29 minute read
2.4. Lockdown in the CBD & Inner-City
Lockdown in the CBD and the Inner-City
The presence of police and homelessness
In the transition to a post-apartheid urbanity, central business districts (CBDs) and inner-cities underwent a period of urban decline and reinvention - where businesses and white residents moved out, and some landlords, particularly in Johannesburg, abandoned their properties (Mosselson, 2019). In both of Gauteng’s largest cities, Johannesburg and Pretoria, the inner-cities underwent a dramatic shift in the racial demographic of residents after 1994. The CBD was decentred from its apartheid role and many white residents moved out to suburban areas (Czegledy, 2003; Donaldson et al., 2003). While black residents had been renting (and sub-letting) in areas reserved for white residents in the inner-city of Johannesburg since the 1980s, significant increases in the number of black residents in the Pretoria CBD were only seen after 1994 (Mosselson, 2019; Donaldson et al., 2003). Although Pretoria’s inner-city has retained its function as a hub of national government headquarters, Johannesburg’s inner-city changed from being the centre of the financial sector and corporate headquarters to a new node of trade and smallscale business (Donaldson et al., 2003; Mosselson, 2019; Zach, 2016; Goga, 2003).
Five participants regularly sent through diary entries from neighbourhoods that were located in central business districts (CBDs) or inner-city neighbourhoods in Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Kempton Park in Gauteng. The neighbourhoods of Berea and Arcadia, in close proximity to the CBDs, were also included in this cluster. Historically, both were considered suburban neighbourhoods – however, as Czegledy (2003) discusses with reference to Braamfontein and Hillbrow in Johannesburg, they are today “understood to be economically depressed appendages to the inner city rather than the southern boundaries of the northern suburbs’’.
Most of the inner-city participants lived in multi-storey apartment buildings, albeit in varied arrangements. Mpilo* (26) rented in a managed apartment building where she didn’t know her neighbours. One participant lived in a fenced social housing development with a shared outdoor area, while another participant lived in a building that he described as an “occupied building or a homeless shelter”. Mokoena, lived in a house in a gated complex close to the Kempton Park CBD. As such, her diary entries, although coming from a “gated community”, were markedly different from the participants living in suburban gated complexes. Like in other areas, living arrangements varied in the inner-city – some people lived alone or with one other person, while one person lived with more than seven people. Although all inner-city participants had access to a balcony or rooftop, not everyone had access to a yard or garden.
The most distinct observation from all participants’ diary entries in the CBD and inner-city neighbourhoods was the regular reference to police presence from the first day of lockdown. Significantly, unlike in other areas, participants made more than one reference to seeing the army.
Day 17 12 April, 2020 Kempton Park
Still Here (2020)
- Mokoena (23)
Day 2 28 March, 2020 Arcadia
This police presence extended to instances of violence and arrests. From the first day of the lockdown, Sifiso, from Berea, reported numerous instances of private security and police chasing people and police shooting rubber bullets.
Day 2 28 March, 2020 Berea
“I woke up around 0930 today I brush my teeth and drink my coffee then I went outside at around 12h15. Police came with 3 cars, chasing people with knobkieries [and] with guns. People were running inside some of them they come from the shop with groceries. One guy said they fire rubber bullets”
- Sfiso (34)
Mpilo* relayed an experience one evening where police and the army were present on the streets – and shining their torches invasively into people’s apartments:
Day 24 19 April, 2020 Johannesburg CBD
“Just saw this, 15 to 20 soldiers, about 8 metro cops and SAPS [South African Police Service] were parked outside for about 10 minutes. When I tried to look out the window a metro cop shined a torch into my window. I shut my curtain but looked through the blinds in the kitchen. She kept doing this in several windows from my building and the one opposite us. I don’t understand why they would do that, there is no “don’t look out your window” lockdown rule and the fight is against a virus, it’s not a war so the guns were also overkill.”
- Mpilo (26)
In the Pretoria CBD, one participant reported that one of his friends had been arrested on the way to the shops and spent the night in jail. The presence of police and army on the streets directly impacted at least two participants’ decisions about whether to go to the shops or get some fresh air. In the beginning of the lockdown, Sifiso (43) reported being reluctant to leave the gate of the premises of his building because of the heavyhandedness of police and presence of the military.
