Bulletin Special
Bolivarian Government Ministry of People’s Embassy of the Bolivarian of Venezuela Power for Foreign Affairs Republic of Venezuela
volume 8, 2019
i) REASONS WHY THE US DOES NOT CONSIDER THE "MILITARY OPTION" ii) MINIMUM ANTHOLOGY TO DEMONIZATION AND ATTACKS AGAINST CHAVISM iii) ALMOST ONE HUNDRED DAYS OF GUAIDÓ IS FAILING THE US STRATEGY iv) THE BEST OF THE WORST
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Content 1) EDITORIAL 2) REASONS WHY THE US DOES NOT CONSIDER THE "MILITARY OPTION" 3) MINIMUM ANTHOLOGY TO DEMONIZATION AND ATTACKS AGAINST CHAVISM 4) ALMOST ONE HUNDRED DAYS OF GUAIDÓ IS FAILING THE US STRATEGY 5) THE BEST OF THE WORST
Editorial Washington has imposed several rounds of sanctions since the self-proclamation of Juan Guaido as “interim president”. Some measures have targeted governors and high-ranking military officials, while others have hit Venezuela’s banking, mining and oil sectors. The sanctions against the oil sector include a de facto embargo, blocking all US companies from dealing with PDVSA while also freezing the assets of PDVSA’s US subsidiary, Citgo. The embargo effectively brought shipments of Venezuelan crude to the US from around 500,000 bpd to zero following a winding down period. The latest sanctions came on the eve of rival demonstrations held in Caracas and other Venezuelan cities. Chavismo took to the streets of Caracas for the fifth straight time, with an anti-imperialist march.
REASONS WHY THE US DOES NOT CONSIDER THE "MILITARY OPTION" The military threat against Venezuela escalated in 2019 with the self-proclamation of Juan Guaidó. His leadership, manufactured in the corridors of the White House, is marred by the frequent indications of different emissaries of the US government, including President Donald Trump, that "all options are on the table."
and soft power, namely, military and financial siege operations to directly attack a country or covert actions of the "Arab Spring" type. Young argues that in national security policies "both hard and soft power are applied unilaterally, so the burden of success (or failure) lies primarily on ourselves."
This allusion to using military force directly has been handled as a form of intimidation until now. Irregular actions of destabilization have not worn away popular support for the government of Nicolás Maduro. On Thursday, Donald Trump's delegate for Venezuela, Elliott Abrams said: "It would be premature for the Venezuelan opposition to request an intervention because we are not considering it in Europe, Latin America and the United States."
It is not that every point of conflict is only addressed by Americans, but that increasingly, Washington's alliances with other political actors of the world are made in terms of subordination and orders are dictated without prior consensus. When they fail in operations, they spoil the image of unipolar power that they project in the conquered countries, culturally endangering blind loyalties.
WHY US CAN NOT WIN WARS WITH MILITARY MEANS A look at the results of the last US military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, with heavy military costs involved, confirm the military failure of the Empire in its attempt to maintain the dominance of vital commercial spaces and its privileged position, at a time when the center of power is moving towards Russia and China. According to the American author, Stephen B. Young, the failures of the United States in war campaigns are due to the fact that it uses only the extremes of hard 3
But the lack of global consensus or the obvious diplomatic backing of the governments of China and Russia to Venezuela are not the only factors that retract the White House. In a note published by The Guardian in January 2019, previous military interventions opened in Latin American countries were taken into account. The most immediate references are the interventions to Granada and Panama in 1983 and 1989, respectively, and then to Haiti in 1994.
The member countries of NATO in most cases have complied with US orders to attack countries in Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe, but on recent occasions, as in the approach to the siege of Iran, they have decided on diplomatic solutions . In such circumstances, to imitate this model in the Latin American region, taking advantage of the public support of far-right factions that have installed themselves in previously progressive governments, is a reckless movement.
In all cases, the United States embarked with a high probability of success, since it is a small country with much less relevant military training. Before these references, the portal states that "Venezuela is not Granada or Panama, the two Latin American countries invaded by the United States during the last days of the Cold War", adding the clear differences with the Venezuelan military composition.
