Two Worlds, One Place Western and Chinese perceptions of urban spaces on the Shanghai Bund, 1919-1937
Weichen Zhang 120129072
University of Sheffield School of Architecture 2015
Many thanks to my supervisor, Professor Peter Blundell Jones, for the dedicated encourage, enthusiasm and patience throughout the project, without whose help and support I would have been lost.
Two Worlds, One Place
目录 图表目录 名词英汉对照 章一 引言
GLOSSARY
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1一
vi
v
CONTENT
CHPATER ONE |INTRODUCTION
四一 41
一五 CHAPTER TWO | THE WESTERN ACCOUNTS 15
CHAPTER FOUR | DISCUSSION
五五 55
章二 外国人说
CHAPTER FIVE | CONCLUSION
五九 59
二九 CHAPTER THREE | THE CHINESE ACCOUNTS 29
BIBLIOGRAPHY
章三 中国人说 章四 讨论 章五 结论 参考文献
List of Illustrations
page
fig.1 Aerial view of the 1920s Bund and downtown Shanghai from Denison and Guang 131.
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fig.2 R egional map of Shanghai before foreign settlement from Denison and Guang 19.
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fig.3 The Yangtze River System from Murphey, "Shanghai" 46.
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fig.4 The Bund in the 1850s from Denison and Guang 46.
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fig.5 Shanghai in the Republican era from Lu 41.
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fig.6 Bird's-eye view of where Suzhou Creek joins Huangpu River, 1937 from Lu 42. fig.7 Pidgin-English guides from Darwent ii-iii.
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fig.8 The Shanghai Club in the 1940s from Denison and Guang 102. fig.9 The Great World from outside from Lu 115.
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fig.10 The interior of the Great World from "Shi jing tian tang - Shang hai da shi jie"(in Chinese), NetEase. 20 Dec 2012. web. 7 Apr 2015. fig.11 Yamen architecture from Goodman 19.
23 32
fig.12 A Sikh police in the Public Garden from "In Public Gardens, Shanghai", Sikhs in Shanghai. 30 Apr. 2013. web. 7 Apr. 2015. fig.13 Native Shop, Nanking Road from Darwent 13.
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fig.14 H a i r o i l a d v e r t i s e m e n t ( 1 9 3 4 ) a n d m e d i c i n e advertisment(1936) on Shanghai local newspaper from Yang 168.
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v
Glossary Avenue Edward VII 爱多亚路（今延安路） now Yan'an Road coolie 苦力 dongfang 东方 Eastern Dongfangzazhi 东方杂志 Eastern Miscellany (megazine) Du shi feng jing xian 都市风景线 Scène (short novel collection) fengshui 风水 Garden Bridge 外白渡桥 Wai bai du qiao Guangzhou 广州 Canton hai 海 the sea Haipai 海派 the Shanghai School/Style of Shanghai Hankow 汉口（今武汉） now Wuhan Hong Xiuquan 洪秀全 Huangpu River 黄浦江 the yellow creek river Jingpai 京派 the Peking School/Style of Peking Jingwumen 精武门 The Fist of Legend (film) Li yi he wei sheng 礼仪和卫生 Etiquette and Hygiene (short novel) Lijiachang 李家厂 Liu Na'ou 刘呐鸥 maiban 买办 comprador Mao Dun 茅盾 Mao Zedong 毛泽东 modeng 摩登 modern Mu Shiying 穆时英 Nanjing 南京 Nanjing/Nanking Road 南京路 Peking 北平（今北京） now Beijing vi
Qiu de gong yuan 秋的公园 The Park in Autumn (poem) Shanghai 上海 above sea Shenbao 申报 Shanghai News (newspaper) Shibosi 市舶司 Bureau of Foreign Trade shidai 时代 epoch Shiliyangchang 十里洋场 Ten Miles of Foreign Zone Song Dynasty 宋朝 Sun Yet-sen 孙中山 Suzhou Creek 苏州河 Taiping Rebellion 太平天国运动 Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement the Bund 外滩 Wai tan the Great World 大世界 Dashijie the Spring and Autumn era 春秋 Chun Qiu Xian 县 County xiaoshimin 小市民 residents of the lower middle class xifang 西方 Western xinshidai 新时代 new epoch yang 洋 Western Yangtingbang 杨（洋）泾浜 Yangtze River 长江 Changjiang Yuan Dynasty 元朝 Zhapu Road Bridge 乍浦路桥
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chapter
0
1
introduction
章一
引言
fig.1 A erial view of the 1920s Bund and downtown Shanghai from Denison and Guang 131.
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'Shanghai is the best city I have seen and will leave any English town 100 years behind - that's not exaggerated. It is the most cosmopolitan city of the world bar none and the finest city of the Far East.'(Bickers 39)
In a letter written a few days after his arrival by ship in Shanghai in 1919, Maurice Tinkler, a British gentleman coming to the city to serve as a police officer, described excitedly to his aunt. He is only one among hundreds of thousands of people that were awed on approaching the Bund of Shanghai, a most impressive skyline of the metropolitan treaty port city which grew at an incredible speed over the second half of nineteenth century and reached its culmination as Tinkler arrived (see fig.1). 3
fig.2 R egional map of Shanghai before foreign settlement from Denison and Guang 19. Numbers refer to: â‘ , Huangpu River; â‘Ą , Old Chinese Town
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History
The prosperity of neon-lit promenade along Huangpu (the yellow creek) River was deeply rooted in its history dating back up to more than two thousand years ago. During the 'Spring and Autumn' era (770 B.C. - 476 B.C.) appeared the earliest record of the region, while the mention of name of Shanghai came later in Song Dynasty (1127-1279) when it was nominated by the Emperor as a district administration, Xian (county), and later during Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) Shanghai became one of seven major Shibosi (Bureau of Foreign Trade), which establishes the official start of the city to be a regionally commercial and cultural centre(Denison & Guang 19). Although the non-grid organic plan within the walled Old Chinese Town that still remained isolated a few decades after its opening up following the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 until the year of 1912 indicate its relative unimportance in administrative aspects historically to Chinese government, Shanghai, with a population around 200,000 as a seaport and regional market town at that time, was nowhere near the rumour of a muddy filthy fishing village at its origin desperate for foreign forces to intervene as some Western records assert (Bergère 2). 5
fig.3 The Yangtze River System from Murphey, "Shanghai" 46.