Day 3 29 March, 2020 Berea
“I woke around 8:30 brush teeth, wash my face, made my bed, then coffee. After that I went outside to check that situation it was quiet, I only saw 2 Police cars patrolling the street was not busy as day 2 of lock down. I cooked food for myself because I am alone. Then I watch tv because I couldn’t go outside the gate.
I couldn’t because when the police patrol they will chase you that’s why I decided to lock myself inside the yard. Yes you can go in the morning but you are not free cause you don’t know what gonna happen if they find you its better to be safe than to be sorry.”
- Sifiso (43)
Like Sifiso, Lindy (38) was afraid of encountering the police and the army. On Day 11 of the lockdown, she described running out of food, but being “filled with fear” and not going to the shops:
Day 11 6 April, 2020 Pretoria Central
“…I was just planning to go out, to go and buy myself food since I ran out of food. But I was filled with fear…a great fear to say like why if this happen? What if now I have to meet this po – police or soldiers and explain myself. Am I gonna be able to, to, to have that part of brain to respond? I really don’t know. If they are too harsh, I won’t be able to respond and it will be difficult for me, you know. And I, I was like, I was just oppressed by mind. But anyway, I end up not going. So my day it was just a quiet day whereby I, I just seated, not feeling to say anything to anyone…. The feeling it was unusual…it was rough”
- Lindy (38)
Above & Below (2020)
Day 12 07 April, 2020 Pretoria Central
When inner-city respondents did leave the spaces where they lived to walk to the shops, the experiences of what they observed and who they encountered were shared in detail. When Lindy plucked up the courage to go to the shops, she described seeing police and the army chasing homeless people away from public areas:
“ When I finished shopping then I walk back to my place. When I pass Church Square, there was two cars of traffics [police], they were chasing people out of the park. People were – homeless guys were just sitting there. They were trying to sleep just to get some rest there. Um, then they came and chased them. They told them to move with a speaker: ‘move! Move! Leave the park!’, you know, and I saw them leaving the park. Then suddenly I saw the soldiers coming. One car of the soldiers coming – it was just driving around and people they stared to move away because it wasn’t good at all for them to sit there and chill there.”
After two weeks of the lockdown, Lindy reported seeing many more people outside, spending time seated in the parks. In reflection, she did not blame them for this, explaining how in the inner-city, many people were sharing rooms, and it was not uncommon for up to ten people to share a one or two bedroom flat. Most of our inner-city participants lived in apartment buildings. One participant lived with 7 other roommates/housemates.
Day 14 09 April, 2020 Pretoria Central
“You can see like, people, there are people going up and down buying now. People are tired… I just understand that now people they are tired of being in the houses. So you’ll find them just walking, walking. Some they just seated at at the park and I know that it’s really risky for them to be there. The reason being, people are sharing in the flats. They are sharing, and you’ll find ten people in one, one, one, one bedroom, or two bedrooms. You’ll find ten people living there. So it’s been a, a hard time for, for such people. Those guys, there. ”
- Lindy (38)
Homelessness was a recurring theme from participants in the inner-city. Reflections and observations on homelessness during lockdown were often made by participants as they went outside. One participant described himself as living in an “occupied building or homeless shelter” and often related his engagements with homeless men on the streets. Most participants made regular reference to seeing homeless people on the street, with many concerned about the options homeless people had for shelter in their area.
Day 2 28 March, 2020 Kempton Park
“To my surprise, on my way back home there were fewer beggars on the street in town than the usual. However I still felt that government or the city councils had not made enough provision for the homeless. Also, one thing that did cross my mind was how is it possible for the government or rather city council to provide shelter for the homeless in the area but can not do so under normal circumstance, which is a conversation I think we need to start having. ”
- Mokoena (23)
Day 3 29 March, 2020 Johannesburg CBD
“The only people on the streets are homeless people, at around 1pm I see a group of homeless men walking up with groceries, including mealie meal, canned goods, sunflower oil and milk. I’m triggered, temporary shelters were said to be identified for homeless people before this lockdown began, but I do not see any option for the people in my area. I don’t think anyone should be forced to go anywhere, but they should at least have the option. ”
- Mpilo (26)
In Tshwane, news reports covered how the City’s early attempts to house its street homeless were inadequate and led to homeless people attempting to escape (Mitchley, 2020). One participant shared his concerns about overcrowding and a lack of personal protective gear, after visiting the main site in Tshwane which was initially used to house people who were living on the street:
Day 1 27 March, 2020 Arcadia
“When I got there...the manner in which people were put and place, it was not in a safe manner. About +-1000 people were put in one place without any face masks, any gloves and stuff.
