Race, Ethnicity, Gender, & School Suspensions by Poncho

Barbara Jordan - Mickey Leland School of Puclic Affairs Center for Justice Research

RACE, ETHNICITY, GENDER, & SCHOOL SUSPENSIONS BY MELISSA KWENDE, MHCA, J E N N I F E R W YAT T B O U RG EO I S , P H D & HOWARD HENDERSON, PHD

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CONTENTS

KEY FINDINGS INTRODUCTION METHODOLOGY RESULTS RECOMMENDATIONS CONCLUSION REFERENCES APPENDIX A APPENDIX B p4

p10

p24

p32

p34

p36

p38

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2 0 1 6 - 2 0 1 7 R E L AT I V E R AT E I N D E X F O R M E A S U R E S A C R O S S R A C E , E T H N I C I T Y, & DISCIPLINARY REASONS

KEY FINDINGS

BLACK STUDENTS ARE 17 TIMES MORE LIKELY TO BE DISCIPLINED THAN WHITE OR HISPANIC STUDENTS. The Center for Justice Research

Disparity Rate (Times more likely than a white student to be suspended)

16.91

6.70

6.34 4.23

3.32 0.82

1.23

Dress Code Violation

Using Phone

1.23

0.70 Missed Class/ Assignment

Black/African American

0.00 Tardiness

Cheating

Hispanic

17% (n = 262) of all students (grades 3-12) were disciplined. 47% of all students disciplined were Black, though only accounting for 20% of the total school population.

37% of all students disciplined were White, and 18% were Hispanic. 63% of the students suspended have multiple suspensions. Black students accounted for 51% of these multiple suspensions.

95% of the suspended Black students are economically disadvantaged.

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INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION

The use of school suspensions has been widely adopted and disproportionately applied to children of

are more likely than White students to experience repeated school suspensions. An analysis of student

poor and disenfranchised communities. Approximately 35% of K - 12 grade students are suspended at

suspension data of Texas schools for the academic years of 1999-2000 and 2008-2009 found that one-

least once in their lifetime (Shollenberger, 2015). Today, Black students are suspended at significantly

fourth (25%) of African American students had more than 11 discretionary disciplinary actions, compared to

higher rates than their Black and Hispanic classmates (Lurie & Rios, 2016; Welsh & Little, 2018;

about one-fifth of Hispanic students (18.1%) and less than one-tenth of white students (9.5%) (Fabelo et al.,

Hannon et al., 2013). Despite the recent push for alternatives to school suspensions, few, if any, have

2011). While the suspension rates are disproportionately high for Black boys, students in foster care, and

sought to examine the extent to which certain student suspensions result from various superfluous

special education, it is important to note that some students may fall into more than one of these categories

behavioral actions. There also remains a need to understand the behavioral responses that serve as a

(Texans Care for Children, 2018).

catalyst of the educational system’s ‘zero tolerance’ approach to school discipline. The disproportionate effect of suspension policies on Black students is a sign that the need remains for Zero tolerance discipline policies were established to create safer learning environments for all

school districts to address disciplinary disparities and ensure all children get the support they need to stay

students, but these policies have negatively and disproportionately impacted students of color,

in their classrooms and engage in their learning. Positive support like evidence-based prevention strategies

the economically disadvantaged, and those classified for special education. Despite the continued

that support the academic, emotional, social, and behavioral needs of a student increases the likelihood

implementation of zero-tolerance policies, they have proven to be counterproductive (Smith & Harper,

of school/life success and reduces the likelihood of dropout and subsequent incarceration. (Cramer et al.,

2015). The common approach to dealing with school deviance has been extremely consequential for

2014; Hannon et al., 2013; Texans Care for Children, 2018).

Black, poor, and developmentally-delayed students, as evidenced by their over-representation. Extending the previous research, this report aims to understand the relationship between the behavioral Research finds that juveniles who are repeatedly taken out of the educational environment, via

rationale for school discipline and the student’s racial/ethnic classification. In the school district we

suspension or expulsion, have a greater likelihood of ending up in jail/prison (Allen & White-Smith,

examined, Black students accounted for almost 20% of the students in grades 3-12 during the 2016 – 2017

2014; Cramer et al., 2014; Noguera, 2003; Rose Tratner, 2012; Sealey-Ruiz, 2011; Wilson, 2014).

academic year, but the rates at which they were suspended were disproportionately higher than White and

School suspensions and expulsions disproportionately affect students of color and students with

Hispanic students. It should be noted that of the three racial/ethnic groups, Hispanic students have the

disabilities. Examining a rural Texas school district, we find that Black students are suspended at

lowest suspension rates.

similar rates to Black students around the state and the country, which forced us to determine the underlying patterns of behavior or official responses to that behavior. What we find interesting is that

This report analyzes the school discipline data of a school district, controlling for the exhibited behavior

Hispanic students had the lowest rate of suspension of all racial/ethnic groups.

used to justify discipline for the 2016 – 2017 academic year. Our goal was to better understand just what behaviors were demonstrated that motivated school disciplinaries. We evaluated the Race/Ethnicity,

Prior research highlights the ineffectiveness of zero-tolerance school disciplinary policies (Cramer

Campus Type, Grade Level, Gender, Economic Disadvantage, and Reasons for Suspension of each student

et al., 2014; Noguera, 2003). The high rate at which students are suspended multiple times is the

disciplined. To better understand the nature of multiple suspensions and the ability of suspensions to deter

clearest evidence against these zero-tolerance policies. African-American and Hispanic students

delinquent behavior, we examined the degree and extent to which multiple suspensions exist.

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METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY

For this study, we used data obtained from a rural Texas school district. The different suspension types were grouped into three categories: In-School Suspension (ISS), Out-of-Suspension (OSS), and Disciplinary Alternative Education Program (DAEP).

