WAGING PEACE

PHOTO JAMAL NAJJAB Members of several pro‐Palestine delegations to the Poor People’s Campaign march in Washington, DC, on June 18, 2022.

a war-first foreign policy and mass incarceration. Instead, the campaign believes investments in housing, health care and education should be the country’s top priorities.

The Poor People’s Campaign distributed hundreds of black and yellow signs noting that 43 percent of the U.S. population, 52 percent of children and 32 percent of the electorate (140 million people), are poor and low income.

The march included individuals of all races, nuns from the Sisters of Mercy clad in purple, human rights advocates, labor unions and others saying, “We won’t be silent anymore.” Each state was represented with a personal narrative broadcast from a dais interspersed with choirs and live music.

One poignant message that resonated was the inequity of health care and affordable housing during the COVID-19 pandemic. On this point, a father shared the despair and depression that led to the suicide of two of his adolescent children in a Native American community that lacks access to basic physical and mental health services.

Representatives from Jewish Voice for Peace, the Virginia Coalition for Human Rights, the Episcopal Peace Fellowship: Palestine-Israel Network, the American Friends Service Committee, the Quaker Palestine Israel Network and Vermonters for Justice in Palestine were among the marchers. Their signs included messages on behalf of the rights of Palestinians, such as, “Support Palestinian Resistance to Israeli Ethnic Cleansing.”

These groups believe that the message of the Poor People’s Campaign, a national call for a “moral revival,” must include addressing the militarized U.S. policy in Israel/Palestine, the right of Palestinian return and reparations for the original ethnic cleansing of more than 750,000 Palestinians that took place in 1948.

After years of lobbying and public messaging, Vermonters for Justice in Palestine led a coalition that in 2021 successfully petitioned Ben and Jerry’s to cease production and sales of their products in illegal Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land. This fall the coalition will take their case before the Burlington, Vermont City Council to petition for a human rights-based selective investment screening against U.S. and Israeli corporations that are profiting from the illegal Israeli occupation of the West Bank and blockade of Gaza.

Veterans for Peace marched with a model of a weaponized drone produced and funded by U.S. tax dollars that Israel uses in Gaza causing widespread civilian casualties, destruction of hospitals, schools, infrastructure, water filtration plants and Palestinian homes.

The next planned phase of the Poor People’s Campaign is a massive grassroots presence in the halls of the House and Senate in September. —Mary Neznek

Repression Grows in Egypt Amid Growing Economic Concerns

The Arab Center Washington DC held a webinar on June 23 titled, “Egypt’s Uncertain Future: Political, Economic and Human Rights Challenges.”

Mona El-Ghobashy, a professor at New York University, argued that President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi oversees a draconian authoritarian regime that is more oppressive than the government of former President Hosni Mubarak.

“This regime is fundamentally a counterrevolutionary alliance,” she said, meaning that Sisi’s principal goal is to make sure that the events of the 2011 revolution that unseated Mubarak don’t repeat themselves. To strengthen itself against unrest, ElGhobashy said the Egyptian government has utilized heavy-handed repression, deployed an ideological campaign of coercion and used international funding to solidify its grasp on power.

On the first point, El-Ghobashy noted that the Egyptian government utilizes “pre-emptive policing” that aims to “nip in the bud any potential protest” before it even materializes on the street. Sisi “doesn’t wait until four or five people gather on a street corner” to take action, she said.

The scholar also pointed out that nine years after he assumed power by overthrowing democratically elected President Mohamed Morsi, Sisi has effectively eliminated all opposition voices from within the parliament. While past regimes carried out “semi-contested elections,” the infrequent elections held by Sisi’s government are solely to legitimize his rule, El-Ghobashy noted.

In addition to the harsh stick of repression, El-Ghobashy said the government is

KHALED DESOUKI/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES (L‐r) European Union Commissioner for Energy Kadri Simson, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Egyptian Minister of Petroleum Tarek el‐Molla and Israeli Minister of Energy Karine Elharrar celebrate the signing of a natural gas deal in Cairo, on June 15, 2022.

also working to change the way its citizens view the state. Sisi has emphasized “state prestige,” sought to “restore the fear and awe of the state” and promote a “moderate” vision of Islam.

Importantly, Sisi has also elevated the status and expanded the scope of the country’s armed forces. The Egyptian military is now “not just a guarantor and protector, but more like a god [that has] countless civil matters under its auspices,” El-Ghobashy said.

