National Day China - Oct 01
The National Day of the People's Republic of China (simplified Chinese: 国庆节; traditional Chinese: 國慶節; pinyin: guóqìng jié) is celebrated every year on October 1. It is a public holiday in the People's Republic of China to celebrate its national day. The PRC was founded on October 1, 1949 with a ceremony at Tiananmen Square. The Central People's Government passed the Resolution on the National Day of the People's Republic of China on December 2, 1949 and declared that October 1 is the National Day. The National Day marks the start of one of the two Golden Weeks in the PRC. However, there have been some recent controversies over whether Golden Weeks should be kept. The National Day is celebrated throughout mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macau with a variety of government-organised festivities, including fireworks and concerts. Public places, such as Tiananmen Square in Beijing, are decorated in a festive theme. Portraits of revered leaders, such as Mao Zedong, are publicly displayed. The University of Southern California U.S.-China Institute published a review of national day celebrations between 1949 and 1999 and discussed preparations for the 2009 extravaganza. US-China Today summarized press coverage and included images of the 2009 celebration.
Fireworks Display
A fireworks display is usually held nationwide in all cities, including Hong Kong, where a fireworks display to celebrate the National Day of the People's Republic of China has been held since 1997 at Victoria Harbour in the evening. Many parades occur in the city of Beijing and some are very large.
Independence Day Tuvalu - Oct 01
Tuvalu formerly known as the Ellice Islands, is a Polynesian island nation located in the Pacific Ocean, midway between Hawaii and Australia. Its nearest neighbours are Kiribati, Nauru, Samoa and Fiji. It comprises four reef islands and five true atolls. Its population of 10,472 makes it the third-least populous sovereign state in the world, with only Vatican City and Nauru having fewer inhabitants. In terms of physical land size, at just 26 square kilometres (10 sq mi) Tuvalu is the fourth smallest country in the world, larger only than the Vatican City at 0.44 km2 (0.17 sq mi), Monaco at 1.95 km2(0.75 sq mi) and Nauru at 21 km2 (8.1 sq mi). The first inhabitants of Tuvalu were Polynesian people. In 1568 Spanish navigator Álvaro de Mendaña sailed through the islands during his expedition in search of Terra Australis. The islands came under Britain's sphere of influence in the late 19th century. The name Ellice was applied to all nine islands after the work of English hydrographer Alexander George Findlay (1812–1876) The Ellice Islands were administered as British protectorate by a Resident Commissioner from 1892 to 1916 as part of the British Western Pacific Territories (BWPT), and later as part of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony from 1916 to 1974. In 1974, the Ellice Islanders voted for separate British dependency status as Tuvalu, separating from the Gilbert Islands which became Kiribati upon independence. Tuvalu became fully independent within the Commonwealth on October 1, 1978. On September 5, 2000, Tuvalu became the 189th member of the United Nations.
History
Tuvaluans are a Polynesian people who settled the islands around 3000 years ago coming from Tonga and Samoa. During pre-European-contact times there was frequent canoe voyaging between the nearer islands. Eight of the nine islands of Tuvalu were inhabited; thus the name, Tuvalu, means "eight standing together" in Tuvaluan. Possible evidence of fire in the Caves of Nanumanga may indicate human occupation thousands of years before that. Tuvalu was first sighted by Europeans in 1568 with the arrival of Álvaro de Mendaña de Neira from Spainwho also encountered the island of Nui which he named Isla de Jesus (Island of Jesus) but was unable to land. Keith S. Chambers and Doug Munro (1980) identify Niutao as the island that Francisco Antonio Mourelle named on May 5, 1781 thus solving what Europeans had called The Mystery of Gran Cocal. The next European to visit was Arent Schuyler de Peyster, of New York, captain of the armed brigantineor privateer Rebecca, sailing under British colours, which passed through the southern Tuvalu waters in May 1819; de Peyster sighted Nukufetau and Funafuti, which he named Ellice's Island after an English Politician, Edward Ellice, the Member of Parliament for Coventry and the owner of the Rebecca's cargo.In 1820 the Russian explorer Mikhail Lazarev visited Nukufetau as commander of the Mirny. Following 1819 whalers were roving the Pacific though visiting Tuvalu only infrequently because of the difficulties of landing ships on the atolls. No settlements were established by the whalers. Peruvian slave raiders ("blackbirders") seeking workers to mine the guano deposits on the Chincha Islands in Peru, combed the Pacific between 1862 and 1865, including the southern islands of Tuvalu. The Rev. A. W. Murray, the earliest European missionary in Tuvalu, reported that in 1863 about 180 people were taken from Funafuti and about 200 were taken from Nukulaelae as there were fewer than 100 of the 300 recorded in 1861 as living on Nukulaelae. Christianity first came to Tuvalu in 1861 when Elekana, a Christian deacon from Manihiki in the Cook Islands became caught in a storm and drifted for 8 weeks before landing at Nukulaelae. Once there, Elekana began proselytizing Christianity. In 1865 the Rev. A. W. Murray of the London Missionary Society of Protestant congregationalists, arrived as the first European missionary where he too proselytized among the inhabitants of Tuvalu. By 1878 Protestantism was well established with preachers on each island.
