The practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels

The practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels Master Thesis Viona Rijsbosch

The practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels MA in European Urban Cultures (POLIS) 2012-2013 Supervisors: Prof. Dr. Hans Mommaas & Nienke van Boom Second readers: Prof. Dr. Bas van Heur & Prof. Dr. Eric Corijn Master Thesis Viona Rijsbosch Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Tilburg University, Manchester Metropolitan University, Eesti Kunstiakadeemia

Abstract This thesis focuses on urban cycling. In the recent years there has been an increasing interest in encouraging bicycling. In various cities across the world a bicycle revival is emerging. Cycling plays a growing important role in transportation and urban life. This increasing interest can be traced back to societal trends and is noticeable in the field of policy and research. In the latter field there is a lack of studies that approach cycling comprehensively.

By approaching urban cycling as a social practice and as such take the practice itself as a primary unit of analysis, this thesis aimed to obtain a comprehensive understanding of urban cycling. The practice of urban cycling is conceptualised in elements of material, meaning, competence, place-based culture and place-based policy. Data was collected about two case-studies, Brussels and Tallinn, through observations and interviews with practitioners and experts. The abovementioned elements and concepts formed the basis for the analysis of the practice in both cities. As showed in the case-studies, approaching urban cycling as a social practice proved to be a useful method to comprehensively understand urban cycling.

Preface This research was carried out as part of the MA in European Urban Cultures (POLIS). This one-year master programme is jointly organised by four different European universities: the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Tilburg University, Manchester Metropolitan University and Eesti Kunstiakadeemia.

Writing this thesis was a process with many ups and downs. Fortunately enough, I could count on the support of certain people to whom I would like to express my sincere thanks to. First of all I would like to thank all my interviewees. Their willingness to cooperate was essential to be able to carry out this research. Thank you for your sincerity during the interviews, and for your enthusiasm and your time. I also owe thanks to my supervisors Prof. Dr. Hans Mommaas and Nienke van Boom. Thank you for your support, the constructive feedback and above all your confidence in me. It were my parents who gave me the opportunity to participate in this master programme; I would like to thank them for this chance and for their logistical and emotional support. In addition I would like to thank my mum for critically reviewing my texts. And a kiss for my sis, Laura, for visually enhancing the layout of my thesis with her graphic skills. Furthermore I would like to thank Tine for proofreading my theoretical chapter, and Sasha, who made the photo which I used on the front cover of this thesis.

Last but not least my thanks go to my fellow POLIS students, who made this year an extraordinary experience.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 5 Preface 7

TABLE OF CONTENTS 8

1. INTRODUCTION 10

2. THEORY 12 2.1

The bicycle revival 12

2.1.1 2.1.2

Societal trends 12 Policy and research 12

2.2

Theories of social practices 14

2.2.1 2.2.2

An introduction to social practices theories 14 Applications of theories of practices 16

2.3 The practice of urban cycling 18 2.3.1 Materials 19 2.3.2 Meanings 20 2.3.3 Competences 22

2.4 Conceptual model and research questions 22

3. METHODOLOGY 24 3.1 8

Research design 24

3.2 Case selection 24 3.3 Data collection 24 3.3.1 Research instruments 25 3.3.2 Expert interviews 25 3.3.3 Practitioner interviews 25 3.3.4 Observations 26 3.3.5 Secondary data 26

3.4 Data analysis 26

4.3.2 4.3.3 4.3.4 4.3.5

4.3.6

4.3.7 4.3.8 4.3.10

The bicycle in a car-dominated city A lack of coherent bicycle infrastructure The need for parking spaces Primarily an efficient, cheap and comfortable means of transport The assertive, anticipating, alert and communicative cyclist A versatile experience and exploration of the city Incoherent policy An emerging bicycle culture

46 46 47 47 47 48 48 48

5. CONCLUSION AND 4. RESULTS 28 DISCUSSION 50 4.1 Tallinn 28 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.1.3 4.1.4 4.1.5

The cyclist 28 Materials 28 Meanings 30 Competences 32 Policy and politics 33

4.2 Brussels 36 4.2.1 The cyclist 36 4.2.2 Materials 36 4.2.3 Meanings 39 4.2.4 Competences 41 4.2.5 Policy and politics 42

6. REFERENCES 52

7. APPENDICES 56 Appendix I 56 Appendix II 58 Appendix III 60 Appendix IV 62 Appendix V 64

4.3 Summary and comparison 46 4.3.1

The exceptional cyclist 46 9

1. INTRODUCTION

10

In various cities across the world a bicycle revival is emerging. The bicycle fits

studies that approach cycling comprehensively, so far little of such research

perfectly in the envisioned city of the future: sustainable, safer, healthier, cheap, less environmentally damaging, more socially and on the human scale (Gehl, 2010; Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010; van Duppen & Spiering, 2013). There is a growing movement that wants to encourage urban cycling in order to reach this envisioned city of the future. This is largely related to reducing car traffic in order to achieve the modal shift from the car to the bicycle. Reducing car traffic and stimulating bicycle traffic is seen as an answer to congestion and pollution (Gehl, 2010; Horton, Cox & Rosen, 2007; Pelzer, 2010). Moreover it will affect the liveability of a city. By giving more urban space to the people, and less to the car; people are invited to walk, stay or bike in the city space. As a result the city becomes livelier (Gehl, 2010; Pelzer, 2010). Furthermore, encouraging green mobilities, such as the bicycle, strengthens a vision towards a sustainable city.

Primarily driven by these societal trends, city governments across the world start to realise the importance of encouraging urban cycling, consequently cycling is turning (back) up on policy agendas. In order to accomplish the mission of promoting cycling in the city, policy makers first need to gain an insight into urban cycling in its most comprehensive form.

Additionally this can provide for an insight in the principle motivations of cyclists. To obtain this understanding, they can rely on research. However, little of the existing bicycle research treats cycling comprehensively. The majority of the literature is transport-oriented and focuses on instrumental and rational factors of cycling, such as the bicycle infrastructure (Horton et al., 2007; Pelzer, 2010). Most transport research neglects the importance of cultural or subjective factors. This weakness within cycling research is compensated by the emergent socio-cultural studies. However, the issue

is performed. Because of the abovementioned reasons this research aims to focus on the material dimension as well as on the subjective and urban aspects of cycling. The objective is to obtain a comprehensive understanding of urban cycling.

In order to gain this understanding it is chosen to approach urban cycling as a social practice. This makes it possible to approach cycling as central unit of analysis and to incorporate all its relevant elements and disciplines. Shove, Pantzar and Watson (2012) developed a theory that proved to be useful to understand social practices and their dynamics in a holistic manner. It is chosen to apply their theory to cycling, because it gives the possibility to simultaneously examine the material, subjective and urban aspects of cycling. In their theory these aspects are part of the practice in terms of elements of materials, meanings and competences.

Consequently, the general research question of this thesis is: “How can approaching urban cycling as a social practice provide a comprehensive understanding of urban cycling?”.

To answer this question two cities have been selected as cases.

Urban cycling in these two cities will be analysed by approaching urban cycling as a social practice. Central concepts are the materials, meanings and concepts. In addition to these three elements, two other concepts are introduced: place-based culture and policy. The objective is to discuss these different concepts in order to come to an understanding of the practice of urban cycling in both cities.

This thesis is structured as follows. The second chapter provides a theoretical background on which the research is based; an overview of the existing literature about cycling is presented, followed by an introduction

with the latter research direction is that it barely takes account of the significance of space (Heinen et al., 2010; Van Acker, 2010). Geographers in cycling research are increasingly addressing this research gap by inquiring cyclists’ experience of (urban) space (e.g. Spinney, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010; van Duppen & Spierings, 2013). Whilst several researchers argue for more

of the theories of social practices. Furthermore the application of this theory to urban cycling is discussed and the conceptual framework and additional research questions have been developed. In the methodological chapter the research design is presented, the choices for cases is argued, the process of data collection is explained, and the data analysis process

is described. The next chapter presents the results. First each case is discussed separately, followed by a summary and comparison of both cases. In the final chapter the general research question is answered and recommendations are presented.

11

2. THEORY 2.1

The bicycle revival

In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in encouraging bicycling. In various cities across the world a bicycle revival is emerging.

Cycling plays a growing important role in transportation and urban life (Pelzer, 2010; Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010). This increasing interest can be traced back to certain trends in society and is noticeable in the field of policy and research.

2.1.1

Societal trends

Environmental or sustainability reasons are the main driving forces behind the increasing interest in cycling. The world is becoming more and more polluted and congested. Different governments and institutions argue that in order to decrease the pollution, the amount of people that use cars as transport mode should be reduced. Therefore, using the bike as a means of transport instead of the car is seen as an answer to congestion, pollution and too much automobility (Gehl, 2010; Horton, Cox & Rosen, 2007; Pelzer, 2010).

Reducing car traffic and stimulating bicycle traffic affects the liveability of a city. The excessive amount of cars in cities is seen as a threat for the liveability of cities. Recently more and more people are protesting against the fact that in general too much urban space is given to the car and that there is a lack of space for people or public space in cities. The encouragement of bicycling in urban spaces and cities fits perfectly with the trend for a call for a city for people, on a human scale (Gehl, 2010; Pelzer, 2010). According to Gehl (2010) city planning should be more concerned with the human dimension by visioning lively, safe, sustainable and healthy cities. All four key objectives can be achieved by, among other things, promoting cycling in the city. A city becomes livelier when more people are invited to walk, stay or bike in the city space. More cyclists on the street results in more eyes are along the streets, providing people with a feeling of security and safety (Jacobs, 1961). As mentioned above, a vision towards 12

a sustainable city can be strengthened by encouraging green mobilities, such as cycling. Eventually, a city becomes healthier when more people cycle as part of their daily activities.

The promotion of bicycling is at times performed in relation to improvements in public health. Large segments of the population in many parts of the world have become sedentary; this causes growing public health problems. Cars which provide door-to-door transport support sedentary. If more transport is performed by bicycle, the health of people will improve. In the United States cycling is seen as a solution to obesity (Gehl, 2010; Heinen, van Wee & Maat, 2010; Pelzer, 2010).

The bicycle fits perfectly in the envisioned city of the future: sustainable, safer, healthier, cheap, less environmentally damaging, more socially and on the human scale (Gehl, 2010; Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010; van Duppen & Spiering, 2013).

2.1.2

Policy and research

Cycling turned (back) up on the policy agenda all over the world. Different country – or rather city – governments start to realise the importance of encouraging cycling, mainly because of the above mentioned societal trends. Primarily driven by the revival of political concern, academic researchers have renewed their interest in cycling (Heinen et al., 2010; Pelzer, 2010; Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010; Spinney, 2009). Cycling has been approached broadly in academic research, however for the most part the attention is narrowed down to cycling in an urban context.

An extensive reading and reviewing of the existing literature demonstrates a clear division between two predominant research approaches. The majority of the literature focuses on instrumental and rational factors of cycling and cyclists, such as cycling infrastructure; utility factors; and socio-economic variables. These researchers define cycling merely as a transport practice and in that manner apply a narrow reading of cycling (Horton et al., 2007; Pelzer, 2010; Spinney, 2009). A limited number of researches adopts a more subjective approach, inquiring

the attitudes of cyclists; motivations to cycle; and political and symbolic

the meanings associated with it (Sheller & Urry, 2006). Hence the new

aspects of cycling (Horton et al., 2007; Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010).

Thus there is a paradigm in cycling research between transport-oriented studies which mostly use quantitative research methods on the one hand and socio-cultural studies which predominantly use qualitative methods on the other. Most transport research neglects the importance of cultural or subjective factors. This weakness within cycling research is compensated by the emergent socio-cultural studies. However, the issue with the latter research direction is that it barely takes account of the significance of space (Heinen et al., 2010; Van Acker, 2010). Geographers in cycling research are increasingly addressing this research gap by inquiring cyclists’ experience of (urban) space (e.g. Spinney, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010; van Duppen & Spierings, 2013). Whilst several researchers argue for a more interdisciplinary approach of cycling research, there is still a lack of research that approaches cycling comprehensively.

Mobility researchers recognised a similar paradigm. According to them there is a new paradigm in social sciences: the ‘new mobilities’ paradigm, representing the dichotomy between transport research and social research. Until recently the concept of mobility – or the movement of people – was left underexposed in social sciences (Sheller & Urry, 2006).

The ‘mobility turn’ within social sciences changed this and transcended the abovementioned dichotomy. Transport research mostly focuses merely on the aspect of physical movement of getting from one place to the other and on the frequency and speed of this movement. These kind of studies dismiss the two other aspects of mobility: the representations and meanings of mobility at individual and societal level and the embodiment and experience of the practice of the movement (Cresswell, 2010). The

mobilities paradigm shows that there is a changed perspective on mobility; it is recognised that mobility has to be examined from an interdisciplinary perspective. These insights are relevant for cycling research, because cycling is also a certain kind of mobility. Furthermore, within cycling research the need for an interdisciplinary approach recently emerged as well. However, this thesis research aims to approach cycling from a broad perspective and not solely as a movement practice. The ‘mobility turn’ is taken into account because it shows that on different levels of research related to do cycling the awareness of the need for an interdisciplinary research direction is rising.

In spite of the emerging socio-cultural approach within cycling research, still little is known about people’s motivations and reasons to cycle. This is the main weakness within cycling research, because it diminishes its societal relevance, one of the main indicators of scientific research. With regards to cycling the societal relevance is primarily one of political relevance. Different policy makers – and cycling enthusiasts – want to promote and encourage cycling. In order to accomplish this mission, they first need to gain an insight into cycling in its most comprehensive form. To bring about a cycling revolution it is essential to gain an understanding into why people choose to cycle and what cycling means to them. As argued before, different factors can explain motives to and reasons of cycling. A more comprehensive discussion of these factors will follow hereafter.

Given the above, a number of research gaps can be identified. First, despite several attempts, researchers still did not manage to get a grip on the principle drivers of cyclists and their experiences. Second, little is known about the relationship between cycling and the urban environment

entry of mobility within social research made it possible to examine mobility in its fluid interdependence. This places mobility in a new light; it is not simply a movement from A to B without any meaning related to this travelling. Research within the new mobilities paradigm examines the experience and embodied nature of the practice of movement and

and more particularly cyclists’ experiences of urban space. To obtain a comprehensive understanding of cycling in the city, it is important to take in consideration these aspects next to the more material and rational aspects such as infrastructure and utility factors. This is only possible when an interdisciplinary and holistic research is carried out. The findings of 13

such research will be of relevance for bicycle policy makers, because it will

interest in the ‘everyday’ (Reckwitz, 2002a). The theories of social practices

provide them a better and more extensive understanding of cycling. This study aims to address this challenge by investigating cycling in a holistic manner with an emphasis on the urban aspect of it. Consequently the key question that this research aims to answer is: “How can approaching urban cycling as a social practice provide a comprehensive understanding of urban cycling?”. By approaching cycling as a social practice, it becomes possible to investigate cycling as a central unit of analysis, as discussed later on. Cycling is approached centrally in order to make it possible to incorporate all relevant elements and disciplines and additionally to investigate the connections and links between them. Theories of practices are part of social theory. Consequently, social theory is the starting point of this research. More specifically the theory of social practices of Shove, Pantzar and Watson (2012) is used as a framework and heuristic device. The reasons for this choice are explained in the argumentation later on.

emphasise the ordinary, the everyday-life and the routine character of action. Social practices are everyday activities and daily routines that do not involve conscious considering, thinking or reflecting, but are rooted in our practical knowledge. Practices do not lie within the realm of discursive consciousness (Shove et al., 2012; Spaargaren, 2006). Cooking, driving, showering, texting and also bicycling are a few examples of social practices. The main feature of theories of practices is that they take the social practice as the key unit of analysis in research and theories within the social sciences, not the single individual (Spaargaren, 2006). The individual is participant or carrier of the practice and as such is part of it.

The roots of the theories of practices can be traced back to the works of Wittgenstein and Heidegger in the early-twentieth century. The works of these philosophical precursors contained already the key features of theories of practices, such as positioning practice centrally as primary unit of analysis. In the 1970s Bourdieu brought concepts of practices into theories of the social sciences as part of his theories of habitus (Shove et al., 2012). Together with Bourdieu, Giddens is part of the first generation of theories of social practices. With his structuration theory Giddens wanted to go beyond the ‘micro-macro’, ‘subject-object’, ‘actor-structure’ dualisms in the social sciences (Spaargaren, 2006). According to Giddens the basic domain of study of social sciences is not the social totality or the individual actor, but rather the social practices that are ordered across space and time (Giddens as cited in Shove et al., 2012). He turned the ‘actor-structure’ dualism into a duality by introducing concepts of practices, which emphasise the interconnectedness and mutual dependencies of their elements (i.e. actor and structure). Consequently, activities and behaviours are not a

2.2

Theories of social practices

Theories of social practices are known for their holistic feature. Point of departure of this research is the theory and framework as put together by Shove et al. (2012) in the book The Dynamics of Social Practice: Everyday Life and how it Changes. This publication is one of the most recent in the field of social practices.

This section will be developed as follows: first an introduction and concise discussion of different theories of social practices is given; second, their application in research is shown; and finally, their relevance for this research is explained and an argumentation of the choice of Shove et al.

(2012) their approach is presented.

2.2.1

An introduction to social practices theories

In the social sciences a turn to practices took place, driven by the increasing 14

result of human action or individual decision-making only, but are shaped by and related with social structures of rules and meanings. Theories of practices decentre the subject, but retain at the same time a particular kind of subjectivity (Shove et al., 2012; Spaargaren, 2006).