Anyway, the day was just hectic. Where we were in Caledonia, things took a drastic turn, the homeless community was frustrated because of hunger. Most of them were taken from the street at around midnight by the metro police. But by 5 o’clock (PM) today they didn’t get any food to eat so they were hungry and they started a riot. So after they started a riot it got out of hand and the military was called. They didn’t ask any questions. Some of the people who were not even part of the riot they were beaten up and kicked while they were sleeping. So things were difficult.”
- Philimon (30)
As the lockdown progressed, the same participant explained how he was struggling to make a living. Like many others in the inner-city who made their living “hustling” off the streets, he lived in precarious circumstances in the city.
Day 23 18 April, 2020 Arcadia
“My observation all in all is that now a lot of people especially those in shelters, streets and squatter camps are really struggling financially because most are informal traders and informal recyclers and with this lockdown without income they struggle.
Me personally i survive guarding cars and some odd jobs with some of the guys. While others are informal recyclers and informal vendors some selling fatcakes for e.g A lot has changed because most of us, we take everyday as it comes. I may say we are on a hand to mouth basis, meaning if you don’t hustle you won’t have money for necessities.”
- Philimon (30)
The diary entries from CBD and inner-city participants illustrated a lockdown experience characterised by heightened policing and surveillance. This level of surveillance, patrols and even violence, was distinct from other diary entries , and even contrasted sharply with many of the township observations of nonconfrontational surveillance and patrol. Since the first day of lockdown, CBD and inner-city participants regularly witnessed police, and occasionally even the army. In Berea, a neighbourhood in the inner-city of Johannesburg, Sifiso (43) recounted at least three instances of police chasing people and firing rubber bullets.
The presence of the police and army had impacts on two people’s sense of freedom, and one’s sense of privacy. Without personal gardens or balconies, with policed streets, and with their feet rather than cars being the main mode of transport – these inner-city residents were left with few options for reprieve from the indoors, unlike suburban and township participants. This is also significant considering the spatial arrangements that many people find themselves in the Province’s inner cities: in apartments, often with many people sharing.
Finally, the thread of homelessness wove itself through diary entries from the inner-city. Again, this was unique to this urban environment. Those who had a place to call home in the inner-city displayed empathy with those who didn’t. For others, homelessness was closer to home. One participant’s diary entries show how he, and those he knew, found their hustle clamped and their precarity exacerbated by the lockdown – this provided a small window into the impact of the lockdown and COVID-19 on informal traders and workers.
The above sections have presented the relatively unique themes that were observed from diaries based on area typology. This perspective allowed us to highlight the cross-cutting observations and experiences that were apparent from the spatial characteristics of the areas. In the following section, we present the main cross-cutting theme that emerged from our analysis, the compression of time and space through technology.
Urban Living (2020)
With countries all over the world implementing different forms of lockdown or movement control, the role of technology became essential for communication and interaction, work and family events, for trading and shopping, and for observing social and religious activities.
Celebrating & Mourning
Many diary entries related how social and important events which would ordinarily take place in person, were moved online. Birthdays, church services, meditation sessions, and memorial services were conducted via various social networking platforms, including Facebook, Zoom, Skype, Google Meet, or Microsoft Teams. As Anonymous (31) from Randburg shared on Day 10, digital networking platforms became increasingly indispensable, not just for connection with family and friends located across the world, but also for observing memorials:
Day 10 05 April, 2020 Randburg
“Um, had two interesting events that happened today, all dealing with technology even though I’m in the isolation of a home. I have a cousin of mine who unfortunately passed away this week. Um, he was attacked like in 2017 and he was in a coma and then he woke up but like he never fully got um, was in a fully functional...Um, but um, unfortunately he succumbed to his injuries and he passed away and we had a memorial via Zoom.
It’s you know, quite grateful that event despite the current situation that you know, we going through this lockdown which is affecting not only myself here, but everyone else around the world that you know, we could all dial into this you know, platform and be able to pay our last respects to him.