The In-School Suspension (ISS) category consists of:

1 2 3 4 5

In-School Suspension Partial Day ISS

1 2 3

Continue other districts AEP Continue Prior Year DAEP DAEP Placement (Student Not Expelled)

Partial Day Time Out School Detention Time Out

The Out-of-School (OSS) category consists of:

1 2

The Disciplinary Alternative Education Program (DAEP) category consists of:

Throughout the report, ISS, OSS, and DAEP grouped together are referred to as suspensions. We ran a crosstab analysis to determine if Race/Ethnicity, Gender, Economic Disadvantage, Number of Times Suspended were correlated. We also examine the degree to which students were suspended multiple times. Then, we calculated the Percent Differences to determine the comparative chances of Black, White, and Hispanic student suspension. The following section highlights our results.

Out-of-School Suspension (3 Day Limit) Partial Day OSS

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RESULTS R E S U LT S

TA B L E 1 : S T U D E N T D E M O G R A P H I C S Black Students

Table 1 TABLE 1 illustrates a summary of the school discipline data of the rural southwestern school district according to race/ethnicity, gender, grade level, frequency of suspensions, and economic disadvantage. Table 1 also illustrates the chi-square analysis of each category. The Total Population category in the table illustrates the total number of students enrolled in the academic year 2016 – 2017, according to grade level. Black students have the lowest population in all grade levels. Black students account for 20% of the population, while White students represent 45% and Hispanic students 35% of the student population. Despite the low representation of Black students in the total student population, they are disproportionately represented in the student suspension population. To understand school discipline, we calculated the percentages of students in In-School Suspensions (ISS), Out-of-School (OSS) Suspensions, and Disciplinary Alternative Education Programs (DAEP). Then we divided those outcomes by their numbers in each respective racial/ethnic group. Doing this allowed us to observe any racial disparity in school discipline infractions. Unless otherwise noted, all three categories (ISS, OSS, and DAEP) are referred to as suspensions for the remainder of the report.

Characteristics

Grades 3-5

101

Grades 6-8 Grade 9-12

White Students x2

31%

214

30%

124

38%

Hispanic Students n

30%

186

220

31%

281

39%

Total Sample n

34%

501

32%

146

27%

464

29%

218

40%

623

39%

Total Population

Suspensions Population Male

56%

*5.428

68%

1.355

73%

2.490

165

63%

Female

44%

...

32%

...

27%

....

37%

Suspensions by Grade Grades 3-5

31%

.201

31%

.183

40%

1.218

33%

Grades 6-8

27%

*5.183

18%

.672

10%

3.732

21%

Grades 9 -12

42%

2.028

51%

1.139

50%

.279

122

47%

Suspension Occurrences Single

32%

2.292

41%

.983

42%

.544

37%

Multiple

68%

...

54%

...

58%

...

165

63%

Suspended Economically Disadvantaged No

*37.919

42%

*40.770

21%

.010

20%

Yes

118

95%

...

58%

...

79%

...

208

80%

*Note: Chi-square is significant at .05

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Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 1 illustrates the total number of suspensions relative to the number of students suspended

Figure 2 illustrates the student population percentages by race/ethnicity and each group’s

for each racial/ethnic group. Black students had the highest students suspended to total suspensions

representation in each suspension category. Despite representing the smallest group in the general

ratio at 3.3 in the 2016 – 2017 academic year, while the White ratio was 2.3 and the Hispanic

student population, Black has the highest number of students in each suspension type. 20% of the

students had a 2.2 ratio. It should be noted that the total number of students suspended to total

district’s students are Black, in comparison to 45% White and 34% Hispanic. Black students represent

suspensions ratio was 2.8. In short, Black students represent only 20% of the student population, yet

55.7% of the ISS population, while Hispanic students represent 15% and 29.3% are White students.

they account for the highest number of suspensions (413) and students suspended population (124).

For OSS, Black students 62% of the population compared to 11.4% Hispanic students and 26.6% White students. Black students (58.6%) also received the highest number of DAEP placements in

FIGURE 1: S T U D E N T S S U S P E N D E D V S . T O TA L N U M B E R OF SUSPENSIONS BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

722

comparison to 20.7% Hispanic students and 20.7% White students. It is important to note that some students received multiple suspensions; therefore, within and between suspension types, students are not mutually exclusive. Thus, serving as our rationale for examining multiple suspensions.

FIGURE 2: DISCIPLINARY TYPE BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

62.0%

413

45.0%

262 205 124

Black

34.6% 29.3%

White Students

26.6%

104

Hispanic Suspensions

20.7% 20.7%

20.3%

15.0% 11.4%

Total Total Student Population Percentage

ISS Percentage Black

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58.6%

55.7%

OSS Percentage White

DAEP Percentage

Hispanic

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Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 3 illustrates student gender demographics of students suspended by race/ethnicity and grade level. The data includes all suspensions regardless of type. Grades 3-5 are considered elementary,

Figure 4 illustrates the gender and race of students with multiple suspensions and those with single

6-8th grades represent junior high school, and high school serves as grades 9th-12th. Black female

suspensions. Black students have the highest number of multiple suspensions in both genders.

students had the highest population of female students suspended across all campuses, while Black

Male and female Black students represent the highest population of single suspensions. For single

male students are the highest male population of students suspended only in middle and elementary

suspensions, 52.5% Black males were suspended in comparison to 70% Hispanic students and

grade levels. For grades 3-5 (59%) and grades 6-8 (66.7%), Black male students were suspended

56.8% White students. Similarly, for single suspensions, Black females had the highest classroom

the most in comparison to Hispanic students and White students. 84.2% Hispanic students and

removals at 47.5% compared to 30% Hispanic females and 43.2% White females. The racial and