Regarding outside assistance, ElGhobashy noted that Cairo is receiving tens of billions of dollars from Arab Gulf regimes, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the U.S. While these benefactors don’t always share the same goals, she said they are united in desiring a “stable” government in Egypt.

To this point, Sarah Leah Whitson, executive director of Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN), pointed out that the surge in oil prices due to the Ukraine war has allowed regional actors to expand Sisi’s access to cash. While Washington provides an annual $1.3 billion in military aid to Egypt, she noted that Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar have pledged $24 billion in loans and investments to the country.

The Ukraine war has also led to the European Union recently signing a gas deal with Egypt and Israel. This agreement, Whitson noted, contains no stipulations about the human rights abuses in both countries. “The irony is hard to miss: Russian fuel is sanctioned by the United States and Europe because of Russia’s international law violations and abuses, requiring the sanctioners to buy fuel from even worse abusers of international law—Israel and Egypt,” she said.

Despite experiencing inflation, food shortages and a devastating drop in Russian tourism in recent months, Whitson believes the large influx of Arab Gulf assistance and new economic possibilities with Europe ultimately make this a “windfall” period for Cairo.

Robert Springborg, a visiting fellow at the Italian Institute of International Affairs, argued that while regional and global actors are propping up Egypt, the country still faces a dire economic situation. He noted that Egypt is the second biggest debtor to the IMF after Argentina and that Moody’s Investors Service recently downgraded its outlook for the country to “negative.” Those supplying Cairo with cash, including the IMF and the Arab Gulf states, are increasingly looking for guarantees that their investments don’t get swallowed up amid the country’s debt crisis, Springborg added.

He closed his remarks with a troubling comparison for Egypt’s fiscal state. “It’s incredible how the downward trajectory of the Egyptian economy parallels that of Lebanon,” he said. “Lebanon is further advanced in that decline, but the ways in which the state tries to manage the decline are so remarkably similar.” —Dale Sprusansky

The U.S. and Tunisia’s Democratic Decline

The Arab Center Washington DC sponsored a virtual panel entitled “The Future of Tunisian Democracy: U.S. Policy and Tunisia’s Current Political Crisis,” on June 2. Speakers included New York University Abu Dhabi Professor Monica Marks, President of the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy Radwan Masmoudi and former U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia Jacob Walles.

The panel accused Tunisian President Kais Saied of anti-democratic actions beginning in July 2021, when he suspended parliament and fired the prime minister as well as the defense and justice ministers. Saied will now hold a constitutional referendum on July 25 on a new constitution, drafted with no opposition voices.

Panelists explored what leverage the U.S. and its allies can use to influence Saied and his allies in Tunis. “On the one hand, the U.S. has been increasingly critical of Tunisia’s drift away from democracy,” Walles noted. “On the other hand, the administration has avoided any direct criticism of President Saied.”

Walles said there is an incorrect belief within the Biden administration that Saied’s actions enjoy popular support among Tunisians. “I think Tunisians are rightly unhappy that the revolution of 2011 did not bring about the dignity and prosperity that was promised after the ouster of [long-time President Zine El Abidine] Ben Ali,” he said. However, he emphasized, this does not mean that Tunisians aren’t concerned about the threat to democratic institutions.

Saied has justified his actions by claiming that the status quo powers in government,

especially the Ennahda party (the largest bloc in the now dissolved parliament), were corrupt and stifling the country’s progress.

Monica Marks agreed with Walles’ characterization that Washington has adopted an ambiguous approach toward the situation in Tunisia. She noted that on Dec. 13, Saied unveiled his new anti-democratic roadmap, but Washington did not react with any noticeable measure of concern. “The United States responded to his alleged roadmap with, it seemed like relief,” she noted. “It was disheartening…[and] indicative of laziness and ignorance.”

Marks added that many disgruntled groups in Tunisia do not necessarily have a problem with the so-called coup, but are primarily upset that the country remains in an economic crisis. The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) is one such group, and led a June 16 general strike to protest low wages and austerity measures by Saied’s government.

Masmoudi cautioned that leaders in Washington can’t just sit by and watch Tunisia again descend into authoritarianism. “We’ve wasted 10 months already, and Tunisia’s on this path, we can’t afford to waste another 10 months,” he warned.

Tunisia, he reasoned, functions as an easy place for President Joe Biden to prove his administration’s professed support for democratic systems. But, he noted, there is no current U.S. ambassador to Tunisia, although Biden appointed veteran diplomat Joey Hood to the post in May. It’s not expected that the Senate will confirm him to the position before key events, such as the referendum, unfold this summer.