EUROASTATIC POSITION BEFORE THE DECLINE OF THE WESTERN THREAT Once the neoconservatives resumed the main positions of power within the Trump administration, the lines drawn on the map of strategic objectives for the nation were rooted in a simultaneous escalation of conflicts.
By reviewing only the statistical aspects, the country currently has greater military proximity to the Arab region than to Central American and Caribbean countries, being even located in the global ranking of the Global Firepower website above Syria and Iraq, which defeated on the ground the mercenary groups of the Islamic State financed by the United States, besides forcing the withdrawal of their military forces installed there.
The official communiques of taking violent roads in the China Sea, North Korea, Iran, Crimea and now Venezuela, have alternated in retaliation to the steps coordinated by Moscow and Beijing to build new ways of interacting commercially with other regions. Both Russia and China defend themselves against the multidimensional siege of the United States by using a strengthened national identity and respecting the one they build with other nations under their own codes, offering military and commercial relations under diplomatic agreements based on mutual approval. An abysmal difference that only aggravates the US liberal hegemony.
More worrisome is that Colombia is located several posts below, as it is the only border candidate who has lent its territory and its soldiers in special operations to train and monitor the terrorist cells that enter the country unlike Brazil, a country with greater proportions of war that since Bolsonaro's rise reinforces relations with the United States, but that in his military bosom insistently reject a military intervention.
INTERVENTION IN VENEZUELA: VARIABLES AGAINST, NEGATIVE FACTORS AND COSTS Faced with this unfavorable geopolitical scenario for the United States, the military option in Venezuela is presented. The corporate media has contributed a large part of the analyzes that weigh the variables of a war in South American territory. They emphasize the massive rejection that this insinuation generated in international public opinion, even with the propagandized argument that in Venezuela there is a humanitarian crisis comparable to Yemen.
In addition to the technological endowment of military weapons, provided mainly through agreements with Russia, Venezuela has a fabric characterized by a strong civic-military union. The failed attempts to achieve a considerable defection of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) reveal that the United States does not overlook this factor. An article of opinion written by Shannon K. O'Neil published by the financial media Bloomberg, explains that estimating the bulk of Chavism by 20 percent, "it is almost certain that these people would fight against an unconventional campaign", in case of a military intervention. A civilian aggregate, organized into social and political movements, complements the 160,000 active FANB combatants that would require the participation of 150,000 regular US troops.
Neither the most obstinate countries in the change of regime of Chavism, nor the multilateral organisms, have intentions to accompany publicly the affirmation. This is how Elliot Abrams, Washington's special envoy for Venezuela, had to calibrate the war discourse, denying the development of this scenario as immediate next action.
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Precisely the management of all these variables, motivates that parallel to the pro-war discourse of the United States, Canada emerges to lead diplomatic actions that support the fictitious government of Guaidó in the region, compensating for the lack of push left by the push to open confrontation.
The practices of multinational operations that have been developed in the Latin American region are not guarantee of advantages either. In recent years, the Southern Command of the United States has increased military exercises around Venezuela. This is the case of the "Vientos Alisios" (with the participation of Caribbean countries) and the "Operation America Unida" (in the triple border of Brazil, Colombia and Peru) both developed in 2017 under the assumption of handling disaster situations.
The ineffectiveness of soft coup methods (entrusted to local antichavism figures) to connect with Venezuelan society in the destabilization raids of 2014 and 2017, was derived from the anarchy and ungovernability that prevailed in the areas where the government was in disadvantage. The experience of those moments of extreme violence, moved undecided sectors towards the proposals of return to the Peace that the Venezuelan State knew how to place on the table.
Despite this, the countries involved maintain their reluctance to the armed conflict, because they do not feel prepared militarily to face a scenario similar to that of Iraq, recognizing that the campaign would last for years.
That now Juan Guaidó, commercial face of foreign interference, openly exhorts military intervention, makes it difficult for unconventional operations to catalyze the discomfort caused by sabotage to basic services and transform it into violent protests that cover the infiltration of armed groups, emulating the previous color revolutions.
On the other hand, the effects of a massive wave of migration unleashed by the invasion is not indifferent to the political leaders of Washington, being so close to the point of conflict. Taking into account the migration policies that the United States implemented against the Venezuelan economic migrants between 2017 and 2018, denying them political asylum and deporting them in some cases, it is unlikely that in a hypothetical case of exodus they will be willing to provide logistical support to refugees from war.