Trading firms & traders:
The Sydney firms of Robert Towns and Company, J. C. Malcolm and Company, and Macdonald, Smith and Company, pioneered the coconut-oil trade in Tuvalu. By the 1870s J. C. Godeffroy und Sohn of Hamburg (operating out of Samoa) began to dominate the Tuvalucopra trade, which company was in 1879 taken over by Handels-und Plantagen-Gesellschaft der Südsee-Inseln zu Hamburg (DHPG). Competition came from H. M. Ruge and Company, and from Henderson and Macfarlane of Auckland, New Zealand. These trading companies engaged palagi traders who lived on the islands, some islands would have competing traders with dryer islands only have a single trader. Changes occurred with steamships replacing sailing vessels. Over time the number of competing trading companies diminished, beginning with Ruge’s bankruptcy in 1888 followed by the withdrawal of the DHPG from trading in Tuvalu in 1889/90. Henderson and Macfarlane then dominated the copra trade, operating their vessel SS Archer to call on islands in Fiji, Tuvalu, and Kiribati. New competition came from Burns Philp, operating from what is now Kiribati, with competition from Levers Pacific Plantations from 1903 and from Captain E. F. H. Allen of the Samoa Shipping and Trading Company from 1911. The numbers of palagi traders declined with thesupercargo of each ship dealing directly with Tuvaluans so that by 1909 there were no resident palagi traders representing the trading firms. Tuvaluans became responsible for operating trading stores on each island. In 1892, Captain Davis of the HMS Royalist, reported on trading activities and traders on each of the islands visited. Captain Davis identified the following traders in the Ellice Group: Edmund Duffy (Nanumea); Jack Buckland (Niutao); Harry Nitz (Vaitupu); John (also known as Jack) O'Brien (Funafuti); Alfred Restieaux and Fenisot (Nukufetau); and Martin Kleis (Nui). This was the time at which the greatest number of palagi traders lived on the atolls, acting as the agent for the trading companies. In the later 1890s and into first decade of the 20th century, structural changes occurred in the operation of the Pacific trading companies, with the trading companies moving from a practice of having traders resident on each island to trade with the islanders to a business operation where the supercargo (the cargo manager of a trading ship) would deal directly with the islanders when a ship would visit an island. From 1900, the numbers of palagi traders in Tuvalu declined, with the last of the palagi traders being Fred Whibley on Niutao and Alfred Restieaux on Nukufetau. However, by 1909 there were no resident palagi traders representing the trading companies, although both Fred Whibley and Alfred Restieaux remained in the islands until their deaths.
