A Local Paper Reports on the Utah War

Utah Historical Quarterly

Vol. 25, 1957, Nos. 1-4

A LOCAL PAPER REPORTS ON THE UTAH WAR

BY A. R. MORTENSEN

'T'HESE times a hundred years ago were most exciting ones for the citizenry of Utah. At the height of the summer, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1857, word was brought of the approach of a military force supposedly sent to chastize the Mormons who, it was said, were in rebellion.

The long string of events, including a series of conflicts with the federal judiciary and a dispute over the eastern mail contract had caused President Buchanan to believe it necessary to appoint a new set of officials for the territory of Utah, including a new governor to replace Brigham Young, and to dispatch a large body of troops to escort these appointees to their new posts of duty in Mormon country.

The first, and still published, Utah paper was born June 15, 1850, and now seven years later was still the only news organ in the territory. While it is difficult to follow the Utah War in its pages alone, the Deseret News undoubtedly does serve as the best single contemporary mirror of the Mormon position, and, when divorced from understandable emotion, quite accurately delineates the government activity and position in the affair.

After some casting around during the spring and early summer for a candidate, Alfred Cumming, a Georgian but with recent service in Missouri, was appointed governor of Utah Territory.

The military phase of the government's plan to solve the Utah problem got under way on May 28, 1857, when General Winfield Scott directed that certain units of the army were to assemble at Fort Leavenworth and proceed as soon as possible to Utah. The troops were to number twenty-five hundred and were first put under the command of Brevet-Brigadier General W. S. Harney. On August 29, he was succeeded by Colonel, later Brevet-Brigadier General, A. S. Johnston who, however, did not join the main body of his troops until the first part of November. This not inconsiderable body of soldiers, equipped and supplied for a long and extended campaign, attested to the seriousness with which the Buchanan administration professed to view the situation.

There were certain phases of the approaching struggle which the News seemed to neglect, such as the actual Mormon military preparations and operations, but in the area of oral and literary opposition to the plans of the government and with the continual cry of persecution by government officials, other newspapers, and the gentile world in general, the paper lived up to its role, as would be expected of the only Utah journal and official organ of the church.

The first issue of the paper to carry articles tending to show that Mormon affairs were in more than the usual difficulty was the one for July 29, 1857. This issue was the first to appear following the arrival of A. O. Smoot, Judson Stoddard, and O. P. Rockwell, with the news of the cancelling of Hiram Kimball's mail contract and the dispatching of federal troops to Utah. Important from the point of view of stirring up Mormon animosity against the actions of the government was a rather lengthy editorial entitled "A Fair Proposal and a Few Plain Truths." This article began by saying: "By the latest report from the States we learn that there is a wonderful uproar about the Mormons, notwithstanding their great remoteness from all neighbors of the class commonly termed civilized and Christianized."

The editor, Albert Carrington, referred to the belief broadcast by disgruntled officials, apostates, and others that there were many in Utah who would leave if they dared. He therefore made a proposition that the Mormons of Utah would forward safely and free of charge all who wanted to leave the territory if the people or government of the United States would forward in like manner all who wanted to move to the Great Basin: "O ye editors, priests and politicians, is not that a fair proposition? You may reply that 'in that case the Government would have far the heaviest bill to pay, as there are hundreds in the States who would prefer being here to one here who would elect to reside in the States,' and your reply would be correct."

Albert Sidney Johnston

Commander of the Utah Expedition sent to put down the supposed insurrection among the Mormons. Ironically, Johnston died in the battle of Shiloh while serving the cause of the South in the Civil War.

While continuing to scourge the so-called "editors, priests and politicians," the editor finally got around to the military expedition itself, which he contended had been sent out at the instigation of corrupt speculators and politicians. Warning was made also of the difficulties which would befall the army when it came into rugged and inhospitable country in opposition to people who were battling for their principles and families.

Mention was made of the usual Mormon contention that persecution was always the result of mobs or illegally-operating groups and individuals, and not honest unbiased officials.

By way of conclusion and appearing nearly as an afterthought, the article referred to the newly appointed officials, whose escorting to their new positions was the official reason for sending the military. While always opposing officials who were not of their own choosing, the Mormons could not consistently oppose everybody just because they were not of the faith. This position is taken by the paper, which also forecast the treatment Governor Cumming or any other official who was friendly and minded his own business would receive.

It would seem that the impending invasion would occupy all the interest of the Mormons, but strangely enough one of the first editorials following receipt of this information was devoted to the more immediate question of Kimball's annulled mail contract. The letter from William H. Dundas, Second Assistant Postmaster General, annulling the contract was quoted, and then the burden of the editorial tended to show how ridiculous and baseless were the grounds for cancellation.