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Other contradictions come to the surface. The Guardian warns that "If Syria is a point of reference, then supporting one million refugees will cost between 3,000 and 5,000 million dollars a year." Up to now, less than 70 million dollars have been disbursed to finance humanitarian aid.
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MINIMUM ANTHOLOGY TO DEMONIZATION AND ATTACKS AGAINST CHAVISM
CURRENT CASES OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND ACTIONS OF THE GENERAL PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE
Since the activation in January of the coup assisted by the United States, new denunciations have been emerging about incitements to lynchings against the Venezuelan population identified with Chavismo.
The journalist of the Radio del Sur, Vanessa Gutiérrez, denounced the physical injuries suffered by her father on March 14 due to an attack she received from her neighbors for publicly showing her sympathy with Chavez.
This was stated by the Attorney General of the Republic, Tarek William Saab, at a press conference when he received a commission composed of victims of hate crimes and constitutionalists of the National Constituent Assembly (ANC). Saab received in his office the first vice president of the ANC, Tania Diaz, and a commission of relatives of victims of hate who exhorted the Public Ministry (MP) to enforce the Law Against Hate, for Peaceful Coexistence and Tolerance in November of 2017.
The assailant of Luis Manuel Gutiérrez Moreno, who was initially released by a court, is being prosecuted for crimes of hate crimes, as announced by Saab. Another similar case attended by the MP was that of arson in the residence of the mayor of the municipality of San Judas Tadeo in Táchira state, Betzabeth Gandica.
The attorney general said he has seen with concern the progressive escalation of these crimes after the Anti-Hate Law was passed, in response to the persecutions, assaults and murders that occurred during the revolution of colors promoted by Washington and the local anti-Chavism of April to July of that same year.
The incident occurred on the night of March 9 and was reported by the protector of Táchira, Freddy Bernal. A group of violent protesters who after taking the Plaza Bolivar in the area moved to the residence of Gandica, beat their mother and proceeded to set her house on 6
In the same way on March 15 from the state of Yaracuy, the journalist denounced other situations that could be classified as hate crimes, where Chavismo militants were subjected to extremist messages. There opposition factors besieged the homes of local political leaders, recording images that pretended to create fear among themselves and their families.
IMMEDIATE BACKGROUND: THE HATE RESOURCE TO BURN CHAVISTAS Just a few months separate the Venezuelans from the hundred victims who left the operation with a soft stroke in 2017. fire, endangering her life and that of seven children. Those involved in this act of public intimidation were later arrested by the Corps of Scientific, Criminal and Criminal Investigation (CICPC).
At least 30 people were killed by violent groups that received the approval of the opposition leadership and fanatical followers. The degree of aberration in the acts committed included the burning of people, the lynching and the stoning of incinerated corpses.
In addition to these direct violations, the MP is investigating in coordination with the Bolivarian Intelligence Service (Sebin) the instigation of hatred that has been unleashed on social networks.
Precisely, this radicalization crossed the line with the murder of Orlando Figuera, stabbed, burned and beaten by members of "La Resistencia" in the city of Caracas, after being identified with Chavismo solely because of his skin color. His death was followed by the testimony of 20 other burned people who survived the attacks of these death squads.
For its part, Tania Diaz advanced evidence of violent behavior of individuals with thousands of followers on the social network Twitter, who currently use their profiles to instigate other Venezuelans to commit hate crimes, as they did in 2017, year in which It produced the creation of irregular groups that committed lynchings in the public light against dozens of people.
Another murder that tried to be hidden by the national and international media was that of Héctor Anuel, a Venezuelan motorized man who, at the time of his lynching, was trying to cross an opposition barricade located in the city of Lecherías (Anzoátegui state). As with Orlando Figuera, the opposition groups burned alive Anuel and recorded the subsequent stoning of his remains to spread on the networks as a warning.
Another case to be highlighted is that of journalist Madeleine García, a reporter for the Telesur network, who denounced threats against her life made by users of the social network Twitter, who revealed private information, such as the address of her residence, among other details.