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Geographical Prominence Besides its regionally commercial importance, among the first five treaty ports designated by the 1842 Nanjing Treaty, Shanghai celebrates a prominent geographical advantage in trading over the others. The city sits in the middle of Chinese coastal line at the mouth of Yangtze River, the largest river running across the country from west to east spreading rich tributaries, with a vast fertile hinterland connected by natural and artificial waterways providing tea, silk and cotton production for overseas export in exchange of silver; despite the fact that it was no terminus to any major trading route, the port enjoyed equal shipping time from western Europe and eastern America. Its foreign trade having eventually surpassed Guangzhou in 1854 1, Shanghai was already the largest national port before the British arrival (Sergeant 13). 'The heart of foreign trade is Shanghai, and the other ports mere blood vessels,' writes the North China Herald in 1869 (qtd. in Murphey, "Shanghai" 116). And before the boost of railway network came to dominate the inland transport, the waterfront area was instrumental to the foreign firms. According to Zhu, during the Taiping Rebellion, as Western ships were allowed into the Yangtze River, the transport profits made from Shanghai to Hankow equals four times of what from Shanghai to London(9).2 7
fig.4 The Bund in the 1850s from Denison and Guang 46.
fig.5 Shanghai in the Republican era from Lu 41.
8
The Bund
However, in contrast with its flourishing appearance in modern times, the Bund area situated north to the Old Chinese Town at the confluence of Suzhou Creek and Huangpu River (a tributary of Yangtze River) remained until the Treaty was signed a neglected place mostly used by boat trackers, called Huangpu beach or Huangpu Road (see fig.4). The Treaty designated the land in between Yangjingbang and Lijiachang as a British Concession (Lu 28)(See fig.5); since then along the Huangpu beach people witnessed the spring of western influenced architecture. Shanghai still keeps the Bund as a toponym today, exceeding its original meaning as a type of harbour construction, which can be regarded as an implication of its importance since the old days. The term itself was not unique to Shanghai though; according to Karl Lentzner, the bund was 'applied to the embanked quay above the shore the settlements' in 'the Anglo-Chinese ports' (qtd. in Taylor 128). It appeared first in Shanghai by 1865 thanks to the development of modern technology, transforming the mudflat into a bund and later the Bund. The constraints caused by marshy soil conditions was overcome using concrete and steel construction which encouraged the buildings on the Bund to reach higher and higher, resulting in a space described 9
fig.6 B ird's-eye view of where Suzhou Creek joins Huangpu River, 1937 from Lu 42.
10
by Bickers as 'symbolic of the Western space created and maintained among Chinese chaos, and of the remaking of the Chinese environment by Western technology and enterprise' (Bickers, "Britain in China" 141). Another feature of the Bund is the two major bridges connecting two sides of Huangpu River (see fig.6). Designed by British architects and engineers using England-imported steel under the supervision of Shanghai Municipal Council in 1907, the Garden Bridge is the first steel truss construction bridge in China. Twenty years later, also supervised under the SMC, Zhapu Road Bridge was constructed, adding transport convenience and prosperity to the area (Lu 42). While the competition among those 'Western technology and enterprise' who were trying to outdo each other created a distinct urban space along Huangpu River, bringing in new architectural elements such as neo-classicism from Victorian England, Art-deco and Bauhaus styles from the United States and the European continent, with grand skyscrapers. These, in opposition to the excitement of Tinkler and nostalgia for their hometowns of Westerners on the Bund, were sometimes regarded as the monsters of Western modernity in Chinese eyes, threatening enough to strike a traditional person from the countryside to death. 3 Yet, some people embraced the changes and contradictions, producing the Haipai style - the style of Shanghai. In this sense, as the focus of Shiliyangchang (Ten Miles of Foreign Zone), the Bund bore its uniqueness in the modern life of Shanghai. 11
The Golden Period
Shanghai 'reached the height of its time-honoured destiny' between 1919 and 1927, declared Bergère ("The Other China" 3), and the golden age ceased in 1937 due to the breakout of the Japanese invasion. The period in between two world wars is crucial in examining this particular Far East metropolis. It also beheld the design and construction of most major architectural edifices on the Bund as international banks and enterprises, luxurious hotels, the Custom House and British Consulate clustered in the area, which fabricated the material urban spaces, based on which people imply a conception of lifestyle associated to this particular place when they talk about the Bund rather than a physical form of structure. Moreover, along with the steam machinery being introduced into China, Shanghai was gradually transforming into an industrial city at the turn of twentieth century. Data shows that in 1895 25% of foreign industrial investment in China fell onto shipyards and docks (Brown 186). Growing work opportunities encouraged migrants flowing into the city, and later on the global transport crisis caused by WWI enhanced the port to be most active of the time (Bergère, "The Other China" 4). 12
Remapping the Bund
Enough attention has been paid on the modern characteristics of the Bund, as Chen suggests, the two opposite cultural co-existence in Shanghai encouraged an urban spatial consciousness in literature correlated to the period (544). Different groups of people perceived and interpreted the city from different perspectives, remarking and mapping a new Bund with conscious and unconscious living experience of spatial experience in words.