The second generation of theories of social practices – including

Schatzki, Reckwitz and Warde – tried to make sense of the different

Giddens or Schatzki. Introducing the ‘materiality’ of social practices is one

existing theories of practices by listing up common key features and characteristics in order to achieve a synthesis (Shove et al., 2012; Warde, 2005). According to Schatzki, practices in their simplest form are organised activities of human agents (Spaargaren, 2006). A more extensive definition defines a practice as “a temporally unfolding and spatially dispersed nexus of doings and sayings” (Schatzki, 1996, p. 89). This implies that practices exist of practical activities (doings) and its representations (sayings), which are linked in certain ways. Schatzki defines this notion of practice as a practice as entity. Next to this notion, he defined another one; practice as performance (Warde, 2005). The second notion is about performing the doings and sayings or carrying out the practice, which ensures the reproduction of the nexus or linkages (Schatzki, 1996; Warde, 2005). This fits with what Reckwitz (2002a, p. 250) states: “a practice represents a pattern which can be filled out by a multitude of single and often unique actions reproducing the practice”. Thus the enactment or performance of practices is required to assure their existence. Hence human agents, actors or practitioners are part of practices. Without activities of a human agent, there is no practice. Reckwitz developed an ideal type of practice theory, based upon elements of works of different authors engaged in social practices. He defined a practice as a routinized type of behaviour, which consists of several elements, interconnected to one other: forms of bodily activities, forms of mental activities, ‘things’ and their use, a background knowledge in the form of understanding, know-how, states of emotion and motivational knowledge. (Reckwitz, 2002a, p. 249)

of the significant contributions that Reckwitz made (Spaargaren, 2006). He classified practice theory as one type of cultural theories. He distinguishes between four types of cultural theories, with the distinction based upon where they locate the social. According to him, theories of practice situate the social in the practice. Consequently, ‘social practices’ is a tautology, as a practice is by definition social (Reckwitz, 2002a). He introduced the constitutive role of ‘things’ for practices by instrumentalising ideas of Latour’s actor network theory and by situating them in social practice theories (Reckwitz, 2002b; Spaargaren, 2006). In general, cultural theories have a problem to place the material in relation to the symbolic. Reckwitz’s practice theory offers a solution to this problem. Within his practice theory (as a cultural theory) the materiality is – in contrast to culturalism – not understood as objects of knowledge, but the materiality are ‘objects’, ‘things’ or ‘artefacts’ (Latour as cited in Reckwitz, 2002b). These ‘artefacts’ are necessary components of social practices, just as human beings are.

‘Things’ are interpreted, applied used and handled by human agents (Reckwitz, 2002b). Hence the role of things within social practices is equally important as minds or bodies performing. Carrying out a practice implies that you use certain things in a particular way. For example, to be able to carry out the practice of bicycling you need resources such as a bicycle and a street to cycle on. Without objects, things or artefacts there is no social practice. Reckwitz sees, just as Schatzki, the human agent as the carrier of the practice. According to his definition understandings, knowledge, emotions and meanings are part of the practice. These attributes are conventionally characterised as being personal and part of the individual.

However, in Reckwitz’s approach it are elements of a practice in which the

Accordingly, a practice only exists when there is an interconnection of elements. Within this definition, a new constitutive element of practices is introduced, ‘things’. The role of objects, things and technology in the context of social practices is not discussed within theories of Bourdieu,

individual participates (Reckwitz, 2002a; Shove et al., 2012).

Shove et al. (2012) their theory of social practice is one of the most recent ones. They adopted certain elements of above-mentioned theories.

These are: practices are composed of elements; people are the carriers of practice; and the distinction between practice-as-performance and 15

practice-as-entity. A key feature in their approach is that they emphasise

the theories of practice easier to grasp and less abstract. Besides that

“the constitutive role of things and materials in everyday life” (Shove et al., 2012, p. 9). They use the theory of practices to get an understanding of social change and stability within society. According to them, theories of practice have a potential to understand novelty and persistence. By integrating concepts from innovation studies with theories of practices they conceptualised the dynamic aspects of social practice. Since their focus is on change within practices, they are interested in both the trajectories of practices-as-entity as the performances of which these are formed. To recognise the recursive relation between both, Shove et al. (2012) state that practices are made of different elements and have certain dynamics.

These elements can be subdivided in three categories: materials, meanings and competences. Materials include technologies, things, tangible physical entities and ‘the stuff of which objects are made’ (Shove et al., 2012, p.

14). Skills, technique and know-how are types of competences. Meanings encompass symbolic meanings, aspirations and ideas. When carrying out a practice – like cooking, walking or cycling – the people (practitioners) engaged in the practice actively combine the elements of which the practice is made. The moments of doing, when connections between elements are made, are moments where the elements can be reconfigured and as such sometimes significantly change the practice as a whole. The making, sustaining or breaking of connections between the elements determine the emergence, persistence and disappearance of practices (Shove et al., 2012).

Several researchers already indicated the relevance of theories of

it makes it easier to understand why a practice theory can be a useful analytical tool within cycling research.

Spaargaren (2006) argues that within innovation studies (which are linked with consumption) there is on the one hand a market and technology driven research perspective and on the other hand an everyday life and meaning oriented perspective. If translated to Giddens’ perspective, this can be equated with the division of structure and actor, or structurecentred research and actor-centred research. A synthesis between both is to be found on the consumption junction. This is a concept “used to refer to the sites of all those situated social practices that together make up the social lives of citizen consumers” (Spaargaren, 2006, p. 7). Examples of this kind of places are shopping centres, airports, restaurants, travel agencies and so on. Spaargaren (2006) as well as Warde (2005) argue that the majority of innovation studies operate with individualist accounts of the consumer, an approach that gives a partial understanding of consumption.

Theories of practices are useful analytical tools that provide new insights into the organisation of consumption. According to Spaargaren (2006), using a social practices approach within innovation studies gives a more comprehensive understanding of consumption, as innovation is researched in context and in direct relation with everyday consumption practices.

Verbeek and Mommaas (2008) apply Spaargaren’s (2006) insights to explain transitions in sustainable tourism mobility. Within tourism research two separate bodies of research are predominant, comparable with the distinction that Spaargaren (2006) made. An organisationaltechnological side of tourism mobility research exists next to a travellers’ attitudes and behaviours side. The existing research represents a

practice within studies of innovation and consumption. The theories are often used as a fruitful instrument to make a synthesis between the two predominant research perspectives in consumption sociology. In what follows, a discussion of the implementation of theories of practice within consumption research will be provided. This is relevant because it makes

structure-actor dualism. The structure-centred research leaves actorspecific aspects underexposed, while actor-centred research does not expose structure-specific aspects. To get a broad understanding of the transitions to sustainable tourism mobility both structural-technological factors as tourists’ behaviour and attitudes are of importance. A third

2.2.2

16

Applications of theories of practices

research direction, the modal shift analyses, explains the use of transport

within their work. According to them, theories of practice have a great

modes in travelling behaviour. This type of research goes beyond the actorstructure dualism, but is still not satisfying as analysis stays on a generalised level. Consequently, contextual differences are left underexposed and no attention is paid to the specificity of holiday practices. The specific contextual factors and the holiday practice specificity are important when analysing fits and misfits in transitions to sustainable tourism mobility.

The choice of type of holiday, destination and transport are part of the complete holiday package. To inquiry the role of tourists in a transition to sustainable tourism mobility the point of departure of research should be “the holiday practice where individual and structural characteristics come together in context-specific ways” (Verbeek & Mommaas, 2008, pp. 633634). Within the research of Verbeek and Mommaas (2008) the social practices approach as developed by Spaargaren (2006) is introduced as a conceptual tool to go beyond the actor-centred and structure-centred research in a context-specific way, by taking the holiday practice as unit of analysis.

Why are concepts of innovation and consumption relevant for this research about cycling? At first sight it might sound odd, but the practice of cycling is related to practices of consumption. Consumption is a versatile concept and is not only related to shopping or buying. Consumption is an everyday practice, not a once-only acquisition (Shove & Warde, 2002). It is not only about spending money, but also about spending time. A cyclist consumes or spends his or her time on a bicycle. Besides that, consumption is not a practice in itself, but it is a moment in almost every practice (Warde, 2005). The origin of a practice of cycling is first of all linked to the purchase of a bicycle. Later on, other practices of consumption may take place, like

potential to understand social change, novelty and persistence. Policy makers want to encourage and promote cycling. As argued above, in order to do so they first need to gain a comprehensive insight of cycling in its whole. Their aim is to understand how cycling changes (in their case change is about the increase or decrease of amount of cyclists) and how they can encourage these changes and realise an increase of cyclists. Shove et al.

(2012) argue that before being able to understand or realise change within a practice, you first need to fully understand the practice, its elements and its dynamics.

Verbeek and Mommaas (2008), Warde (2005) and Spaargaren (2006) are a few of the many researchers that wrote about theories of practice in relation to innovation and consumption studies. Their common ground is that they make, based upon Giddens’ structuration theory, a distinction between actor-centred and structure-centred research directions. A similar conclusion can be drawn within cycling research.

Earlier a distinction was made between two predominant research directions in cycling research: socio-cultural studies and transportation studies. In fact this division can be equated with the actor-structure dualism. Structure-centred cycling research treats topics like technology, infrastructure, rules and efficiency of cycling, while actor-centred cycling research inquiries attitudes, behaviours and experiences of cyclists. The goal of this research is – just as in the discussed consumption studies – to go beyond this dualism. At first sight, the social practices approach as used

by Spaargaren (2006) and Verbeek and Mommaas (2008) seems a useful tool to apply to cycling research. By taking the practice of cycling as primary unit of analysis, structural and individual characteristics come together.

paying for maintenance or services related to cycling. Therefore concepts used in research about practices of consumption may also be relevant for research about practices of cycling. Theories of practices proved to be a useful heuristic device to understand innovation and change. Shove et al.

(2012) paid particular attention towards the dynamics of social practice

However, the problem with this approach is that, although that it is a tool to understand both the actor and the structure of a certain phenomena, it still places actor and structure opposed to each other. In this case not as a dualism, but as a duality in a Giddenian way. For this research that is problematic.

17

A starting point of this research is that the urban aspect needs

by the practice as well as it shapes the practice. Therefore it would be

to be taken into consideration. The significance of the urban space or the city within the experiences of the cyclist or rather within the practice of cycling in its whole is one of the research focuses. But where can the city as element be placed? Is it actor or is it structure? At first sight, urban space is seen as a ‘structure’. Space is then restricted to physical space, comprehending elements such as infrastructure and landscape. This is a one-dimensional perspective of urban space, which suggests that a city is a compilation of unalterable infrastructure, a collection of bricks and stones.

However, several theorists (see Cresswell, 2004; Massey, 2005; Lefebvre, 1991; Soja, 1989) approach the notion of space – and urban space – more comprehensively. According to Lefebvre (1991) space is socially constructed and simultaneously material and representational. The material version of space in context of urban space is the one described earlier, in Lefebvre’s (1991) terms this is physical (or perceived) space. Next to that, space exists also out of mental (or conceived) and social (or lived) space. Mental space is the representations of space and the discourses on it. Lived space is “directly lived through its associated images and symbols” (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 39), it is the space that is experienced and where meanings reside.

People assign specific meanings into space and in this way urban space becomes meaningful. These meanings are not static; they differ for every person (Lefebvre, 1991; Soja, 1989). Hence urban space or the city must be understood both as a physical space as a lived space with a set of meanings and socio-cultural values. Thus both actor and structure determine the city. Following this argumentation, the city can neither be determined as structure, nor as actor. Instead of that, the city will be approached as ‘context’.

more interesting to go beyond actor-structure reasoning and instead focus on how the practice looks like in a context-specific way. The conceptual framework of Shove et al. (2012) seems most suitable to approach this line of thought. Just as the other researchers they take the practice as primary unit of analysis. However, instead of operationalising the practice in actor versus structure, they make an operationalisation in materials, meanings and competences.

A more elaborate discussion of how the approach of Shove et al.

(2012) is applied and used within this research will be presented in the next sections.

Following Verbeek and Mommaas (2008) their research, this makes ‘the city’ or ‘the urban’ the context-specific aspect of research.

The problem with arguing this is that it places the context outside of the practice, while it is in the case of this research approach definitely part of the practice. The city is part of the practice and consequently is shaped 18

2.3 The practice of urban cycling This study uses Shove et al. (2012) their conceptualisation of practice theory as a heuristic device to understand the practice of urban cycling.

Their approach is relevant because it makes it possible to study the practice in its whole, in an interdisciplinary manner with all elements included.

Besides that it offers the opportunity to study the relation between cycling and the city, by incorporating the city as part of the practice. Shove et al.

(2012) argue that the city on one respect is physical space and a materiality that contributes to defining the practice. But as argued before, the urban space is more than a compilation of bricks. The city is also a compilation of individuals with certain behaviours and meanings. Hence, the city is determined by ‘physical space’ as well as ‘social space’ and ‘lived space’.

Moreover, the urban space is a compilation of practices (with materials, meanings and competences) that influence and determine the city. The practice of cycling, as being one of these practices, influences and shapes the city with its materials, meanings and competences; and the other way around the city influences the practice as well (Lefebvre, 1991).

Shove et al. (2012) developed their theory in order to explain

stability and change in society. As discussed earlier, they argue that before

elements and to demonstrate their degree of importance related to the

being able to understand or realise change within a practice, you first need to fully understand the practice, its elements and its dynamics. Shove et al.

(2012) argue that their analysis of the dynamics of social practices can be of practical use in sustainable policy making and intervention. Policy makers that want to promote behaviour change in relation to climate change and health view behaviour as a matter of individual choice, sometimes driven by factors such as social norms, habit or price. According to Shove et al.

(2012) “policy makers need to intervene in the dynamics of social practice if they are to have any chance of promoting healthier, more sustainable ways of life” (p. 19). This line of thought can also be applied to cycling and policy.

Promoting cycling is part of promoting sustainable ways of life. Moreover, policy makers increasingly want to promote and encourage cycling. If they would use a practice-oriented approach to policy, the results will probably be more positive and fruitful. By taking the practice of cycling as primary unit of analysis and studying it by using Shove et al. (2012) their theory, a first step towards a practice-oriented approach of bicycle policy is made.

In their book, Shove et al. (2012) made an elaborative analysis of the dynamics of social practice. In this thesis their basic principles are adopted: practices are made of materials, meanings and competences; practices emerge, persist, shift and disappear when connections between these elements are made, sustained or broken; and the nature of the elements and linkages between them define the practice. Their framework is used as a tool to understand the practice and the relations between the individual (carrier, practitioner) and the environment (city, context) in the practice.

Before starting the empirical analysis, the three key elements of

participation towards the practice.

the conceptual framework in relation with the practice of urban cycling are discussed. All the elements are part of the practice, however some elements are more connected to the context or city; others are more linked with the practitioner. Results from several researches that deal with certain aspects of the elements are used to get an understanding of the

climate affect bicycle use largely (Heinen et al., 2010). The urban form – the built environment – is easier to influence than the natural elements of the environment. Cities are the most attractive environments to cycle in because of the dense layout structure with proximity of destinations and a mixture of functions (Heinen et al., 2010). Van Acker (2010) conducted

2.3.1 Materials Objects, technologies, things, infrastructure, tools, tangible physical entities, hardware and the body itself are material elements of a practice (Shove et al., 2012)

The body of the practitioner is a necessary element of the practice. To be able to cycle you need a fit body. The bicycle is the second most important object of the practice. If a practitioner wants to carry out the practice of cycling, he or she first of all needs to have a bicycle.

Consequently, the first step towards participating in the practice is the acquisition of a bike. The availability of bicycle shops influences the practice; if it is difficult to acquire a bike it can be expected that less people cycle. Next to shops, also repair shops are necessary for the persistence of the practice. Furthermore the type of bicycle shapes the practice, a number of choices exist: mountain bikes; city bikes, fixed-gear bikes; racing bikes; Brompton bikes; and so on. Facilities such as bicycle racks, sheds and parking spaces in houses, at workplaces or in public spaces are additional requisite elements of the practice (Heinen et al., 2010). Several researches show that fear of bicycle theft is one of the main reasons why people do not cycle. Hence, safe parking possibilities will positively influence the practice (van Loon & Broer, 2006).

The physical space of the city is a significant element of the practice.

This space can be subdivided into the natural and the built environment.

Both these environments play a significant role in people’s decision to use the bicycle as a transport mode. Factors such as the landscape, season and

19

a study about the relation between travel mode choice and the built

by outsiders or various groups of actors. Bicycles represent different things,

environment. She argues that the choice to cycle or not cycle is highly influenced by urban features. Cycling is an urban phenomena, and high densities and a mixture of functions encourage cycling.

Bicycle infrastructure is also part of the materiality of the city.

This infrastructure mainly exists of bicycle lanes and paths. But also less evident infrastructure influences cycling, such as the layout of the streets in the city. It is often assumed that it is safer to separate cyclists from the rest of the traffic, but no confirming figures exist about this. Inexperienced cyclists prefer bicycle paths above bicycle lanes; curb lanes; and roads without bicycle infrastructure. Cyclists have a negative perception on discontinuity of bicycle infrastructure (Heinen et al., 2010). The bicycle infrastructure is the ‘hard’ and physical aspect of the bicycle environment.

Some researchers argue that in order to stimulate bicycle use it is first of all important to create the ‘soft’ side of the bicycle environment rather than the ‘hard’ side. A high-quality bicycling infrastructure does not necessarily bring about a high amount of cyclists, because people do not necessarily read this infrastructure as being high-quality or ideal for cycling (Pelzer & te Brömmelstroet, 2010). The meanings and competences of the practice of cycling are elements of the ‘soft’ side of the bicycle environment.

The meanings of a practice are the social and symbolic significance of participation at any moment. It encompasses motivations; states of emotions; and symbolic meanings, aspirations and ideas related to the practice (Shove et al., 2012).

The bicycle can be described as an artefact, which Burkitt (1998, p.

depending on the user (Cox, 2005; Furness, 2006). Thus the meaning of cycling differs from practitioner to practitioner.