...So ya, it was just quite interesting cause my family is like all over the place so he was in London um, and he had cousins call – who were organizing the call, calling in from Ottawa and uh, Addis Ababa [giggles] and then you had myself from South Africa. You had my mom, who was also on the call, dialing in from Bujumbura and then you had people from Belgium, France, Norway, Sweden, Kenya, the DRC, um, Rwanda, where else? Man like, we were calling from like all different corners of the world and the priest was conducting the prayers via France so um, very grateful of the use of technology...
...and then later on I got on to a four-way um, WhatsApp call with my cousins from uh, Canada, and another one in uh, Belgium and yoh, I’ve never laughed so hard, and quite grateful that you know, I got to speak to them and it’s just quite interesting that you know, despite the whole distance thing and you know, just being locked up in your own house, you can still reach out to people via technology so very grateful for the use of technology in this current situation. So that definitely put a smile on my face and made me have a good end to my weekend...”
- Anonymous (31)
Online work, studying, & shopping
For many participants, their work, studies, and daily routines had to be moved online in order to continue. One participant in particular, Anonymous (26) from Alexandra regularly spoke about the time she spent online daily: communicating with colleagues, attending “virtual mass”, Whatsapp calls with friends, online workshops and even online life-coaching. For those who saw their work moved online, many entries made references to their online meetings and work. Online work was new for many and an adjustment for everyone. Throughout the lockdown, participants expressed concerns, challenges, and issues that they faced while they made the transition to working or studying online. 37
Day 1 27 March, 2020 Centurion
- Anonymous (59)
Day 21 16 April, 2020 Soweto
- Nomsa (39)
Day 23 18 April, 2020 Mamelodi
“Corona has really affected my life in a negative way. During the week, I’d usually leave for school around 11 and be back around 18:00 but now things have changed. We have to do everything online. And to be honest that’s frustrating and kind of boring, because at school we can interact with people, you know I miss that interaction.”
- Precious (19)
For one respondent, however, the shift to remote working and online shopping presented an opportunity for trade, exchange, and commerce. Jerry, a participant from Benoni progressively developed, opened, and began running an online retail store during the COVID window, and shared the experiences of this effort:
Anonymous from Centurion also noted that one of the shifts he had implemented was adopting online shopping:
Day 10 05 April, 2020 Boksburg
“My online store is finally live. I got three retailers… small shops, small shops, really small shops, but it really is taking off quite nicely. Um, by the end of the year I’d like to have a thousand products. I have about 200 products on the store so if I can get 1000 by the end of the year, then you know I can have, um, a wider product offering... Post Covid nineteen, I think it won’t be business as usual for a lot of businesses. So, really exciting ideas about the online store. So it really has no cash investment, well, there is a cash investment; just buying a domain, um, opening an account, keeping the account fees up to date.... Um, but what’s really uh, the cherry on top about it is the opportunities for people to get employment, you know, um, do deliveries, keep the change, but obviously just give me a percentage of whatever you keep...”
- Jerry (40)
Day 12 07 April, 2020 Centurian
“ Personally, I’m almost back to my work routine pre lockdown, except that all my meetings are now online. Nothing that I was doing before, is being significantly altered as I have been WFH for 5 years already. Online home purchasing is the major shift, and [I am] very impressed with service & ease of use. ”
- Anonymous (59)
Differentiated online access
There was, however, a differentiated experience of technology based on the availability of data, access to smartphones, and reliable electricity. This varied access to technology was experienced directly in our study. All participants communicated their diaries via Whatsapp, but one participant struggled to communicate regularly because he was not always able to charge his phone. An option was also provided to participants to request data in order to enable them to send regular diary entries – and at least seven participants made requests for data assistance.Although Gauteng province has one of the highest rates of telecommunications coverage (100%) and over 9 million smartphone users (ICASA, 2020), this access is still constrained by socio-economic factors. This means that access to work, education spaces, online work and economic spaces was still structured by access to internet. Additionally, in cases where the pre-requisite for accessing business and government services under Level-5 lockdown was access to a smartphone or internet, some marginalized groups were prevented from accessing these services.
This challenge was observed by Buhle (33), a participant from Pretoria, who was working to help homeless men register for and access unemployment grants:
Day 36 01 May, 2020 Akasia
“ I do work from home, working more from home especially with the homeless guys that are placed in the different temporary shelters. [I’ve been] helping a lot with the administration for those shelters and now I am going to be helping them from today register for the unemployment grants.