In this study, therefore, I propose to analyse selected texts in literature and other forms of recordings both from Westerners and Chinese, focusing on the Bund and its hinterland including major roads (such as Nanjing Road and Avenue Edvard VII) radiating into the foreign concessions during the period from 1919 to 1937, correlated with its social, cultural and political context, to discuss how the uniqueness that Western architecture and architectural forms imposed onto this area has intervened and been interwoven with local Chinese culture, and why the two groups of people seemed to be living in two different cities. 13
Notes
1. Before the Opium War, Guangzhou was the only port city opened to foreign trade since 1757; its history of trading with Westerners could date back to 1515. Some scholars argues that Shanghai surpassed Guangzhou in 1853. See Shanghai: City, Society and Culture ( in Chinese), pp.16-17. 2. Hankow was one of the Yangtze River cities opened up to foreign trade by the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858. Taiping Rebellion: led by Hong Xiuquan, it is a massive civil war which happened in southern China from 1850 to 1864 in search of social reforms including shared property and equity for women against feudalism. The revolution failed, yet its spirit is praised by Chinese political leaders such as Sun Yet-sen and Mao Zedong. 3. See Mao Dun, "Midnight" chapter 1. 14
chapter
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2
T he W estern accounts
章二
外国人说
fig.7 Pidgin-English guides from Darwent ii-iii.
16
'To the dispossessed, the ambitious and the criminal, it offered a fresh start.' Sergeant declares at the very beginning of her book on Shanghai (2). Aside from exploiting opportunities here, foreigners offered a fresh start to the Bund and even to the city as well. As the traders from Britain, America, France and other countries were busy setting up trading companies in the concessions, they also brought with them their Western cultural productions and moreover, the lifestyles from their hometowns, distorted slightly in Shanghai though when all of the different examples came melting together (see fig.7 for the example of Pidgin-English as a product of mixed culture). The Bund and its hinterland were not only lined with Western-styled edifices; for behind the decorative elements is a quickly established cultural phenomenon among the residents, both foreign and Chinese.
17
The Western
'After consuming our drinks my friend performed once more the same simple rite of affixing his signature to the chit. Since he had told me that he was not a member of the Club, my amazement grew. A public restaurant, yes, but a very exclusive club!...Just walk in, order, drink, sign and walk out. My word!' (Miller 20) Taking Shanghai Club (now the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel) (see fig.8) as an example, as described by this American traveller to the city in the 1930s, he was amazed by the exclusiveness of nationality (they had to order a soda vodka to pretend to be British) and lack of legal procedures of the Club - it 'favours the practices of deceit and abuse' (Miller 20). Opened in 1910, Shanghai Club sits at No.2 on the Bund and was among the first reinforced concrete buildings in Shanghai. Not like the old Shanghai Club building built 18
in 1864 which was notorious with its 'true debased and carpenteresque style' as described in Northern China Herald in 1889 (qtd. in Denison & Guang 101), the new Victorian Baroque Revival facade was designed by Bertram Tarrant of the British Board of Works, indicating its exclusive membership. The Club served only elite British residents in Shanghai, so Maurice Tinkler as a policeman would not pass the scrutiny of its membership committee (Bickers, "Empire Made Me" 43), and Chinese and women were also banned for its membership by the splendid Greek columns (Sergeant 102). Lord Bangor, who served as a reporter and broadcaster in the 1930s in Shanghai, recalled his disappointment about the Club when interviewed by Sergeant. The place was tranquil 'as anything in St. James's', he remembered, but the Long Bar was impressive (102). Known as the longest bar in the world (110 feet by 39 feet), the black and white marble piece sitting south of the Grand Hall in the Club further explained the hierarchical rules existing in British Shanghailanders (foreign settlers in Shanghai) - the closer one sat towards the front, the higher the social status he obtained (Denison & Guang 102). On the other hand, for those who took the privilege for granted, Shanghai Club was more of a place to escape from a mundane business world. '...[T]he Shanghai Club was the place 19
where my father played chess, with deep satisfaction and refreshment, every day after tiffin. He did this so regularly, before going back to his office, that there was once a cartoon of him in the North China Daily News, his pipe in his mouth, his hand poised over the board,' (35-6) writes Enid Saunders Candlin, daughter of a wealthy tea merchant who lived in Shanghai till 1937. She had no interest on the Long Bar: more deeply rooted in her memory about the Club was its 'splendid library, the best on the Coast' (35-6).
fig.8 The Shanghai Club in the 1940s from Denison and Guang 102. 20
The Chinese
The accounts above only provide with a glimpse into the life of one typical group of Shanghailanders. Still, Shanghai at that time was a melting-pot of people from everywhere in the world. In the eyes of the newcomers, who did not need a passport or visa to land here, the emerging metropolis as depicted in Miller's book was truly a 'paradise of adventurers'. Scene of life changed when one went away from the waterfront of Huangpu River further into the city. As Sergeant puts it when she visited the Marble Hall styled in French Classism on Nanjing Road West, the house of Lord Kadoorie, a Iraqi-Jewish businessman, the grand houses in Shanghai feature like a stage setting with magnificent front facades and shallow plans at the back (Denison & Guang 126), and this can be metaphorical of the Bund area: behind all the splendor there existed shadows. In spite of the social systems imported by foreigners, the city of Shanghai was fundamentally Chinese. However, the foreign residents still showed contempt for the Chinese, not only by keeping them away from their everyday activities but by expressing their disdain in subtle details. 21
In his book Fun in a Chinese Laundry, the AustrianAmerican film director Josef von Sternberg observed the lively vibrancy in the Great World (Dashijie) at the corner of Avenue Edward VII and Tibet Road. This entertainment venue decorated with a Western wedding-cake style (see fig.9) was actually designed by a Chinese architect who was considered the first in Shanghai. Opened in 1917, The Great World contained a cinema, a theatre and performance spaces, commercial stalls, a miniature racecourse, a rollerskating venue, an aviary and even a newspaper press (Denison & Guang 95)(see fig.10). Having spent hours within the building, Sternberg writes, '...the establishment had six floors to provide distraction for the milling crowd, six floors that seethed with life and all the commotion and noise that go with it, studded with every variety of entertainment Chinese ingenuity had contrived.' (82) He describes the Great World in great detail. However, later in the chapter he records what his guide told him, that hundreds of desperate Chinese jumped from the top of the building when they ran out of money. 'Life seemed to have little value then, and a little while later, when a bomb was dropped, even less', he comments (83). 4 This indifferent attitude sets an explicit contrast to the space he just passionately pictured. 22
The American traveller reveals a message to the readers of contemporary times, that even though the appearance of architecture in the foreign concessions had been given a Western look, the two cultures did not mix at all. Shanghailanders may have felt shame to admit having visited the Great World, observes Johnston, for they barely muttered about being taken there 'as a child', which seems doubtful yet offers a peep into the foreign minds that were reluctant to share their everyday life with Chinese residents.