Scientific expeditions & travellers:
The United States Exploring Expedition under Charles Wilkes visited Funafuti, Nukufetau andVaitupu in 1841. During the visit of the expedition to Tuvalu Alfred Thomas Agate, engraver and illustrator, recorded the dress and tattoo patterns of men of Nukufetau. In 1890, Robert Louis Stevenson, his wife Fanny Vandegrift Stevenson, and her son Lloyd Osbourne sailed on the Janet Nicoll, a trading steamer owned by Henderson and Macfarlane of Auckland, New Zealand, which operated between Sydney, Auckland and into the central Pacific. The Janet Nicoll visited Tuvalu; while Fanny records that they made landfall at Funafuti and Niutao, Jane Resture suggests that it was more likely that they visited Nukufetau rather than Funafuti.An account of the voyage was written by Fanny Vandegrift Stevenson and published under the titleThe Cruise of the Janet Nichol, together with photographs taken by Robert Louis Stevenson and Lloyd Osbourne. In 1894, Count Rudolph Festetics de Tolna, his wife Eila (née Haggin) and her daughter Blanche Haggin visited Funafuti aboard the yacht Le Tolna. Le Tolna spent several days at Funafuti with the Count photographing men and woman on Funafuti. The boreholes on Funafuti at the site now called David's Drill are the result of drilling conducted by the Royal Society of London for the purpose of investigating the formation of coral reefs and whether traces of shallow water organisms could be found at depth in the coral of Pacific atolls. This investigation followed the work on the structure and distribution of coral reefs conducted by Charles Darwin in the Pacific. Drilling occurred in 1896, 1897 and 1911. Professor Edgeworth David of the University of Sydney lead the expeditions in 1896 & 1897.Photographers on the expeditions recorded people, communities and scenes at Funafuti. Harry Clifford Fassett, captain's clerk and photographer, recorded people, communities and scenes at Funafuti during a visit of USFC Albatross when the U.S. Fish Commission were investigating the formation of coral reefs on Pacific atolls in 1900.
Independence Day Palau - Oct 01
Palau officially the Republic of Palau (Palauan: Beluu ęr a Belau), is an island country located in the western Pacific Ocean. Geographically part of the larger island group of Micronesia, with the country's population of around 21,000 people spread out over 250 islands forming the western chain of the Caroline Islands. The islands share maritime boundaries with Indonesia, the Philippines, and the Federated States of Micronesia. The most populous island in the group is Koror, with the capital city, Ngerulmud, located on nearby Babeldaob. The country was originally settled around 3,000 years ago by migrants from the Philippines, with a Negrito population sustained until around 900 years ago. The islands were first visited by Europeans in the 18th century, and were made part of the Spanish East Indies in 1885. Following Spain's defeat in the Spanish– American War in 1898, the islands were sold to Imperial Germany in 1899 under the terms of the German–Spanish Treaty, where they were administered as part of German New Guinea. The Imperial Japanese Navy conquered Palau during World War I, and the islands were later made a part of the Japanese-ruled South Pacific Mandate by the League of Nations. During World War II, skirmishes, including the major Battle of Peleliu, were fought between American and Japanese troops as part of the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign. Along with other Pacific Islands, Palau was made a part of the United States-governed Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in 1947. Having voted against joining the newly-independent Federated States of Micronesia in 1979, the islands gained full sovereignty in 1994 under a Compact of Free Association with the United States. Politically, Palau is a presidential republic in free association with the United States, with the US providing defense, funding, and access to social services. Legislative power is concentrated in the bicameral Palau National Congress. Palau's economy is based mainly on tourism, subsistence agriculture, and fishing, with a significant portion of Gross National Product (GNP) derived from foreign aid. The country's currency is the United States dollar. The islands' culture is derived from a mixture of Japanese, Micronesian, and Melanesian elements, with the majority of citizens of mixed Micronesian, Melanesian, and Austronesian descent, with significant groups descended from Japanese and Filipino settlers. The country's two official languages are Palauan, a member of the wider Sunda–Sulawesi language group, and English, with Japanese, Sonsorolese, and Tobian recognised as regional languages.