Other cases of political assassinations, such as the lynching of the Bolivarian National Guard, Danny Subero, (killed in Lara state when he went through the burial of a victim of street violence) and the death of the nurse, Almelina Carrillo, (impacted by a bottle of frozen water thrown from a building in Caracas) were those that gave impetus to the creation of the Law Against Hate, typifying this type of aggressions as crimes incited by political intolerance.
The attacks on Garcia intensified after their coverage of the events that occurred on the Simón Bolívar bridge on the Venezuelan-Colombian border in late February, when the opposition authority, which was being promoted from abroad, used the already famous pretext of "humanitarian aid" to enter with irregular groups to the country and install an agenda of chaos sufficiently denounced by the national government.
Tarek William Saab, alluded to these crimes, noting that in some cases, investigations have been carried out identifying those responsible for leading the violent mobs to be prosecuted. He reported that one of those who acted in the murder of Figuera is fugitive in Colombia.
Madalein García was responsible for capturing the first images of dismantling against the operation of false flag that tried to install on the border bridge violent opposition groups, who ended up burning the cargo trucks with supposed humanitarian aid, a fact that was later confirmed by the newspaper American The New York Times. 7
Twenty-two months after the most violent period in contemporary Venezuelan history, the legal instrument for coexistence and tolerance is activated to eradicate a new escalation in time.
EXTREMIST VIOLENCE IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE GOLPIST PLAN IN PROGRESS The growing threats of death by mobile of hate that are now being denounced, are framed in the events triggered by the coup led by the White House as of January 23 of this year. The false figures of deaths due to lack of electrical power in hospitals due to electrical sabotage, are added to the economic circumstances that Venezuelan society is going through, product of the blockade led by the US Department of the Treasury, where the consequences are redirected to the Venezuelan government. That is why it makes sense that the reactivation of hate propaganda coincides with the creation of paramilitary cells recruited and trained abroad to enter and commit selective assassinations.
These effects, for the opposition, represent an incentive to extremist acts of sabotage and disturbance of public order that directly affect the physical integrity of Chavez or those who disassociate from violence.
These operations stimulate, at narrartivo level, the reserve of fans of the Venezuelan opposition, especially via social networks and the Internet, which seek to normalize in the rest of the population a feeling of hatred against Chavez.
It is not the first time that opposition leaders legitimize extremist positions, nor is it coincidence that they re-emerge at a time when war propaganda is constant and resonant in US foreign policy. We must remember that the National Assembly in contempt fabricated a supposed amnesty law that promises impunity to anyone who submits to the plan of destabilization in the country, redressing the faults of crimes not yet committed.
RECYCLING OF COLLECTIVES AS PROPAGANDA OF FEAR On April 1, John Bolton addressed the Minister of Defense, Vladimir Padrino López, to accuse the collectives of firing and suppressing the protests of the opposition sector. 8
Media reports such as CNN, justify these accusations, disseminating images where motorized groups prevent people from obstructing traďŹƒc routes by setting up violent barricades.
The impulse helped the National Assembly, in contempt, to bring the term "state terrorism" to these actions and that of "paramilitaries" to the organized Chavez forces, legitimizing the international demonization of the collectives.
Just the weekend prior to the mention of the groups by Bolton, violent opposition groups tried to impede the water supply in the capital city, which due to the continuous blackouts has presented diďŹƒculties to reactivate the supply. The Bolivarian National Guard, coordinated with community leaders from each sector, was responsible for charting routes to supply the population and, as a whole, protect these sabotage initiatives.
This also corresponds to the preparations of the "Operation Freedom", announced for April 6 and where the central aspect is "the mobilization of the whole country to exert the necessary pressure so that the usurpation ceases".
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Bolton's tweet mobilized the transnational media discourse, as on previous occasions, to take it to a deformed concept of the political movements of Chavez that operate in the country, who work together with organized communities in search of solving the problems arising from the attack to the national electricity system, especially the distribution of drinking water in urban areas.
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ALMOST ONE HUNDRED DAYS OF GUAIDÓ IS FAILING THE US STRATEGY immunity has been violated by the Assembly. National Constituent Assembly, plenipotentiary body of the country, upon request of the Supreme Court of Justice.
The scheme of extreme pressure on the Venezuelan military institutions to yield to the White House's dictates and strike against President Nicolás Maduro, seems to run out without having the expected results.