fig.9 The Great World from outside from Lu 115. fig.10 The interior of the Great World from "Shi jing tian tang Shang hai da shi jie"(in Chinese), NetEase. 20 Dec 2012. web. 7 Apr 2015. 23
One exception is the Chinese servants. As Wu and Harris mentioned the exclusion of Chinese people from the concessions initially before the Taiping Rebellion took over the city, 'except as servants or employees of foreign traders' (7), and thus Chinese servants serves an important part in relating the two groups. 'Some of the Shanghai Chinese became our wonderful, faithful, intelligent servants, the servants who were also our friends, who made our lives so superficially easy, who gave us leisure...what many people most remember when they think of Shanghai - the comfort it offered.' (54) Candlin marvelled, perhaps in an unconsciously sarcastic way, by how incredibly cheap and efficient the labour was provided by Chinese flocking into the city. In terms of daily life, apart from Chinese businessmen who somehow turned out to be less interesting in their reminiscences of the old days of the city, the servants were the closest Chinese people they could get in touch with. Johnston mentions the Chinese 'Amah' when he speculates about the vagueness of the Shanghailanders speaking of being to the Great World - they were 'taken there by my Amah' (Johnston, "A Last Look" 45). The amahs (meaning mother in Chinese), Chinese females hired by a family to clean and look 24
after children taking responsibility of both maid and nanny, Johnston continues, were infamous for their cautiousness about taking kids to 'all sorts of questionable but exciting places'. Nevertheless, when their parents were occupied by the social life on the Bund, the children would have to spend long time with their Chinese servants. Hilary Wadlow, a British girl who was brought up in Shanghai and did not return to England until the Second World War broke out, admits having been spoiled by the servants. More curious is what she recalled about a day trip away from her everyday routine to her amah's place. Sitting in a crowded low-ceiling small room over a market, surrounded by men playing mahjong, she was watched by everyone (Sergeant 121-2). It was a rare occasion to know the other side of Shanghai for those foreigners who were active on the Bund, where Chinese, by and large, mainly did business with them or served at the Bar, others jamming the street with rickshaws and carts. Westerners enjoyed their exclusive living environment though, it was impossible to make complete avoidance of Chinese existence - coming back to the very beginning of the discussion, in the book of the American adventurer, he talks about the Chinese waiter when explaining the prohibition of Chinese people from the place. Even in the foreign concessions, foreigners were largely outnumbered by Chinese. Data shows that in the year of 1936 the foreign population was 60,000 in the city, while 25
in the foreign settlements alone the Chinese population was approaching 1.5 million (Murphey, "Shanghai" 223). Therefore, despite its Western-looking street fronts, the Bund area was essentially Chinese. Westerners came to the city for trade; their narratives deliberately ignored Chinese residents and Chinese features except for their curiosity towards the mythical and imaginary oriental elements that were displayed intentionally. Like the Western-styled edifices on the Bund and in its surroundings, Westerners ignored the Chinese residents who permeated their life, and the effect was reversible. Although Westerners on the Bund lacked the direct communication with Chinese people, the physical and psychological urban space they created had imposed critical influence on the life of the local. And in this sense, Shanghai is seemingly cosmopolitan. 'Every race meets there; and as one wanders down the Nanking Road, one never tires of watching the nationalities which throng that thoroughfare. There walks a tall bearded Russian, a fat German, jostling perhaps a tiny Japanese officer, whose whole air shows that he regards himself as a member of the conquering race that has checkmated the vast power of Europe; there are sleek Chinese in Western carriages, and there are thin Americans in Eastern rickshas[sic]; the 26
motorcycle rushes past, nearly colliding with a closely curtained chair bearing a Chinese lady of rank, or a splendid Indian in a yellow silk coat is struck in the face by the hat of a Frenchman, who finds the pavements of Shanghai too narrow for his sweeping salute;...' (Gascoyne-Cecil & Gascoyne-Cecil 104) One can easily find how cosmopolitan the city was in Lord William Gascoyne-Cecil's vivid description of Shanghai downtown in 1909, even ten years before its 'Golden Time'. However, following the street scene he continues, 'The Westerner may be employed; Western teaching may be learnt; Western garments may be worn; but, as a Chinese professor said, "The wearer will be a Chinaman all the same."' (106) On the other hand, some other foreigners shows undisguised contempt to the Chinese. A Belgian visitor of the 1930 Shanghai recalls that an European diplomat was teased by a British businessman after having dinner with Nationalist government members. The businessman referred to the Nationalist officers, mostly educated in the US, as coolies (139), which demonstrates discrimination towards Chinese people in general. The Western-to-Chinese denial is obvious. 27
Notes
4. The bomb refers to a bomb dropped by a Chinese plane during Japanese invasion, explains Sternberg. 28
chapter
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3
T he chinese accounts
章三
中国人说
'The car was racing along like mad. He peered through the wind-screen. Good Heavens! the towering skyscrapers, their countless lighted windows gleaming like the eyes of devils, seemed to be rushing down to him like an avalanche at one moment and vanishing at the next. The smooth road stretched before him, and street-lamps flashed past on either side, springing up and vanishing in endless succession. A snake-like stream of black monsters, each with a pair of blinding lights for eyes, their horns blaring, bore down upon him, nearer and nearer!' (Mao Dun, "Midnight" 15-6)
30
The Traditional