But I am really angry that one of the prerequisites for this grant is that a person must have a smart phone to use the WhatsApp, although I’m going to be using my WhatsApp so they don’t need that, but the other thing that I feel like has been exclusionary is the idea of them having to have a bank card and an ID.
The idea – I understand, at the end of the day, this is a SASSA7 grant and one must have an ID for it but the bank card part, I don’t understand because not all these homeless guys have bank cards. These bank cards need to be maintained; there’s monthly fees for this thing and not all these guys have the luxury of owning a bank card and maintaining it, um, which make the whole process quite difficult, unnecessarily so if you ask me.
...Um, it just means that not all the homeless guys will have access to this money even though they all need it. It will only be those ones with a bank card. ”
- Buhle (33)
Although all our participants made reference to transcending their spaces of lockdown through technology: communicating with loved ones, attending church services, keeping busy on social media, or streaming movies and TV shows, there was also a clear difference in access to data and the kind of use of online platforms and tools. Participants who worked in the service industry - a waiter, a car guard, or a chef – as well as others who relied on piecemeal work, were unable to work from home. The waiter and the car guard, in particular, struggled to support themselves and their households.
The struggles that became apparent from residents being confined in space and place included those of mental health, anxiety, and fear – both of the Coronavirus, and of the environment of uncertainty created by the pandemic. This included a lack of social and community interaction; finding work, losing work, looking for work; as well as aspects of Gender Based Violence. The challenges generated by COVID-19 lockdown were intricately interconnected and heightened by the element of having to be locked in or confined to a specific unit, house, or area (these will be discussed further in Issue 3).
In comparing the diary entries and experiences of lockdown across Township, Suburban, and CBD & Inner-City participants – it became clear that there was a spatial differentiation of the lockdown in Gauteng that centered on three main themes: policing, street life, and people’s experiences of leaving their spaces to access essential goods. Diary entries from the CBDs and inner-city showed the most regular policing and surveillance, including instances of violence. Township diary entries also made reference to policing and surveillance, while media reports shared numerous instances of extreme violence perpetrated in some of the province’s townships. In contrast, suburban diary entries reported negligible policing and surveillance, though these areas had a greater presence of private security. Importantly, the army was never seen by all suburban participants. These patterns of policing cannot be separated from historical patterns of policing and surveillance in South Africa’s urban areas during apartheid states of emergency.
The presence and nature of patrols and policing impacted on people’s ability, and associated fears, of leaving the spaces where they were locked down. This exacerbated spatial inequalities in the freedoms that people had during the lockdown. Everyone wanted to go outside – yet whether or not they were able or willing to appears to have been influenced by the nature of surveillance in the area, combined with their usual access and use of private or public outdoor space.
It was telling that the street was not a central focus for diary entries from the suburbs, but was ubiquitous in diary entries from townships and the one informal settlement participant, and a feature of entries from inner cities. The level of activity on the streets during lockdown could not be separated from how it is the street was used before lockdown – whether children normally played on the street, and whether people regularly walked and socialised on the street.
A one-size-fits-all lockdown that banned people from going outdoors, except for the purpose of acquiring an essential good or service, thus appeared out of step with housing arrangements, neighbourhood mobility, access to essential goods and services, and the function of the street in many South African neighbourhoods. In fact, the requirements of the hard lockdown were arguably most practical for those with private vehicles and living in free-standing houses in suburbs - where people had their own private yard or garden, and the street did not normally function as a primary way to get around by foot to access goods, socialise or play. Combined with the spatial contrasts in the nature and extent of policing and patrols, this meant some areas and spaces were more “locked-down” than others. In diary entries from suburban apartments and complexes, with limited outdoor space and which were car-oriented, participants experienced heightened feelings of being “trapped” and driving their cars became a reprieve. Meanwhile, the constant and confrontational presence of police severely restricted the movements and raised the fears of participants in inner-cities and CBDs in Gauteng. In contrast, participants from townships and the informal settlement, where the centrality of streets to neighbourhood life was combined with intermittent policing, regularly related how children continued to play on the streets. Finally, long queues and waits for groceries and grants were a distinguishing feature of diary entries from townships. This discounted lockdown requirements for social distancing when accessing essential goods and services, and reflected continued socioeconomic inequalities. Following on these findings, we will analyse the themes of surveillance, the street and the shops in more detail in Issue 2.