For some people the bicycle is merely a mode of transportation and the easiest and most convenient way to travel from point A to point B. Others cycle because of leisure purposes; it is about just fun (Aldred, 2010; Cox, 2005; Furness, 2006). But cycling can also have other connotations and meanings for those who cycle (Cox, 2005). Cycling can become meaningful to the practitioner as a politicised practice, because of the networks that surround him or her. In this case cycling is usually used to represent something else, the practitioner attaches a symbolic meaning to the bicycle. Subcultures, lifestyles and activism are examples of these kinds of networks (Spinney, 2009).

There are several cycling subcultures or countercultures. The most known one is biketivism (also known as cycling activism and advocacy).

Cyclists engaged in this subculture reject the automobile industry and car culture and campaign for localism, more human space, more face-to-face interaction and a healthy urban environment with human conviviality.

The bike is used as a tool for protest and cultural critique (Carlsson, 2008; Furness, 2005). The most public demonstration of this subculture’s existence is represented in the Critical Mass monthly bike rides. This event originated in 1992 in San Francisco and spread to cities all over the world.

It is a recreational, quasi-political bike ride where cyclists take over city streets to celebrate bicycling and to critique the production and function of urban space. The rides are an ‘organised coincidence’, there are no official organisers or leaders, it is spontaneously self-organised (Carlsson, 2008; Furness, 2006). Some people engaged in this subculture use the bicycle as

127 as cited in Cox, 2005, p. 15) defined as an object “which is used in social practice and thus has activity embodied in it”. With regard to the activity of cycling a meaning is constructed in context, consequently cycling is never ‘just cycling’ (Aldred, 2012; Cox, 2005). There are a variety of meanings in the user-object relations, the patterns of use and the perception of cycling

a marker of social identity and statement of lifestyle choice (Cox, 2005).

In such a manner riding a bike and engaging in activism is part of broader political interest and ideology. An example is people with a sustainable or ‘green’ lifestyle, those people are responsive to environmental issues and therefore ride their bike and campaign for more cyclists in order to replace

2.3.2 Meanings

20

congestion-forming and polluting traffic and improve environmental

(socially-based spatiality). Consequently, the human spatial organisation

quality (Aldred, 2010; Cox, 2005). Riding a bicycle and engaging in activism is an expression of their lifestyle. Cycling can also be part of other lifestyles, such as fixed-gear lifestyles or people that use their bike as a fashion accessory. Cycling being part of a lifestyle means that the practice of cycling is loosely connected to other associated practices that are also part of the same lifestyle. In this case, Shove et al. (2012) talk about ‘bundles’ of practices. The individual practices of which bundles – or lifestyles – are formed influence and shape each other.

The people that are involved in a bicycle subculture or lifestyle sometimes form a community. If this is the case the bike gets a social meaning. But cycling can also have a social meaning without having a subculture or lifestyle involved. Cycling allows the maintenance of relationships to social environments as a normal part of life or part of a broader (cycling) community. Cycling is a practice where you can be sociable and deepen your links with friends and family while cycling together or while talking about cycling (Aldred, 2010). Next to the social environment, cycling is also an activity that promotes rootedness in the local environment. Riding the bicycle makes it possible to explore and experience place in depth in a manner that is not possible by car (Aldred, 2010).

Cycling means a number of different things to a number of different people. There are various motivations to cycle and meanings of cycling.

In addition to the above mentioned, cycling can also have a professional meaning. Examples are couriers on a bicycle (bike messengers) and cycling as sport in organised clubs and with structured events (Cox, 2005). But the motivation to cycle can also simply be to feel more independent and

is a social product; it arises from resolute social practice. The contextual space, or physical space, is not a foundation upon which concrete and subjective meanings of human spatiality can be analysed, but the “meaning of space is a product of social translation, transformation and experience” (Soja, 1989, pp. 79-80). With regards to this research, cyclists produce meanings of urban space while carrying out a cycling practice in the city.

Their experiences of urban space determine both the meaning of space and the meaning of cycling, as showed in the below discussed researches.

Spinney (2007, 2008, 2009, 2010) conducted a number of studies about cycling from an ethnographic perspective, focusing on the sensory, kinaesthetic and symbolic aspects of cycling. According to him, the city mediates to a large extent the experiences and meanings of the cyclists.

He uses ride-along methods and video as research tools to discover underexplored meanings of cycling. He sees cycling as a mobile practice that is “structured in relation to the bike, body and landscape to produce particular meanings of place” (Spinney, 2009, p. 825). He argues that cycling as such does not always have a meaning, but that the route – in between origin and destination – generates meaningful encounters for the cyclist.

Through a sensory experience of place – in this case the city – cycling can become meaningful to the practitioner. Cyclists re-interpret the road and public spaces through their embodied experience (Spinney, 2007, 2009). van Duppen and Spierings (2013) used similar research tools as Spinney, but instead of focusing on the senses of the cycling body they tried to get an insight into the cycled city, i.e. how cyclists are situated in cities and their embodied experience of urban territories. They did so by studying urban sensescapes, these are “the ways in which commuters both sense

free (Aldred, 2010). Usually a combination of meanings and motivations is at stake, lots of people experience their time on a bicycle pleasurable and useful, this is a combination of using the bike for transport and for fun.

Soja (1989) makes a distinction between contextual given space (space per se) and the created space of social organisation and production

urban spaces and apply cycling tactics” (van Duppen & Spierings, 2013, p.

235). They concluded that cyclists develop certain tactics of manoeuvring and positioning themselves on the road and with respect to other traffic.

The cyclists anticipates on the urban environment and the provided cycling infrastructure and based upon that chooses his or her route. The routes 21

taken involve conscious experience of urban surroundings and at times also

The place-based (bicycle) culture plays also a significant role. The

the exploration of unknown urban territories. When cycling a trajectory through the city, the cyclist generates multiple physical and mental connections and divisions within the urban space, which are experienced and at the same time socially constructed (van Duppen & Spierings, 2013).

Thus the city mediates the experience of the cyclist and can make cycling meaningful to the practitioner. But at the same time the cyclist also experiences the city in a particular manner. The movement by bicycle or the practice of cycling itself is determining for the experience of the urban space. The relation with and experience of space is different when passing through the territories of the city by foot, car or another transport mode (Aldred, 2010).

interpretations of bicycle infrastructure and the required skills to cycle depend on frames of reference, and differ in every country and city. Every city is unique with respect to culture, geography and institutions. Hence every city has a different attitude or tradition towards cycling (Pelzer & te Brรถmmelstroet, 2010; Heinen, 2010). For example, in cities in The Netherlands children learn how to ride a bike sometimes even before they learn how to walk. The bicycle is part of Dutch culture, cycling is a habit and a regular mode of transport. From childhood on children learn how to manoeuvre in the city traffic. In other cultures this is less common and rather exceptional. The necessary competences to be able to cycle in a city are dependent on the urban context and culture related to cycling.

2.3.3 Competences Background knowledge and understanding, skills, technique and knowhow are types of competences of a practice (Shove et al., 2012).

To carry out the practice of urban cycling you need to know how to cycle. The first technique a cyclist learns is pedalling on a bike. Later on other techniques are taught or learned while doing, e.g. knowledge of the traffic regulations and know-how about how to manoeuvre in and interact with the traffic. Additional skills and know-how are knowledge of where and how best to lock your bike; being able to repair your bike by yourself; etc. Much of the required skills and know-how are dependent on the environment.

Every city demands particular competences. The environment highly influences the required skills to cycle. For example, if you cycle in a city without (high-quality) bicycle infrastructure, you need different skills than when you cycle in a highly bicycle-friendly city. The city traffic has an impact, manoeuvring in a congested city with dense and heavy traffic requires different skills than pedalling in a car-free city. In a city where cycling is not self-evident and where automobility is the point of departure for urban planning, cyclists have to have an assertive attitude (Lugo, 2010).

22

2.4 Conceptual model and research questions Based upon Shove et al. (2012) their theory of practices and the detailed description of the various elements of the practice, a model can be drawn that represents the practice of urban cycling and the elements and linkages that shape it. This model thereupon can be used in order to investigate the practice in various contexts. In this thesis this conceptual model is applied to research the practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels. The reasons for this choice are explained in the next chapter.

Following the theory of Shove et al. (2012), the practice is the primary unit of analysis in this research. In the practice the individual (practitioner, carrier) and the environment (city, context) come together.

The practice is composed of elements, such as shown in the model. The elements exist autonomously; when the practice is enacted linkages between elements are made. The linking and shaping of the elements determine the practice. Additionally to Shove et al. (2013) their three elements (materials, meanings and competences), two other elements are added; place-based policy and place-based culture. The elaborate

description of the different elements in the previous section demonstrated that the materials, meanings and competences of cycling are highly influenced by the place-based culture with respect to cycling. For example, Amsterdam is a bicycle city because of the high amount of cyclists and the bicycle-friendly infrastructure. Furthermore cycling has a particular meaning (‘a habit’) because of the high quantity of cyclists. The bicycle culture is rooted in Dutch culture and this also influences the practice and participation to it. Place-based policy with regards to cycling also influences the different elements of the practice. For instance, the implementation of bicycle infrastructure is highly dependent on political decisions.

Consequently, the place-based political vision towards cycling contributes to the emergence, persistence and transformation of the practice of urban cycling. Thus place-based culture and policy determine the practice as well as that the different elements of the practice shapes them.

The main research question of this thesis is: “How can approaching urban cycling as a social practice provide a comprehensive understanding of urban cycling?”. Based upon the abovementioned research gap and the conceptual model the following research sub-questions are formulated:

KNOW-HOW OF TRAFFIC REGULATION

ATTITUDE ANTICIPATION

PEDALLING

COMPETENCES

INTERACTION

PLACE BASED POLICY CULTURE UTILITY

(TYPE OF) BIKE

FREEDOM

THE BODY

• Who are the practitioners?

• How can the practice be discussed in terms of materials, meanings and competences?

• How do place-based bicycle culture and policy shape the elements of the practice and vice versa?

• How do the practitioners experience the urban space?

BUILT ENVIRONMENT

LEISURE

MATERIALS

FUN

MEANINGS

LIFESTYLE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT BICYCLE PARKING SPACE BICYCLE INFRASTRUCTURE

BICYCLE (REPAIR) SHOPS

URBAN SPACE PROFESSIONAL

SPORT COMMUNITY

SUBCULTURE

Figure 1. The practice of urban cycling

In order to understand the practice of urban cycling, the practice is researched through the practitioners by enquiring their performance of and experience with the practice. Furthermore there is called upon expertise of various experts and a few observations were carried out. A more elaborate discussion of the used methodology and the data collection process is presented in the next chapter.

23

3. METHODOLOGY 3.1

Research design

One of the aims of this research is to study the practice of urban cycling in a comprehensive manner. This means that a variety of research and data collection methods should be used. It would be ideal to use a mixed approach of both qualitative and quantitative research methods. Alas the requirements of this thesis and the short time span in which the research is performed made this impossible. Consequently, the research strategy is confined to a qualitative approach. Notwithstanding it should be considered that the literature review in the previous chapter indicated that within cycling research the application of a qualitative method is in the minority; thereby it is believed that this thesis will be a fruitful contribution to the research field by using this approach. In order to comprehensively study the practice of urban cycling it is chosen to apply a descriptive multiple case study research design (Creswell, 2007; Yin, 2003). This approach is useful because it involves the study of a certain phenomenon, issue or situation while taking into consideration how it is influenced by the context within which it is situated (Gray, 2009). Moreover this exploration is done through in-depth data collection of multiple sources of information (Creswell, 2007). This ensures that the issue is explored through a variety of lenses which allows for multiple understanding of the phenomenon.

Furthermore, this sort of research design enables to explore differences and similarities within and between cases (Yin, 2003). Regarding this thesis research the practice of urban cycling is the issue or unit of analysis and the city is the context. Two cases were selected; the first case is the practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and the second is the practice of urban cycling in Brussels. Information is collected through different data sources, in this way the interdisciplinary character of the research is assured.

3.2 Case selection Comparisons between the two cases will be drawn; therefore it is essential that the cases are chosen carefully in order to maximise the validity and reliability of the results (Yin, 2003). Hence two cases are selected that resemble each other on several issues. The object of research is the practice of urban cycling in the city, the criteria for the selection of the cities were that it are European cities without an embedded tradition of urban cycling, with a low quantity of cyclists (less than 5%), and with a recent increase of cyclists. Additionally the researcher has to have to possibility to visit or live in the cities during a specific period of the research process. Based upon these criteria it is chosen to select Tallinn and Brussels1 as the two cases. It is acknowledged that many other cities meet the four first criteria, but the additional criteria led to the eventual selection of Tallinn and Brussels. Both cities are capitals and have a similar size.2

3.3 Data collection The researcher has lived in both cities and while living there she has paid particular attention towards bicycle related matters, such as the actual facilities and infrastructure and the behaviour and type of cyclists. Next to that she tried to stay up to date about cycling activities and events in order to get a feeling of what is living in the bicycling sphere. It is important to note that these observations are not part of the official data collection for research, but were rather performed because of personal interest and to better understand the respondents during the interviews. Besides these informal observations also formal observations took place as part of 1 With Brussels is meant Brussels-Capital Region. In the course of this thesis, Brussels-Capital Region is shortened to Brussels. If there is talk about the city of Brussels, then this refers to the municipality of the city of Brussels, not to the Brussels-Capital Region.

2 Tallinn measures 159.1 km², Brussels 161.4 km². Brussels however has around 1,138,854 inhabitants, whereas Tallinn only has 425,249 inhabitants (http://www.tallinn.ee/eng/investor/ Facts-about-Tallinn; http://www.bisa.irisnet.be/cijfers).

24

data collection. In total four data sources were used to study the practice

in the past professionally related to cycling. In the case of Tallinn this was

of urban cycling in both cities; interviews with experts, interviews with practitioners, non-participatory observations and secondary data.

different. In Tallinn bicycling is less embedded in politics, on the streets, in the traffic and in the public sector and private sector than in Brussels. As a consequence little people are professionally working for cycling related affairs in Tallinn. The selected experts are people that are on voluntary basis carrying out events, activities, research or campaigns with regards to bicycling. In both cities the respondents were found by browsing local websites and social media related to bicycling and by using the snowball method in which (possible) respondents were asked to point out other relevant bicycle experts in their city (Baarda, De Goede & Teunissen, 2005).

It is believed, and confirmed by the interviewees, that the selection of respondents gives a good representation of the expertise of bicycling in both cities. It should be considered that all interviewed experts favoured bicycling and therefore particularly are part of a positive discourse regarding cycling. An overview of the interviews and an explanation of the respondents their expertise is presented in Appendix I.

Nine interviews were held, of which two were a joint interview (Gray, 2009). Consequently, in total eleven experts were interviewed, four in Tallinn and seven in Brussels. All interviews were conducted face-to-face in the city in question, either at the expert’s workplace or in a cafÊ. The duration of the interviews varied between 35 minutes and an hour and 15 minutes. In Tallinn the interviews were held in English in June 2013. Later on, in July 2013, some additional information was gathered through e-mail with the experts. In Brussels the interviews took place in July 2013, five were conducted in Dutch and one in English.

3.3.1

Research instruments

The practitioner interviews were structured in view of quickly capturing data. The item list was followed exactly and random sampling was done.

The set up of the interviews with experts was semi-structured in order to be more flexible and allow the interviewees to explain their vision and ideas. The item list was a starting point, but there was room to deviate from the questions (Gray, 2009).

The item lists of the expert and the practitioner interviews are based upon the concepts in the conceptual model. With the practitioners interviews the aim was to gain an understanding of the practice by inquiring their experience with and performance of the practice. This acquired data will particularly give an understanding of the experience, meanings and materials of the practice. The interviews with the experts were more extensive and aimed to get a broad understanding of the materials, meanings and competences of the practice and the place-based policy and culture that influence the practice. Additionally, the experts their experience with the practice was inquired as well.

The observations provide an opportunity to get towards an evaluation of people their actions in practice (Gray, 2009). During the observations the quantity of cyclists and their gender was counted.

Additionally their age was estimated and the type of bike they use was noted. Moreover attention was paid to the behaviour of cyclists (with respect to other road users); the provided infrastructure; and remarkable matters.

3.3.2

Expert interviews

The criterion for an expert is that he or she is somehow professionally or voluntary involved with bicycling. In Brussels all experts are present-day or

3.3.3

Practitioner interviews

In addition to the interviews with experts, short interviews of not more than five minutes were conducted with practitioners of cycling. The recruitment of respondents was done according to two strategies. The first strategy was interviewing cyclists who gather at bicycle specific events, the second strategy was interviewing cyclists at a bicycle parking or shed.

25

In either case cyclists were addressed randomly and asked to participate

cyclists. In total 12 cyclists between 12 and 58 years old were interviewed of

in the research and answer some questions. While recruiting cyclists the researcher tried to address people with different ages and genders, in order to obtain results as representative as possible. It should be noted, however, that the data gathered during the interviews certainly does not represent the whole cycling population in either of the cities. Nevertheless, it gives the opportunity to get a feeling of what ‘lives’ with the cyclists.

Moreover, the researcher had the impression to have reached a point of data saturation, even seen the small quantity of interviewees (Baarda et al., 2005). An overview of the interviews and respondents is presented in Appendix II.

In Tallinn the selected event was the Tallinn Bicycle Week (6-9 June 2013), an independent initiative for developing, promoting and celebrating bike culture. Interviews were conducted during two evenings of the Tallinn Bicycle Week: the seminar on Thursday and the Tour d’ÖÖ nightly bike ride on Friday. Next to that cyclists were interviewed at the guarded bicycle parking on Freedom Square during the evening rush hour on a Thursday (13 June 2013). All interviews were conducted in English, in total 16 cyclists between 21 and 50 years old were interviewed, 8 women and 8 men.