'Light, Heat, Power!' Beginning his novel of the 1930s Ziye (Midnight) with a striking scene of the Bund on a 'heavenly' mid-May evening, Mao Dun uses the three English words with capital letters in text to emphasise the impression of Shanghai.5 A 1930 Citroen car is repetitively mentioned as it moves away from the Bund further into Nanjing Road, travelling on which the Old Mr. Wu, a traditional Chinese gentleman who just arrived Shanghai to visit his entrepreneur son, is totally lost in the swirl of this modern metropolis. The old man is so frightened that he dies on his arrival. Although this dramatic death might be exaggerated, Mao Dun provides some insights into how Shanghai was regarded in the eyes of traditional Chinese people - it was more of abstract perception of astonishing technology rather than urban spatial experience through a metropolitan city. For them, the modernity was something uncanny imposed onto their Chinese territory. The 'authentic Chinese' from the countryside at that time valued gold and silk as the 31
representation of luxury as the plan spreads across a vast area of land (see fig. 11); in contrast Shanghai unveiled a monstrous forest of steel and concrete, accompanied by electricity and machinery, approaching the sky. The impression brought by Western civilisation struck the traditional minds. As Shanghai, especially the foreign concession area, was a perfect destination for people who sought either work or refuge from political and economic turbulence across the country, especially in Peking, it could be deduced that the impact of modern technology would not be only an accident that only happened to the Old Mr. Wu.
fig.11 Yamen architecture from Goodman 19. Note that Yamen architecture is one of the typical types demonstrating high social status of its owner in traditional Chinese society. 32
The Modern
Yet, the use of English words and his focus on images of modern production reveal the influence of Western culture in the life of Chinese people. The same traits can be identified more specifically in the works of the Haipai group. Haipai, meaning the style of Shanghai or Shanghai School was seen as the opposite to Jingpai (the Peking Style) which emerging in Peking at approximately the same time and represented classic Chinese ideas and ideology. It originated from Shanghai, especially Shiliyangchang after its opening up. The two terms were at first used in Chinese traditional opera and art, but later spread into other cultural forms. In literature, they mainly refer to the works written between the late 1920s and the 1940s. Haipai is a phenomenon that could only happen in Shanghai, as it emphasises the concept of yang (Western); here the character hai (the sea) not only represents Shanghai (above sea) but also implies its features from the overseas. During the debate between Jingpai and Haipai writers in the 1930s, Cao Juren argued that 'Jingpai is classic and Haipai is romantic; Jingpai resembles a girl from a respectable family, and Haipai looks like a modern woman' (qtd. in Wu 287). 33
The statement reflects the essence in some Shanghai writers' work, that the existence of Western influence is vital. Even though he writes a lot about the Western traces of the city, the modernity of 'Western' Shanghai is not preferred by Liu Na'ou, a Taiwan-born and Japanese-educated young man who led the style of Sensationalism in Haipai literature from the mid-1920s. 'I feel like everything of this metropolis has been dead. All in front of my eyes is an enormous desert, silent as time immemorial'6(113), bemoans Liu. Like Mao Dun and many other Haipai writers, Liu took a critical view towards the imprint of Western civilisation. 'Aren't we living in the middle of machines?' He queries in Du shi feng jing xian (Scène), and relieves the main character one moment from the 'bondage of machinery to his natural home'(31). 7 The duality reflects the vast development in Shanghai's architectural industry during late 1920s and early 1930s, which was mainly caused by the worldwide economic crisis recession in the capitalist world. Large quantities of raw construction materials were sold and transported to Shanghai, along with not only Western but also domestic capitals from businesses around the entire country. The latter was due to the turbulence in the other parts of China; here the foreign concessions on the contrary provided protection to the Chinese, especially revolutionary activists.8 As mentioned in the previous chapter, buildings on the Bund were predominantly British and later Euro-American, 34
and Chinese were forbidden from entering the edifices. 'To the average Chinese, most of these high-rise buildings were, both literally and figuratively, beyond their reach. The big hotels largely catered to the rich and famous, mostly foreigners,' observes Lee (13). Therefore, the Bund remained a place where the neon lights and automobiles were the major observation. 'The red street, the green street, the blue street, the purple street...the metropolis wearing make-up with strong tones! Neon leaps towards a wave of light - colourful, ever-changing, pale - the sky flooded with light; in the sky there are wine, lamp, high heels and clock...'9 (Mu 49) The viewpoint of Old Mr. Wu is at ground level - both skyscrapers and street-lamps are images falling from above towards his trembling standpoint as all the new concepts that were imposed on the traditional; for Liu Na'ou, the camera follows the character in the air at the level of signposts, and going even higher when he notices a flock of people 'spat out from the lifts'; whilst in the eyes of Mu Shiying, another Haipai writer active in the 1930s, the city seems to be floating in the sky. Gradually the representations of Westerninfluenced modernity in Chinese writings move further and further away from their routine life which may imply the alienated feeling brought by the Westerners. The distance 35
