, but this may merely show that he outfitted there upon his way west. I would make a hesitant suggestion that he had had some sea-faring experience, for his diction has a nautical tang; he mentions, for instance, palm and pricker (sail-makers' implements), and ship bread. He recommends a spy-glass, and a sailor's sheath-knife instead of the common frontiersman's Bowie.

In map and accompaniment alike his character stands out surely. He was accurate,. but in a practical rather than a theoretical way. He was resourceful, and meticulous of detail. He must have kept an accurate daily journal or notes. He was independent of judgment. He took hardships as a matter of course. Yet he was withal a man of certain delicacies, despising the emigrants' doughy bread, and revolted by grease in cookery and sowbelly bacon. He was a water-drinker, mentioning whiskey only as an article of trade and allowing coffee and tea grudgingly.

Other conclusions reached by Dr. Stewart are not so well considered. In deciding that the map did not appear before the latter part of 1849, he was clearly mistaken, for J. Goldsborough Bruff carried a copy overland that year. A little beside the point, perhaps, Dr. Stewart also was mistaken in concluding that because Jefferson did not apply the term "prairie schooner" to immigrant wagons, it was the invention of "a later and more romantic generation." This term was used by Lewis Garrard in Wah-To-Yah and the Taos Trail (Cincinnati and New York, 1850), hence had originated at least as early as 1850, and quite probably by 1846.

Jefferson's map, according to the Accompaniment and the lithographed title which appears on its slip-case, was "published by the Author" and sold by Berford & Co., 2 Astor House, New York City, at $3 a copy—a high price for the time. It was lithographed by G. Snyder, and engraved on stone by Ed. Herrlein. The map itself consists of 4 sheets, each 36.6 x 51.5 cm., and it has an 11-page printed Accompaniment, 13.5 x 9.5 cm. Of the complete work, two copies only are known, one in the Estelle Doheny Collection, St. John's Seminary, Camarillo, California, and one in the Philip Ashton Rollins Collection at Princeton University. However, a set of the maps, lacking the Accompaniment, is found in the Map Division of the Library of Congress, and photostats of these, supplied prior to the reprint by the California Historical Society, were of signal service to the researches set forth in these pages.

Only Part HI of the Jefferson map, with an inset from Part IV to show the western junction of the Hastings Cutoff with the Fort Hall Road, is reproduced in the present volume. Consequently it is desirable to provide some account of the other sheets and their bearing on Jefferson's travels of 1846.

Part I explains that the map "represents the emigrant road from Independence, Mo., by the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains to California. The Author was one of a party of emigrants who travelled the road with waggons, in 1846. All the streams of water and springs upon the road are delineated, also daily distances, courses and camps, made by the party." As good as his word, Jefferson locates and dates every campsite, so that—for the early part of his route, at least—it is possible to place him on each day of his journey. From the time he launched upon the Hastings Cutoff, his map is somewhat defective with respect to dates, but the Lienhard journal now enables us to clear up many ambiguities in this connection. Jefferson indicates with a heavy dotted line his own line of march, and with a lighter dotted line "the road travelled by some," the alternative routes being at times of critical importance. The first sheet of the map also contains a Table of Distances: * see footnote

In dating his campsites, Jefferson undertook to make himself absolutely clear by double-dating them, e.g., his encampment at Indian Creek, on first setting out from Independence, is dated "11-12 May 1846," meaning that he reached this point on the night of May 11 and left there on the morning of May 12. This will be found characteristic of his campsites on the sheet of his map here reproduced. Ordinarily campsites between those which are dated can be assigned a date by simply counting them in sequence. Place names that Jefferson employs in some cases are those which were current on the trail in 1846; but often he seems to have applied rather unimaginative names of his own devising, as when he calls Sulphur Creek "Hare Creek," and East Canyon Creek "Magpie Creek." Few if any of these names have survived in Western nomenclature, and where they have, by reason of their obvious applicability rather than from any influence exerted by the Jefferson map.

Having sketched in some background, let us now take up Jefferson's travels as the four sheets of his map depict them. Clearly he left the frontier in the Morin-Harlan company, with which Lienhard at first traveled. On setting out, this company traveled in close proximity to the large Russell company, of which Edwin Bryant and James Frazier Reed were members, but began to pull ahead at the crossing of the Kaw. They were only one day ahead when they crossed the Big Blue River on May 25, but on the night of May 26, a few hours after the Russell company reached that river, a terrific storm blew up, rendering the Big Blue impassable for some days so that the Harlan wagons gained a considerable head start which was never entirely overcome by the wagons behind. The Harlan group, as we have seen in connection with the Lienhard journal, split up into many fragments along the way, and the Harlans and Wimmers reached Fort Bridger fully as far in advance of Jefferson and Lienhard as they were themselves in advance of the Reed and Donner families.