In Brussels cyclists were recruited during two organised events: at the Critical Mass ride of July (26 July 2013) and at one lesson of a series of lessons organised by Pro Velo. Pro Velo is an association that tries to improve the quality of life by actively contributing to the modal shift from car to bicycle. One of their objectives is to teach people how to ride a bike.

In A vélo Mesdames!, one of their educational programmes, they teach women how to ride a bike in two weeks time. Some of the participants of these lessons were interviewed on 9 July 2013. Since these people did

which 7 were women and 5 were men. The interviews were conducted in three different languages; Dutch, English, and French.

not yet have a lot of cycling experience in Brussels, the questions of the item list were slightly adjusted. Two attempts (on 31 July 2013 and 1 August 2013) have been made to interview cyclists at a bicycle parking in Brussels (respectively at the Luxemburg railway station and the North railway station), but both of them were not successful, because there were little 26

3.3.4 Observations In both cities two observations were performed, one during the morning rush hour and one during the evening rush hour. The observations took place at (busy) intersections and lasted about an hour. The location of the observations and the detailed figures that were obtained during these observations are presented in Appendix III.

3.3.5

Secondary data

In addition to the collection of primary data, secondary data was consulted.

This data consists mainly of policy documents and statistics with regards to cycling. In the case of Tallinn less secondary data was consulted, because there are few documents about cycling and because most of the existing documents were only available in Estonian, a language which the researcher does not master.

3.4 Data analysis The interviews with the experts as well as those with the practitioners were recorded and transcribed. The relevant parts of the written transcriptions of the interviews were labelled with labels based upon the concepts of the conceptual model. During the observations cryptic notes were made and cyclists were tallied. These were later on translated in field notes. These notes together with the labelled parts of the transcribed interviewed formed the basis for the analysis. It should be noted that this selection of data is the result of the researcher’s interpretation. However, effort was made to minimise biases. A holistic analysis of these different sources of information contributed to the understanding of the unit of analysis. First

a descriptive analysis of each case was performed. Second a thematic analysis across the cases was carried out. Both these analyses provide relevant information for answering the research questions.

The names and identity of the respondents are kept confidential; consequently none of the respondents’ names are published in this research. Instead their names are replaced by their professional or voluntary position with respect to cycling.

27

4. RESULTS In this chapter the practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels is

The expert interviewees confirmed the lack of statistics with respect to

discussed in detail and thereby provides a comprehensive understanding of the practice in each of the cities. The structure of the analysis is based upon the conceptual model. Each city is discussed separately, followed by a summary and comparison of the practices in both cities.

cycling. Only informal and voluntary inquiries give an idea of the quantity and the profile of cyclists in Tallinn. According to this data, the quantity of cyclists has been increasing considerably since 2010. One of the experts counts cyclists voluntary, based upon these observations he says that the amount of cyclists doubled between 2011 and 2012. The Tour d’ÖÖ 1 events illustrate this; the amount of participants has increased by 10 times since the start two years ago up until now. Besides, in the streets on everyday basis you see more people cycling. The growth of cyclists has happened regardless of what the Tallinn city government has done. A very broad range of people cycle, the full spectrum is represented. Men and women are represented fifty-fifty, and the majority of cyclists can be placed under the age group 20 to 45. During the winter less people cycle than during summer.

In the framework of this thesis two observations were performed during the morning and evening rush at two different intersections in Tallinn. Cyclists were counted by age and sex. These observations confirm the informal figures. They indicate that during rush hour 80 to 100 cyclists cross the busy intersection, men and women more or less equally represented. Almost all observed cyclists had the age between 20 and 40 (for more detailed figures see Appendix III).

Cycling is not yet perceived as a regular mode of transport in Tallinn, although that it is changing quickly. Also the city government starts to treat cycling more and more as a priority.

4.1 Tallinn 4.1.1

The cyclist

There are no valid statistics or figures available about the quantity or the profile of cyclists in Tallinn. Some national statistics of the type of commuting of residents shows that between 2000 and 2011 the quantity of people that commute by bicycle, mopeds and motorbike stayed more or less stable (approximately 3% of total movements). It also shows that these modes of transport are used more in the countryside than in cities (Statistics Estonia, 2013). However, these statistics do not tell anything about the share of bicycle use in Tallinn and bicycle use can vary greatly by city. The only official figures on cycling in Tallinn are collected by yearly labour force surveys in the section about commuting to work; consequently only the employed population is included in these measurements. Just like in the national statistics, no distinction is made between commuting by bicycle or moped or motorbike. Furthermore the bike category has only been measured since 2010. All this together makes these figures rather useless. They tell that 1% of transportations from home to work are done by bike (“Development Plan Tallinn”, 2008; Tallinn City Government, 2012).

The assumed low quantity of cyclists is for the government a reason to not pay too much attention to developing the practice of cycling.

“One of the most unexpected arguments is that one of the city officials said; if you check Google Street View, you do not see any cyclists” (M, 43, expert) 28

4.1.2 Materials Tallinn is a reasonably flat city with not that many hills and consequently has the perfect geographic conditions for cycling. The climate by contrast is not as suitable. Estonia knows rather heavy winters with temperatures below zero and snow fall and cover that can already start in November 1 Tour d’ÖÖ is a night-time bicycle ride that was born in the summer of 2011, as a spin-off group ride to finish off the first Tallinn Bicycle Week, and has grown into a massive independent bike parade through the city.

and last until early April. The long-lasting snow cover causes icy roads and

two; a space for pedestrians and a space for cyclists, but in practice little

pavements. The city government is not truly concerned with de-icing and snow removal from pavements, bike paths and bike lanes.

Consequently it is uncomfortable to cycle in the city during the winter months. On top of that, the sun rises late and sets early during winter months, which causes that many cycle trips have to be undertaken during dark hours. The vast majority of cyclists cycles only during the warmer months of the year (April-October) because they experience cycling during darkness and on icy roads as dangerous, unpleasant and cold. A share of the minority group who do cycle during winter upgrade their bike with special winter tires.

The bicycle infrastructure in terms of bicycle paths and lanes is insufficient in the centre of town, but there exist some good and nice bike paths outside the city centre and in the suburban parts of town. These paths are rather for exercising sports and for recreational purposes and give the possibility to have a cycling trip in the outskirts of the city. When you cross the border and enter the city (centre), the infrastructure suddenly stops. The lack of bike paths and lanes in the city centre is the result of the city government’s attitude. Firstly, they believe that there are no cyclists and therefore they do not see the necessity to develop any bicycle infrastructure. Secondly, they develop bicycle path networks only where there is space for it, this means in the outside of town, for leisure purposes.

The existing bicycle paths are collected in a map that is distributed by the city government and available at amongst others the tourism information office.

The bicycle infrastructure developments out of town are a good start, but the relocation of developments from the outer parts to

attention is given to this subdivision (examples of this and other material elements are visually presented in Appendix V). Seldom bike lanes are painted on the streets, for the most parts these are very narrow and thus dangerous. Besides that cars usually drive onto it. There aren’t any bicycle paths that separate the bicycle traffic from the car traffic. The incoherence of the infrastructure causes sometimes confusion within the traffic.

Cars are not really used to share their space with bicycles, and conflicts between pedestrians and cyclists emerge when they need to share the same confined space. Some additional obstructions cause that cycling in the city is not always very comfortable. High curbs make the crossing from pavement to road unsmooth. Next to that the streets are in bad shape with a lot of potholes. All too often a bicycle lane suddenly stops. In sum, riding a bicycle in Tallinn goes along with overcoming certain obstacles. On a positive note, over the recent years positive developments did happen, improvement is on its way.

the central parts of the city evolves very slowly. The existing bicycle infrastructure in the city centre is rather inconsistent. Most of the time bicycle lanes are placed on the pavement, in such a manner cyclists do not disturb car drivers. Consequently pedestrians and cyclists need to share the same space; at times a painted line splits the pavement up in

public spaces in the city centre, other than locking it to a post. There are no safe bicycle parking facilities at the railway station and at the central bus station. The actual bicycle racks in the public spaces in the city centre usually do not have a convenient design, although that both this as the quantity of parking is improving. In general the public parking facilities at

“I think that the lack of high quality cycling infrastructure in the city centre at the moment marginalises the use.” (F, 42, expert) The city government arranges every year from mid May until the end of August free bicycle parking places on three locations in the city centre (Vabaduse Square, Kadriorg Park, Harju Street). These parking places are guarded every day from 8h00 until 20h00 (“Bicycle Routes and Parks in Tallinn”, 2012). Over the years the capacity of these parking places has been multiplied from 7 to 20 positions at each parking. Furthermore there are not so much opportunities to park or lock your bike safely in

29

destination locations are experienced as sufficient. More of a problem is

within the bicycle traffic. Users of a mountain bike treat their bike rather as

parking or locking your bicycle at home. The majority of the population of Tallinn lives in high rise soviet modernist apartment blocks (such as in the Lasnamäe and Mustamäe districts). This sort of housing does not provide bicycle parking, sheds or racks. Consequently, the only way to be sure that your bike will not get stolen is ‘parking’ it in your apartment, either inside or on the balcony.

a city bike instead of as a sports tool. Attaching baskets, bicycle seats and bicycle bags to mountain bikes proves this. This can possibly be explained by the fact that it is often easier and cheaper to get hold on a mountain bike; consequently cyclists do not bother to buy a proper city bicycle, but just use a mountain bike for city cycling. However, it is becoming more common to see people cycling on a basic city bike instead of on a Fixie or mountain bike.

“Usually in the basement you do not have any storage room, so you pretty much have to drag your bike into your apartment.” (M, 29, expert) People that live in wooden house apartments have better opportunities as they can keep their bike in the staircase. Next to public space and living space, facilities are also desired at work. The employers have the responsibility to provide bicycle parking facilities for their employees.

Hitherto this is not a common practice in Tallinn. The combination of the lack of safe and secure facilities to leave your bike in the city centre, at your work or at home has the effect that a great deal of people does not cycle because of the fear that their bike will get stolen. The guarded bicycle parking spaces provided by the city has encouraged a few people to commute by bike, but does not offer a possibility to safely park your bike in the city overnight, which accordingly remains a problem.

Tallinn has a fair amount of bicycle shops, but most of them especially offer sport or mountain bikes. There is a small supply of classic city bikes. The mountain bikes are less comfortable for a commuting bike ride. However, over the last two to three years city bikes are becoming fashionable and the offer of them is increasing. The price of a classic city bike is rather high, but there are some initiatives stimulated by Eesti Rattarikkaks 1 and some second hand shops (e.g. Velonaut) that provide for a low-cost alternative. The mountain bike is the most used type of bicycle 1 Eesti Rattarikkaks (Estonia Cyclelicious) is a loose network of people who encourage city residents to use bicycles as a means of transport in the daily traffic. They promote everyday cycling in Estonia and accordingly lobby with the government and carry out various activist actions.

30

4.1.3 Meanings The meaning of the bicycle in Tallinn has shifted over the years. From the 50s to the 80s, during the period that Estonia was under occupation of the Soviet Union, the bicycle was perceived as a toy for children and a tool for sports. Cycling was basically only done on Sundays, for leisure purposes and in the countryside. In 1991 Estonia regained its independence. During the occupation cars were very expensive and it was difficult to buy one.

This changed in the 90s and consequently cars were purchased and used in large quantities. Owning a car was a representation and sign of freedom.

Next to that, buying a car, tinkering with it and upgrading it were ways to flaunt your wealth. From the late 90s onwards, bicycles were not solely used anymore for leisure or sports in the countryside, but the bicycle also became a tool for transportation in the city. Nowadays the car is still a sign of freedom for the people that actively experienced the Soviet occupation.

For other, and younger, people the bicycle is starting to represent freedom because it gives a feeling of liberty and an escape from a motorised and congested city. Furthermore, the bicycle is – compared to the car – a cheap alternative to show off with. There is a large selection of different types of bikes with different prices. You can personalise and customise your bike in order to make it look fancy. Thus the meaning and the perception of the bicycle has changed over the years and is multifaceted nowadays.

The bicycle is becoming more and more accepted as a regular mode of transportation.

Cyclists have different motives to cycle. Their reasons to

but also incorporates other feelings, such as being able to go wherever

participate to the practice of cycling cannot be reduced into one single motivation, usually various factors together are decisive. The same counts for meanings, the cyclist attaches different meanings to the practice.

Figure 2 (p.35) represents a visualisation of a selection of quotations of what cyclists answered when they were asked about their motivations to cycle and meanings of cycling. It is notable that the choice to cycle is often part of a transport mode decision-making process and hence the choice for the bicycle is considered next to other means of transport.

Almost all interviewed cyclists stated that they use the bicycle primarily as a mode of transportation. According to them, it is the most comfortable and convenient way of movement within the city. It is easy, flexible and cheap. In contrast with car driving you do not have to pay for petrol or look for a parking space. It is faster than walking or any other mode of transportation and more comfortable than making use of the overcrowded public transport. Above all, you are more mobile, because you cannot get stuck in traffic jams and are not dependent on the operating hours of public transport.

you want. Next to giving a feeling of freedom, cyclists also expressed that cycling gives them a good feeling and a feeling of happiness. They did not manage to put the exact nature of this feeling into words. Not least, practitioners asserted that they like cycling, it is fun and they enjoy their time spent on a bike. One interviewee stated that she only cycles for leisure purposes, while another one uses the bicycle both for transportation as for recreation. Someone pointed out that cycling is a challenge. Others see cycling as a part of their lifestyle. A few interviewed cyclists emphasised the advantage a bicycle entails when going for a night out. In contrast to the car it gives the possibility to drink alcohol and furthermore provides a safe transport to get to home. If you encounter troublemakers or pass through unsafe neighbourhoods, the bike offers you in contrast to walking a quick and flexible get-away. The effect of cycling on the environment is not left unconsidered, moreover the majority of cyclists sees improving the environment as one of their reasons to cycle. The beneficial effects are not only about a sustainable environment, but also about the social environment. On a bike you are more connected to the local environment, socially and naturally. You do not disturb people with pollution and noise and it is easier to make social contacts than when moving by car. You can smell, hear and touch things while moving.

As already mentioned, while cycling you experience the local environment more actively. The same counts for the urban environment, cycling gives a more active experience of the city than any other mode of transport. Consequently, the practitioner’s meanings of the city can shift when he or she experiences the city by bike.

“I think that bicycling and city is the perfect match. Bicycling is a perfect transportation in the city.” (M, 29, expert) This main motivation to cycle can be supplemented with other feelings and meanings. The facts that cycling is healthy and a good physical exercise are additional incentives that encourage cyclists. It should be noted that a large part of cyclists in Tallinn use their bike only for sport. They transport their bike by car to the outskirts of the city to cycle there on training grounds.

These cyclists, however, cannot be really classified as urban cyclists because they do not cycle in the city, but only on indoor or outdoor athletic tracks such as a velodrome 1 . A great deal of cyclists associates cycling with a meaning of freedom. This can be linked to flexibility of movement, 1 A velodrome is an arena for track cycling. There is one in the Pirita district of Tallinn.

“I feel the city much better. I see and feel other people and I feel the sin of the city much more.” (M, 43, expert) A few interviewees had difficulties with putting their experience of the city while cycling through it into words; they acknowledged that there 31

definitely is a difference in experience with respect to walking or driving,

months a year and then disappear again during wintertime. Consequently

but describing this feeling proved to be hard. Others managed to phrase and explain their experiences and meanings of the city. Some of the interviewees acknowledged the added value that a bicycle has to explore or discover the city. Cycling offers extensive opportunities to discover and explore (unknown) parts of town. It opens possibilities to reach places that are less accessible on foot or by car. Cycling gives more freedom. As a result the city becomes more versatile. Figuring out alternative, fast and pleasant routes from one place to another brings you to new places and changes your experience or view of the city.

neither car drivers nor pedestrians are used to a third group – bicyclists – in the traffic. In other words, Tallinn does not have a bicycle culture in which cycling is considered as a regular mode of transportation. The current bicycle infrastructure and traffic regulation does not improve the cyclist’s position within the traffic. As underlined earlier, bicycle lanes are usually painted on the pedestrian pavement, and at times also on the street. The traffic law states that a cyclist is allowed to cycle on the pavement – whether it has a bike lane on it or not – if the conditions on the street are dangerous or unsafe. The interpretation of dangerous and unsafe is however open.

It can mean that there are too many potholes, that the traffic is too heavy or that you personally do not feel safe to share the street with cars. Hence cyclists can decide for themselves whether they make use of streets, limit themselves to pavements or combine both. The observations that were carried out in the framework of this research indicated that the majority of cyclists (approximately 80%) behave like pedestrians. They use the pavements to cycle on and the zebra crossings for crossing the street.

Additionally they do not follow the right-hand traffic such as on the roads, but cycle on the pavements both at the left-hand as at the right-hand side of the road. Consequently, cyclists are not really part of the traffic and interact little with other road users.

The fact that there is no clear place for cyclists on the road creates confusion with the car drivers and pedestrians. Firstly, car drivers and pedestrians are not used to share their space with bicyclists. Secondly, both car drivers and pedestrians think that they have the priority and the right of way with respect to cyclists. Hence cycling in Tallinn can be a challenge and demands certain skills, seeing that the cyclist is in the minority and a not

“It broadens my daily scope or my daily area compared to when I’m walking or taking public transport. I get to a lot more destinations and I go to different places.” (F, 42, expert) Simultaneously cyclists experienced that the city becomes more compact, as it becomes easier and faster to get from one place to another. Distances become shorter. The speed of cycling (not too slow, not too fast) gives the possibility to see and feel the city better. The flexibility of cycling gives the possibility to stop randomly at places.