75% White students were suspended in grades 3-5. However, for grades 6-8, White males had the

gender differences for multiple suspensions patterns continue. 57.1% Black males received multiple

highest percentage of suspensions at 65.2%, in comparison to 46.2% Black males and 66.7% Hispanic

suspensions in comparison to 75% Hispanic males and 75.5% White males. 42.9% of Black females

males. For grades 3-5, 41% of Black females were suspended, 33.3% in grades 6-8, and 53.8%

received multiple suspensions compared to 25% Hispanic females and 24.5% White females. Across

in grades 9-12. Hispanic females had the lowest number of suspensions for each campus. 15.8%

all grade levels (excluding 5th and 6th), Black students were more likely to be suspended multiple

Hispanic females received suspensions in grades 3-5, 40% in grades 6-8, and 33.3% in grades 9-12. In

times.

comparison to Black females, White female students were suspended less often. For grades 3-5, 25% of White females were removed from the classroom, 37.5% in grades 6-8, and 34.8% in grades 9-12.

FIGURE 3: STUDENT DISCIPLINARIES BY RACE, ETHNICITY & GRADE 2016-2017

FIGURE 4: S I N G L E & M U LT I P L E S U S P E N S I O N S B Y R A C E , E T H N I C I T Y, & G E N D E R 2016-2017

21 16 16

8 30 21

3 10

Grades 3-5

Grades 6-8 Male Black

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Grades 9-12 White

Grades 3-5

2 6

Grades 6-8 Female Hispanic

Grades 9-12

Male

3 7

Female

Male

Single Suspensions Black

Female

Multiple Suspensions White

Hispanic

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Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 5 illustrates the economically disadvantaged, suspended students by race/ethnicity and grade level. Black students represent the highest number of economically disadvantaged for each campus/

Figure 6 illustrates the disparity ratio of economically disadvantaged students by race/ethnicity.

grade level. There are 48 Black students in grades 9-12 who are economically disadvantaged, and

The disparity ratio below depicts the likelihood of Black and Hispanic students being suspended

they represent the highest number of classroom removals at 55.8%, in comparison to 18 (21%)

compared to their White counterparts. DAEP has the highest disparity ratio for economically

economically disadvantaged Hispanic students and 20 (23.3%) White students. For students in the

disadvantaged students. Black students are over 9 times more likely than their White classmates to

6-8th grades, 32 (67.7%) economically disadvantaged Black students were suspended while only 3

receive placement into an alternative education program. We also observe that the disparity ratio

(6.3%) Hispanic students and 13 (27%) White students were removed from the classroom. The pattern

between Black students and their Hispanic and White counterparts in this category is significant.

is the same for grades 3-5’s economically disadvantaged students. 38(51.4%) Black students, 17 (23%)

Economically disadvantaged Black students are 7 times more likely to receive In-School Suspensions

Hispanic students, and19 (25.7%) White students were suspended.

than economically disadvantaged White students. The pattern is the same for both Out-of-School Suspensions (OSS) and DAEP placements. For OSS, Black students are a little over 7 times more likely

In order to get a better understanding of the suspension rate for each racial/ethnic group, relative to

to receive suspensions that remove them not only from the classroom but also from their campuses.

all suspensions, controlling for their student population representation, we ran a Relative Rate Index

For ISS and OSS, Hispanic student removal from the classroom is in proportion with the size of their

(RRI) calculation on suspension groups by race/ethnicity for further analysis.

population.

(Rate of Suspension type for each racial group)

RRI =

FIGURE 6: R E L AT I V E R AT E I N D E X ( R R I ) O F S U S P E N D E D E C O N O M I C A L LY D I S A D V A N TA G E D S T U D E N T S 2016-2017

(Rate of Suspension by majorty youth)

FIGURE 5: S U S P E N D E D E C O N O M I C A L LY D I S A D V A N TA G E D S T U D E N T S B Y R A C E , E T H N I C I T Y, & G R A D E , 2 0 1 6 - 2 0 1 7

38 32

20 17

Disparity Rate (Times more likely than a white student to be suspended)

9.4

7.27

7.01

1.63 0.92

0.84

3 ISS Grades 3-5

Grades 6-8

OSS

Grades 9-12 Black

Black

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White

DAEP Hispanic

Hispanic

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Figure 7

Figure 8

Figure 7 illustrates the behavioral justifications for student suspensions. The data is presented by race, ethnicity, and suspension reason. There are 48 Black students with ‘failure to comply’ and

Figure 8 illustrates the disparity ratio for In-School Suspensions for the 2016-2017 academic school

‘disrespectful’ infractions, while for the same infraction, their White and Hispanic counterparts

year. Figure 8 also shows the disparity ratio of the various behaviors that resulted in In-School

account for only 18 and 16, respectively. As seen in Figure 7, of the 16 disciplinary types, Black

Suspensions. Black students, who account for only 20% of the student population, were almost 22

students represent the highest population amongst almost 88% of the disciplinary reasons,

times more likely to be suspended for verbal altercations and 21 times more likely to be suspended

despite accounting for only 20% of the total student population. The numbers below are not

for stealing than White students. There are no Black students with Possession and Pending Felony

mutually exclusive. Some students may have fallen under more than one behavioral justification for

offenses, while Hispanic students are the highest population with these types of behaviors.

suspensions.