Since Lienhard's diary for the earlier part of his journey was lost, it is impossible to know how close together Jefferson and the "five German boys" traveled during their first weeks on the road, but the night Jefferson reached Fort Laramie, June 26, Lienhard was encamped 7 miles farther west. Thereafter now one and then the other took the lead. Jefferson left the Platte on July 7, a full two days ahead of Lienhard, but was some hours behind when both crossed South Pass ten days later. He overtook Lienhard again at the Green River on July 21, and the two, if not quite together, were traveling in very close proximity when they reached Fort Bridger on July 24.

From Fort Bridger west, Jefferson's travels as shown on his map and those of Lienhard as recorded in his journal are fully correlated in the notes to the Lienhard journal, hence it is unnecessary to treat here in detail Jefferson's experiences on the Hastings Cutoff. Nevertheless a few points about the map merit mention.

Certainly, one of these is the name, "Echo Defile," which Jefferson applies to Echo Canyon a full year before the Mormon Pioneers fixed the name upon it. Farther along, Jefferson's use of the name, "Gutter Defile," raises the question whether he had seen in the south wall of the Weber's upper canyon the twin limestone dikes which have since become famous as Devils Slide or whether he was referring to the then-striking character of Lost Creek at its confluence with the Weber. Below this area, Jefferson shows no less than 14 crossings of the Weber River above the Morgan meadows, an important comment on the road, for Jefferson was scrupulously accurate on such points. Eight more crossings of the river farther down would be a sufficient commentary on the difficulties at Devils Gate and below, even had Jefferson neglected to tell us that "Granite Canyon" was "a bad Canyon."

As we have observed in the Lienhard journal, Jefferson was in advance when he emerged from the canyons of the Weber, hence it is interesting that his campsite on the night of August 5 was at some springs at the mouth of Weber Canyon. These springs still flow. Two at the canyon mouth, presumably those shown by Jefferson, were sold by the owner, James Harbertson, to the U. S. government some 30 years ago, and today provide a considerable part of the water supply for the Ogden Arsenal and Hill Field. Three other springs lower down, which escaped Jefferson's notice, bubble up on present-day farms of the vicinity.

Jefferson's map of the Great Salt Lake area was clearly influenced by Fremont's maps of 1845 and 1848, but his striking originality and wealth of independent information is apparent even on cursory examination. He depicts the springs in the vicinity of Garfield (and the intersection of Reed's route at this point with the Hastings road), the marshy land bordering the lake farther south and west, and the rock formation in Tooele Valley which today we call Adobe Rock. Further, Jefferson shows the alternative route across the Stansbury Mountains which the Bryant- Russell party had taken, the numerous salt springs at the base of these mountains, and even the Lone Rock which rises so prominently at the north end of Skull Valley.

The formidable character of the Salt Desert is stressed on his map and insisted upon in his Accompaniment. In the latter he writes:

Long drive. Desert of Utariah.—Distance.—From Hope-Wells [Iosepa] to East side Scorpion Mt. [Cedar Mountains], 12 miles. Road good, a level plain. East to west side Scorpion Mt., 9 miles. Road, steep hills, some sideling, rather bad. West side Scorpion Mt., to Rock Ridge [Grayback Mountain] 14 miles. Road good, hard marly plain.

Rock Ridge to east side Fire Mt. [Silver Island], 32 miles. Road a vast desert plain, good hard marl in places, deep sand ridges in places, latter part damp or wet marl incrusted with salt, into which the wheels cut and make hard pulling. From east to west side Fire Mt., 8 miles. Road hilly, deep dust, bunch grass in places, rather hard. From west side Fire Mt. to Bonark Wells [Springs at Pilot Peak], 8 miles. Road a level plain of marl, damp, incrusted with fine table salt, rather hard pulling. Total distance 83 miles. Dell [Redlum] Spring affords a small supply of brackish water, cedar trees, and some bunch grass; a good well could be made here. This would reduce the drive to 70 miles.