“You see much more, you see changes, you see people, you see houses, you smell flowers, trees...” (M, 50, technical television engineer) Finally, when you cycle through the city you become more aware of your surroundings and you are more aware of changes within the city and how the city is planned and organised, because you are more actively engaged with the rhythm and the life of the city.

4.1.4 Competences The situation in Tallinn at the moment is that people are not really used to cyclists, because there are so few. On top of that cyclists show up for a few 32

truly accepted participant of the traffic.

“People are not used to the bell in this sense that they consider using the bell as offensive, not as a warning sign.” (M, 43, expert)

Pedalling on a bike and know-how about the traffic regulations and

of your apartment building, there is a big chance that it will get stolen.

behaviour are the elementary matters you need to learn to be able to participate in the practice of urban cycling in Tallinn. Moreover, to enhance the experience of and participation to the practice, a certain attitude and some additional competences are required. Car drivers do not always take cyclists as participants of the traffic and accordingly are either scared of or impolite to cyclists. Consequently, as a cyclist it is important to anticipate upon this and to adopt a certain attitude. Firstly, you have to have courage to cycle between and next to the cars. Secondly, you have to keep your eyes open and react quickly. Thirdly, you have to be flexible and not always follow the regulations, but rather act deliberate in order to avoid conflicts and accidents. Finally, you have to remain calm and be kind to and communicate with other road users. Even if the car driver is unfriendly or rude, it is important to react calm and friendly and in such manner give the good example.

Unfortunately, still a lot of cyclists in Tallinn do not realise this. You have to deliberately think about where you best park your bike.

“I changed last year my finger from this (shows middle finger up) to this (shows thumb up)” (M, 43, expert) To avoid conflicts with pedestrians it is important to slow down when meeting a pedestrian and to in general cycle relatively slow on the pavement.

Learning these competences and attitude is a matter of time and experience. Knowledge of the city can accelerate the learning process.

When you start cycling you will realise how to best behave, which routes are the best, which clothes are best to wear, how best to cycle on icy streets, and where and how best to park and lock your bike. The latter is something that cyclists in Tallinn generally do not know very well, although that it is slowly improving. Parking and locking your bike properly is part of the practice. If you do not want your bike to get stolen it is important to attach it to something with a proper lock such as a padlock or a chain lock, not just a string lock. If you park your bike unlocked in the cellar or stairway

“I always recommend people to lock their bicycle in a public space, not somewhere hidden behind the corner.” (F, 42, expert) Children can do an exam in school to obtain a bicycle licence. If they pass this exam they are allowed to cycle on the street without supervision.

Children below 16 without a licence are not permitted to cycle on the street without supervision, they are only allowed to cycle on the pavement. The preparation for this exam includes theory of the traffic regulation and practice of pedalling in a car park. Accordingly, there is not taught how to interact with the traffic. The initiative for this kind of licence is good, but the completion can be done better. Currently too much emphasis is placed on the dangers within the traffic, which results that children become afraid to cycle in the city.

Cycling as a means of transport is something relatively new in Tallinn. Consequently it is not always easy and the cyclist has to take the above discussed matters into account. However, it should be noted that the situation is improving. Car drivers are getting more and more used to cyclists. The more cyclists will appear in the streetscapes, the more car drivers will start to get used to cyclists and respect them.

4.1.5

Policy and politics

As already clarified, much of the problems regarding cycling in Tallinn are the result of the government’s position in relation to urban cycling. There is no national or local body that takes responsibility for the development of cycling in cities. Neither is there a political party nor politician that actively campaigns for the improvement of bicycling conditions. Some politicians consider cycling as nothing more than a sports activity. The assumed low quantity of cyclists is for the government a reason to not pay too much 33

attention to developing the practice of cycling. Consequently, within the

future. The city authorities already undertook some small initiatives such

city authorities nobody is entitled to take care of bicycling related matters and there is no all-embracing bicycle policy or strategy.

The planning, development and implementation of bicycle infrastructure in Tallinn is distributed over three different departments: Transport, Municipal Engineering and Services, and City Planning. The Municipal Engineering and Services department is responsible for the construction of roads, while the Transport department is responsible for traffic management and planning roads and networks. The City Planning department is responsible for long term planning. The departments do not really cooperate; neither do they take up responsibility concerning cycling.

As a result there is no consistency within the developments.

Notwithstanding, improvement is on its way. Last year the department of Municipal Engineering and Services of Tallinn ordered a research about a possible bicycle strategy at the Department of Logistics and Transportation of the Tallinn University of Technology. In this research a bicycle strategy for the city of Tallinn was proposed, based upon all the available information about cycling in Tallinn. In addition a survey was carried out about the habits of cyclists and their reasons to cycle, the results of this survey will be published later on this year. The occasion for commissioning this research is the recruitment of a functionary responsible for cycling and bicycle infrastructure network development. However, this person left his post at the beginning of this year, the reason for this is unknown. Nevertheless, the awareness that cycling development is necessary is growing with the city authorities. The research performed by the Tallinn University of Technology shows that in a few development plans, strategies and policy documents with a range of topics (environmental,

as the distribution of maps of bicycle paths and the supply of free guarded bicycle parking spaces in the city centre.

In Tallinn there are no intermediary organisations that promote urban cycling. However, there are some initiatives – started up by residents, which aim to give the bicycle a place in the city and raise awareness concerning urban cycling. These are the loose network Eesti Rattarikkaks (Estonia Cyclelicious) and the events of Tallinn Bicycle Week. Eesti Rattarikkaks is a network of people who encourage city residents to use bicycles as a means of transport in the daily traffic. They promote everyday cycling in Estonia and accordingly lobby with the government and carry out various activist actions. The Tallinn Bicycle Week is an independent initiative that develops bicycle culture in its broad spectrum in a casual way. They organise various events such as bicycle seminars, bicycle films screenings, Tour d’ÖÖ night-time independent bike rides, bicycle hang-out days, and parties.

health, comprehensive) and on different levels (national, city, districts) there is talk about increasing the quantity of cyclists and improving bicycle facilities for different reasons (Antov, Antso & Jalakas, 2012). Hitherto these ambitions are not yet been translated into actions, but it is believed that politicians will take responsibility for cycling development in the near 34

“I started to like Tallinn when I bought my bicycle. I moved to here and I didn’t like it too much before.” (F, 27, part-time student) “I like it also. It is fun. And it’s a better way to see your surroundings, because you go slower.” (F, 25, landscape architect)

“I’m a lazy human and cycling is in the city the most comfortable possibility to move.” (M, 43, expert)

“It’s freedom. You can smell, you can hear, you can see much more than when driving a car or walking around the city.” (M, 50, technical television engineer)

“I cycle because it’s much more convenient. It’s faster than walking and it’s more comfortable than riding a bus or tram. And it’s just fun, I mean, it feels good.” (M, 21, unemployed)

“I really love cycling, in the morning if I go out I can still be really grumpy and sleepy, but a couple of spins with the bicycle and you file like, hmm, okay it’s nice.” (M, 29, expert)

“I’m using a bike to not waste petrol and money.” (M, 43, bicycle mechanist)

“It’s the fastest way to get from A to B.” (F, 29, office worker)

“It’s like a lifestyle. I don’t know, I built bikes, I upgrade my bike constantly and it’s something like, it’s a hobby, as a mean of transportation it means everything.”

(M, 37, graphic designer)

“It gives me the feeling of freedom in the most primary sense, especially when I can ride really really fast. It’s almost like flying, you don’t need an airplane, you can have a bicycle.” (F, 25, newly-graduated student)

Figure 2. Motivations to cycle and meanings of cycling - selection of quotations 35

4.2 Brussels 4.2.1

The cyclist

Belgium has an average bicycle percentage of approximately 8%. In the Flanders Region of Belgium 15% of the population uses the bicycle for their daily travels, in the Walloon Region this percentage is much lower (Ligtermoet, 2009). In the Brussels Capital Region 3.5% of the population uses the bicycle as their main means of transport (Lebrun, Hubert, Huynen, De Witte & Macharis, 2013). In the greater part of the country the bicycle is accepted as a regular means of transport, however, in Brussels this is not yet the case.

Under an agreement with the government of the Brussels-Capital Region, Pro Velo 1 is in charge of the Brussels Bicycle Observatory. This observatory counts the number of cyclists at different intersections in the city. In 1998 they started counting at 15 points, this increased to 26 points as from 2011. The counts are taking place on weekdays during the morning rush hour (from 8h to 9h). According to their observations, there was an average annual increase of cyclists of 12.5% between 1999 and 2012, and of 10% for the period 2005-2012. In 2012 Pro Velo observed a regional average of 168 cyclists an hour. Seventy percent of the observed cyclists were men; this proportion does not seem to change over time. Children are with only 1% a small portion of the observed cyclists (Pro Velo, 2012). In ten years time (1991-2010), the modal share of the bicycle as main means of transport has tripled (from 1.2% to 3.5%) (Lebrun et al., 2013).

In 2009, Pro Velo inquired cyclists through a survey, in order to better understand their socio-economic and mobility profile. This survey was aimed at all cyclists in Brussels who use their bike to commute from home to work. It provided a better understanding of the profile of cyclists in Brussels. The results tell that the majority of cyclists are men, aged between 20 to 49 years, and highly educated (Pro Velo, 2009). A study 1 Pro Velo is an association that aims to improve the quality of life by actively contributing to the modal shift from car to bicycle.

36

commissioned by Brussels Mobility 2 about the travel practices and habits in Brussels shows similar figures. According to this study, the majority of cyclists are situated in the age group 45-64, followed up by the 25-44 age group. Furthermore people with a higher education degree more likely use the bicycle as means of transport (Lebrun et al., 2013).

The observations performed in the framework of this thesis research do confirm that the majority of the cyclists are men and aged between 20 and 60. The interviewed experts acknowledged these figures; according to them the profile of the cyclist in Brussels is the white working middle-class population between 24 and 45 years old, mainly consisting out of men. The profile of the cyclist can be supplemented with the expat community, the student in Brussels, and people that work but not live in Brussels and commute from the railway station to their workplace by bike.

Migrants, except expats, do not cycle much in Brussels, but this is changing.

More and more people from the Maghreb community are starting to cycle. The quantity of women on the bike is slowly increasing as well. It is a national trend that proportionally the Dutch-speaking population cycles more than the French-speaking population; this trend can be perceived in Brussels as well.

Over the last 14 years, the number of cyclists in Brussels has increased steadily (Pro Velo, 2012). This goes along with a slight decrease of car traffic (Lebrun et al., 2013). Consequently, the bicycle is becoming more and more a regular means of transport. This can be perceived in the streetscape, but also in policy actions.

4.2.2 Materials Brussels-Capital Region lies in the valley of the Senne River, this results in a hilly landscape. The lower part of town is based in the Senne Valley and includes the historical areas of the city. The upper part of town is built on the valley’s east slope. Besides the Senne also its tributaries in the east of 2 Brussels Mobility is the administration of the Brussels-Capital Region responsible for equipment, infrastructure and mobility issues. Their primary challenge is to facilitate economic development – and the growing need for mobility solutions – while improving quality of life and sustainable development (http://www.brussels.irisnet.be).

the region cause significant differences in height. Hence cycling from one

transport and the car. However, as stated before, most of the time

place in the city to another is at times accompanied by steep climbing and thus can be exhausting. This restrains some people from cycling. Brussels has a mild climate with quite rainy weather. However, the rain does in general not stop people from cycling. The temperatures are not extremely hot, neither extremely cold. The majority of the cyclists cycles the whole year around, during all seasons. Snowfall is experienced as a barrier from cycling, most people do not cycle when there is snow cover. This is partly due to the fact that snow removal from bike lanes and paths is not done sufficiently. Luckily enough snowfall is rare and generally occurs only once or twice a year.

The centre of town is composed of very old and dense housing and small streets. This historical structure restricts the development of bicycle infrastructure. Because of the narrow width of the streets it is hard to separate bicycle traffic from car traffic; hence space has to be shared.

Separate bicycle paths are rare in the downtown district. Bicycle lanes or suggested bicycle lanes that are painted on the road are more common (examples of this and other material elements are visually presented in Appendix V). It is also often the case that there is no bicycle infrastructure on the roads at all. The other districts of town are less dense and have wider streets and roads. Nevertheless, this does not necessarily mean that in these parts of town the development of bicycle infrastructure is flourishing. On the contrary, this is far from the case. Good bicycle infrastructure is lacking greatly.

Sometimes choices have to be made between giving space to the bicycle or space for the car, most of the time the car gets a preferential treatment. Consequently little space on the street is given to bike lanes

priority is still given to the car. Nevertheless the development of bicycle infrastructure has improved over the past years, there is a positive trend.

Bicycle paths and lanes are constructed little by little. A weakness is the lack of consistency in the construction. It is important that a bicycle path goes from point A to point B and not stops all of a sudden. The Brussels Cycle Network tries to construct coherent bicycle paths and routes. A good example of one of these coherent cycle routes is the regional cycle route along the canal that goes from Halle to Vilvoorde. This route is still in development but already gives the opportunity to have a cycle trip along the canal (Brussel Mobiliteit, 2013a). However, some intersections on the route are very dangerous to cross. Next to the regional cycle routes there are also municipal cycle routes. Accordingly, the development of bicycle infrastructure is the responsibility of the region as well as of the municipalities. The developments of cycle routes are still in progress. The routes are functional, follow local roads, and try to avoid main roads. Next to the functional routes there is also a recreational route which is a cycling and walking trail around Brussels that traverses various parks and nature areas, this route is named The Green Trail (Brussel Mobiliteit, 2013b). Parts of this trail can be used for functional purposes as well. All these different routes are collected on a cycling map, together with all the existing bike paths, bike lanes, one-way streets, pedestrian zones, et cetera. The map shows relief differences and points out where bicycle parking spaces, shops, et cetera are located. On top of that it provides several tips. The map is trilingual (French, Dutch, English), is developed and published by Brussels Mobility, and distributed through different cycling associations and organisations (Brussel Mobiliteit, 2013c). Besides the development of

or paths. This goes against the STOP-principle that the Brussels Region introduced in their government agreement of 2009-20141. According to this principle, the regional mobility policy has to take into account – in sequence – pedestrians, cyclists, public transport and lastly private

the Cycle Network also other steps are being taken to improve the cycling conditions in Brussels. Examples are the implementation of bicycle paths by replacing a car lane with a bike lane (such as done in Rue du Trône), by narrowing down car lanes in order to obtain space for bicycle lanes (e.g. Avenue Franklin Roosevelt, Avenue Albert), and by marking bicycle

1 STOP stands for Stappers (walkers), Trappers (pedallers), Openbaar vervoer (public transport) and Privévervoer (private transport)

37

lanes with paint. All these interventions are implemented quickly and cost

n.d.). The capacity of these racks is however insufficient. Besides, bikes

little. In 2004 the Belgian government generalised and compelled limited one-way traffic. This measure allows cyclists to use one-way streets in two directions. It has given cyclists the possibility to take the shortest route in a safe manner. In Brussels 60% of the one-way streets are accessible in two directions for cyclists. This makes Brussels one of the few capitals where so many streets are open for cyclists in both directions. Unlike feared, in oneway streets less bicycle accidents happen in the opposite direction than in the direction of the car flow (“Fietsen Tegenrichting Veilig”, 2013). These interventions show that improving cycling conditions is not only about constructing and building bicycle paths, but also about accompanying measures.

all too often get stolen because of the lack of secure or guarded parking spaces.

CyCLO2 runs four Bike Points that under more offer parking spaces that are partly equipped with access control. These Bike Points are located at four railway stations: Midi, Luxembourg, North, and Central. These guarded parking spaces are a good start, but do not offer enough spaces.

Next to parking your bike in public space, parking your bike at home is also a problem. A lot of people live in old apartment blocks or single houses that have been divided into multiple housing units. These housing facilities do not provide for secure bicycle parking spaces. Sixty percent of the residents of the Brussels-Capital Region do not own a bicycle, primarily because of the lack of space to store it. Approximately 30% of the Brusselian households declare that they do not have a space to store their bike (Lebrun et al., 2013). The municipality of the city of Brussels provides 11 bike boxes at different locations in the city centre. Each box can hold 5 bicycles and renting a space costs €60 a year. Some other municipalities also offer a few of these boxes. The operation of these boxes is the responsibility of CyCLO (Stad Brussel, n.d.). The bike boxes partially solve the parking problem at home, but are too expensive and not available in enough quantities. Bike parking facilities at offices and workplaces are almost nonexistent. Safe bicycle parking facilities in public spaces, at home and at the workplace are of great importance for the development of cycling. In Brussels a feeling of insecurity is the primary reason for not cycling, followed by the fear of bicycle theft. Consequently, improving bicycle parking facilities will bring about an increase of cyclists.

The Villo! public bicycle rental system is a great service for

“I abandoned the cycle path thinking . . . I always say; the infrastructure is already there, but it is just used wrong.”

(M, 38, expert)1 Nevertheless, when bicycle paths are constructed, it is clearly noticeable that subsequently the bicycle use increases. The described progress of bicycle infrastructure is promising. However, much remains to be done. A lot of bike lanes are too narrow and therefore dangerous, many traffic axes should be reconstructed in favour of the bicycle, and the quality of the road could be improved by filling up interfering potholes, and so on. In spite of the poor infrastructure, people do not restrain themselves from cycling.

“The infrastructure is lagging behind on the use itself” (M, 42, expert)

38

Brussels provides a couple of hundred cycle racks, most of them are located in the centre of town. The racks have an upside down U shape; this gives the possibility to attach your bike to it with a lock (Stad Brussel,

stimulating cycling in the city. The system was launched in 2009 in cooperation between the Brussels-Capital region and the company JCDecaux. Currently 180 stations are operating in 11 Brusselian municipalities,

1 This quotation – as well as the majority of the other quotations in this section – is translated from its original language to English. The quotations in their original language are chronologically presented in Appendix IV.