THE PROBABLE RISK OF ORIGIN OF THE STRATEGY AGAINST VENEZUELA
At the same time, such sedimentation would be replicated at the regional political level, through the wearing down of all the narratives against the Venezuelan government, without concrete results in sight.
The Washington Post recently analyzed the case, noting that Caracas has read the geopolitical context and the possibilities of intervention through open modalities. According to the newspaper, the Venezuelan government's board of directors understood that Washington was making "Bluffing" because of the threat of open war and that is what the Venezuelan military commanders have understood.
Caracas does not stop staggering. And this is a condition that surpasses many initial estimates at the Washington tables, since the integrity of the political and institutional fabric has been maintained. There have been no mass defections or significant riots in the sphere of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB).
"To date, the campaign has practically had no effect on its intended objective, there have been no significant defections of the Venezuelan generals, and there are no signs of any movement against Maduro," they say.
At the same time, analyzes from various directions suggest that the possibilities of an open war against Venezuela are increasingly uphill.
The indications of these possibilities lie in the extensive knowledge that Chavism has had on its local adversary. Indeed, after the self-regulation of Juan Guaidó and the lobbying of the US government to force the international "recognition" that he had, the full commitment within the borders of Venezuela was sustained in the rupture of the military commands to propitiate a "coup from within "against Maduro, as an entry point to other destitute operations courtesy of Washington.
These events could account for a failure in reading from Washington and the consequent flawed development of its strategy against Venezuela. Almost a hundred days after the "rise" of Juan Guaidó in Venezuelan politics, he is not the "interim president" of Venezuela, on the contrary, he has been disqualified from holding public office for 15 years and his parliamentary 10
"leader" in the national leadership, passing one side of the other opposition parties and in a maximum attempt to capitalize the first place in Venezuelan politics.
The Chavism closely followed all the acts of sedition intention in the BANB and through that mechanism they scrutinized in depth that a large part of the paraphernalia was an empty shell. For many of the essential arrests had been dismantled in the dismantling of the "Blue Strike" and the "Operation Constitution" in 2014 and 2018, respectively.
That is to say, the anxieties and the fatal errors of calculation, come from Leopoldo López to Juan Guaidó as a denominator factor of Popular Will, that sheltered in solid external lobbies courtesy of the State Department, they have known how to instrumentalize their protagonism, but they have not inferred the evolution of the internal political structure of Venezuela.
For that reason the narrative emanating from the White House, which insistently requested the Venezuelan military to act, had no basis. As did the so-called "Amnesty Decree" with which Guaidó "would forgive" the Venezuelan military who revolted. They were evidence that the operational deployment of the coup in Venezuela was sustained on the aspiration of the coup "from within", although there were not full conditions for it.
THE INTERNATIONAL SCOPE The breakdown of US foreign policy schemes on several simultaneous fronts is also noticeable. In context, Europe creates a bypass to circumvent sanctions
against Iran. The summit with North Korea fails miserably and Washington deals with this balance. The US protectionist policies increased tensions with China and the Asian giant accelerated its repositioning after the departure of the United States from the TransPacific Treaty. The White House fails to make it credible that its foray into Syria has been "successful" and that its withdrawal is "dignified".
On that bet the scaffolding of enormous political and diplomatic pressures was constructed, as well as the deepening of the economic siege against Venezuela that together meant movements of extreme pressure that would produce the break. The threat of open war, would be in this plot an indispensable accessory, but ultimately accessory. The possibility that some of these pressures were guided by information and promises from the local opposition gendarmerie, specifically from the Voluntad Popular party, are quite possible, since the party of Leopoldo López was the architect of the violence of the years 2014 and 2017 in Venezuela based on unbridled and triumphalist actions.
These elements must be added to the context of US domestic policy, which leaves clear evidence that the current administration has a rather limited framework for maneuver because of the enormous cost to handle in the face of internal pressures.
As Washington favorites, they have now made maximum use of the circumstantial presidency of that organization of the Venezuelan parliament to erect its
Trump has had to divert funds from the Pentagon to build his wall on the southern border and at the same time boasts of his money attacking the liberal elite of his country, in a gross episode of the internal conflict that divides the instances of power in a United. 11
In other words, there are serious conditions on US policy that have confined their handling of the Venezuelan case to step on the accelerator in various areas, but to contain themselves on pressing the button of open warfare.