Take in a supply of water and green grass at Hope- Wells. Three or four gallons of water per ox is enough. Water is more important than grass. Not more than five wagons should start upon the drive in company. Travel night and day; don't hurry the oxen; make a regular camp about every 20 miles. Remain at each camp two hours or more, and measure out the water to each ox in a basin. Unyoke at each camp and leave the cattle loose. Keep strict guard over them, and never for one moment allow them to leave your sight. Adhere to these rules and you will go through safe. Scorpion mountain affords cedar trees and some good bunch grass.

North-east of Hope-Wells, upon the mountain, about two miles from the road, is situated Cedar spring. It affords an abundant supply of delightful water, has cedar trees and some bunch grass near it; a horse trail leads to it from Hastings-Wells [Grantsville], over the mountain. If the Indians catch an unarmed man alone, they will rob him.

The most curious aspect to this note is Jefferson's counsel, reiterated on the map, that in crossing the salt desert no more than 5 wagons should go in company. Although founded on practical experience, the reason for this advice does not readily suggest itself, for it might be supposed that larger groups would better be able to help one another. It may be that larger numbers tended to impede and delay, or in the miry sections turned the road into a morass for too many wagons following too closely behind.

Jefferson dates no campsite between the north end of the Oquirrh Mountains and Ruby Valley, his "Valley of Fountains." Nothing could better illustrate the difficulties and the confusion occasioned by the preparations for the actual traverse of, and the recuperation from, the Salt Desert crossing. Only now that the Lienhard journal has been brought to bear upon this part of the Jefferson map is it possible to interpret it authoritatively.

The "Valley of Fountains" receives warm praise in Jefferson's Accompaniment. It was, he said, "A large and fertile valley, abounding in springs of pure water; soil black and rich, and covered with excellent grasses; a variety of timber in the vales of the mountain, also currants and service berries; game abundant, such as antelope, geese, brant, cranes, plover, grouse, blue bird, robin, &c. The Digger Indians' 'bread root' is also found among the grass; it resembles a carrot. The north part of the valley is best. Grain of all kind[s] could easily be cultivated. This valley affords a good site for a settlement, or military provision post."

Part III of the Jefferson map just fails to show the junction of the Hastings Cutoff with the Fort Hall Road, and accordingly we have inset a section from Part IV of the map, extended far enough west to illustrate the last few entries of the Reed journal, i.e., to the vicinity of present Winnemucca at the great bend of the Humboldt. The rest of the fourth sheet of the Jefferson map though not here reproduced, is quite as interesting as the record of the earlier stretches of the trail. In locating "Truckey [Donner] Pass of California Mountain" Jefferson makes his only direct reference to the disaster which befell the Donner party, remarking: "It was six miles east of the Truckey Pass of the Cal. Mts that Reeds party in November encountered snow ten feet deep and half the party perished. Emigrants who reach this place by the first of October are safe. Those who come later and encounter snow, should at once retreat to Grass Valley [Truckee Meadows, present Reno] or the mouth of Truckey River and winter there or to the southward on the streams of the eastern base of the Californian Mountains. The western descent of these mountains is the most rugged and difficult of the whole journey."

Jefferson's map shows that after crossing "Truckey Pass" on October 7, he wound down the steep slope of the Sierra to arrive at Johnson's Ranch October 20, the last date given for any campsite. Presumably he reached Sutter's Fort about 6 days later. The map shows that he continued on around San Francisco Bay to San Jose and thence up the peninsula to San Francisco, from which place sometime during 1847 or 1848, he must have returned home by sea. This fourth sheet of his map reflects the excitement prevailing at the time of its publication in that the legend, "Gold Region," is applied to the country north and south of the Feather River. The final sheet of Jefferson's map was reproduced by Carl I. Wheat in his The Maps of the California Gold Region, 1848-1857 (San Francisco, 1942). Down to the publication of the present volume, Mr. Wheat's was the only separate reproduction of any sheet of the four comprising the Jefferson map.

The reprinting of Part III and a section from Part IV of the map in connection with this study of the Hastings Cutoff was greatly facilitated by the cordial cooperation of the California Historical Society, which generously proposed that the Utah State Historical Society make a lithographic reproduction from its own printing of the Doheny copy. Since this would afford a much clearer map than would be possible in reproducing the Library of Congress copy, the offer was gratefully accepted.

The Jefferson map, together with a modern map of the country traversed by the Hastings Cutoff, is contained in a pocket at the back of this volume.

For full citations and Table of Distances please view this article on a desktop.