Although contemporary spatial demographics are not as clear cut today as they were during apartheid, the socio-economic and racial differentiation of lockdown that is created by these spatial differences cannot be ignored. As one participant reflected:
Day 6 01 April, 2020 Florida Park
“It was just quite surprising because the images that you see on TV, with the roadblocks, uhm police presence, it’s not really a reality this side, you know? Yeah, that was quite interesting. And it was just so interesting that the place where [there are] predominantly white people wasn’t packed, where in the coloured area it was too packed…”
- Zion (27)
There was, however, also evidence of differentiation within areas. Suburban experiences of lockdown varied based on people’s living arrangements and access to outdoor space. Similarly, there was evidence of differentiation in townships. Participants from townships shared diaries that had some similarities, the presence of children playing in the streets, queues in shopping areas, and relatively high observations of police patrols in a week. However, there were also notable differences in household size, as well as social and economic dynamics that impacted how people experienced the lockdown.
As much as the diary entries began to show us that the lockdown in South Africa was spatially differentiated – there were themes that transcended space and place. In particular, it was striking how space was collapsed through technology – primarily through smartphones and access to the internet. Across areas and spaces in Gauteng, people used WhatsApp to communicate with loved ones, Facebook to be present at church services, and videoconferencing programmes like Zoom to attend memorials, meetings and birthdays. Technology served as a way for people to overcome struggles and separation, but sometimes also exacerbated feelings of anxiety, fear, and stress. The difficulties and struggles of lockdown that emerged in the diary entries, as well as the ways through which households navigated and coped will be discussed in Issue 3.
Ballard, R. (2002). Desegregating minds: white identities and urban change in the new South Africa (Doctoral dissertation, University of Wales, Swansea).
Bonner, P., & Segal, L. (1998). Soweto: A history. Johannesburg: Maskew Miller Longman.
Bremner, L. (2004). Bounded spaces: Demographic anxieties in post‐apartheid Johannesburg. Social identities, 10(4), 455-468.
Collins Dictionary. (2020, November 10). The Collins word of the year is Lockdown. Retrieved from Collins Dictionary: https://www. collinsdictionary.com/us/woty
Czegledy, A. (2003). Villas of the Highveld. In Tomlinson, Richard, Robert Beauregard, Lindsay Bremmer, and Xolela Mangcu (Eds.). Emerging Johannesburg. New York, London: Routledge
Davidson, H. (2020, March 24). Around 20% of global population under coronavirus lockdown. Retrieved from The Guardian: https:// www.theguardian.com/world/2020/mar/24/nearly-20-of-globalpopulation-under-coronavirus-lockdownde
Kadt, J., Gotz, G., Culwick, C., Parker, A., Hamann, C., & Mkhize, S. P. (2018, November 13). Quality of Life survey V (2017/18). Retrieved from Gauteng City Region Observatory: https://gcro.ac.za/research/ project/detail/quality-of-life-survey-v-201718/
Donaldson, R., Jurgens, U., & Bahr, J. (2003). Inner-city change in Pretoria: social and spatial trends. Acta Academica, 2003(3), 1-33
Dunford, D., Dale, B., Stylianou, N., Lowther, E., Ahmed, M., & Arenas, I. d. (2020, April 6). Coronavirus: The world in lockdown in maps and charts. Retrieved from BBC News: https://www.bbc.com/ news/world-52103747
Goga, S. (2003). Property investors and decentralization: a case of false competition? In Tomlinson, Richard, Robert Beauregard, Lindsay Bremmer, and Xolela Mangcu (Eds.). Emerging Johannesburg. New York, London: Routledge
Graham-Harrison, E. (2020, March 18). What coronavirus lockdowns have meant around the world. Retrieved from The Guardian: https:// www.theguardian.com/world/2020/mar/18/what-a-coronaviruslockdown-might-mean-for-london
Harrison, P. & Dinath, Y. (2017). Gauteng – On the Edge. In Peberdy S.; Harrison P., & Dinath, Y. Uneven Spaces: Core and Periphery in the Gauteng City-Region. Retrieved from South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning: https://issuu.com/ sacpwits/docs/uneven_spaces_research_report_2017
Harrison, P., & Harrison, K. (2014). Soweto: A Study In Socio-spatial Differentiation. In Harrison P., Gotz G., Todes A., & Wray C. (Eds.), Changing Space, Changing City: Johannesburg After Apartheid - Open Access Selection (Pp. 293-318). Johannesburg: Wits University Press. Doi:10.18772/22014107656.19
Horn, A. and Ngcobo, J.R.B., 2003, October. The suburban challenge:(De) segregation, opportunity, and community in Akasia, city of Tshwane. In Urban Forum (Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 320-346). Springer Netherlands.