2 CyCLO is a non-profit social economy enterprise that promotes cycling in Brussels through bike mechanics, recycling, cycling culture and innovation.

with altogether 2500 bikes (“How Does It Work?”, n.d.). This system gives

on the city of Brussels up until today. Brussels is a city planned and designed

people who have fear of bicycle theft the opportunity to cycle in the city, they do not need to worry about their bike being stolen, since they park it in a secure Villo! station. It also offers possibilities for people that do not want to buy a bike for themselves. It lowers the barrier to cycle. Besides all that, it contributes to the visibility and promotion of the bicycle in the streetscape.

Bicycle shops in Brussels are on the rise. The private sector anticipates upon the growth of the amount of cyclists. There are a broad range of shops from high-end market to fixed-gear specialisation to classic utility bikes. A fair amount of shops is also specialised in bike mechanics and reparation. Nowadays it is also possible to buy a bicycle in supermarkets.

These bicycles are cheap but can have a low quality and therefore break down more easily. Because of the poor quality, the bikes are not repairable. To offer an alternative to the supermarket bikes, CyCLO repairs good quality second hand bicycles and resells them for a fair price. Next to selling second hand bikes, CyCLO also repairs bicycles. A new phenomenon in Brussels is Velofixer, the mobile bicycle repairer. He drives around with a cargo bike and offers bicycle repair services at home. According to two observations during the evening and morning rush, the majority of cyclists in Brussels make use of a classic city bike; 10% cycles on a Villo! bike; and the rest uses a mountain bike, Fixie, Brompton or another type of bike.

The meaning of cycling in Brussels has changed over the years. In the period of the 1920-1940 the bicycle was a familiar and affordable mode of transport in Brussels. This coincided with the process of urbanisation; the

for the car. Besides, in the lower classes of the population and most migrant communities, car ownership is still seen as a symbol of status and social recognition. Furthermore, the elder French-speaking liberal bourgeoisie who grew up with a modernist car culture still do not accept the bicycle as a means of transport. Hence the bicycle is not by everyone perceived as a regular mode of transport. Some people still see it as old fashioned and a traffic nuisance. Cultural differences are partly responsible for this.

Belgium is divided into three regions: the Brussels-Capital Region, the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region. In Flanders, the Flemish Region, the population speaks Dutch and cycling is perceived as a regular mode of transport. In Wallonia on the other hand, the population speaks French, and the bicycle is still seen as a tool for leisure and sport. The bicycle in both regions is used accordingly. In Brussels, consequently, the use of the bicycle as a mode of transport is self-evident for the Dutch-speaking and expat population. For the French speaking population the bicycle as means of transport is rather seen as something new. This partly explains the low quantities of cyclists in Brussels, since the majority of the Brusselian population is French-speaking. Nevertheless, the sympathy for the bicycle is emerging with all segments of the population and the cyclist is more and more accepted as a participant of the traffic.

The persons that cycle do this in the first place because of utility reasons and hence for them the bicycle is primarily a means of transport.

Figure 3 (p.45) gives a representation of what cyclists answered when they were asked about their reasons to cycle and meanings of cycling.

Preceding their modal choice of the bicycle, the cyclists assessed other possible means of transport. The strikes of public transport, traffic

bike became the most efficient means of transport in the city. Just as in the whole of Belgium and neighbouring countries, in Brussels the combination of the increasing ownership of the car, modernist urban planning and suburbanisation caused a decrease of bicycle use from the 1940s onwards (de la Bruhèze & Veraart, 1999). These developments have a great impact

jams, congestion, and limited operating hours of public transport are unattractive aspects of moving by bus, metro, tram or car. According to the interviewed cyclists, the bicycle is the most efficient, easy and cheap way to get from point A to point B in the city. Next to being a functional means of transport, cycling also has additional meanings. A great deal of

4.2.3 Meanings

39

cyclists associates cycling with a feeling of freedom and independence.

activists are part of a more radical subculture. They see cycling as an act

The facts that cycling is healthy and a good physical exercise are additional incentives that encourage cyclists. Even though most cyclists have utility purposes, some interviewees asserted that they also like to cycle and that it is fun. None of the interviewed cyclists cycle solely for leisure.

Combining recreational bike rides with functional ones is more common.

All the interviewed experts primarily approach the bicycle as a vehicle, but besides that they are also professionally involved with cycling. Cycling in and working for cycling in Brussels is an engaged activity. Nearly all experts acknowledge that it is hard to approach their professional and personal commitment to cycling separately from each other. Cycling became a part of their identity; consequently, cycling has an emotional connotation. A few cyclists emphasise their concerns for the ecological environment, one of their additional reasons to cycle is to improve the ecological environment.

As discussed later on, this may relate to both natural as social ecology.

Some cyclists stated that they are proud to cycle and that they cycle in order to make a political statement. The majority does not see cycling as a part of their lifestyle. They, however, do acknowledge that there exist several bicycle subcultures in Brussels.

of resistance and campaign for less car traffic and more liveable cities.

They do so by under more participating in the Critical Mass rides1 . A quite similar emerging community is the ‘Pic Nic The Street’ activist group. They campaign for a more liveable city with more space for people. Consequently they carry out actions to reclaim the public space to the people, and also to the bicycle. Cycling in Brussels can be linked to a number of other lifestyles and subcultures, such as the Cycle Chic subculture and urban lifestyle, but it should be considered that the people who are part of a lifestyle or subculture are not a homogeneous group. A cyclist does neither belong to one single subculture or lifestyle, he or she can be part of various ones, just as a he or she can have different reasons to cycle. Yet it should be emphasised that cyclists in Brussels give the bicycle in the first case a rather functional meaning; for them it is an efficient means of transport.

As mentioned before, cyclists relate cycling with improving the social ecology of their surroundings. The bicycle gives the possibility to experience the urban environment and all its aspects more elaborate. On a bike the interaction with your neighbours and social environment is more intense. It offers the possibility to recognise fellow citizens, meet new people, and talk and socialise along the way. Some interviewees said that they feel the city better on a bike in the sense that you use your senses more profound; you see, smell, hear and feel more.

“For some, cycling is really a lifestyle, or it is part of their identity and they feel themselves distinguished from others because they cycle.

And for others it is just something neutral.” (M, 38, expert)

“You can feel the city, you talk to people, you stop.” (M, 41, expert) The cycling population used to be dominated by a green movement with an ecological lifestyle. Hence cycling was associated with green fundamentalism. Nowadays several lifestyles and subcultures are engaged in cycling; consequently the public does no longer associate cycling merely with a green or ecological lifestyle. There is a small subculture of fixed-gear bikers. Within this subculture the bicycle is approached as an attribute to show your identity and to show-off with. This subculture can be linked to the hipster lifestyle and the profession of bike couriers. The bicycle 40

Cycling gives a feeling of freedom. Next to the independence of any other mode of transport, the bike also gives the possibility to explore the city in complete freedom and without limits.

“On the bike you actually regain a bit your freedom in the urban space.” (M, 42, expert) 1 Critical Mass rides are recreational, quasi-political bike rides where cyclists take over city streets to celebrate bicycling and to critique the production and function of urban space.

The bicycle proofs to be a perfect tool to explore the city and discover new

there happen few accidents involving cyclists. The first thing a novice

places. It gives a different experience than when walking or driving through the city. On a bike you are moving on a certain height and you maintain a certain distance from houses which is not comparable with walking or driving. Consequently, you have a different view and see different things.

cyclist has to do is omit prejudices and discard the idea that safe cycling is only possible on bicycle paths. As a cyclist in Brussels you often have to share your space with cars and other road users. Hence it is important that you act assertive, take up your position on the road and anticipate other road users’ behaviour. Furthermore it is important to make yourself visible by under more claiming your space. Besides it is important to have certain know-how of the traffic regulations and to be courteous in traffic. Car drivers can be unpredictable, consequently it is important to always stay focused and alert in order to react in time. An additional required skill is interacting with the traffic by communicating and maintaining eye contact with the other road users.

“Looking at houses, exploring neighbourhoods, the bike is perfect for that.” (M, 42, expert) The pace of cycling is also perfect for exploring, on foot your radius of action is smaller and therefore certain parts of the city are too far to reach.

By car you move faster and hence the experience of the city is superficial, besides that some streets and areas are less accessible by car. By bike you can take more easily alternative routes and consequently you discover places that you would not have encountered without your bike.

“Brussels is a marvellous city to get lost in.” (M, 41, expert) Cycling can change your perspective on the city. When walking, you avoid certain neighbourhoods because of feelings of insecurity. The bike makes you less vulnerable and hence while cycling you will feel more secure.

The bicycle gives you a subjective feeling of safety. Hence it gives you the possibility to experience neighbourhoods that other people usually avoid and additionally to adjust your vision of that neighbourhood.

“That are the two most important things, I think; take your place and consider the car traffic a bit like a stray herd – those can also do something unexpected at any moment, those do not consider traffic lights.” (M, 41, expert)

In Brussels the combination of poor bicycle infrastructure and hazardous

Novice cyclists are often taught to first plan and prepare their route before departing. Planning your route by making use of bicycle maps prevents ending up in unpleasant situations such as heavy traffic roads or steep routes.

The accumulation of cycling experience results in skills and competences becoming habits and happening subconsciously. The better you know Brussels and the surroundings where you cycle, the easier it will be to decide which route to take and to know where you have to pay attention and be careful. A good initiative to get inexperienced cyclists on the bike

behaviour of the majority of car drivers induces a bicycle unfriendly environment. As a consequence, next to the obvious ability of pedalling, cycling in Brussels demands some additional skills. People who do not cycle in Brussels usually have prejudices towards cycling. The media presents cycling in Brussels as dangerous, whereas this is not the case. Moreover,

and make them acquainted with pleasant cycling routes is Bike Experience.

This is an initiative that several cycling associations and organisations jointly organise during springtime and that wants to encourage Brussels residents to go to work by bike. For three days time an experienced cyclist (coach) helps an inexperienced cyclist to cycle from home to work by giving good

4.2.4 Competences

41

advice (“What’s This?”, n.d.). The inexperienced cyclists that participate in

infrastructure – is highly influenced by the local political decisions regarding

this initiative are usually uncertain about cycling in Brussels before starting, but three-quarter of them continue cycling after the Bike Experience. The experienced cyclist guides you through town, consequently you get to know the correct and pleasant routes and therefore you will have a positive first impression of cycling. In general non-cyclists have a wrong perception of cycling in Brussels; they think that it is dangerous. But once they start cycling in Brussels they will easily realise that all in all it is not that bad at all. If you want to start cycling in Brussels you may not be afraid and you have to be confident about yourself, but above all, you simply have to start doing it. Primarily it is also important that you already know the basics of cycling such as maintaining balance and being physically well. The current cycling conditions in Brussels have unfortunately as a result that cycling actually is solely something for people between approximately the ages 16 and 66. Children below 16 are still wild and reckless and consequently are more vulnerable. Elderly in turn are not stable enough and do no longer react and reflex quickly enough.

Some additional necessary competences of the practice of cycling are know-how about which bike best to buy. It is important to buy a quality bike, either new or second hand. Next to that, in order to prevent that your bike will be stolen, you should buy a proper lock. Several cycling associations and organisations campaign about this. Pro Velo, for instance, offers several educational courses and programmes in group and individually. One of their projects is ‘A vélo Mesdames !’ that addresses women’s groups that wish to empower their members in their travels by giving them the possibility to travel cheap and autonomous by bike. The participants first of all learn to ride a bike and secondly learn to familiarise

cycling. Brussels has a policy about cycling, but the implementation of it does not go smooth. Much of the problems with regards to cycling policy in Brussels have to be considered in the broader framework of the political organisation of the Brussels-Capital Region and its communes.

The government of the region has a degree of autonomy and is particularly competent in economic and territorial matters, under more mobility, transport and public works are regional competences. The region is subdivided in 19 communes that have the authority over managing the daily life of the inhabitants of their communal territory. Consequently, every commune has its own local governance plan and its own mayor; hence the region has in total 19 mayors. In the Brussels-Capital Region the relevant competences for cycling are divided over two cabinets; the cabinet of the minister of the government of the region who is responsible for Public Works and Transport, and the cabinet of the state-secretary of the region who is responsible for Mobility. The implementation of the policy of the Brussels Government happens through the Brussels Regional Public Service (BRPS) institution. Brussels Mobility is one of the six administrations of the BRPS and is responsible for equipment, infrastructure and mobility issues. The Transport and Mobility competences come together in this administrative institution (“Mobiel Brussel”, n.d.). The consequence of this political organisation in practice is that there is no coherent policy, because of the fragmentation of power and hence the broad range of actors that are involved. Moreover the communal authorities protect their political autonomy and because of that are often against the region and hence may counteract their plans and projects. This affects the implementation of regional policies such as bicycle policy. For the implementation of bicycle

and interact with the traffic. Next to this project, Pro Velo also offers courses for other target groups.

infrastructure and the reorganisation and reconstruction of the road network in favour of the bicycle, the regional policy is dependent on the communal authorities, since they have to authorise reconstructions within the territory of their commune. This causes that, among other things, it is difficult to implement a coherent cycle route that traverses different

4.2.5

Policy and politics

The practice of urban cycling – and in particular the development of bicycle 42

communes, since every commune has to have the willingness to cooperate.

be fulfilled. Furthermore, in order to achieve this target the government

On a positive note, the Brussels-Capital Region has drawn up and approved plans in favour of encouraging cycling. In The Brussels-Capital Region’s IRIS 2 mobility plan one of the aims is that by 2020 the bicycle has to have a share of 20% within the daily transportations (Mobiel Brussel, 2011).

In the regional government agreement of 2009-2014 the STOP-principle has been introduced. According to this principle, the regional mobility policy has to take into account – in sequence – pedestrians, cyclists, public transport and lastly private transport and the car (Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest, 2009). Both documents aim for an improvement of the cycling conditions and an increase of the quantity of cyclists. Moreover, the region already approved two bicycle plans. Brussels Mobility is responsible for bicycle policy and the drawing up of a bicycle plan.

budget should be distributed accordingly, which is currently not the case.

Even though that there is still a lot to improve regarding the bicycle policy and its realisation, it should be emphasised that the situation has improved over the years. The first steps towards a bicycle policy were taken in 1991. Meanwhile Pro Velo1 was founded in 1992 and started to develop a cycle network and additionally carried out other activities to encourage cycling. In 2005 the first regional bicycle plan, which was drawn up by Brussels Mobility, was approved and the function of Bicycle Officer was appointed within Brussels Mobility. The Bicycle Officer has a coordination and transversal function between the different boards of Brussels Mobility and between the region, the communes and Beliris2.

In addition he does policy preparation work, develops a vision towards cycling and is the representative of the bicycle in Brussels. Basically, the Bicycle Officer is the centralisation of bicycle policy in one single person.

The second regional bicycle plan was adopted in 2010 and is in realisation at the moment. Additionally the communes are encouraged to develop a local bicycle plan by distributing incentives. More and more communes start to develop their local bicycle plan. The future is promising, but the realisation of bicycle infrastructures stays a stumbling point. However, the policy with regards to educational promotion of cycling is on the right track.

Much of these educational promotion activities are offered by the intermediary organisations that promote urban cycling. The Fietsersbond3 (Dutch-speaking Cyclists’ Federation), the GRACQ4 (French-speaking Cyclists’ Federation), Pro Velo and CyCLO5 are the most important ones.

“That’s all very nice on paper. But bicycle policy that is of course also something that should be done on site.” (M, 42, expert)

On paper the bicycle policy is good and promising, but the implementation goes slow and with certain difficulties. This is mainly due to the dispersion of competences, but also due to the lack of political courage. Mobility is an unpopular competence, because it is a very visible change. None of the leading parties in the coalition power are interested in mobility or dare to take up the responsibility on mobility. Hence the mobility competence is given to the parties that have a small representation in the coalition and therefore have little political significance. Moreover, since only a small fraction of the population cycles, it is for political parties strategically not interesting to campaign for cycling.

The Brusselian politicians do not respect and follow up their own government agreement and mobility plan. If in the (re)arrangement of space a decision has to be made between the car and the bicycle; the decision is usually made in favour of the car. Consequently, it is unlikely that the target to achieve 20% of the daily transportations by bike by 2020 will

1 Pro Velo is an association whose declared aim is to improve the quality of life by actively contributing to the modal shift from car to bicycle. They support current and potential cyclists, (re-)educate people on cycling, disseminate a positive image for the bicycle and support cycling policies (http://www.provelo.org).

2 Beliris is a cooperation agreement between the Belgian Government and the Government of the Brussels-Capital Region. With regards to mobility, Beliris invests a budget of 200 million to finance several mobility developments in Brussels.

3 The Fietsersbond is an independent member association that is the contact point for bicycle policy and use and the representative for all existing and potential cyclists. Their mission is to stimulate bicycle use for everyone (http://fietsersbond.be/).

4 GRACQ is a non-profit and non-political association that wants to promote the bicycle as a means of getting around (http://gracq.org/) 5 CyCLO is a non-profit social economy enterprise that promotes cycling in Brussels through cycling technique, recycling, bicycle culture and innovation (http://recyclo.org/).

43

All of them are subsidised by different governments. Additionally there are several initiatives and action groups started up by residents. Examples are PlaceOvélo – the organisers of monthly ‘critical mass’ bike rides through Brussels; Cyclo Guerilla Bxl – an activist group that carries out acts of resistance and criticises the government’s attitude of refusing to do anything about the all-encompassing traffic disaster in Brussels; the European Union Cyclists’ Groups – people who work for the European institutions and who advocate the bicycle as a means of daily transport; and the Pic Nic The Streets activist group that campaigns for a more liveable city with more space for people. These groups and initiatives are only a few of the many.