is not merely physical in the sense of how the Bund and its surrounding areas were depicted. Either consciously or subconsciously, the stratification of nationalities is unfolded. The city was demographically multi-ethnic, notwithstanding the separation among different groups. The Shanghai Club discussed above clearly demonstrates a highly exclusive and hierarchical British Shanghailander society to the others, and moreover one finds in Chinese writings that the Western-styled also appears tangible but untouchable. 'The streets around the Huangpu bund before rush hour seemed to be occupied by Western women shopping. Their high heels stepped on tender sunlight, emitting light quick sounds on the wooden pavement.' (qtd. & translated in Shih 290) In the short novel named Li yi he wei sheng (Etiquette and Hygiene), Liu Na'ou picks up a typical scene on the Bund. His protagonist Qiming, a Chinese lawyer, went past a few Foreign people to buy some German goods from a Slavic drugstore clerk and then headed to a Chinese commercial block. The transition between spaces is concluded in a few lines: 'It is like going across the ocean to walk past a few streets; the scene changes abruptly. Signboards of all colours sticking out from the shops make it hazardous to move beneath 36
them, and shop fronts that lack sunshine spit out the stink of freezing gloom.'10 (Liu 113) There are two worlds coexisting in the text; one is the Bund, and the other the Chinese quarter. The contrast between 'tender sunlight' and 'freezing gloom' is inevitable. The same boundary can be found in Guo Moruo's work: 'There are no dangers nor difficulties from the Shanghai Concessions to Chinese Town; the only thing you need to do is to walk a few steps. Is there anyone in the world who does not believe in miracles? I would invite him here to witness this astounding miracle - a few blocks and then you travel back several centuries! My friend, isn't it an astounding miracle?'11 (303) The distinction between the two worlds implies a differentiation not only in physical form but the experience is apparently psychological. Still, it appealed to many 'modern' Chinese, as the word modeng (the transliteration of modern in Chinese) quickly prevailed in the city and appeared in many publications, that clues could be found in many ways to prove their desire towards modernity. 37
In the foreign concessions, Western cultures brought new types of space such as hotels, department stores, cafes and public parks. Taking public parks as an example, although these spaces under foreign control were named as 'public', Chinese admittance was banned until the June of 1928 (Bickers & Wasserstrom 444). The most recognisable case of a public park happened, ironically, right at the Public Garden (now known as Huangpu Park)(see fig.12). Lying on the north end of the Bund not far from the British Consulate and the Sassoon House ( now Peace Hotel), it was the first modern park opened in China, and became notorious for its 'Dogs and Chinese not permitted' regulation that was spread later as an urban myth via various media such as the film Jingwumen (The Fist of Legend, 1972). Brickers and Wasserstrom argue the legitimacy and authenticity of the quote, but it is clear that Chinese were indeed barred from the Garden initially due to 'complaints from the Foreigners'. Eventually in July 1928 the Garden was opened to all who could afford the ticket under the pressure of protests by the Chinese masses following the May 30th movement in 1925 (454). After that the public parks were gradually frequented by Chinese residents. In Mao Dun's Qiu de gong yuan (The park in Autumn) (1932), he regards the park in autumn as 'an old battlefield of the high-speed love in a metropolis'. Having noticed the tickets were rejected to sell to the ill-dressed, 'aside from the foreign women (they do need some fresh air) and children, frequenters of the park are modern men and women'12. 38
He also notes the lack of interest in parks among the group of Shanghai Xiaoshimin (residents of the lower middle class) that they 'don't need fresh air, green grass, tree shades and the warbling of birds'. It implies that even though the trends of modernity and Western civilisation were radiating from the Bund in Shanghai, Chinese people, especially those struggling to survive in the metropolitan city, was still indifferent to the new and modern, and moreover, the Western.
fig.12 A Sikh police in the Public Garden from "In Public Gardens, Shanghai", Sikhs in Shanghai. 30 Apr. 2013. web. 7 Apr. 2015.
39
Notes
5. See Mao Dun, "Midnight", chapter 1. 6. Translated by the author. 7. Translated by the author. 8. The First National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in Shanghai and Jiaxing in 1921, which marks the official establishment of the Party. 9. Translated by the author. 10.Translated by the author. 11.Translated by the author. 12.Translated by the author. 40
chapter
0
4
D iscussion
章四
讨论
To put together foreign and Chinese statements around the Bund, it is evident that neither of the two groups neglected the prominence of Western-featured architecture and urban spaces; yet, the accounts demonstrate two different world to the readers. However, their attitudes differ from each other due to various reasons. 42
The Western Side:
The 'Enclave' 'From a non-European point of view, what impresses above all (imperial China and Japan) about "modern" Europe is its ability to create power,' Elvin observes (210). Comprised mostly of businessmen and missionaries, Westerners within the concessions enjoyed extraterritoriality and other privileges; as can be seen in the texts from chapter 02, they regarded themselves as superior to the local, and one of the few compromises was made due to the May 30th Movement.13 The initial purpose for Westerners to come to Shanghai was to trade, as Candlin describes, 'aside from the consular people and the missionaries, nearly everyone came out as a businessman' (44); therefore they did not see the necessity to interact with Chinese people except for the business. The Chinese part of the city remained somehow inexistent to them; even the Chinese servants were considered more of objects rather than subjects. Although some 'Western masters' complaint about their Chinese servants cheating on the bills, it was nothing more than a minor incident of daily life. They 43
lived in the exclusive environment built by the productions brought with them from their hometowns. They never lacked entertainments of their own in the concessions, Candlin says, having enjoying several New Years, Christmases and Easters she also mentioned Chinese New Year parades along with Quatorze Juillet, the French National Day (53). This detail reveals a Western perception of the concessions, that the Chinese were not 'the local', but only a part of this international enclave in the Far East to provide convenience and pleasure.