History
The archipelago is also known as "The Black Islands." Vintage maps and village drawings, as well as photos of the tattooed and pierced Ibedul of Koror and Lundee, can be found at the Australian Library Online listed in the external links section of this article. Palau was originally settled between the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC, most likely via the Philippines or Indonesia. The islands sustained a population of short-statured Negrito or Pygmy people up until the 12th century, when they were replaced. The modern population, judging by its language, may have come from the Sunda Islands. Sonsorol, part of the Southwest Islands, an island chain approximately 600 kilometres (370 mi) from the main island chain of Palau, was sighted by Europeans as early as 1522, when the Trinidad, the flagship of Ferdinand Magellan's voyage of circumnavigation, sighted two small islands around the 5th parallel north, naming them "San Juan". British traders became prominent visitors in the 18th century, followed by expanding Spanish influence in the 19th century. Following its defeat in the Spanish-American War, Spain sold Palau and most of the rest of the Caroline Islands to Germany in 1899. Control passed to Japan in 1914 and during World War II the islands were taken by the United States in 1944, with the costly Battle of Peleliu between September 15 and November 25 when more than 2,000 Americans and 10,000 Japanese were killed. The islands passed formally to the United States under United Nations auspices in 1947 as part of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Four of the Trust Territory districts formed a single federated Micronesian state in 1979, but the districts of Palau and the Marshall Islands declined to participate. Palau, the westernmost cluster of the Caroline Islands, instead opted for independent status in 1978, approved a new constitution and became the Republic of Palau in 1981, and signed a Compact of Free Association with the United States in 1982. After eight referendums and an amendment to the Palauan constitution, the Compact was ratified in 1993. The Compact went into effect on October 1, 1994, marking Palau de jure independent, although it had been de facto independent since May 25, 1994, when the trusteeship was cancelled. Legislation making Palau an "offshore" financial center was passed by the Senate in 1998. In 2001, Palau passed its first bank regulation and anti-money laundering laws.
Politics and government:
Palau's politics takes place in a multi-party framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Palau is both head of state and head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government, while legislative power is vested in both the government and the Palau National Congress. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. The new capital is Ngerulmud. Palau adopted its own constitution in 1981, and the governments of the United States and Palau concluded a Compact of Free Association in 1986, similar to compacts that the United States had entered into with the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. The compact entered into force on October 1, 1994, concluding Palau's transition from trusteeship to independence as the last portion of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands to gain its independence.
R a c c oon A ppr e c ia t ion D a y Worldwide - Oct 01
International Raccoon Appreciation Day (IRAD) is a day meant to celebrate all animals, specifically raccoons, that, while being an important part of their ecosystem, are misunderstood and considered “pests” or “nuisance animals” to local peoples. This could include raccoons and coyotes in rural parts of the United States or elephants in farming communities of Africa.
Goal IRAD is meant to spread knowledge and open the minds of people to the value of
all animals. It’s goal is to prevent the destruction of habitat and diversity through education in an enjoyable manner.
Day Start
IRAD was started in 2002 as Raccoon Appreciation Day by a young girl in California. It was meant at first to show that not everyone so despised raccoons, as evidenced by the plethora of raccoon items available and the many people who misguidedly tried to keep them as pets. As the word spread mainly to the girl’s relatives in various world countries, the name was changed to International Raccoon Appreciation Day the following year.
Celebrations
On October first of every year, tell people about raccoons or whatever the local “nuisance animal” is, and why we should respect them. Go on a nature walk with your children, donate time, supplies or funds to a local wildlife rescue, or clean up litter at a local wild area such as a regional park. Every little bit helps! And remember, you don’t have to wait until October first, you can do these things all year round!
Foundation Day South Korea - Oct 3
Gaecheonjeol (Korean: 개천절) is a public holiday in South Korea on 3 October. Also known by the English name National Foundation Day, this holiday celebrates the creation of the state of Gojoseon (ancient Korea) founded by Dangun Wanggeom in the year 2333 BC.
Origin
Gaecheon refers to 3 October B.C. 2457, the date when Hwanung (환웅) descended from heaven to live with mankind. The harvest ceremony was celebrated in each Korean kingdoms; Yeonggo (영고) of Buyeo, Mucheon (무천) of Yemaek, Gyeeum (계음) of Mahan and Byeonhan, Dongmaeng (동맹) of Goguryeo, Palgwanheoi (팔관회 ) of Silla. In 1909, Gaecheonjeol was enacted as a national holiday. The festival is held annually.