The burden of the Mormon argument was that the annulling was premeditated injustice, based solely on a difference in religious faith and practice. It seems that the official letter informing Kimball of the acceptance of his bid was mailed at Washington on the sixteenth of October, 1856, with the indentures of contract to be executed on the first of December. This of course did not leave sufficient time for the mail to reach Salt Lake City, which the Mormons contended the Post Office Department very well knew. As a matter of fact the letter of acceptance did not reach Kimball until the twenty-fourth of March, long past the date for its execution. This delay in executing "and the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake" were given as the official reason for cancellation.

The Sunday following his return to Utah, A. O. Smoot spoke at the Bowery and gave a report of his recent trip to the East and of his feelings and experiences relative to the impending invasion. Besides giving what little information he had as to the actual condition of the army, its numbers and supplies, he exhorted the Saints to be faithful and calm: "Now is the time for the Latter-day Saints to live near to God, and if you do you will feel as calm and serene as a mild summer evening."

Obviously referring to Judge Drummond, who on returning to the States had so vilified the Mormons, he said:

All the excitement that exists among the people has originated from some of our worthy friends (?) that have been here. One of them in particular has exerted himself extremely and has caused a great excitement among the people, has lied so palpably and contradictorily that he has ruined himself worse than one of his predecessors did in 1851. The papers now almost without exception say, "let the Mormons be as mean as they possibly can be, even if they are meaner than hell, a late judge is worse than they can be, for hell is beat out by him."

On the same day, July 26, 1857, Brigham Young gave an address at the Bowery in which he reviewed the history of the persecutions and ill-treatment of the Mormons and of the sins and crimes of which he personally had been accused. He felt that the only reason for the military expedition was to satisfy speculators and contractors who stood to reap a profit from the affair, and stated that "Russel & Co. wul probably make from eight to ten hundred thousand dollars by freighting the baggage of the expedition." The cancelling of the mail contract held by Hiram Kimball, "simply because he was a member of this Church," angered Young no end. And although the president could get wrought up, he restrained his remarks except to say: ". . . but woe, woe to that man who comes here to unlawfully interfere with my affairs. Woe, woe to those men who come here to unlawfully meddle with me and this people. I swore in Nauvoo when my enemies were looking me in the face, that I would send them to hell across lots, if they meddled with me, and I ask no more odds of all hell today."

On this same Sunday, Heber C. Kimball, rough and relatively unlettered counselor to Brigham, spoke at great length in his usual fiery way. Running the gamut of Mormon problems and beliefs, he referred to persecution, polygamy, baptism for the dead, and the question of Brigham's leadership of the church. On the military expedition and the men who had caused its dispatch, he breathed fire and brimstone: "Drummond and those miserable scoundrels and some that are now in our midst, how do I feel towards them?— pray for them? Yes, I pray that God Almighty would send them to hell, some say across lots, but I would like to have diem take a round about road and be as long as they can be in going there." And in conclusion he said: "Send 2500 troops here, our brethren, to make a desolation of this people! God Almighty helping me, I will fight until there is not a drop of blood in my veins. Good God! I have wives enough to whip out the United States, for they will whip themselves: Amen."

On following Sundays other leaders spoke, some like Elias Smith using language less colorful, but all expressed opposition to the government in its intention of sending troops to the territory. From this opposition alone, it would appear that the Mormon leaders and people were determined, right from the first, to prevent what seemed to them an unjust extension of the power of the government over its citizens. It appears, from a perusal of his public utterances, however, that Kimball set the tone of opposition. He continually urged the people to support the line of action set by the leaders of their choice. Schooled to follow "counsel" and to be obedient to leadership, without which the church would have long since fallen apart, the Saints were undoubtedly willing and ready to pay heed to the voice of authority. Referring to Brigham Young not only as President of the church and as Prophet, Seer and Revelator, he also pointed out that Brigham was governor by choice of the people and they alone had the power to dispossess him. But woe to them if they did, for church and state were inseparable in the eyes of Heber C. Kimball, as indeed they were in the early years of Utah.

Kimball also warned the people to lay up grain and other stores and to arm themselves. In this latter item he did not even exclude the women, for he said:

You ladies, too, will certainly have to do your part, or back out. I told you last Sunday to arm yourselves, and if you cannot do it any other way, sell some of your fine bonnets, fine dresses and buy yourself a good dirk, a pistol or some other instrument of war.