The 'Western' Bund The Bund is absolutely Western. High-rises in Western styles designed by Western architect and built with Western construction techniques constructs a Western urban space along the Huangpu River. 'Always more blustering and giving an "impression of majesty", the Bund's Neoclassical and "British Renaissance" facades were designed to boast of status, projecting the outward pretensions of civic pride, while inwardly coveting unbridled wealth,'(101) Denison and Guang comment on the Bund in the first twenty years of twentieth century, nonetheless British's prominence on the Bund was challenged by other Western forces in the next two decades. 44
Western architects shone on the Bund during those years, among which is the Palmer & Turner Architects. For instance, the British architectural firm designed nine buildings including the Custom House, Sassoon House and HSBC Building on the Bund in total over three decades from 1916 to 1937, covering various styles such as Neo-classic and Artdeco. Although Chinese contractors came into competition from the second decade of twentieth century, the appearance of the landmarks in the area was still dominantly Western, generating an estranging feeling to the Chinese residents (Huang 41). Meanwhile, even some Chinese architects had finished their Western education and had come back to China by then, despite the Art-deco and Bauhaus-influenced design such as the Dashijie building mentioned before, they were excluded from the Bund.
The 'Oriental' Myth Whilst the Bund area was made completely Western, Westerners showed interest in the Oriental features in the concessions as they understood what was Chinese. 'You were always aware of the trait about you. For instance, in the towns you would see on thousands of roofs, bottles so arranged 45
that their open necks lay outward, ready to catch any troublesome demons which might want to mischief the family within. Spirit screens still blocked the old-style type of Chinese entrance, to cut off these evil spirits which, being basically stupid, traveled only in straight lines.' (Candlin 67) This was observed on the way towards the Bund. To the British witness of the city, Chinese traits seem to be constraint within the superstitious myths. However, on the contrary, screen wall in fact represents a high social status of its owner in traditional Chinese society. The quote above shows her superficial knowledge of Chinese traditional features and reluctance of understanding them. In addition, a guidebook of Shanghai written by a Westerner further proves this phenomenon as the 'native' traits around Nanking Road (see fig.13) are emphasised as simply flattened images: 'good photographs may be had all along, for there can be no questioning the picturesqueness of the Chinese shopfront, with its hanging signs, globular and octagonal lamps, often adorned with red tassels, and its carving.' (Darwent 13) Here, apart from the superstitious side of traditional Chinese lifestyle in the eyes of Westerners, the Chinese 46
features in the concessions were considered an object to be picturesque for photos instead of its actual use. Echoing the uneasiness of the young British girl being among a poor Chinese family of her servant mentioned in chapter two, perhaps caused by feeling of superiority, the Chinese part of the concessions was seen as a symbol of Oriental from the Western point of view.
fig.13 Native Shop, Nanking Road from Darwent 13.
47
The Chinese Side:
The Refuge of the Wealthy and the Intellectual Despite the expensive rents and higher taxes compared to many other cities, the concessions attracted not only the poor Chinese but also intellectuals, the wealthy and officers for the 'security of their lives and property and the comfort for their life', wrote a custom commissioner in the 1890s (Wagner 428-9). This tendency continues in the 1920s when warlords occupied Peking and many scholars and intellectuals left for Shanghai. From then on, the cultural centre of China shifted to Shanghai for more than a decade following the brief renaissance in Peking after the May 4th Movement14(Sergeant 225). Lu also mentions the 'elites' fled into Shanghai since the Taiping Rebellion, many of which were 'wealthy landlords, merchants, and literati' from surrounding provinces, who not only enjoyed the security and freedom ('assured by the foreign powers,' Lu notes) but also its economic prosperity (55-61). The businessmen who acted as middlemen (or maiban, meaning compradors) between Chinese and Western businesses ensures the foreigners to trade in China; in 48
this case, they as barely agents in business rather than the conveyers of different cultures further enhanced the separation between the two groups of people for a lack of direct contact. On the other hand, whilst the poor from the impoverished and politically turbulent areas joined the cheap labour flow as coolies and the businessmen busy with their businesses, the intellectual worked at and for publishing houses which flourished at the beginning of twentieth century. Different from the traditional Chinese literati, the 'new intellectuals' had more contact with Overseas theories and foreign education such as Liu Na'ou and Guo Moruo. These scholars obtained a 'modern' view towards the Westerninfluenced urban space. Lee observes that new vocabulary including shidai and xinshidai (epoch and new epoch), dongfang and xifang (Eastern and Western) was introduced by the newspapers and periodicals and soon became popular among the audience of the printing media. Leading ones such as Shenbao (Shanghai News) and Dongfangzazhi (Eastern Miscellany) provided a platform for the intellectuals to get acknowledged about what was happening and to offer their own opinions to the public. Hence, according to Lee, '"modernity" was equated with "Western civilization" in all its spiritual and material manifestations' by the 1920s (Lee 44-5).
49
fig.14 Hair oil advertisement(1934) and medicine advertisment(1936) on Shanghai local newspaper from Yang 168. Notice the Western clothing and manners in the picture.