Marks argued that the case of Tunisia should not flummox policymakers. “We’re simply talking about good, healthy, diplomatic messaging that’s in the United States’ interests, and also respects Tunisia's sovereignty,” she said. —Amelia Leaphart

The Middle East Institute (MEI) hosted a virtual event on May 26 to discuss the impact of the Ukrainian war on Russian-Iranian relations. The panelists discussed Iran’s initial support for the war and the country’s efforts to balance geopolitical realities with their complex alliance with Russia. Alex Vatanka, the director of MEI’s Iran program, noted the relative normalcy of Russian-Iranian relations, despite the Ukraine conflict. As the “two most sanctioned countries in the world,” Russia and Iran have significant common ground and reason to remain aligned, he noted. Iran, he pointed out, has long viewed Tunisians gather to protest President Kais Saied’s planned July constitutional referendum, on June 19, 2022, in the capital of Tunis. Russia as a “bulwark” against American influence in the region and is thus unwilling to aggressively challenge Moscow politically or economically, even as it comes under global isolation. “The supreme leader and the leadership of the Revolutionary Guards are the biggest advocates of closer relations with Russia because…they think Russia is their protector,” Vatanka said. Of course, as with all alliances, the relationship is imperfect. Many Iranians are concerned their country is “beholden to Russia,” Vatanka explained. He pointed to several examples of imbalance in the relaMAXIM SHEMETOV/POOL/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov (r) shakes hands with Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir‐Abdollahian during a joint press conference in Moscow, on March 15, 2022.

tionship, including Iran’s hesitation to sell their reserves of natural gas (the world’s second largest) to Europe in order to avoid interfering with Russia (home to the world’s largest reserves).

Mark Katz, professor of politics and government at George Mason University, noted the Kremlin believes there are limits to Iranian deference to Russia. He said Moscow perceives a “degree of defiance” from Iran and believes the country is “not shy about taking advantage of Russia when they can.” Russia’s biggest fear regarding Iran is that they will ramp-up oil production to fill in the global supply gap exacerbated by the Ukraine war.

Vali Nasr, professor of Middle East studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, noted that Iran also has some reasons to keep an eye on Russia. Tehran, for instance, was displeased when Russia recently tried to use the Ukraine conflict to muddle the signing of a new multilateral nuclear deal. The move “didn’t sit well, even within the highest levels of the Iranian regime,” he noted.

Economically, Iran has to wonder if Russia can remain a reliable partner if they become bogged down in Ukraine, Nasr said. If a prolonged foreign occupation limits Russia’s ability to provide resources, Iran may feel the need to reassess the relationship, he reasoned.

While the war risks weakening a key partner, it does offer some opportunities to Iran, Nasr observed. He noted that the “priority for Europe is now not to isolate Iran but to isolate Russia.” This means Iran could explore better economic and political relations with the continent. A “grand opening” of relations is unlikely, he cautioned, but “cracks” in long-standing tensions are possible. There might, with enough “political will,” even be the possibility of easing relations with the U.S., he added.

The panelists had diverse answers for the panel’s ultimate question: What does the future look like for Iranian-Russian relations and the region as a whole postUkraine? Katz warned that “food shortages have led to widespread instability in the Middle East,” pointing to the danger of the Ukraine conflict’s impact on rapidly rising food prices. Nasr focused on the Iran nuclear deal, warning that a complete dissolution of the agreement could lead to significant regional instability and potential conflict. Vatanka raised the possibility of other actors, such as Turkey or China, taking on a larger role in regional conflicts–most notably Syria—if Russia were to pull-down its presence in the area. Still, all agreed on one critical point: It is too early to make definitive statements about whether the Ukraine war will lead to a new era of relations between Iran and Russia. —Sophie Alexis What’s In Store for Post-Election Lebanon?

On May 25, the Beirut-based Carnegie Middle East Center sponsored a virtual panel to discuss Lebanon’s future following the country’s May 15 parliamentary elections.

Ziad Majed, a professor at the American University of Paris, pointed out that the election had a low overall participation rate (49 percent), but the diaspora turned out in large numbers, mostly in support of anti-establishment candidates. Hezbollah lost its majority in the parliament and independents saw gains, although they still only occupy 13 of 128 seats. The overall fragmentation of parties is a favorable sign in Majed’s opinion, as he believes it indicates the likelihood of better representation of multiple constituencies.