ICASA. (2020). State of the Ict Sector Report March 2020. Johannesburg: Independent Communications Authority of South Africa.
Landman, K., & Badenhorst, W. (2014). Gated communities and spatial transformation in Greater Johannesburg. In Harrison P., Gotz G., Todes A., & Wray C. (Eds.), Changing Space, Changing City: Johannesburg After Apartheid - Open Access Selection (Pp. 293-318). Johannesburg: Wits University Press. Doi:10.18772/22014107656.19
Mosselson, A. (2018). Vernacular Regeneration: low-income housing, private policing and urban transformation in inner-city Johannesburg. Routledge.
Nyashanu, M., Simbanegavi, P., & Gibson, L. (2020). Exploring the impact of COVID-19 pandemic lockdown on informal settlements in Tshwane Gauteng Province, South Africa. Global Public Health(10). Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/174416 92.2020.1805787
Peberdy, S. (2017). Uneven Development - Core and Periphery in Gauteng. In Peberdy S.; Harrison P., & Dinath, Y. Uneven Spaces: Core and Periphery in the Gauteng City-Region. Retrieved from South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning: https:// issuu.com/sacpwits/docs/uneven_spaces_research_report_2017
Poplak, R. (2020, March 27). ‘De-densifying’ and ‘decanting’ — how the government hopes to contain Covid-19 in informal settlements. Retrieved from Daily Maverick: https://www.dailymaverick. co.za/article/2020-03-27-de-densifying-and-decanting-how-thegovernment-hopes-to-contain-covid-19-in-informal-settlements/
Rampedi, P., Ngoepe, K., & Manyane, M. (2020, April 12). SA lockdown: Soldiers accused of beating Alexandra man to death with sjambok. Retrieved from IOL: https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/news/ sa-lockdown-soldiers-accused-of-beating-alexandra-man-to-deathwith-sjambok-46619454
Republic of South Africa. (2020). Disaster Management Act (57/2002): Regulations made in terms of Section 27(2) by the Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs. Cape Town: Republic of South Africa. Retrieved from https://www.gov.za/ sites/default/files/gcis_document/202003/4314825-3cogta.pdf
Republic of South Africa. (2020, April 29). Minister Lindiwe Sisulu on government’s response to Coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic. Retrieved from Republic of South Africa: https://www.gov.za/ speeches/minister-lindiwe-sisulu-government%E2%80%99sresponse-coronavirus-covid-19-pandemic-29-apr-2020
Sparks, J. (2020, April 11). Coronavirus: Beaten man ‘living in fear’ after South African police enforce lockdown with attack. Retrieved from Sky News: https://news.sky.com/story/coronavirus-beaten-manliving-in-fear-after-police-enforce-lockdown-with-attack-1197194
Statistics South Africa (StatsSA), General Household Survey (GHS) Series Volume VIII: Water and Sanitation In-Depth Analysis of the General Household Survey 2002–2015 and Community Survey 2016 data (2016). https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Housing/ InformalSettlements/SERI.pdf
Statistics South Africa. (2016). Community Survey 2016. Pretoria: Statistics South Africa. Retrieved from http://cs2016.statssa.gov. za/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/NT-30-06-2016-RELEASE-forCS-2016-_Statistical-releas_1-July-2016.pdf.
The Lancet. (2020, April 23). India under COVID-19 lockdown. Retrieved from National Center for Biotechnology Information: https:// www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7180023/
Ward, T. (2020, April 24). What Life Looks Like in Locked-Down Countries. Retrieved from Afar: https://www.afar.com/magazine/ coronavirus-lockdowns-what-life-looks-like-across-the-world
Wray, C. (2014). Racial integration in the Gauteng City-Region (GCR), South Africa. Regional Studies, Regional Science, 1(1), 79-81.