50
The 'Modern' City, the Lonely City As mentioned in the previous chapter, Chinese people in Shanghai at that time always referred to the city as modern. To what extent the 'modern' was defined is curious. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, 'modern' implies 'now existing' or 'a comparatively recent period in the life-history of the world'. The definition shifts in the context of arts, as the Dictionary of Arts claims the term modernity 'applied to the cultural condition in which the seemingly absolute necessity of innovation becomes a primary fact of life, work and thought.' King concludes the close relation between 'modern' and 'the West' from its linguistic background in English as an official language in colonies, and continues that the metaphor also applies in architecture and urban design (71). This 'Western modern' was undoubtedly pursued then in Shanghai. 'To be European is to be fashionable',15 some even claimed (qtd. in Yang 142). The trends of imitating the Western could be found everywhere from newspaper advertisements to people's clothing (see fig.14). However, the striking and depressing atmosphere depicted in chapter three was also caused by the 'Western civilisation'. The rapid development of Shanghai saw a boost in population density in the foreign concessions, nonetheless, the highly Westernised society in the meantime vastly increased the psychological distance among residents. 51
Traditional Chinese society celebrates the intimacy among a small group of people, while in the 'modern' Shanghai as a migrant city, its residents often got lost in the 'urban swirl' as Wu describes in the title of his book on Haipai novels. Wu also notes that 'despite its hustle and bustle, I feel lonely in Shanghai' (qtd. in Yang 30). The new urban form brought by Westerners, on the other hand, introduced new ways of entertainment to the Chinese residents. Although they were not allowed to places reserved for foreign residents such as the Shanghai Club, emerging venues such as Dashijie, cinemas, department stores, cafes, public parks and dancing halls came to satisfy their demand in leisure. Reversely, as mentioned in chapter two, the Westerninfluenced places like Dashijie were only frequented by Chinese people. Furthermore, even though Western etiquette was highly recommended as a Chinese guidebook writes, 'if lack knowledge of Western etiquette, even you have enough money to spend, you had better not going there (Western hotels and restaurants) to make a fool of yourself,' those who were fully equipped with proper manners were still banned from certain places. Speaking the same language of Pidgin English ( a simplified language formed mainly between English and Chinese for the purpose of communication) and living in the same place, the distinct separation between Westerners and Chinese still remained. 52
Summary:
Alienation, Identity and Dichotomy
In his Architecture & Identity, Abel argues that the premise of human identification to a place is the 'character' it possessed (143). Otherwise, it would be difficult for the residents to orient themselves. As Norberg-Schulz concludes, 'we only recognize that man is an integral part of the environment...to belong to a place means to have an existential foothold, in a concrete everyday sense' (15). In the work of Chinese writers, it is hard to ignore the alien feeling described when the characters pass the Bund and its surrounding area; however, the actual alien group was the foreigners who to some extent intended to alienate themselves. The consequences are, as a matter of course, both of them dispossess the Bund area as a place, and neither of them felt staying in their own city. This part of Shanghai dichotomous into two distinct spaces. 53
Notes
13. The May 30th Movement began on May 30, 1925 when Shanghai Municipal Police officers opened fire on Chinese protesters in the International Concession (on Nanking Road) during a demonstration, which was organised by factory workers and students in protest of the earlier incidents happened in Qingdao where cotton factory workers including a Communist Party member were injured and killed by Japanese gangers. This major labour movement led to various strikes across the country and started to destablise the unequal treaties. 14. M ay 4th Movement: on May 4th, 1919 Chinese students held a demonstration in Peking in protest of the Paris Peace Conference handing over Shandong Province from Germany to Japan. This movement marks the start of New Democratic Revolution later across the country, fighting against feudalism and colonialism. 15.Translated by the author. 54
chapter
0
5
conclusion
章五
结论
Two Worlds, One Place
Traditional Chinese architecture has been embedded with the characters that stress the 'harmony with the landscape, "building with nature" and the spiritual ecology of fengshui,' observes King (18). High-rise buildings on the Bund radically denied the principal of this tradition, which emphasises more on low-rise horizontal and axial spatial arrangement when manifest high authority and social status such as the Forbidden City. Moreover, the major functions of the Bund as the economic centre of the concessions and the approaching point of the city by ship further encouraged the tendency of building higher and grander, and as a matter of course, in Western styles. Therefore, the promenade, the public park, the piers and docks belonging to foreign firms and most significantly, the high-rise buildings, all of which came together to create a Western urban space at this very spot of the Chinese city, Shanghai, during the very period of time from 1919 to 1937, 56
made the place a world of duality for its residents. For the Westerners, they have constructed a comfortable enclave for themselves. Lifestyles from their hometowns were reflected by both exterior and interior of the architecture that were exclusive to this group of people. Most of them were busy enjoying the entertainment culture brought with them; aside from the Shanghai Club discussed, places such as dancing halls, cafes and racecourses flourished at the same time. From the texts discussed in the previous chapters, it is hardly recognised that the Westerners were willing to get involved of the local life; on the contrary, in the most extreme case of the Public Garden, Chinese people were banned from the 'public' park until they protested against this inequity. The Westerners saw themselves as superior and somehow stratify the concessions, only noticing the Chinese when they appeared with business to deal with or as servants in the luxurious hotels and their mansions. Chinese traits only existed in their imagines as a mysterious oriental symbol, intangible and spiritual, while the actual existence was easily misperceived and misunderstood. The indifferent attitude is obvious. On the other hand, for the Chinese people on the Bund, they observed a totally different world from what appeared in the Western eyes. The electricity and neon lights struck the traditional minds while the 'Western manners' fancied the modern. A large population migrated into the city in search 57
of wealth, security and knowledge; some of the dreams got achieved. Yet, the Chinese residents seem not to regard Shanghai, especially the Bund area discussed, as a Chinese city in it traditional sense. Shanghai then to them was far more 'modern' than other places in China; in other words, the city, or more specifically, the Bund and its surroundings, was totally an alien space created by the outsiders of Chinese culture, yet both astounding to some and attractive others. The Western features were imitated in some ways such as architecture styles (see the exterior of Dashijie) and the enthusiasm towards Western etiquette, as well as their entertainments. Its multi-ethnic migrant background gave the city a relatively open mind to the new things; hence, although some people maintained their traditional ways of living, Chinese people on the Bund tended to absorb the Western influence and make it themselves. However, this does not mean that they enjoyed the same place with the Westerners due to the physical and psychological exclusion. Chinese residents still stayed in their own world in spite of the Western-look surroundings. In conclusion, by observing the texts from both Chinese and English during the period of 1919 to 1937, compensated by works of more recent scholars, it can be deduced that the Western and Chinese residents who were active in the Bund area were living in two different world due to their difference in cultural, political and economic background. 58
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