Verena El Amil, a lawyer and political activist who ran as the youngest candidate in the election, noted that the Lebanese youth were the most active during the aftermath of the 2020 port blast, but many in her generation are leaving the country. In her campaign, she wanted to send a message that those who stay can create the change they want to see. “I believe we have a duty toward the Lebanese people to offer an option of change from the outside” of the political system, she said.

Amer Bisat, head of sovereign and emerging markets at BlackRock and a former International Monetary Fund senior economist, examined the future of Lebanon’s economy.

“The state has completely disappeared as an economic player,” he observed. This means most basic services from the state

have disappeared due to the collapse in tax revenues (an 80 percent decline). The liquidity crisis requires a shared burden among both the elites and the populace, he added, warning that assuming the crisis can be solved solely by taxing those responsible for the crisis is “wishful thinking.” He stressed that this burden sharing does not need to come at the expense of the impoverished.

Police confront demonstrators during a protest against the rising price of goods, in Beirut, Lebanon on July 5, 2022.

Bisat noted that the amount of money needed to keep the economy afloat is relatively small, at two to four billion dollars a day. This figure, though, is largely due to the fact that the state “made people so poor at this stage that it made them survive under two to four billion dollars.”

Kim Ghattas, a nonresident senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment, discussed the geopolitical implications of the election, especially as it pertains to Saudi Arabia and Iran. “Different countries use Lebanon, particularly Saudi Arabia and Iran, to up the tension or lower the tension,” she explained. Ghattas doesn’t envision Lebanon as a lever Tehran will pull to send a message to Israel, the U.S. and other adversaries in the near future. “I don’t think at the moment Hezbollah is in a position to want any real clashes or tension or war with Israel, so Iran might look to Syria or Iraq to send a message to the Americans.”

Lama Fakih, Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa director, turned the discussion to the recent deterioration of human rights. She pointed out how consecutive governments failed to address issues such as freedom of speech, systematic discrimination against women, abuse against migrant workers, violence against the LGBTQ community, decline in education access and overpopulated prisons. Electricity, furthermore, remains only attainable for the wealthy. —Amelia Leaphart What Does “Autonomy” Mean for Western Sahara?

On June 8, the Campaign to End the Occupation of the Western Sahara, the Institute of the Black World 21st Century and the Pan African Unity Dialogue co-hosted a webinar to discuss Morocco’s autonomy plan for Western Sahara.

Katlyn Thomas, former legal adviser to the U.N. Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), explained that the U.N. still considers the former Spanish colony a non-self-governing territory in which the inhabitants have the right to self-determination. “What is at stake is whether the international community and the U.N. are going to continue to uphold the right of self-determination and allow for the people to decide for themselves whether they want to be a part of Morocco or an independent country,” she said.

Morocco’s occupation of Western Sahara since 1975 is “directly contrary to the right of self-determination of the Sahrawi people who are the indigenous people of Western Sahara,” Thomas added.

Morocco’s autonomy proposal, submitted to the U.N. in 2007, allows for it to annex Western Sahara, while only allowing the Sahrawi people to manage their internal affairs. Under the plan, the king would retain his royal prerogatives within the Moroccan constitution, which allow him to overturn any decision of any branch of the government, including the courts and parliament.

“That would also include any of the officials of Western Sahara, which means basically that there would not be any autonomy, that the king would still be able to rule Western Sahara in any way that he wants,” Thomas explained. “This plan maintains the status quo in the territory. It is not autonomy at all.”

In response to the autonomy proposal of Morocco, the Polisario (the government of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in exile in Algeria) formed its own proposal in which it offered Western Saharan citizenship to Moroccan settlers. “The Polisario was willing to extend an olive branch and allow them to be citizens,” Thomas commented.

Stephen Zunes, professor of politics and international studies at the University of San Francisco and co-author of Western Sahara: War, Nationalism and Conflict Irresolution, recently visited the Sahrawi refugee camps in neighboring Algeria.

During his visit, Zunes related, he had complete freedom of movement, was able to talk to anybody and met elected officials from the local to national level.

“The Sahrawis have a much better system of government [than the Moroccans], not just in terms of democracy, but also in functionality,” Zunes opined. “The Sahrawis…have, as refugees, done a pretty impressive job in terms of all sorts of things.” For example, they have the second highest literacy rate in all of Africa, he pointed out. “Despite the shortages of food and other items, the medical system is quite impressive given the desperate conditions that they have,” he said. “You can imagine what they might do if they actually had a functioning state and could control their own country with its rich resources.”

