Washington Report on Middle East Affairs - August/September 2020 - Vol. XXXIX, No. 5

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U.S. will probably block any U.N. Security Council resolution condemning or suggesting legal actions against Israel. It is hard to believe that Gulf reaction would risk their relations with the Trump administration and jeopardize their security arrangements with the U.S. for the sake of the Palestinian cause. Bom hypothesizes that, if needed, they could easily manage a response which helps demonstrate their public discontent while not touching other dimensions of the geo-political relations. He points out the case of Israeli-Egyptian relations where there is intimate security cooperation, mediation on Gaza, and open channels that are otherwise in parallel to a hostile public climate and visible public criticism when it comes to the Palestinian issue. However, Hassan thinks that the Palestinian issue is not something that Saudi Arabia or other Gulf countries can so easily discard because of their own domestic concerns. That is why Saudi Arabia led efforts at the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to condemn annexation and actions in Jerusalem. She said that Saudi reliance on the Trump administration

to back it up with Iran and on the Jamal Khashoggi matter did not prevent the king from taking such public stands against the American and Israeli plans to liquidate the Palestinian national project. But, given that Saudi Arabia has lost much of its standing in both U.S. legislative houses and the recently reported withdrawal of two Patriot missile batteries from Saudi Arabia at a time of high tensions with Iran, has raised speculation regarding the current state of U.S.-Saudi relations. The possibility of losing U.S. military protection has caused a cautious response toward any crisis in the region where Saudis may collide with the unpredictable U.S. president and his hawks. But while the Trump administration is aware of their opposition to annexation and to his plan, the main question, according to Elgindy, is whether annexation would disrupt Arab Gulf states’ willingness to cooperate with Israel against the perceived threat from Iran. Nevertheless, Gulf Arabs, in general, share deep sympathies with the Palestinians and their struggle for an independent state, something even Gulf absolute monarchies

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cannot ignore when approaching this sensitive matter. Despite the Arab Gulf’s warming relations with Israel and some attempt to influence Arab public opinion through film and cultural events that paint Israel in a sympathetic light, or normalize Arab-Israeli relations, Hassan is convinced the majority of Arabs and Muslims will not abandon their brothers and sisters in Palestine, who are the only thing standing in the way of extremists who seek to rebuild the Jewish Temple on the Haram al Sharif in Jerusalem. For years, Jordan and Egypt have had peace agreements with Israel and those have yet to translate into any peace between the peoples. Likewise, in Hassan’s opinion, people in the Arab Gulf will remain supportive of Palestinian rights and their governments will continue to reflect that support. Boms concurs, but believes that there might be a difference between that “public” response, which will focus on criticism of Israel and on satisfying the “proPalestinian” voices, and the “nonpublic response” that will continue to take into account the geopolitical interests and the dialogue with the U.S. and Israel. ■

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WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

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