Arm your boys and arm yourselves universally, and that, too, with weapons of war, for we may be brought to the test, to see if we will stand up to the line.

What people faithful to their religion and so many times survivors of even greater crises, and to them persecutions, would fail to heed such admonitions?

If Heber C. Kimball was the firebrand of the church, there were other spokesmen, no less adamant in their opposition to the government, who seemed to take a more reasoned and logical stand. Thus it was with the editorials of Albert Carrington. In a rather lengthy dissertation under the title "The United States Government and Utah" he brought up the question of constitutional rights guaranteeing freedom of conscience, of speech, and of the press. He referred to the advice of early leaders such as Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, and quoted the latter as extolling in his first inaugural, "a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, and shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement." The troubles of the time were due, in his estimation, to "rotten political pygmies" who had gained control of the government and were "fast trampling under foot the last vestige of 'unalienable rights,' utterly regardless of the correct teachings and examples of the wise and true patriots and statesmen of the Revolution." Carrington briefly reviewed the condition of Utah prior to the coming of the Mormons. He mentioned the exodus from Nauvoo in February, 1846, the recruiting of the Mormon Battalion while the Saints were fleeing from persecution in Illinois and the subsequent settlement of "regions where no other people would or will dwell."

Lawless conditions in Nebraska, California, and elsewhere were always a sore point with the Mormons, especially when compared to the comparatively crime-free condition of their territory. Thoughts along this line caused Editor Carrington to ask:

Why not send troops to Nebraska, where Congress is openly legislated over by a Territorial Assembly and the laws set at defiance? Wby not send troops to California, where downright insurrection and rebellion have strode rampantly over all law? Oh, they were not Mormons! Why are not troops sent to New York, Baltimore, Washington and other Cities, when the civil authorities are wantonly scouted and blood lawlessly shed by violence reddens their streets? There are no Mormons engaged in those pastimes of civilizationll And last, why send any troops to Utah, where all is peace, industry, law, order, virtue, sobriety, and the daily observance of tbe principles pertaining to both temporal and spiritual welfare and salvation? Oh, solely for the very reason that they are Mormons, and their upright and virtuous course is so unlike our deeds of darkness and we are determined to make them as lawless, bloodthirsty, and rotten as we are, or exterminate them, if we have the power.

That the Mormons tied up opposition to them, at this time, with the political purposes of the Democratic party and some of its leaders, is demonstrated by another editorial of Carrington's wherein he commented on the speech of Senator Douglas given at Springfield, Illinois, on the previous twelfth of June and evidently taken from the Missouri Republican of June 18. While Douglas spoke on the three main points of—conditions in Kansas, the Dred Scott case, and the conditions of things in Utah—the editor confined most of his comments to the last item, and refuted point by point the allegations against the Mormons. When Douglas gave his cure for the Mormon problem and said: "to apply the knife and cut out this loathsome, disgusting ulcer" and to repeal the organic act setting up territorial government, Carrington blamed it on political expediency:

It is, therefore, easy to discern that the Senator's shafts of oppression and destruction are not aimed at us because of any illegal or unconstitutional act of ours, for there is and has been no act of that description, but solely because we are Latter Day Saints and he expects to make political capital by assailing us, since that course is at present, through the prevalence and predominance of lies, so very popular. Another singular feature in the case is that a frenzied love of office should so soon cause the Senator to steal thunder from the old line Whigs, and, at the first breeze of mere rumors and reports, abandon the only enlightened and liberal policy for the government of Territories.

In this connection it should be recalled that the Republican party in the election of 1856 used the term "twin relics of barbarism" in tying together the issues of slavery and polygamy, thus putting the Democratic party at a disadvantage and forcing it to go to great lengths to effect some sort of a divorce of the two issues.

In conclusion, Carrington addressed several paragraphs directly to Douglas, and said among other things, "that you have voluntarily, knowingly, and of choice sealed your damnation and by your own chosen course have closed your chance for the Presidential chair, through disobeying the counsel of Joseph, which you formerly sought, and prospered by following, . . ." Then followed an extract from the "History of Joseph Smith" reprinted from the News of September 26, 1856, wherein Joseph Smith is quoted as making the following remark to the then judge, in May, 1843: "Judge, you will aspire to the Presidency of the United States, and if ever you turn your hand against me or the Latter Day Saints, you will feel the weight of the hand of the Almighty upon you; and you will live to see and know that I have testified the truth to you, for the conversation of this day will stick to you through life."

The well-educated, scholarly John Taylor, member of the Council of the Twelve and subsequent president of the church, expressed much the same ideas of opposition as did Editor Carrington.