Responding to a question on why the U.S. favors the Moroccan autonomy proposal even though it runs against everything the United Nations has ever said about decolonization, Zunes stated he doesn’t think people understand the pro-

MARCOS DEL MAZO/LIGHTROCKET VIA GETTY IMAGES

Members of the Sahrawi community and their supporters demonstrate in front of the Congress of Deputies in Madrid, Spain, on March 30, 2022. The Spanish government recently voiced support for Morocco’s autonomy plan for Western Sahara.

posal or understand that this is a matter of self-determination. In Zunes’ opinion, the United States is “quite willing to overlook international law in order to support the prerogatives of an allied nation, even if they violate fundamental international legal norms.”

Spain, which transferred Western Sahara to Morocco in 1975, recently raised the ire of the Polisario and Algerian governments by announcing its support for Rabat’s autonomy plan. —Elaine Pasquini Gaza Journalist Slams Media’s Coverage of Israel

In its June 15 live show, Palestine Deep Dive explored the widespread bias in the Western media’s coverage of Palestine.

Ahmed Alnaouq, a Palestinian journalist from Gaza currently serving as an advocacy officer at the human rights group EuroMed Human Rights Monitor, shared the story of how the killing of his loved ones in Israeli attacks inspired the creation of We Are Not Numbers, an organization devoted to amplifying young Palestinian voices and training the next generation of writers.

“The war on Gaza in 2014 started and I lost my brother and many of my friends,” he said. “Then I started to read the media in the West and I was devastated. I was irritated with how they reported the news on Palestine....We’re sick and tired of seeing Palestinians dehumanized, demonized and mentioned only as numbers.”

Alnaouq emphasized his belief that if the media shared personal stores from Palestine, it would massively enhance the public’s understanding of the situation. “I’ve lived my life in Gaza, I’ve experienced three wars. I’ve grown up to experience the siege that has been ongoing for the past 15 years. I lost my mother due to Israel banning her from traveling to receive [medical] treatments. I’ve never seen these stories in Western media. This is what we’re talking about. It’s the sins of omission because if they included these personal stories, if they included these basic human rights that we’re deprived of, it would cause a huge shift in how Westerners view the PalestineIsrael conflict.”

“I’ve always said that Gaza is the most fertile place for journalists,” Alnaouq added. “Everyone has a personal story that deserves to be told, but I haven’t seen that in the media.”

Taking a closer look at specific coverage, Alnaouq criticized the BBC’s repeated assertion that the 2018 Great March of Return in Gaza was led by Hamas. “The March of Return was organized by a Palestinian poet named Ahmed Abu Artema with many, many other peace activists,” he noted. “A respected journalist would go and interview the organizers of the March of Return, and we all know the organizers of the march, but they did not do that. They went to the Israelis and they quoted them. Of course, Israel will say it’s led by Hamas because they want to justify the killing of innocent Palestinians.”

Alnaouq also examined a 2018 article from the New York Times titled, “Israeli military kills 15 Palestinians in Confrontations at Gaza Border.” “We did not have ‘confrontations,’” he said. “We had Palestinians protesting peacefully. I never saw anyone at the March of Return who was holding a gun or shooting at the Israelis. Then if you go to the byline, the [author] of this article is Isabel [Kershner], who has a son who served in the Israeli army.”

Emphasizing the brutality of the Israeli occupation force’s response to the protests, Alnaouq recounted his own experience. “One moment I can’t forget is [when] an Israeli soldier shot someone, and he was only two meters away from me. [The victim] was an 11-year-old child. I saw him so far away from the fence. He never hurled a stone. He did not shout. He was just there when he was shot and he was killed instantly. The one who killed him on the other side, we’ve seen these soldiers waving and celebrating and [giving] high fives to each other.”

Alnaouq concluded by encouraging the media to report the unvarnished truth, even as they face pressure campaigns from proIsrael groups. “Those journalists who always give Israel an excuse and justification for their killing and for the suffering that they’re inflicting on the Palestinians, they are complicit in these crimes,” he said. “This has to change because the media matters and journalism matters. They have to respect their profession and they have not to be cowards. They have to be brave enough to tell the truth as it is.” —Omar Aziz

Members of the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate take part in a protest demanding justice for slain journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, in Gaza City on May 30, 2022.