FIGURE 8: I N - S C H O O L S U S P E N S I O N S R E L AT I V E R AT E I N D E X F O R DISCIPLINARY REASONS BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

FIGURE 7: REASONS FOR SUSPENSION BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

22.14 21.03

White

0.75

0.70

0.52

0.65

Hispanic Black/African American

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0.65

1.3 0

Cheating

0.70

3.21

Tardiness

0.37

4.43

4.01

Pending Felony

2.6

Class Disruption

3.69

Verbal Altercation

5.2

4.16

3.69

Fighting

Disrespectful

Cheating

False Reports

Parking

6.64

6.32

Possession of Controlled Substance/Smoking

Black/African American

Tardiness

22 3

Pending Felony

8.65

Inappropriate Language/ Behavior

Possession of Controlled Substance/Smoking

Verbal Altercation

Fighting

Disrespectful

Stealing

Using Phone

Dress Code violation

Inappropriate Language/ Behavior

Stealing

Missed Class/Assignments

18 16

Class Disruption

Failure to Comply

Missed Class/ Assignments

Dress Code violation

Failure to Comply

Number of Students

Disparity Rate (Times more likely than a whtie student to be suspended)

Hispanic

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Figure 9

Figure 10

As mentioned before, the purpose of this report is to determine the extent of racial disparity in school discipline practices. Figure 9 displays the disparity ratio of the behaviors that warrant out-of-school

Figure 10 shows the Relative Rate Index for students placed into Disciplinary Alternative Education

suspension by race. The bars represent the disparity ratio of the percentage of OSS removals to the

Programs (DAEP). Despite there being a low number of students placed into DAEP, Black students

percentage of the student body. In Figure 9, we observe that Black students are over 19 times more

remain the highest population here as well. Black students are close to 9 times more likely to be

likely to be removed from class for Inappropriate Language/Behavior than White students. Black

placed in DAEP for a pending felony than White students.

students are also 36 times more likely to receive Out-of-School suspension for being Disrespectful than either one of their counterparts.

FIGURE 10: D A E P R E L AT I V E R AT E I N D E X F O R D I S C I P L I N A RY REASONS BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

FIGURE 9: O U T- O F - S C H O O L S U S P E N S I O N S R E L AT I V E R AT E I N D E X FOR DISCIPLINARY REASONS BY RACE & ETHNICITY 2016-2017

Disparity Rate (Times more likely than a white student l to be suspended)

8.85

19.92

14.02

13.28

4.43

4.43 3.9

1.3

9.13 5.90

Black/African American

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Inappropriate Language/ Behavior

Missed Class/Assignments

Class Disruption

Using Phone

1.11

Possession of Controlled Substance/Smoking

2.6 0.22

Disrespectful

Failure to Comply

0.49

4.43

Verbal Altercation

2.6

3.32

Fighting

Disparity Rate (Times more likely than a white student to be suspended)

36.52

Failure to Comply

0 Disrespectful

Black/African American

Possession of Controlled Substance/ Smoking

Pending Felony

Hispanic

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Table 2

Tables 3 & 4

To determine the impact of economically disadvantaged, gender, and multiple suspensions on

Similarly, two Multiple Linear Regressions (MLR) were conducted to estimate the proportion of

students’ race/ethnicity, a binary logistic regression was conducted and analyzed. Overall, the

variance in the number of suspensions accounted for by economic disadvantage, sex, Hispanic/Latino,

model was found not significant (p < .05). The results of the model indicate that the economically

grade, and race. One model included White race, and the other included Black/African American race.

disadvantage variable was found to be significantly predictive (p < .001) of students’ race/ethnicity. In

This way was done due to multicollinearity present between the two dichotomized race variables.

short, being economically disadvantaged (b 2.533) significantly increased the odds of Black students

Neither model was statistically significant, nor were any predictors statistically significantly predictive

being suspended (see Table 2).

of suspensions at Alpha .01 (see Tables 3 and 4).

TA B L E 2 : B I N A R Y L O G I S T I C R E G R E S S I O N R E S U LT S F O R RACE/ETHNICITY

TA B L E 3 : M U LT I P L E L I N E A R R E G R E S S I O N F O R P R E D I C TORS OF NUMBER OF SUSPENSIONS, INCLUDING BLACK/ AFRICAN AMERICAN RACE

Race / Ethnicity b

Exp(b)

Economically Disadvantaged

2.533*

0.490

12.587

Gender

0.506

30%

Multiple Suspensions

0.387

0.840

1.472

-2 Log liklihood

312.507

RL2

0.226

2.465

Note: N = 261 *p<0.05, 0.01, and 0.001

Predictor

Beta

Economically Disadvantaged

.09

.08

.07

1.05

.294

Sex

-.12

.06

-.12

-1.85

0.66

Hispanic / Latino

-.02

.09

-.02

-.27

.787

Grade

.07

.03

.13

1.98

.048

Black / African American

.07

.08

.99

.325

Note. N = 261, R = .18, R2 = .03, Adjusted R2 = .02, F (5, 255) = 1.8, p = .114

TA B L E 4 : M U LT I P L E L I N E A R R E G R E S S I O N F O R PREDICTORS OF NUMBER OF SUSPENSIONS, INCLUDING WHITE RACE Predictor

Beta

Economically Disadvantaged

.09

.08

.07

1.05

.294

Sex

-.12

.06

-.12

-1.85

0.66

Hispanic / Latino

-.10

.09

-.02

-1.16

.249

Grade

.07

.03

.13

1.98

.048

Black / African American

-.07

.07

-.07

-.99

.325

Note. N = 261, R = .18, R2 = .03, Adjusted R2 = .02, F (5, 255) = 1.8, p = .114

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RECOMMENDAT R E C O M M E N DAT I O N S

Despite the well-documented history and status of racially and ethnically disparate school discipline, there remains a lack of research on the behavioral justifications for the use of school discipline, just as there are many school districts that have yet to identify and properly implement proven approaches. Only a few states like California and Texas are implementing proven approaches like a moratorium on discretionary suspensions. Our results indicate that despite motivation to address school discipline, the way it is expressed is 17 times more likely to be utilized on Black students. We also found that sixty-three percent (63%) of the students suspended had multiple suspensions within an academic year. As a result, we conclude this report with a few recommendations that will assist school districts interested in reducing disparities, increasing student compliance, and improving the overall schoolcommunity relationship.