That even members of the government were doubtful of the justice, if not the actual constitutionality of the plan of action against the Mormons, was shown by the remarks of Senator John Bell of Tennessee in debate on the bill to increase the size of the army. He pointed out that he had opposed granting territorial status to Utah in the first place, moreover, he was in favor of repealing the territorial organization even now, but affairs being as they were, he thought the government of the United States was under some obligation to be lenient toward the people of Utah. He asked: "Why did you give them this Territory?" and then pointed out, that by doing so they had been encouraged to believe that the government would protect them in the enjoyment of their peculiar institutions, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Obviously referring to popular sovereignty, the senator asserted that the Mormons likely had been misled by the doctrines prevalent in the country the last several years, "supported in high places, proclaimed by the highest authorities in our land—the doctrine that any people, by the inherent right of self-government, can do as they please in a Territory."

Bell also wondered if there should be any discrimination between the fanaticism of the Mormons from that which controlled a portion of the North. His extended remark here was:

I do not allude to the anti-slavery extension gentlemen, but to the Abolition party proper, which my friends around me here are rather obliged to sympathize with, because it brings them strength. How can you distinguish the fanaticism of the Mormons from that of a portion of the northern people, founded on that idea which disregards the obligation of municipal organic law in political society?

All this is not to say that Senator Bell was primarily supporting the Mormon cause, which assuredly he was not. Keeping in mind the extreme sectional character of much political maneuvering of the day, it surely can be said that he was first, supporting the fundamental views of the South; second, opposing the increase in the army; and only incidentally supporting the doctrine of states' rights as it applied to the Mormon question.

Following the first outbursts of opposition engendered by word of the coming of the expedition, the News continued to reflect the official viewpoint of the church. Early in September, Brigham Young said that if the Saints lived as they should live the troops could not enter, but that if the worst came to pass and the Lord permitted them to enter, he would desolate the whole territory, before submitting to the corruption and bondage the wicked were trying to thrust upon the Saints solely for exercising the right of freedom of conscience. At the Tabernacle on October 18, he outlined in more detail the plans for resistance, adding that the people should cache grain and prepare two or three years' supply of provisions in case of necessity. Referring to the method of defense to be used against the troops, he said:

If they come here I will tell you what will be done, as soon as they start to come into our settlements let sleep depart from their eyes and slumber from their eyelids, until they sleep in death, for they have been warned and forewarned that we will not tamely submit to being destroyed. Man shall be secreted here and there and shall waste away our enemies, in the name of Israel's God.

And again he continued:

Colonel Alexander complains of our mode of warfare. They have two or more field batteries of artillery with them, and they want us to form a line of battle in an open plain and give them a fair chance to shoot us. I did not tell the Colonel what I thought, but if he had a spark of sense he must be a fool to think we will do any such thing. I am going to observe the old maxim:—"He that fights and runs away, lives to fight another day."

This should be compared with actual instructions found on the person of a Mormon militia officer when he was captured by federal troops early in October. Briefly, they said, on contacting U. S. troops, to annoy, to stampede stock, burn trains, burn the country before and on the flanks, use night surprises to prevent sleep, blockade roads, destroy fords, in general do everything to annoy and harass, but to take no life.

On September 15, Brigham Young issued a proclamation declaring martial law and forbidding entrance of any armed forces whatsoever into the territory. This proclamation along with a Specific letter of instructions, ordering him to leave, were forwarded on September 29, to "The Officer Commanding the forces now invading Utah Territory." Together these documents constitute a very decisive step, if not the climax of the war of words.

This should not be construed to mean that the people of Utah ceased their expressions of opposition. As winter approached the Deseret News began to chronicle a series of political or civic activities, all demonstrating continued resistance to the program of the government.

The November 18 issue of the News announced the convening of the territorial legislature to be held on the fourteenth of December, next.

The December 16 issue stated that the legislature had met as scheduled, and on the fifteenth had met in joint session to hear Governor Young's message. This message, carried in full in the December 23 issue of the paper, outlined in general terms the condition of affairs in the territory. Using the unjustified cancellation of Hiram Kimball's mail contract as a starting point, he launched into a discussion of the unconstitutional actions of the government toward territories generally, and toward Utah in particular, especially referring to the corrupt officers hitherto appointed, and to the army appoaching Great Salt Lake Valley. In view of these conditions, he charged the legislature, "to take such measures as your enlightened judgment may dictate, to insure public tranquility and protect, preserve, and perpetuate inviolate those inalienable Constitutional rights which have descended to us a rich legacy from our forefathers."