Covering Palestine as a Female Journalist

The Coalition for Women in Journalism sponsored a virtual discussion on May 26 entitled, “Palestine: Women Journalists Report on a Neglected Story.” Al Jazeera journalist Rania Zabaneh and senior editor

JAAFAR ASHTIYEH/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES An Al Jazeera reporter covers an art exhibit in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin, on May 19, 2022. The artwork honors Shireen Abu Akleh, at the spot where the veteran journalist was killed.

at Middle East Eye Megan O’Toole participated in the Twitter Live event.

In light of Shireen Abu Akleh’s killing by Israeli forces in May, Zabaneh discussed the unique challenges facing Palestinian journalists. Abu Akleh’s murder, in Zabaneh’s opinion, showcases how Palestinian journalists are disproportionately scrutinized and targeted by Israeli forces.

Moments before her shooting, Abu Akleh was going about her daily journalistic routine, neither reporting on a major event nor overtly putting herself in danger. Yet, by simply being Palestinian and a journalist, she was inherently at risk. “It’s very unpredictable, and you can be easily targeted for being Palestinian,” Zabaneh said.

Zabaneh pointed out how Western media outlets initially regurgitated Israeli messaging about her killing, even on the day of her funeral, using passive language and placing blame on both sides. “There’s always this fear of challenging the Israeli narrative, as it’s always right and the Palestinians are not,” Zabaneh commented. “Which is not always the case. I’m not saying that people should adopt [only one] narrative directly, but [in the case of Abu Akleh] there are signs and footage…I don’t see how they can turn a blind eye to that.”

O’Toole asked Zabaneh about challenges specific to Palestinian journalists and reporting. Zabaneh noted that she herself cannot go to Gaza, but her organization has a bureau with colleagues there who can help those reporting from outside of the besieged territory. She said entering the settlements also remains nearly impossible for her, and Palestinian reporting is always disproportionately scrutinized.

O’Toole examined the double standard in the media’s coverage of the RussiaUkraine war versus Israel-Palestine. She remarked on “seeing journalists reporting gleefully on the arming of civilians and militias and resistance in Ukraine, with these laudatory stories of Molotov cocktail creations, when the exact same type of actions are referred to as terrorism when the person in question is Palestinian.”

Zabaneh also pointed out the disparity in respect for Ukrainian and Palestinian journalists who write for major news outlets. For Zabaneh, Palestinians are not just being ignored, but silenced.

Creating space for Palestinian journalists means focusing on local, on the ground, Palestinian journalists rather than outside writers, she opined. “We have enough Palestinian journalists who have the means and the language and tools to amplify the Palestinian voice,” she said. “We don’t need someone who comes in and basically repeats the usual narrative.”

In terms of how to best support female journalists, O’Toole emphasized diversity in the newsroom. Zabaheh added, “Most reports done by women focus on the human side of things. We talk to mothers, we talk to women, we explore their emotions in a way that men don’t often succeed in doing.” —Amelia Leaphart Survivors and Friends Meet 55 Years After Attack on USS Liberty

For decades USS Liberty survivors of Israel’s June 8, 1967 attack on their ship have gathered in Section 34 of Arlington National Cemetery to honor their 34 shipmates, who paid the ultimate price, reciting their names and placing a wreath and roses at the ship’s memorial.

The president of the USS Liberty Veterans Association, Larry L. Bowen, began this year’s ceremony by recalling Israel’s crippling aerial and naval assault on their clearly marked intelligence ship, which flew the American flag as it patrolled in the Mediterranean Sea’s international waters during the 1967 Six-Day War. Survivors, including many of the 174 wounded, valiantly kept their ship afloat, enduring Israeli strafing, napalm and torpedoes, and even a machine-gun attack on their lifeboats. Bowen said, “Heroism was the order of the day, and every man who could help, stepped up to help.”

Survivors have often faced charges of anti-Semitism for condemning Israel’s deliberate attack on their U.S. ally, but it’s also the subsequent U.S. coverup that infuriates them. They believe the heroism displayed by the USS Liberty crew as they served their country should serve as an inspiration and motivation to future generations and not be covered up.

“After 55 years, we remember the good times with our families coming together and our kids playing after we returned from cruises,” Ernie Gallo, a communications technician aboard the ship, said. “We also remember the anxious feelings we had leaving our families during our four-month deployments,” he added, regarding some