1 2 3 4 5 6 24

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Recommendation: Build an infrastructure for the collection and analysis of schools’ discipline data Recommendation: Form a Community-School Task Force Recommendation: Enact Moratorium on Discretionary Suspensions Recommendation: Utilize Focus Groups Recommendation: Implement Cultural Awareness Training Recommendation: Utilize Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS)

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R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 1

R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 2

Build an Infrastructure for the Collection and Analysis of Schools’ Discipline Data

Form a Community-School Task Force

We recommend the creation of a data collection and analysis portal that would ease the ability to

superintendent. This task force should be charged with examining the school district’s disciplinary

share identified student disciplinary-specific data. Such a system would help school leaders craft a

policies, practices, and procedures. The overall goal would be to determine the impact of these

sound blueprint with measurable results for continuously improving schools so there could be more

practices and provide recommendations for reducing unnecessary disciplinary actions and racial/

evidence-informed decisions (American Association of School Administrators - AASA, 2004).

ethnic disparities. In addition to examining district-level data, the task force would be charged with

Utilizing findings from the focus groups in conjunction with external evaluators, we recommend school districts formulate a strategic task force that reports directly to the school board and

recommending proven disciplinary models for consideration. Each year the task force would submit a Similar to the Texas Education Agency’s Discipline Action Group Summary Reports, most state

report to the school board and superintendent before releasing the report for public consumption.

educational databases lack individual-level disciplinary, such as the number of suspensions each kid received in a given year. In order to better determine the necessary steps to address disciplinary

Similar to approaches in Maryland, Washington, Michigan, and New Jersey, the task force serves as a

challenges, there is a dire need to be able to determine the degree to which students are disciplined

unique opportunity for community involvement in a pressing educational issue (APA, 2008; Colombi

on the individual level. In the San Francisco Unified School District, data was at the core of the

& Osher, 2015; Salmon, 2019). At a minimum, the task force would serve as a real-time oversight

district’s efforts to reduce suspensions. They were able to see which schools, classrooms, and

evaluator and recommender of disciplinary policies and practices.

teachers were suspending students the most; what interventions specific students received; and how restorative practices have been used to help students (AASA & Children’s Defense Fund, 2014).

Schools that have implemented community-level task forces have been able to increase family engagement and cultivate student learning while at the same time improve attendance, behavior,

In order to identify bright spots and challenges, allocate resources effectively, and ensure success for

and development (Duke Law School, 2015). These types of partnerships create a “connected science”

all students, educators need to be able to make data-driven decisions. Data do not necessarily prove

in which real-world problems are used as contextual scaffolds for bridging students’ community-

that students are being discriminated against, but without data, it is difficult to know if all students

and evidence-based knowledge as a way to provide opportunities for meaningful and intellectual

are being treated fairly. Best practices may be employed without school or district-specific data, but

challenges for students (Bouillion & Gomez, 2001; Gross, 2015).

without data, it will be difficult to know what is working and what needs to be adjusted (AASA & Children’s Defense Fund, 2014).

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R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 3

R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 4

Enact Moratorium on Discretionary Suspensions

Utilize Focus Groups

A moratorium should be placed on discretionary suspensions. Our results indicated that 69.25% of all suspensions were for

below are studies that applied the use of focus groups to implement school discipline reform

We highly recommend the implementation and use of focus groups to grapple with the school disciplinary concerns. Focus groups have been a proven method of addressing disparate discipline and safety problems (Ayoub et al., 2020). Discussed

discretionary reasons (i.e., failure to comply, dress code violations, cell phone usage, missed assignments, tardiness, parking issues, false reports, and cheating). Black students account for 57.8% of the suspensions resulting from discretionary

Evanston Township High School in Illinois utilized a focus group to assess disproportionate suspensions for dress code

reasons above and beyond those experienced by their White (25.4%) and Hispanic (16.8%) counterparts. Black students

violations. The result of the focus group was a revised and inclusive dress code. The new dress code policy for the school is

were over 20 times more likely to receive In-School Suspensions for Verbal Altercations and Stealing compared to their

concise and allows for a lot of student discretion. The policy lists freedoms, along with restrictions, and includes language

White and Hispanic classmates (see Figure 8). As a result, classroom removals for these behaviors must be weighed against

prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race, religion, gender, gender expression, and sexual orientation.

the immediate and long-term impact of suspension. Exclusionary discipline should never be administered for discretionary infractions/behaviors. Placing a moratorium on discretionary suspensions would decrease the amount of missed

The first study, “Suspended Students’ Experiences with In-School Suspension: A Phenomenological Investigation,”

instructional days for students, reduce the likelihood of arrest as a juvenile and/or adult, lessen the probability of dropping

highlighted the use of focus groups to determine the effectiveness and consequences of exclusionary discipline (Evans,

out and pursuing a college-level education or seeking a gainful occupation.