Also appearing were the signed resolutions of the assembly concurring in the sentiments and doctrine advanced by the governor, and further resolving to resist the government in its attempt to appoint officers "whom the people have neither vote nor voice in electing," especially when the territory was menaced by an invading army.

Following Governor Young's message and the resolutions of the assembly concurring therein, the territorial legislature drew up a memorial, dated January 6, 1858, to the President and Congress of the United States requesting fair treatment, justice, and the extension of constitutional rights. Further expressions of the determination to resist also were contained in the memorial.

As previously indicated little military activity of the Mormons appeared in the News, consequently, other sources have to be used for this phase of the story. Furthermore, as the military activities of both sides were not important or decisive in the settlement of the dispute, they can be referred to quite briefly. Soon after receiving news of the impending invasion, the territorial militia had been mobilized and steps taken for the defense of the territory. As early as August 15, an advance unit had been sent out to protect Mormon trains of immigrants, and to spy out the numbers, location, and equipment of the United States troops. Meanwhile, General Daniel Wells, commander of the Mormon muitia, had established headquarters at the mouth of Echo Canyon where about twelve hundred Mormon troops were stationed to take advantage of the strategic value of this long narrow defile. Fortifications were dug, dams were constructed, and on the overhanging cliffs piles of rocks were placed in such a way that they could be hurled down upon the invaders if they attempted to force a passage.

Leaving Echo Canyon, General Wells proceeded to Fort Bridger where he was advised of the movements of the United States troops.

At a council of war held there on October 3, Wells decided to begin active operations. One body of men was sent along the roads to Fort Hall and Soda Springs to burn the grass and to otherwise harass the enemy. After the removal of grain and supplies, Fort Bridger and nearby Fort Supply were burned. Other groups were sent out to bum, drive off stock, and to annoy the federal troops in every possible way. The most important assignment was given to Major Lot Smith. His orders were to turn east and intercept any government supply trains, to turn them back or burn them. Smith set out on the evening of October 3, with a handful of men, and in the process of four or five days succeeded in burning three government trains. No more trains being in the vicinity, he conducted raids on the herds of livestock of the troops. Successful in this activity, he sent nearly one thousand head of cattle into Salt Lake Valley. The field activities thus briefly described constitute the major movements on the part of the Mormons and tend to bear out the instructions of the Mormon leaders, previously mentioned, that military activity should be guerrilla in nature.

In conformity with the original orders assembling and dispatching troops, Colonel E. B. Alexander left Fort Leavenworth in the middle of July with an advance unit of infantry. Following him at intervals of several weeks were other units under Colonels C. F. Smith and P. St. George Cooke. The well-equipped supply trains and large herds of beef cattle were sent out in advance, in the anticipation that the faster moving troops would catch up with them, and also to prevent overgrazing along the way by such great numbers of animals. This program worked out well until, as the troops passed into the mountains, trouble began. Mormons, approaching winter, and the absence of the commander, brought disaster to the expedition.

Colonel Alexander, far ahead of the other units, suffered from indecision. Rapidly disappearing supplies and forage, the necessity to find a wintering place, and the apparent impossibility of forcing an entry into Salt Lake Valley by a direct route, finally led Alexander to attempt to reach Fort Hall.

The advance began on the eleventh of October, but before many days had gone by, failure was apparent. Burned grass coupled with the arrival of snow and cold completely exhausted the animals, so that forward movement virtually ceased. But for the timely arrival of General Johnston, who immediately ordered a retreat to the vicinity of Fort Bridger, complete disaster undoubtedly would have been the result. As it was, near disaster attended this movement. From the sixth of November when the retreat began, to the sixteenth, when Fort Bridger only thirty-five miles away was reached, the action must have been memorable in the lives of those who took part in it. "The advance had been slow, the retreat was simply crawling," says Stenhouse. Bridger was reached only after great suffering and considerable loss of animals. Besides five hundred cattle run off by Mormons, more than five hundred other animals perished one night from hunger and cold.

As if this were not enough, Colonel Cooke, who left Fort Leavenworth September 17, finally arrived at Fort Bridger November 19, after undergoing similar hardships. Speaking of the frozen animals and property abandoned along the road he said: "They mark, perhaps, beyond example in history, the steps of an advancing army with the horrors of a disastrous retreat."

Under these circumstances the Army for Utah, finally together and under the direct command of General Johnston, went into winter quarters at Fort Scott, about two miles from Fort Bridger. Any thoughts or plans to enter Salt Lake Valley that winter were completely abandoned.