44

“A fast and free means of transport to go through the city.” (F, 35, expert)

“The city is anyhow the place of excellence for cycling, because everything is within cycling distance.” (M, 42, expert)

“It’s the future.

Especially in an urban environment.” (M, 41, expert)

“I think it maybe symbolises the good ideas of progress.” (M, 33, expert)

“Cycling is a truly alternative.

An underestimated alternative, people laugh at it.” (M, 41, expert)

“You’re more free on a bike, it’s easy to move around with.”

(F, 26)

“I noticed that in a city like Brussels, it’s much better to travel by bike than with other means of transport, because it gives freedom, it’s more environmentally friendly, it’s less expensive...” (F, 58)

“For me, cycling is also sort of a statement; I do not participate in the consumption society, I do things my own way.” (M, 45, employee)

“I think that the bike is not a religion or a lifestyle, it’s just a tool, it’s just a vehicle.” (M, 33, expert)

“I think it’s good for everything, for you, for the environment, for your health, for the city.” (F, 29)

Figure 3. Motivations to cycle and meanings of cycling - selection of quotations 45

4.3 Summary and comparison In this section a summarising of both cases is given and simultaneously both cases are compared with each other and the research questions are answered. The first research sub-question (who are the practitioners?) is answered in the first paragraph. The second research sub-question (how can the practice be discussed in terms of materials, meanings and competences?) is answered in paragraphs 2-6. The 7th paragraph gives an answer on the fourth research sub-question (how do the practitioners experience the urban space?). The third research sub-question (how do place-based bicycle culture and policy shape the elements of the practice and vice versa?) is discussed in paragraphs 8 and 9.

4.3.1

The exceptional cyclist

The lack of official statistics of the quantity of cyclists in Tallinn makes it difficult to make a valid comparison about the share of cyclists in both cities. Nevertheless, an attempt is made. It is estimated that 1% of the transportations in Tallinn are done by bike. In Brussels this figure is three times higher, with 3.5% of the population that cycles. In both cities the quantity of cyclists has been increasing over the years. According to estimations, in Tallinn the amount of cyclists has doubled over the last three years. In the past decade, Brussels has seen its number of cyclists triple. This tendency is continuing. The age demographic of the majority of the cycling population in both cities ranges from approximately 20 to 45, in Brussels this can be extended to 65. Men are more represented in Brussels, while estimations show that Tallinn has gender equality. Cyclists in Brussels are usually highly educated, in Tallinn no such figures exist. In Brussels the cyclist can be seen in the streetscape all year around. In Tallinn cyclists mostly appear during the warmer months and give their bike a winter sleep during the cold and icy months. In both cities cycling is not yet perceived as a regular means of transport, but this is changing.

46

4.3.2

The bicycle in a car-dominated city

The modal share of the bicycle has shifted over the years. In Brussels the bike was a familiar and affordable means of transport during the period 1920-1940. This changed from the 1940s onwards. Car ownership started to increase and consequently bicycle use decreased. From the 50s until the 80s in Tallinn the bicycle was perceived as a tool for children and sports and was mainly used for leisure rides in the countryside. A result of the liberation from the Soviet Union in 1991 was that cars became affordable; consequently cars were purchased and used in large amounts from the 90s onwards. In both Tallinn as Brussels owning a car was associated with flaunting your wealth and a feeling of freedom. In Tallinn this freedom had not only to do with feelings of autonomy, but also represented the freedom from occupation. This automobile society still leaves its traces; both cities are clearly planned and designed for the car and hence are no bicycle friendly environment. Additionally, in segments of the population car ownership is still a symbol of status and social recognition. Nevertheless, the bicycle is increasingly becoming an accepted means of transport in the cities; in Brussels from the beginning of the 90s onwards, in Tallinn from the end of the 90s onwards. Nowadays the meaning of the bicycle is multifaceted. Some people still see it as leisure and sport; others use it as a means of transport.

4.3.3

A lack of coherent bicycle infrastructure

In Brussels the development of bicycle infrastructure is already more advanced than in Tallinn. Many cities that start with investing in and developing of cycling, fail in finding enough support to develop bicycle infrastructure there where it is really needed. This is also the case in Tallinn.

Most of the bicycle infrastructure development in Tallinn is done outside the city centre in the suburban parts of town, where there is space for. The adequate infrastructure in the central parts of town is missing. In Brussels the developments are one step further, in different parts of the city bicycle lanes and paths are implemented. The historical dense structure of the

city centre restricts development of bicycle infrastructure, consequently

Brussels is the public bicycle rental system Villo! that launched in 2009. If

bicycle lanes and paths are less present in the downtown area. The greatest difference between the two cities is that in Tallinn the majority of the bicycle lanes are placed on the pavement. Consequently the pedestrians and cyclists have to share the same space. Bicycle paths and lanes on roads are rare. In Brussels, on the other hand, all existing bicycle infrastructure are lanes and paths on the road, consequently cyclists share space with other road users. In both cities sufficient good bicycle infrastructure is lacking greatly, but the situation is improving slowly. The main weakness of the current infrastructure in both cities is that it has a lack of coherence, all too often bicycle lanes suddenly stop.

you make use of the Villo! bikes you can park it in a secure Villo! station.

4.3.4

The need for parking spaces

In both Tallinn as Brussels the fear of bicycle theft restrains people from cycling. There is a lack of safe and secure spaces to park your bike in public spaces, at home and at work. In both cities it is not a common practice that the employer provides bicycle parking spaces at the workplace. In Brussels a great deal of people lives in old apartment blocks that do not provide bicycle parking spaces. In Tallinn the majority of the population lives in high rise soviet modernist apartment blocks, these sort of housing does not provide bicycle parking spaces either. Consequently parking your bicycle safely at home is a problem. In Brussels the city authority offered a solution for this by providing bike boxes. Residents can rent a space in these boxes to park their bike in. However, there are only a few boxes. Bicycle parking in public spaces is underdeveloped in Tallinn. There are some bicycle racks spread out over town, but the design of them is inconvenient. During summer on three locations in the city centre guarded parking spaces are provided, but these do not have sufficient positions. In Brussels the situation is better, but still not satisfying. The city provides a couple of hundred cycle racks with a good design. Additionally there are four bicycle parking spaces at the different railway stations, which are partly guarded.

A solution for the lack of parking spaces and the fear of bicycle theft in

4.3.5 Primarily an efficient, cheap and comfortable means of transport The principal reason why residents of Brussels and Tallinn cycle is because they think that in the city, with its dense structure, the bicycle is the most easy, efficient, flexible, comfortable and cheap vehicle for transport. Hence the choice to cycle is often part of a transport mode decision-making process in which the bike is considered next to other modes of transport.

Cycling means movement from point A to point B. However, in both cities, cyclists supplement this meaning with other feelings. Firstly, cycling gives a feeling of freedom and independence. Secondly, it is healthy and good physical exercise. Finally, it is fun and enjoyable. A great deal of cyclists sees cycling as an opportunity to improve the natural environment and to connect with the social and local environment. Cycling gives the possibility to interact, talk and socialise with fellow citizens along the way. In Brussels for a part of the cyclists the bicycle has an additional meaning as a tool of resistance; one of the reasons to cycle is to make a political statement. In Tallinn a few cyclists consider cycling as a part of their lifestyle. In Brussels this is less the case, although that there exist several cycling lifestyles and subcultures (e.g. green, fixed-gear, biketivism). In Tallinn, besides utility purposes, the bicycle is often also used for leisure purposes. A great deal of cyclists use their bike as a tool for sports, they, however, do not cycle in the city and as such cannot be classified under the practice of urban cycling. Although that different motivations and reasons coexist, it should be emphasised that in Tallinn and Brussels the bicycle in the first case has a functional meaning of an efficient means of transport.

4.3.6 The assertive, anticipating, alert and communicative cyclist Cycling in Tallinn and in Brussels demands for more or less the same competences. The combination of poor bicycle infrastructure and the 47

hazardous behaviour of the majority of car drivers results in a bicycle unfriendly environment in both cities. Consequently, next to the elementary competences of the ability of pedalling and the know-how of the traffic regulations, other skills are required. The car drivers in neither of the cities accept cyclists entirely as participant of the traffic. Moreover the cyclist has to share space with cars and other road users. As a consequence cyclists have to adopt a certain attitude. As a cyclist you have to act assertive, take up your position on the road, make yourself visible, anticipate upon other road users’ behaviour, be flexible, act deliberately, keep your opens, react quickly, and finally communicate and interact courteously with other road users. Getting the hang of these competences happens over time and with experience. After a while they become habits and are performed subconsciously. A good knowledge of the city has a positive influence on the learning process. In Tallinn some additional competences are required.

Because there are so few cyclists, who moreover disappear during winter, the people are not used to cyclists. Furthermore, the situation of cyclists cycling both on the pavement as on the road has as a result that the cyclist is not truly part of the traffic and both car users as cyclists are not used to interacting with each other. Consequently, both groups have to be more alert and careful.

4.3.7

A versatile experience and exploration of the city

Cyclists in both cities indicated that the bicycle gives opportunities to experience and explore the city more actively than with any other means of transport. While cycling you can uses your senses more elaborate; you feel, see, smell, hear and touch the city. The speed and the view that you have on a bicycle proves to be perfect for exploring and discovering the city more comprehensive. On foot your radius of action is too small for extensive exploring; by car the speed restricts profound experiences. Additionally, places that are unreachable by car and on foot become accessible. On the bike, the city becomes more versatile, but at the same time more compact as well; distances become shorter. These new explorations and 48

experiences by bike can change your view and perspective on the city.

4.3.8 Incoherent policy The city governments’ and political parties their position with regards to cycling varies in the two cities. First of all, Tallinn has one local government unit; the Tallinn City Council, and one executive body; the Tallinn City Government. In Brussels, however, the political situation is more complex.

The Brussels-Capital Region has its own regional government, but additionally the region is subdivided into 19 communes that have their own autonomous government. Hence approaching and developing political matters such as bicycle policy is more complex in Brussels than in Tallinn.

In Tallinn there is no representational body that takes responsibility for the development of cycling. There is no bicycle policy and there is no one within the city authorities responsible for cycling. In Brussels on the other hand developing cycling has been included in several government documents and an administration is responsible for the development of bicycle policy. Additionally, this administration draws up a bicycle plan and has centralised bicycle policy in one person by appointing a Bicycle Officer.

In Brussels the fragmentation of power and the dispersion of competences has as a result that the implementation of bicycle policy goes slow and with little consistency. Planning and development of bicycle infrastructure in Tallinn is the responsibility of the city government.

However, just like in Brussels, this is dispersed over different departments.

Consequently, in Tallinn there is also a lack of consistency within the developments.

Brussels has several intermediary organisations that receive support from different governments. In Tallinn only informal initiatives exist, without state aid.

4.3.10 An emerging bicycle culture Tallinn and Brussels do not yet have a bicycle culture. In the culture of these cities the bicycle is not yet embedded as a regular means of transport.

Cycling is not ‘normal’, but rather exceptional. However, different

step has to be taken to invest in ‘hard’ infrastructure, i.e. high-quality

tendencies indicate that this is changing slowly.

In Brussels cycling has been promoted both by the government as by the inhabitants of the city. The inhabitants perform activist actions to raise awareness by the population in order to encourage them to start cycling. Various intermediary organisations carry out actions and offer courses that aim to educate people about cycling. By making people acquainted with the bicycle as a regular means of transport, they will slowly start to incorporate the bike in their culture and transport habits.

The regional government of Brussels implemented certain measures to support cycling, such as the limited one-way traffic that allows cyclists to use one-way streets in two directions. In Tallinn urban cycling is less developed than in Brussels. Cycling in the city is rather new. There exist a few independent initiatives that raise awareness concerning urban cycling by showing that cycling is also perfectly possible in the city, for functional purposes. The initiatives in Tallinn as well as in Brussels exert pressure on the government in order that they would invest more in cycling.

The offer of (second-hand) bicycle shops is increasing in both cities. In Tallinn it is still a bit difficult to get hands on a classic city bike, while in Brussels there is a broad supply. Thus the bikes are there, it is now just a matter of getting people cycle on them. The availability of bike shops stimulates the visibility of the bicycle in the streetscape. Moreover, in Brussels cycling is becoming more visible in the streetscape because of initiatives such as the Villo! public bicycle rental system.

In Brussels there is put a lot of effort in educational promotion and campaigning of cycling. More and more people are persuaded to start cycling. It seems, however, that a certain limit is reached. Many

bicycle infrastructure, in order to convince more people to cycle. Tallinn still needs to develop both the ‘soft’ as the ‘hard’ infrastructure. Cycling is still in its infancy.

In both cities a bigger change in the mindset of people is necessary to develop a bicycle culture. Currently both cities are car-dominated. This is partly due to the car-oriented infrastructure, but also because of the caroriented mentality of many people.

On a positive note, Tallinn and Brussels do have an emerging bicycle culture. In both cities there has been a considerable increase of cyclists over the recent years. A bicycle culture grows slowly. Basically it emerges together with the quantity of cyclists. Once a critical mass or the modal shift is reached, the bicycle culture will follow. The more bicycles and cyclists are on the street, the more people will get used to it and the more they will accept it.

people are waiting for good bicycle infrastructure; they want to cycle, but miss the infrastructure. In order to achieve the modal shift to the bicycle and a flourishing bicycle culture, different steps have to be taken, and the responsibility lies with the government. After the governments’ investment in ‘soft’ infrastructure – education and promotion – now the 49

5. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION This thesis aimed to obtain a comprehensive understanding of urban

of qualitative and quantitative methods would perhaps provide more

cycling by approaching urban cycling as a social practice.

The conceptual model proved to be a useful tool to obtain an understanding of urban cycling. By taking the practice of urban cycling as primary unit of analysis it was guaranteed that all aspects that have an impact on urban cycling were taken into consideration. It was possible to identify the materials, meanings, competences, place-based policy and place-based culture of the practices in both cities. As well as the linkages between the different elements and the manner in which that the elements shape each other became clear. In the previous chapter, the elaborate discussion of the practice of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels provided an in-depth understanding of urban cycling in each city. Moreover, in the comparison between the practices in both cities, the most characteristic elements and linkages of each practice were emphasised. Additionally, the similarities and differences between the practices of urban cycling in Tallinn and in Brussels were indicated. It is chosen to not provide a concise summarise of this richness of information, because this has as a result that the obtained nuanced insights are narrowed down to generalities and consequently represent the practice of urban cycling superficially – which conflicts with the aim of this research.

At the beginning of this thesis research it was argued that if policymakers – and cycling enthusiasts – want to successfully promote and encourage cycling in the city, they need to gain an insight into cycling in its most comprehensive form. This insight thereupon can be helpful to make the appropriate decisions that will lead to the encouragement of cycling.

Consequently, this thesis provided comprehensive understandings of the practices of urban cycling in Tallinn and Brussels, which can be of practical

profound results. In addition this would make it possible to conduct surveys with a broad range of cyclists and hence collect information that represents a larger part of the population. Secondly, the empirical data collection was for the most part conducted during summer; consequently this may have influenced the results, since cycling and the experience of cycling are dependent on the season. Thirdly, interviews were conducted with a selection of practitioners and experts; this provided an understanding of the practice of urban cycling. However, this approach does not take in consideration non-practitioners and policymakers. By incorporating those actors in the research as well, an even more comprehensive insight could be obtained. Based upon the above, it is recommended that further research uses a mixed approach, incorporates non-practitioners and policymakers, and conducts data collection over different seasons. Moreover it can be interesting to investigate the practice of urban cycling in a variety of cities, and also in cities with a higher quantity of cyclists.

use for the policy and the professional field in the respective cities.

This thesis closes with a critical reflection on the research process and recommendations for further research. Firstly, this research was confined to a qualitative research method, this proved to be a useful method to approach cycling comprehensively, however, a mixed approach 50

51

6. REFERENCES Aldred, R. (2012). The Role of Advocacy and Activism. In J. Parkin (Ed), Cycling and sustainability (pp. 83-108). Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

Aldred, R. (2010). ‘On the outside’: constructing cycling citizenship. Social & Cultural Geography, 11(1), 35-52.

Antov, D., Antso, I. & Jalakas, K. (2012). Tallinna jalgrattaliikluse strateegia. I etapp. Unpublished manuscript, Tallinn University of Technology, Tallinn.

Baarda, D.B., De Goede, M.P.M. & Teunissen, J. (2005). Basisboek kwalitatief onderzoek.

Groningen/Houten: Wolters-Noordhoff.

Bicycle routes and parks in Tallinn. (2012). Retrieved August 22, 2013, from http://www.tallinn.ee/eng/Bicycle Brussel Mobiliteit. (2013). Het Brusselse fietsnetwerk. Retrieved August 25, 2013, from http://www.mobielbrussel.irisnet.be/articles/fiets/fietsnetwerk Brussel Mobiliteit. (2013). De Fietskaart. Retrieved August 25, 2013, from http://www.mobielbrussel.irisnet.be/articles/fiets/fietskaart Brussel Mobiliteit. (2013). De Gewestelijke Fietsroutes. Retrieved August 25, 2013, from http://www.mobielbrussel.irisnet.be/articles/fiets/fietsroutes Brussels Hoofdstedelijke Gewest. (2009). Een duurzame ontwikkeling van het gewest ten dienste van de Brusselaars. Regeerakkoord 2009-2014. Retrieved from http://www.brussel.irisnet.be/files-nl/over-het-gewest/de-gewestelijke-bevoegdheden/regering-akkoord-2009-2014 Carlsson, C. (2008). Nowtopia. Oakland: AK Press.

Cox, P. (2005, May-June). Conflicting Agendas in Selling Cycling. Paper presented at Velo-City Conference, Dublin, England.

Cresswell, T. (2010). Towards a politics of mobility. Environmental and Planning D: Society and Space, 28, 17-31.