2011). The study found that participants (middle and high school public school teachers) expressed frustration with administrators’ inconsistent application of suspension and expulsion. It also found that the most reported threat to school

A review of the previous research has demonstrated that by placing moratoriums on discretionary suspensions, school

safety by teachers was not student violence but rather a “lack of cohesive culture and relationships between staff and

districts have been able to significantly reduce their number of suspensions. California, Florida, New York, and Texas have

students.”(Evans, 2011).

recently banned suspensions of K – 2nd grade students for discretionary reasons such as “willful defiance,” and soon, we will have a chance to determine the program’s impact (Berwick, 2016; Michels et al., 2016). California passed a new bill in

The second study, “Translating Research into Effective Practice: The Effects of a Universal Staff and Student Intervention

September 2019 that placed moratoriums on suspensions from K – 8th grade. This new bill went into effect until July 2020.

on Key Indicators of School Safety and Discipline,” by the University of Oregon faculty highlighted the use of focus groups to describe the effects of a universal intervention package aimed at improving the safety and social behavior of students

In 2015, the Seattle School Board placed a moratorium on out-of-school suspensions for elementary grade students.

in elementary and middle schools (Sprague et al., 2001). Nine treatment and six comparison (no-intervention) elementary

A district-wide plan will also be developed to further reduce out-of-school suspensions for all grades (Cornwell, 2015).

and middle schools in three communities participated. In a focus group interview across some treatment and comparison

Between 2015 – 2017 there has only been a 0.69% reduction in suspensions in the district. Texas has had more luck with

schools, treatment school personnel generally reported improved operation of their schools and motivation to continue

the suspension ban on K – 2nd grade with a 30% reduction in suspensions.

with the intervention. Comparison schools cited the need for school-wide intervention and technical assistance as a top need. By creating these groups, schools are better able to collect qualitative information that can be used to improve upon the school’s disciplinary approaches. These focus groups must also be used to improve communication and help move the conversation from observation to the solution in real-time. Such an approach could ultimately lead to greater official responses for change and essentially close the racial gap in school disciplinary practices.

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R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 5

Implement Cultural Awareness Training Cultural norms across race, ethnicity, and social class, contrasting with the behavioral norms of teachers and students, may provide fertile ground for misunderstandings that contribute to the race-

R ECO M M E N DAT I O N 6

Utilize Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS)

discipline relationship (Monroe, 2006). As a result, we recommend the adoption of regular diversity

As an alternative to suspension or school removal, one plan that has gained traction is the use of

and cultural competence training for all district teachers, staff, and administrators.

Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS). The PBIS framework is a promising approach for reducing insubordinate student behavior and promoting cohesive and exemplary behavior among

Research has shown the benefits of cultural awareness training as it relates to suspension reductions.

children K-12. PBIS is the application of evidence-based prevention strategies with the use of layered

In fact, a North Carolina middle school was able to successfully reduce racially disproportionate

scales of measures and outcomes that support student academic, emotional, social, and behavioral

suspensions after requiring cultural awareness training for its teachers (Moore & Ratchford, 2007).

needs (Garbacz et al., 2016).

The Boys to Men Program and Cultural Diversity training in North Carolina led to a 59.7% reduction in the discipline referrals for African American male students used in the experiment. The students that

There is evidence-based support that there is a reduction in behavior problems and improvements

participated in the experiment were chosen because they had the highest number of repeat offenses

in positive behavior and successful emotion regulation after training in PBIS (Bradshaw et al., 2012).

and their academic achievements reflected the negative effect of the repeated suspensions (Moore &

Their results indicated positive effects on student behavior problems, student ability to focus,

Ratchford, 2007).

social-emotional functioning, and prosocial behavior. Students in PBIS schools were 33% less likely to receive a disciplinary referral than those in non-participating schools. The effects tended to be strongest among children who were first exposed to PBIS in their earlier years. Nearly 46% of North Carolina’s schools were PBIS trained or had enacted the program’s model. They saw a 72% decrease in the number of in-school suspensions within two years of PBIS implementation. Therefore, we not only recommend using positive behavioral interventions and supports, but the research also supports this recommendation.

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CONCLUSION CONCLUSION

The overrepresentation of minorities in school discipline has remained a constant. Over the course of this project, it became apparent that there was a need to understand just why these students were being placed in detention or suspended. Unfortunately, schools do very little to mitigate the underlying motivators for the disproportionate discipline of Black students. What has become apparent is that society has failed to adequately prepare teachers, principals, students, and parents for the reality of discipline in the classroom, which inevitably establishes its own cultural resistance. These undercurrents are major contributing factors to the racial/ ethnic disproportionality in school discipline. At the very least, more work is necessary to raise the individual and collective consciousness of educators, parents, children, and society about the use and impact of school punishment. More focus must be placed on lasting solutions. Along the way, we will keep working hard to disrupt the assumptions and cultural misunderstandings that compel the responses that served as motivation for this research. As such, we hope that this report will be used to empower parents, families, and communities while advising policymakers and educational leaders on the necessary systemic, cultural, and behavioral challenges that often manifest as disciplinary problems. This research, and others like it, bring us one step closer towards dismantling the inequitable use of punishment in our school system and placing a break in the school-to-prison pipeline.

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REFERENCES REFERENCES

Cramer, E. D., Gonzalez, L., & Pellegrini-Lafont, C. (2014). From classmates to inmates: An integrated approach to break the school-to-prison pipeline. Equity & Excellence in Education, 47(4), 461-475. American Association of School Administrators - AASA. (2004). Using Data to Improve Schools: What’s Working. Online. https://aasa.org/uploadedFiles/Policy_and_Advocacy/files/ UsingDataToImproveSchools.pdf AASA & Children’s Defense Fund. (2014). School Discipline Data. Retrieved from https://www. childrensdefense.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/school-discipline-data.pdf\ Allen, Q., & White-Smith, K. A. (2014). “Just as bad as prisons”: The challenge of dismantling the school-toprison pipeline through teacher and community education. Equity & Excellence in Education, 47(4), 445-460. Allen, G. (2013). Fla. School District Trying To Curb School-To-Prison Pipeline. Retrieved from https://www. npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2013/11/05/243250817/fla-school-district-trying-to-curb-schoolto-prison-pipeline APA (American Psychological Association) Zero Tolerance Task Force. 2008. “Are Zero Tolerance Policies Effective in the Schools?” American Psychologist 63, 852–62. Ayoub, L., Jensen, E., Sandwick, T., Kralstein, D., Hahn, J., & White, E. (2020): School Discipline, Safety, and Climate: A Comprehensive Study in New York City. Retrieved from Berwick, C. (2016). Ban school suspensions! The Week. Retrieved from https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/nij/ grants/254578.pdf https://theweek.com/articles/640318/ban-school-suspensions Bouillion, L. M., & Gomez, L. M. (2001). Connecting school and community with science learning: Real world problems and school–community partnerships as contextual scaffolds. Journal of Research in Science Teaching: The Official Journal of the National Association for Research in Science Teaching, 38(8), 878-898. Bradshaw, C. P., Waasdorp, T. E., & Leaf, P. J. (2012). Effects of school-wide positive behavioral interventions and supports on child behavior problems. Pediatrics, 130(5), e1136-e1145. Colombi, G., & Osher, D. (2015). Advancing School Discipline Reform. Retrieved from https://www.air.org/ sites/default/files/downloads/report/Advancing-School-Discipline-Reform-Sept-2015.pdf Cornwell, P. (2015). Seattle School Board Halts Suspensions for Elementary School Students. The Seattle Times. Retrieved from https://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/education/seattle-school-