When no winter campaign appeared likely, the Mormon forces returned home, leaving a small patrol to guard Echo Canyon and to report any further movement of government forces. It is apparent from the nature of the terrain and the potential power of the opposing forces that the tactics of the Mormons were superior to those of the federal troops. In short, a small handful of men combined with favorable geography and weather did succeed in holding off a substantial military offensive for many months. With field operations at a halt, both sides spent the winter preparing for the reopening of activities in the spring. As subsequent events developed, these preparations were to no purpose.

After the first outpouring of condemnation of the government, brought on by the news of the expedition, and the accompanying near-tirades against all Mormon enemies generally, the volume of criticism seemed to slack off both in quantity and heat. Comment on the troubled times quite often was more reasoned and logical, and sometimes the Saints themselves came in for chastisement by their leaders. That is not to say that criticism ceased, for most assuredly it did not. As the winter of 1857-58 wore on, there began to appear in the News articles and clippings from other papers showing at least a slight trend toward a more rational approach by both Mormon and Gentile, and perhaps even a hint of a growing feeling for a peaceful settlement of the dispute.

That the Deseret News clutched at articles in other papers that were friendly or at least peaceful in their attitude toward Utah, is only natural. Besides this, it carried the two-fold implication that the Mormons, as well as the opposition, were seeking a peaceful way out.

A clipping from the Sacramento Age for January 17, said among other things about the Mormon question: "We think there will be no war."

Well-reasoned eastern opinion seemed to be changing if a rather lengthy article from the New York Tribune of January 30 can be taken as a criterion. This paper pointed out that the collision with the Mormons had become too serious to be allowed to go on without a thorough investigation, and a settlement of what was to be done, as well as the means and methods to be employed. Was this the beginning of doubt that the use of the military was the only way out?

Even more definite was a reprint from the New York Herald, which discussed the possibility of a peaceful settlement between the federal government and the people of Utah. It spoke of rumored propositions and conversations between the Utah delegate, Dr. Bernhisel, and President Buchanan, and said there was no doubt but that the President would accede to honorable arrangements for preventing the effusion of blood. Furthermore, "If President Buchanan can get rid of the Mormons by negotiation instead of by the sword, he will find many to sustain him in this measure."

It concluded by suggesting that, "it is probably premature to speak of withdrawing the troops; but that hostilities may be retarded to permit of that last effort being made to settle peaceably the difficulty, by vacating the Territory or by some other compromise, is neither impossible nor improbable."

As might be expected, the printing of the above-mentioned articles caused the editor to comment on their significance. He pointed out that, "wholesale murder of men, women and children for no offence, except their mode of worship," was not now so popular as when Buchanan had ordered out the army to escort the civil officers to Utah. He continued, "Letter writers and editors are throwing out feelers to learn whether the nation is actually so far sunken as to allow pigmy demagogues, hireling priests and rascally speculators to crush out the right to exercise freedom of conscience, so the worshippers are Latter-day Saints."

It seems that all of this would bear out the statement of another eastern periodical, which said that Brigham Young was not opposed to the entrance of civil officers into the territory and the exercise of their functions, but would resist all attempts of the army to enter the area.

Earlier barbs of opposition make it appear doubtful that in the beginning of the struggle Mormon leaders would have gone quite this far, but now it probably was true, and as subsequent events worked out, the army was permitted to enter the Salt Lake Valley under certain compromises.

However early the leaders of the church had begun to be less adamant in opposition to the government, at least in late March, 1858, they were still preparing the people for the eventual evacuation and possible burning of the city, if such should be necessary. This condition is borne out by Brigham Young's remarks made at the Tabernacle on March 22, in which he also chastised the Saints and blamed them for much of the troubles that now beset them.

In the meantime, and while Dr. Bernhisel was in Washington apparently working for a peaceful solution of the dispute, there arrived in Utah, Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who had taken it upon himself as a private citizen to help bring about a rapprochement of the contending parties. His arrival in Salt Lake City, on February 25, from the East via the Panama route, was briefly noted in the News for March 3.

It may at first seem strange that the Deseret News carried such little information about Colonel Kane and his mission, but more mature consideration would show that the Mormon leaders did not wish to tip their hand at this early date to the fact that they were willing to negotiate. One other consideration should be mentioned. Kane had had relations of a friendly nature years earlier with the Mormon people, and the fear may have been felt that should the Saints evince too much interest and friendship for him, his value as a mediator would be nullified.

In any event, after several interviews with Brigham Young, Kane set out for army headquarters at Camp Scott, which he reached on March 12. The News carried no word of this, but a Los Angeles paper commented on Kane's arrival in Salt Lake City, his interviews with Brigham Young, and his proceeding to General Johnston's headquarters. It further pointed out that the impression in Salt Lake was that there would be no fighting.