The signs that are appreciable from the Latin American and Caribbean region are attrition in the face of the immobility of the Venezuelan government and at this point the unsustainability of the arguments is evident, which have been in force for years, without the proclaimed "outbreak and blow to Maduro "happen. However, these events do not infer the disappearance of the possibilities of a mercenary war in Venezuela. Chancellor Jorge Arreaza and President Maduro himself have emphasized that in Colombia there is a deployment of paramilitary elements that would spearhead a mercenary road map against Venezuelan institutions, as a point of maximum pressure on the military entities and as a point of game of extension of the conflict.
The head of the Southern Command of the United States, Admiral Craig Faller, recently told Reuters the rejection of leaders of the region to the development of a war in Venezuela. "We've been talking to our partners and nobody thinks a military option is a good idea," Faller said. Faller's statements are a portrait of regional contradictions. The incarnated agenda of delegitimization of the Venezuelan government that was focused in previous months, is showing signs of decaying to the almost one hundred days of the "rise" of Juan Guaidó. The visceral statements of Iván Duque, Mauricio Macri and Jair Bolsonaro as regional referents, have been declining in unison and according to the fact that the German government decided not to recognize the "ambassador" of Juan Guaidó.
Since March 7, and during the last weeks, Venezuela has been subject to situations of large-scale sabotage to its electrical system, acts that would be developed with the intention of generating national commotion and internal chaos. As well as to hit the vital systems of the country and accelerate conditions of an induced collapse that generates opportunities to unleash an internal conflict. What seems to be the immediate bet of Washington, before the ruling of the "Guaidó plan". www.misionverdad.com
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THE BEST OF THE WORST
When you fight against the worst, you acquire the obligation to be the best. At least that has the worst. Our extreme right takes great care in perverted rotations: blocking our finances for medicines and food and blaming the government that there is no food or medicine to promote humanitarian aid as a neat facade of an invasion that would only create a proven humanitarian crisis as it is already in the Middle East. In this depressing scheme are grafted unlimited equally depraved initiatives: guarimbas (Venezuelan name for urban terrorism), burning live people for "looking like chavista", false positives, fake news, dark rumors (a meteorite, a UFO ...), a self-proclaimed, cyber attacks, perfidy, treacherous deadlines, electrical and water terrorism, assault of diplomatic headquarters, sadistic prices for induced hyperinflation, destruction of currency, shortage by hoarding, managerial terrorism, communicational war to cause anguish, fury, confusion and tension, sabotage, bombs in medical depots, extraction contraband, declare unusual and extraordinary threat, escraches, encircle us and asphyxiate us with bases, threats and military maneuvers in neighboring countries, deployment of paramilitaries, vile concerts, assassination, stimulation of betrayals in the name of the "true" legacy of Chávez and as a corollary of this collective torture, deny it and / or bana to do everything. The worst is not what they give to Chavismo, but what they inflict on their own people, whom they maintain in the most exquisite emotional distress, from one horror to another, anguishing them for the disappearance of a helpless journalist who was really out on the street and wanted to a visa in the Empire. Torture and mockery And, in the process, make a fool of her compulsed husband, whose compunction is now another ... I leave the gossip for modesty up there, but the imagination is free. They look for the civil war with the consequent Libyan or Yemeni devastation, their favorite dystopias, that is, the territory that Mad Max hangs up, if we fall, I say, it is a saying, if we fall into the hands of Abrams, Bolton, Pence, Pompeo, Rubio , Trump. Do you like these people? Tranqui that worse are those who really send in the deep state, mumbling #vamosporti.
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THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE IS THE GREATEST OF ALL POWERS, AFTER THE POWER OF GOD -HUGO CHÁVEZ-
EDITORIAL TEAM: Jose Avila, Keyla Castillo, Milka Aweyo, Fredrick Kasuku, CONTACT: UN Crescent, Opposite Diplomatic Police Gigiri, Nairobi Kenya, P. O. Box 2437- 00621, Tel: (+254 - 20) 712 06 . 48 / 712 06 . 49
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