Duke Law School. (2015). A Parents’ Guide to Special Education in North Carolina. [online] Available at: https://law.duke.edu/childedlaw/docs/Parents%27_guide.pdf Evans, K. R. (2011). Suspended students’ experiences with in-school suspension: A phenomenological investigation. Fabelo, T., Thompson, M. D., Plotkin, M., Carmichael, D., Marchbanks III, M. P., & Booth, E. A. (2011). Breaking Schools’ Rules: A Statewide Study of How School Discipline Relates to Students’ Success and Juvenile Justice Involvement. New York: Council of State Governments Justice Center. Farr, B., Sexton, U., Puckett, C., Pereira-León, M. and Weissman, M. (2005). Study of Availability and Effectiveness of Cultural Competency Training for Teachers in California. [online] Ctc.ca.gov. Available at: https://www.ctc.ca.gov/docs/default-source/commission/reports/cctc-ccs.pdf [Accessed 12 Feb. 2020]. Garbacz, S. A., McIntosh, K., Eagle, J. W., Dowd-Eagle, S. E., Hirano, K. A., & Ruppert, T. (2016). Family engagement within schoolwide positive behavioral interventions and supports. Preventing School Failure: Alternative Education for Children and Youth, 60(1), 60-69. Gross, J. (2015). Strong School-Community Partnerships in Inclusive Schools Are” Part of the Fabric of the School... We Count on Them”. School Community Journal, 25(2), 9-34. Hannon, Lance; DeFina, Robert; & Bruch, Sarah. (2013). The Relationship Between Skin Tone and School Suspension for African Americans. Race and Social Problems, 5(4), 281-295 Losen, D., Hodson, C., Keith II, M., Morrison, K., & Belway, S. (2015). Are We Closing The School Discipline Gap? Retrieved from https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/resources/projects/center-for-civilrights-remedies/school-to-prison-folder/federal-reports/are-we-closing-the-school-discipline-gap/ AreWeClosingTheSchoolDisciplineGap_FINAL221.pdf Lurie, J. and Rios, E. (2016). Black Kids Are 4 Times More Likely to Be Suspended Than White Kids. [online] Mother Jones. Available at: https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2016/06/departmenteducation-rights-data-inequality-suspension-preschool/ Maier, A., Daniel, J., Oakes, J., & Lam, L. (2017). Community Schools as an Effective School Improvement Strategy: A Review of the Evidence. Learning Policy Institute.

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Michels, P., Beckner, A., Coronado, A., & Bova, G. (2016). Houston Schools Ban Suspensions in Early Grades. Retrieved 31 March 2020, from https://www.texasobserver.org/houston-schools-ban-suspensions/ Monroe, C., R. (2006). Misbehavior or Misinterpretation. Online. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ738081. pdf Moore Jr., E., & Ratchford, V. (2007). Decreasing Discipline Referrals for African American Males in Middle School. Retrieved from https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ831292 Noguera, P. A. (2003). Schools, prisons, and social implications of punishment: Rethinking disciplinary practices. Theory into practice, 42(4), 341-350. Rathvon, N. (2008). Effective school interventions: Evidence-based strategies for improving student outcomes (2nd ed.). Guilford Press.

Wallace, K. N. (2017). The Intersection of Race, Gender and the School to Prison Pipeline: A Case Study on the Impact of Exclusionary Discipline on African American Girls. Minneapolis: Walden University Scholar Works. Walker, T. (2020). Closing the Culture Gap. [online] National Education Association. Available at: http:// www.nea.org/home/43098.htm Welsh, R. O., & Little, S. (2018). The School Discipline Dilemma: A Comprehensive Review of Disparities and Alternative Approaches. Review of Educational Research, 88(5), 752-794. https://doi. org/10.3102/0034654318791582 Wilson, H. (2014). Turning off the School-to-Prison Pipeline. Retrieved from https://iamhomewooddotcom. files.wordpress.com/2016/03/turning-off-the-school-to-prison-pipeline.pdf