Cresswell, T. (2004). Place: a short introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Creswell, J.W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches. London: Sage. de la Bruhèze, A.A. & Veraart, F. (1999). Fietsverkeer in praktijk en beleid in de twintigste eeuw. Overeenkomsten en verschillen in fietsgebruik in Amsterdam, Eindhoven, Enschede, Zuidoost-Limburg, Antwerpen, Manchester, Kopenhagen, Hannover en Basel. Eindhoven: Foundation for the History of Technology.

Development Plan of Tallinn 2009-2027. (2008). Retrieved from http://www.tallinn.ee/eng/otsing?sona=13230 Fietsen in tegenrichting is veilig. (2003, June 13). Brussel Deze Week. Retrieved from http://www.brusselnieuws.be/artikel/bruno-de-lille-%E2%80%98fietsentegenrichting-veilig Furness, Z. (2006). “Put the Fun Between Your Legs!”: The Politics and Counterculture of the Bicycle (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://d-scholarship. pitt.edu/10058/1/Z.Furness2005.pdf 52

Furness, Z. (2005). Biketivism and Technology: Historical Reflections and Appropriations. Social Epistemology: A Journal of Knowledge, Culture and Policy, 19, 401-417.

Gehl, J. (2010). Cities for People. Washington, WA: Island Press.

Gray, D.E. (2009). Doing Research in the Real World. London: Sage.

Heinen, E. (2010). Attitudes van de fietsforens. Agora, 26(4), 14-16.

Heinen, E., van Wee, B. & Maat, K. (2010). Commuting by Bicycle: An Overview of the Literature. Transport Reviews: A Transnational Transdisciplinary Journal, 30(1), 59-96.

Horton, D., Cox, P. & Rosen, P. (2007). Introduction: Cycling and Society. In D. Horton, P. Rosen & P. Cox (Eds.), Cycling and Society (pp. 1-23). Hampshire: Ashgate.

How does it work?. (n.d.). Retrieved August 25, 2013, from http://en.villo.be/How-does-it-work Jacobs, J. (1961). The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House.

Lebrun, K., Hubert, M., Huynen, P., De Witte, A. & Macharis, C. (2013). De verplaatsingsgewoonten in Brussel. Retrieved from http://www.mobielbrussel.irisnet. be/articles/de-mobiliteit-van-morgen/kenniscentrum-mobiliteit Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.

Ligtermoet, D. (2009). Fietsberaad publication 7. Bicycle policies of the European principals: continuous and integral. Utrecht: Fietsberaad.

Lugo, A. (2010). Help de fietsers, verbeter de stad. Agora 26(4), 28-30.

Massey, D. (2005). For space. London: Sage.

Mobiel Brussel. (2011). IRIS 2 Mobiliteitsplan. Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest. Brussel: Mobiel Brussel.

Mobiel Brussel. (n.d.). Retrieved August 28, 2013, from http://www.brussel.irisnet.be/over-het-gewest/ministerie-van-het-brussels-hoofdstedelijk-gewest/ mobiliteit Pelzer, P. & te BrĂśmmelstroet, M. (2010). Fietsen: Revolutie en Reprise. Agora, 26(4), 4-6.

Pelzer, P. (2010). Bicycling as a Way of Life. A comparative case study of Bicycle Culture in Portland and Amsterdam (Master’s thesis, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam). Retrieved from http://peterpelzer.nl/thesisbicycleculturepp.pdf

53

Pro Velo. (2012). Observatoire du vélo en Région de Bruxelles-Capitale: résultats 2012. Retrieved from http://www.provelo.org/sites/default/files/etudes/ observatoire_du_velo_en_rbc_rapport_2012_130529.pdf Pro Velo. (2009). Observatoire du Vélo en Région de Bruxelles-Capital. Rapport final 2009. Retrieved from http://www.provelo.org/sites/default/files/etudes/ rapport_obs_2009_260210-2.pdf Reckwitz, A. (2002). The Status of the “Material” in Theories of Culture: From “Social Structure” to “Artefacts”. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 32, 195-217.

Reckwitz, A. (2002). Toward a Theory of Social Practices: A development in Culturalist Theorizing. European Journal of Social Theory, 5, 243-263.

Schatzki, T. (1996). Social Practices: A Wittgensteinian Approach to Human Activity and the Social. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sheller, M. & Urry, J. (2006). The new mobilities paradigm. Environmental and Planning A, 38, 207-226.

Shove, E. & Warde, A. (2002). Inconspicuous consumption: the sociology of consumption, lifestyles and the environment. In R.E. Dunlap, F.H. Buttel, P. Dickens & A. Gijswijt (Eds.), Sociological Theory and the Environment (pp. 230-251). Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield.

Shove, E., Pantzar, M. & Watson, M. (2012). The Dynamics of Social Practice: Everyday Life and how it changes. London: Sage.

Soja, E.W. (1989). Postmodern geographies. London: Verso.

Spaargaren, G. (2006, June). The Ecological Modernization of Social Practices at the Consumption Junction. Paper presented at the Sustainable Consumption and Society Conference, Madison, WI. Spinney, J. (2010). Performing resistance? Re-reading practices of urban cycling on London’s South Bank. Environment and Planning A, 42, 2914-2937.

Spinney, J. (2009). Cycling the city : movement, meaning and method. Geography compass, 3, 817-835.

Spinney, J. (2008). Cycling between the traffic: mobility, identity and space. Urban Design Journal, 108, 28-30.

Spinney, J. (2007). Cycling the City: Non-Place and the Sensory Construction of Meaning in a Mobile Practice. In D. Horton, P. Rosen & P. Cox (Eds.), Cycling and Society (pp. 25-45). Hampshire: Ashgate.

Stad Brussel. (n.d.). Stallen van fietsen. Retrieved August 25, 2013, from http://www.brussel.be/artdet.cfm/4358 Statistics Estonia. (2013). Employed persons by sex and way of going to work [Data file]. Retrieved from http://www.stat.ee/en Tallinn City Government. (2012). Statistical Yearbook of Tallinn 2012. Tallinn: Tallinn City Office.

54

Van Acker, V. (2010). Fietsstad of fietsende stedeling?. Agora, 26(4), 11-13. van Duppen, J. & Spierings, B. (2013). Retracing trajectories: the embodied experience of cycling, urban sensescapes and the commute between ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘city’ in Utrecht, NL. Journal of Transport Geography, 30, 234-243. van Loon, I. & Broer, K. (2006). Fietsen zolang het kan. Retrieved from: http://www.fietsberaad.nl/library/repository/bestanden/document000135.pdf Verbeek, D. & Mommaas, H. (2008). Transitions to Sustainable Tourism Mobility: The Social Practices Approach. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 16, 629-644.

Warde, A. (2005). Consumption and Theories of Practice. Journal of Consumer Culture, 5, 131-153.

What’s This?. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2013, from http://www.bikeexperience.be/en/whats-this Yin, R. K. (2003). Case study research: Design and methods. Thousand Oaks: Sage.

55

7. APPENDICES Appendix I Expert interviews in Brussels

Expert interviews in Tallinn #

Respondent

1

Co-initiator Eesti Rattarikkaks

Date

and Senior Expert at Stockholm 09.06.2013

Gender F

Age 42

Length

#

Respondent

1 01:18:09

Project manager at Linnalabor

12.06.2013

Informal expert

3

Co-founder Tallinn Bicycle Week

Gender

Age

Length

Policy coordinator at Fietsersbond

M

42

Coordinator local activity Brussels 08.07.2013

F

27

00:53:31

at Fietsersbond

Environment Institute 2

Date

14.06.2013

M

33

M

43

M

29

00:49:33 00:55:42

2

General coordinator at CyCLO

08.07.2013

F

35

00:55:04

3

Co-initiator of Cyclo Guerilla Bxl

09.07.2013

M

41

00:34:03

4

Bicycle Officer at Brussels-Capital 11.07.2013

M

43

01:14:20

Region

Eesti Rattarikkaks (Estonia Cyclelicious) is a loose network of people who encourage city residents to use bicycles as a means of transport in the daily traffic. They promote everyday cycling in Estonia and accordingly lobby with the government and carry out various activist actions.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) is an independent international research institute that is engaged in environment and development issues.

The senior Expert at SEI is active in the Tallinn Sustainability Measures Programme that focuses on sustainable transport policy of which cycling is part of.

Linnalabor (Urban Lab) is a testing ground for urban innovations, they work on new solutions to improve and diversify the urban life in Tallinn.

The project manager at Linnalabor carries out a project that maps children’s bicycle routes to and from school in order to find out their main routes, their bicycle behaviour and unsafe and hazardous places and traffic situations.

Tallinn Bicycle Week (TBW) is an independent initiative that develops bicycle culture in its broad spectrum by carrying out various events. The programme of the TBW in 2013 consisted of a bicycle seminar, Tour d’ÖO (nightly bike ride), a party, a bike hang-out day and a bicycle picnic.

56

5

Co-leader of PlaceOvélo

15.07.2013

M

33

01:04:18

6

Managing director Brussels at Pro 16.07.2013

M

38

00:34:09

Velo

The Fietsersbond (Cyclists’ Federation) is an independent member association that has Dutch as language of instruction, and that is active in Flanders and Brussels. De Fietsersbond is the contact point for bicycle policy and use and the representative for all existing and potential cyclists.

Their mission is to stimulate bicycle use for everyone.

CyCLO is a non-profit social economy enterprise that promotes cycling in Brussels through cycling technique, recycling, bicycle culture and innovation.

Cyclo Guerilla Bxl is an activist group that carries out acts of resistance and criticises the government’s attitude of refusing to do anything about the all-encompassing traffic disaster in Brussels. One of their happenings is (illegally) painting bicycle lanes on streets with dangerous traffic situations for cyclists.

The Bicycle Officer is responsible for the preparation and implementation of the Brusselian bicycle policy plan. He has a coordination and representation function. He promotes bicycle use and tries to provide better cycling facilities in Brussels.

PlaceOvĂŠlo is a cooperative that gathers Brusselian bicycle militants, both French as Dutch speaking. They campaign and lobby for a city with less cars and more space and facilities for cyclists. They initiated the monthly Critical Mass rides.

The overall mission of the association Pro Velo is to improve the quality of life by actively contributing to the modal shift from car to bicycle. Their objectives are to support (potential) cyclists; teach people to cycle (again); spread a positive image of the bicycle; and to support bicycle policy. They are active both in Wallonia as in Brussels.

57

Appendix II Practitioner interviews in Tallinn #

Gender

Age Occupation

Location

Date

Length

1

M

37

Graphic designer

TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

00:06:25

2

F

25

Landscape architect TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

00:04:36

M

21

Unemployed

TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

3

00:06:51

4

M

43

Bicycle mechanist

TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

00:02:49

5

F

32

Nature guide

TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

00:06:54

6

F

29

Office worker

TBW Seminar

06.06.2013

00:04:40

7

F

25

Newly-graduated

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:05:27

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:03:31

student

8

M

31

Theatre lightning designer

9

M

30

Kitchen worker

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:03:20

10

F

36

Civil servant

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:04:27

11

M

50

Technical television

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:02:27

engineer

12

M

28

Costumer servant

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:03:40

13

F

27

Part-time student

TBW Tour d’ÖÖ

07.06.2013

00:04:32

14

M

39

Environmental

Bike parking Vabaduse Valjak

13.06.2013

00:02:22

Bike parking Vabaduse Valjak

13.06.2013

00:04:32

Bike parking Vabaduse Valjak

13.06.2013

00:03:49

functionary

15

F

25

Tourist information officer

16

58

F

25

Student

Practitioner interviews in Brussels #

Gender Age Occupation

Location

Date

Length

1

F

36

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:04:26

2

F

45

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:03:47

3

F

26

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:02:48

4

M

12

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:02:35

5

F

30

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:03:13

6

F

58

Employee bon

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:02:41

7

F

29

/

A vélo Mesdames course

09.07.2013

00:03:29

8

F

31

Project manager WWF

Masse critique

26.07.2013

00:04:47

9

M

50

Theatre engineer

Masse critique

26.07.2013

00:02:37

10

M

26

Student

Masse critique

26.07.2013

00:03:24

11

M

45

Employee 11.11.11

Masse critique

26.07.2013

00:08:32

12

M

24

Student

Masse critique

26.07.2013

00:03:24

59

Appendix III Figures observations Tallinn

Observations in Tallinn #

Location

1

Intersection Pärnu maantee /

Date

Estonia puiestee / Kaarli puiestee Wednesday 12.06.2013

Time 17h00-18h00

/ Tallinn-Paldisk

2

Intersection Endla / Tehnika

Observations locations on map

Thursday 13.06.2013

08h30-09h30

Observation #1 Location: Intersection Pärnu maantee / Estonia puiestee / Kaarli puiestee / Tallinn-Paldiski Date: Wednesday 12.06.2013 Time: 17h00-18h00 ♂

♀

0-10

1

0

City bike

36

10-20

5

0

MTB

40

20-40

40

45

Fixie/race bike

19

40-60

4

1

Brompton

1

60-80

1

0

BMX

2

Total

51

46

Other

2

Type of bike +/-

97

Observation #2 Location: Intersection Endla / Tehnika Date: Thursday 13.06.2013 Time: 08h30-09h30 0-10 10-20

60

Type of bike +/-

♂

♀

1

0

City bike

17

1

MTB

53 10

1

20-40

45

31

Fixie/race bike

40-60

2

0

Brompton

0

60-80

0

0

BMX

0

Total

49

32

Other

2

81

Observations in Brussels #

Location

1

Place Raymond Blyckaerts: Intersection Rue Malibran /

Figures observations Brussels Date

Time

Wednesday 31.07.2013

17h00-18h00

Thursday 01.08.2013

08h15-09h15

Rue du Sceptre - Rue du Trône / Avenue de la Couronne

2

Observation #1 Location: Place Raymond Blyckaerts: Intersection Rue Malibran / Rue du Sceptre - Rue du Trône / Avenue de la Couronne Date: Wednesday 31.07.2013 Time: 17h00-18h00

Intersection Rue Van Artevelde / Rue de Poissonniers - Rue Antoine Dansaert

♀

0-10

2

0

City bike

85

10-20

0

0

MTB

57

52

Fixie/race bike

11 12

20-40 Observations locations on map

Type of bike +/-

♂

82

40-60

49

10

Brompton

60-80

2

0

BMX

29

Total

135

62

Other

3

197

Observation #2 Location: Intersection Rue Van Artevelde / Rue de Poissonniers - Rue Antoine Dansaert Date: Thursday 01.08.2013 Time: 08h15-09h15 ♂

♀

0-10

0

0

City bike

67

10-20

1

0

MTB

16

20-40

51

43

Fixie/race bike

15

40-60

23

5

Brompton

15

60-80

3

0

BMX

13

Total

79

48

Other

1

Type of bike +/-

127

61

Appendix IV Used quotations in their original language In text (1) “Ik ben afgestapt van het fietspad denken . . . ik zeg altijd; de infrastructuur die ligt daar al, alleen wordt hij fout gebruikt.” (M, 38, expert)

In figure (1) “Een vervoersmiddel om snel en vrij door de stad te gaan” (F, 35, expert) (2) “Dat is de toekomst hé. Zeker in een stedelijke omgeving.” (M, 41, expert)

(2) “De infrastructuur loopt achter op het gebruik zelf.” (M, 42, expert) (3) “Voor sommigen is fietsen echt een levensstijl, of maakt het deel uit van hun identiteit en voelen zij zich ook onderscheiden van anderen, omdat ze fietsen. En voor anderen is het meer iets neutraals.” (M, 38, expert) (4) “Je voelt de stad hé, je praat met mensen, je stopt.” (M, 41, expert) (5) “Door de fiets krijgt ge eigenlijk een beetje je vrijheid terug in de stedelijke ruimte.” (M, 42, expert) (6) “Huizen kijken, wijken ontdekken, dat is eigenlijk ideaal met de fiets.”

(M, 42, expert) (7) “Brussel is een fantastische stad om in te verdwalen.” (M, 41, expert) (8) “Ik denk dat het die twee dingen zijn vooral hé, plaats pakken en beschouw het autoverkeer een beetje zoals een loslopende kudde, die kunnen ook zo op elk moment iets doen, die houden geen rekening met verkeerslichten hé.” (M, 41, expert) (9) “Dat is allemaal heel mooi op papier. Maar fietsbeleid dat is natuurlijk ook iets dat op terrein moet gebeuren hé.” (M, 42, expert) 62

(3) “Fietsen is echt een alternatief. Een onderschat alternatief, er wordt zo wat lacherig over gedaan.” (M, 41, expert) (4) “Au vélo tu es plus libre, c’est facile de te déplacer.” (F, 26) (5) “J’ai constaté que dans une ville comme Bruxelles, c’est beaucoup mieux de circuler à vélo que avec d’autres moyens de transports, parce que ça donne de liberté, c’est plus écologique, c’est moins cher…” (F, 58) (6) “Voor mij is fietsen ook wel een soort statement van ik doe niet mee aan die consumptiemaatschappij, ik doe het op mijn eigen manier.” (M, 45, employee) (7) “De stad is sowieso de plaats bij uitstek om te fietsen, want je hebt alles op fietsbare afstand.” (M, 42, expert)

63

Appendix V

1.

2.

TALLINN 1. Bicycle lane on the road (copyright: Juho Kalberg) 2. Bicycle lane on the pavement (copyright: Juho Kalberg) 3. Bicycle parking spaces on Freedom Square (own picture) 4. Shared bicycle and pedestrian path (copyright: Juho Kalberg) 64

3.

4.

1.

2.

BRUSSELS 1. Bicycle lane on the road (own picture) 2. Suggested Bicycle lane on the

3.

4.

5.

road (copyright: Sasha) 3. Guarded bicycle parking (copyright: CyCLO) 4. Bicycle parking of Villo! (own picture) 5. Bicycle parking (own picture) 65

68