The hope entertained by Kane to separate the civil officers from their military escort bore fruit, for the News next carried the announcement that "His Excellency Governor A. Cumming and Colonel Thomas L. Kane arrived in this city, on the 12th inst., in good health and spirits. They were escorted from Davis County by the Mayor, Marshall, Aldermen, and many other distinguished citizens."

From this it appears that all resistance to federal authority was over, at least as far as civil officers were concerned. In fact, Governor Cumming stated so in a communication to General Johnston on April 15. He said he had been everywhere recognized as the governor of Utah, and had been treated with respectful attention due a representative of the executive authority of the United States; furthermore, all records of the United States courts and other public property were unimpaired. That the Mormons reciprocated Cumming's good feelings is shown by Deseret News comment: "Governor Cumming, in his intercourse with the citizens of Utah, has thus far taken that straightforward course in favor of 'law, order, social decency and public decorum' so highly prized by all Utonians, and so highly creditable to every true American." The Southern Vineyard concurred in this when it pointed out that the new governor was on most friendly terms with the people in Salt Lake City, and had found all charges against them groundless.

While the difficulties were in the way of being settled in Utah, through the efforts of Colonel Kane, and by the good judgment and tact of Governor Cumming, other things were speedily happening both there and in the East.

In spite of the rapidly evolving solution to the conflict, the leaders of Mormondom found it both politically and sociologically advantageous to proceed with the long threatened exodus from their capital city. Late in March the evacuation southward began, so that by the time Governor Cumming arrived in Salt Lake he was greeted by a practically deserted city. Once again the Deseret News seemed to have nothing to say about certain local events, but not so the southern California press. The Southern Vineyard continued to print many articles on Utah news generally, and, in some, remarked about the evacuation of Salt Lake City and the movement south. The Deseret News itself also came in for comment. The same paper remarking that, "It [Deseret News] is suspiciously silent respecting the domestic affairs of that Territory."

Even before this, the Vineyard had exhibited concern for the fate of any pioneer paper when it said: "The Deseret News has been suspended and will probably remain a sealed book during the migrations and wanderings of the Saints." Just a week later, probably on receipt of more reliable news, the Los Angeles paper contradicted itself and said: "The Deseret News had not been suspended, but would be removed to Cedar City or Parowan." Once again, the Vineyard reported receiving files of the News to May 5, and said that the last-named date had been printed at Fillmore. This is where the Deseret News had moved, somewhat belatedly following the Saints in their evacuation of Great Salt Lake City.

Concurrent with these events in Utah, public pressure and more accurate information had caused President Buchanan to issue a proclamation, April 6, 1858, offering pardon to the inhabitants of Utah, provided they would submit to the laws and assist the officers in the performance of their duties. Two special commissioners were to be sent to the territory to present the proclamation and to induce the people to cease resistance. Harper's Weekly took notice of this move soon after the decision was made and said the commissioners were to be Major Ben McCulloch and Governor Powell of Kentucky. A month later in speaking of their departure from Fort Leavenworth, bound for Utah, the same paper said: "An armistice is to be extended to the people, on the supposition that they were loyal to the only Governor they knew; but whether it be extended to the leaders will be determined by circumstances."

While rumors to that effect may have reached Utah before, the News did not officially take note of these developments until June 2, when in clippings from eastern exchanges it printed substantially the same information as had appeared in Harper's earlier.

On June 16, the News printed the proclamation of pardon, and then announced on the following week the arrival of the peace commissioners in Salt Lake City, which they had reached on June 7.

The conference between the commissioners, Governor Cumming, and the Mormon leaders, which was held on the eleventh and twelfth, was reported by the News in some detail. The results were as successful as had been hoped. All difficulties were satisfactorily adjusted "in a manner highly honorable to both sides." The commissioners assured the people that the army would not in any way infringe on the person or property of anyone, and would not locate near any settlement.

For all intents and purposes the "War" was over. Even the march of Johnston's army through the deserted city appears as an anti-climax. In the same issue reporting on the peace conference, the News printed a letter from General Johnston, in which he assured the people that they would not be molested by the army. And a proclamation by Governor Cumming, dated June 14, announced that peace was restored to the territory. It congratulated the people on the peaceful and honorable adjustment of the recent difficulties. Most important, it urged those who had left their homes to return as soon as they could do so.