Rose Tratner, C. (2012). From Domination to Liberation: Blurring the Line Between Prisons and Schools. Retrieved from https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1952&context=etd_ hon_theses Salmon, K. (2019). Task Force on Student Discipline Regulations. Retrieved from http://marylandpublicschools.org/stateboard/Documents/08272019/ TaskForceStudentDisciplineRegulations082019.pdf Sealey-Ruiz, Y. (2011). Dismantling the school-to-prison pipeline through racial literacy development in teacher education. Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy, 8(2), 116-120. Shollenberger, T. L. (2015). Racial disparities in school suspension and subsequent outcomes: Evidence from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, In D. J. Losen (Ed.), Closing the school discipline gap: Equitable remedies for excessive exclusion (pp. 31-43), New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Skiba, R. J., Michael, R. S., Nardo, A. C., & Peterson, R. L. (2002). The color of discipline: Sources of racial and gender disproportionality in school punishment. The urban review, 34(4), 317-342. Sprague, J., Walker, H., Golly, A., White, K., Myers, D. R., & Shannon, T. (2001). Translating research into effective practice: The effects of a universal staff and student intervention on indicators of discipline and school safety. Education and Treatment of Children, 495-511. Smith, E. J., & Harper, S. R. (2015). Disproportionate Impact Of K-12 School Suspension And Expulsion On Black Students In Southern States. Retrieved from Penn GSE: https://web-app.usc.edu/web/rossier/ publications/231/Smith%20and%20Harper%20(2015)-573.pdf Smith, D., & Weinberg, T. (2019). Suspensions for Texas’ youngest have dropped. But thousands still kicked out of class. Retrieved from Fort Worth Star-Telegram: https://www.star-telegram.com/news/local/ education/article234507977.html Texans Care for Children. (2018). Keeping Kids in Class: Pre-K through 2nd Grade Suspensions in Texas and a Better Way Forward. Online. https://static1.squarespace.com/ static/5728d34462cd94b84dc567ed/t/5b1ea6c270a6ad846fb7cbc9/1528735440357/keepingkids-in-schools.pdf

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APPENDIXES APPENDIX A

APPENDIX B

Additional Noteworthy School Discipline Studies

Discretionary vs. Mandatory Placement Behaviors

Best Practices for Supporting Educators with Discipline (2019)

The removal of a student from the classroom can be discretionary or mandatory and depends on the type of misconduct committed by the student. When a student is removed from the classroom,

Realizing the Full Vision of School Discipline Reform: A Framework for Statewide Change (2017)

whether mandatory or discretionary, there are three major categories of placement: In-School Suspension (ISS), Out-of-School Suspension (OSS), or an alternative education program. Table 1 shows

Instead of suspension: Alternative strategies for effective school discipline (2015)

the behaviors and their types of placement.

Addressing the Root Causes of Disparities in School Discipline: An Educator’s Action Planning Guide (2015) Breaking Schools’ Rules: A Statewide of How School Discipline Relates to Students’ Success and Juvenile Justice Involvement (2011) Conducting Focus Groups to Develop a Comprehensive School Portrait (2005) Falling Through the Cracks: Disparities in Out-of-School Suspensions in St. Louis at the Intersection of Race, Disability, and Gender (2019) Predictors of School Discipline (2018) School Discipline Data Indicators: A Guide for Districts and Schools (2017) Disproportionate Impact of K-12 School Suspensions and Expulsions on Black Students in Southern States (2015)

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Mandatory Placement Dress Code Violation

Discretionary Placement ISS

Failure to Comply

OSS & DAEP

ISS

Disrespectful

OSS & DAEP

ISS

Fighting

OSS

ISS

Verbal Altercation

OSS

ISS

Using Phone

OSS

ISS

Class Disruption

OSS

ISS

Missed Class/Assignments

OSS

ISS

Stealing

OSS

ISS

Inappropriate Language/Behavior

OSS

ISS

Possession of Controlled Substance/Smoking

OSS

ISS

Pending Felony

OSS

ISS

Tardiness

OSS

ISS

Parking

OSS

ISS

False Reports

OSS

ISS

Cheating

OSS

ISS The Center for Justice Research

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

ABOUT THE CENTER FOR JUSTICE RESEARCH

Melissa Kwende is a doctoral student in the Barbara Jordan - Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs and an affiliated researcher in the Center for Justice

The Center for Justice Research (CJR), housed in Texas Southern University’s Barbara

Research at Texas Southern University.

Jordan - Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs, provides culturally-responsive solutions to mass incarceration. The Center’s initiatives are situated on four pillars:

Jennifer Bourgeois, PhD is a post-doctoral fellow in the Center for Justice

Research and Data, Policy Advocacy, Researcher Development

Research at Texas Southern University. Her research examines the intersection

and Strategic Engagement. CJR’s efforts move theory to practice, advise key

of youth resiliency and parental incarceration.

stakeholders, and diversifies the justiceresearch space.

Howard Henderson, PhD is the founding director of the Center for Justice

Founded in 2018, CJR was initially funded as a research initiative born out of a

Research and Professor of Justice Administration at Texas Southern University.

partnership between the Thurgood Marshall College Fund, Charles Koch Foundation,

His research focuses on structural and cultrual predictors of criminal justice

and Koch Industries to explore the removal of barriers to opportunities in historically

system disparities.

under-resourced communities. From the beginning, CJR has worked on projects supported by the Department of Justice, National Science Foundation, National

S U G G E S T E D C I TAT I O N

Hockey League, National Collaborative on Gun Violence Research, Chevron, and the Houston Endowment. The supporters of CJR all share a deeply rooted interest in dismantling mass incarceration, maintaining public safety and creating a procedurally

Kwende, M., Bourgeois, J.W. & Henderson, H. (2021). Race, Ethnicity, Gender,

just criminal justice system. Because of our partnerships, CJR has the unique

and School Suspensions. Texas Southern University Center for Justice Research.

opportunity to investigate problems and provide solutions for the complexities of the criminal justice system. Through these relationships, the Center’s researchers turn data into solutions by prioritizing rapid dissemination of research to professionals, policymakers, and advocates. Sources of the Center’s funding and our projects are outlined in greater detail on the website.

CenterforJusticeResearch.org RESEARCH. REFORM. REPOSITION.

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Contact information: Email: justice.research@tsu.edu Website: www.centerforjusticeresearch.org The Center for Justice Research