Harper's Weekly, which so often had devoted space to the Mormon troubles and to descriptions of Utah, reported on the terms arranged by the peace commissioners and remarked on the desertion of Salt Lake City by the Mormons and the consequent end of any possible fighting. At the same time, in an article called the "Close of the Utah War," it gave a succinct appraisal of the whole trouble:

The real issue between the United States and the Mormon people turned on the institutions of the latter. Had they been Christians there would have been no trouble; had we recognized Mormonism and polygamy as lawful institutions, we should have sent no army across the plains. Disguise it as we may, the fact is undoubted that the United States made war upon the Mormons because their domestic institutions were deemed inconsistent with the organization of the confederacy, and the wholesome growth of selfgoverning communities on United States Territory.

Perhaps critical members of the church would take issue with some of the terminology in the above article; but running the risk of oversimplifying an otherwise complex historical event, it can nevertheless be said that polygamy was the crux of the whole dispute.

Peace or no peace, the Mormons continued to bestow their favor where they wanted. An item about the new governor said: "Governor Cumming continues to be treated with the greatest possible consideration by the Mormons, whereas the other Gentiles are left severely alone, and are compelled to sleep out of doors in ambulances or wherever they can find a shelter."

With the apparent solution of the troubles, the people must have been getting anxious to return to their homes. An address by Brigham Young on June 27, at Provo, bears this out. He said: "The clouds seem to be breaking." General Johnston and his command in passing through Great Salt Lake City had acted with all circumspection and as to the President, he was doing all he could "to correct past bad management." But with respect to what they wanted to hear, Brigham said: "So soon as General Johnston finds a place to locate his command—when we get news what he is doing with his troops—we will go home. Women, do not induce your husbands to go home just yet, but wait until the proper time. It will not be long first."

It was not very long, for in the same issue of the News this notice appeared: "Returning To Their Homes.—The First Presidency and a few others left Provo at 6 p.m. of June 30, and arrived at their homes in G.S.L. City at 3 a.m. of July 1. All who wish to return are at liberty to do so."

The News of July 28 carried the text of President Buchanan's message of June 10 to Congress, in which he transmitted Governor Cumming's account of his reception at Salt Lake City and his belief that the troubles there were over. The message said in part, "From this there is reason to believe that our difficulties with the territory of Utah have terminated, and the reign of the constitution and the laws has been restored. I congratulate you on this auspicious event." The printing of this news marked the practical termination of articles in the Deseret News, dealing directly with the recent Utah War.

Out of this recital and explanation of Mormon opposition to the armed expedition sent to escort and impose a new set of federal officials on the territory, there naturally arises several questions. Were the Mormons justified in their vehement opposition, or, as their enemies characterized it, treasonous conduct? What part did the Deseret News play in fomenting or keeping alive opposition?

Right from the first days of the church, antagonism, both individual and group, had caused the Mormons to develop what might not unfairly be called a persecution complex. After fleeing to the solitudes of the Rocky Mountain West and living for a decade in comparative peace away from their erstwhile enemies, this new attack coming from official sources and based to a degree, as they thought, on their institution of polygamy, caused the Saints to take the stand that all opposition to them was somewhat of a crusade because of their religion and righteous living.

When taking into consideration the character and actions of the recent judges and other officials who so lately had stirred up a hornet's nest against them, and when remembering that the exodus of the Mormons to Utah in the first place had been to get away from their enemies and to be alone in their attempts to set up social and religious institutions of their own choosing, coupled with their persistent avowals of loyalty to the Constitution and democratic customs of the country, it is hard not to be in sympathy with their opposition to this new arbitrary action against them. Furthermore, if the right of petition for redress of grievances and even of revolution itself is inherent in a democratic government, it is difficult to consider them guilty of treasonous conduct. For them as individuals and as a group, self-preservation was the first law of nature.

The Deseret News was the property and official organ of the church. It was edited by persons relatively high in church councils and, consequently, reflected the official point of view. Then too, the peculiar unanimity of purpose of the people, caused by their common suffering from persecution, did not require the usual haranging and exhortation that would have been necessary where divided opinions prevailed. Perhaps it could be said that the paper served more as a solidifier of opinion rather than a molder of ideas. While outlying settlements were several days' journey from Salt Lake City, the leaders of the church were continually traveling to the various communities, and there was close contact between headquarters and the distant branches. Undoubtedly the paper did serve in a useful capacity by carrying the latest sermons and instructions of the leaders to the people. The editorials, for their part, tended to reflect the policies and, in many instances, the very words and ideas of the leaders previously uttered in public meetings. A perusal of the News, as the official organ of the church and the expression of the Mormon community point of view, is justified.

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