Unity Day Germany - Oct 3
The Pacific War & Operation Galvanic:
During the Pacific War, the United States Marine Corps landed on Funafuti on October 2, 1942. The Japanese had already occupied Tarawa and other islands in what is now Kiribati, A Naval Construction Battalion (Seabees) built compacted coral runways at Funafuti with satellites airfields on both Nanumea and Nukufetau. Building the runway at Funafuti involved the loss of land used for growing pulaka and taro with extensive excavation of coral from what are still known as the borrow pits. The runway continues in use today as Funafuti International Airport. The Seabees also blasted an opening in the reef at Nanumea, which became known as the 'American Passage'. While Funafuti suffered air attacks during 1943, casualties were limited, although on one occasion on 23 April 1943, 680 people took refuge in the concrete walled, pandanus-thatched church. Fortunately an American soldier, Corporal B. F. Ladd persuaded them to get into dugouts, as a bomb struck the building shortly after. USAAF B-24 Liberator bombers of the Seventh Air Force operated from Tuvalu. The atolls of Tuvalu acted as a staging post during the preparation for the Battle of Tarawa and the Battle of Makin that commenced on 20 November 1943, which was the implementation of operation 'Galvanic'.
U nif ic a t ion Day Cameroon Oct 1
History
Unification Day is a holiday in Cameroon that is celebrated on 1 October, marking the anniversary of British Southern Cameroons' independence from the United Kingdom and unification with French Cameroun in 1961. This is not to be confused with the anniversary of French Cameroun's independence from France, an event which occurred on 1 January 1960.
International Day for the Elderly is dedicated to honor, respect and care for the world's elderly. Remember, someday you hope to be included among this group! In 1990, the United Nations General Assembly designated October 1st as the International Day for the Elderly, also known as the "International Day for Older Persons". The holiday is the result of the UN World Assembly on Aging which was formed in 1982 to explore and tend to the needs of the elderly in the world.
Independence Day NIgeria - Oct 1
Nigeria officially the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is a federal constitutional republic comprising 36 states and its Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The country is located in West Africa and shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. Its coast in the south lies on the Gulf of Guinea on the Atlantic Ocean. The three largest and most influential ethnic groups in Nigeria are the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. In terms of religion Nigeria is roughly split half and half between Muslims and Christians with a very small minority who practice traditional religion. The people of Nigeria have an extensive history. Archaeological evidence shows that human habitation of the area dates back to at least 9000 BCE. The area around the Benue and Cross River is thought to be the original homeland of the Bantu migrants who spread across most of central and southern Africa in waves between the 1st millennium BCE and the 2nd millennium. The name Nigeria was taken from the Niger River running through the country. This name was coined by Flora Shaw, the future wife of Baron Lugard, a British colonial administrator, in the late 19th century. Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa, the seventh most populous country in the world, and the most populous country in the world in which the majority of the population is black. It is listed among the "Next Eleven" economies, and is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. The economy of Nigeria is one of the fastest growing in the world, with the International Monetary Fund projecting a growth of 9% in 2008 and 8.3% in 2009. The IMF further projects a 8% growth in the Nigerian economy in 2011.
Before 1871, in the area where a single state of Germany now exists, different kingdoms and prinicipalities existed. After the Unification of Germany, in the Empire Unification of 1870 (Letter of the Emperor) and the Founding of the Empire 1871, there was still no common national holiday. The Sedantag was, however, celebrated every year on 2 September, which recalls the decisive victory in the German-French War on 2 September 1870. After the founding of the Empire in 1871, there were calls for a national holiday, and there were three suggestions. No decision was made. Until 1873, the Sedantag was moved to January 18 or Day of the Frankfurt Treaty (May 10, 1871). The Sedantag would soon also be celebrated at the universities and in many German cities. It never occurred to them to think about "Empire Parade" or "Emperor's Birthday. Some Culture Ministers of the states, especially in Prussia, decided, that the Sedantag would be an official festival in schools. Upon many suggestions, the date of the Emperor's proclamation on January 18th would be established as day of remembrance. Emperor Wilhelm I declined this: "This was also the day of the first Prussian coronation of the king, which should not fall into the shadow of a united German holiday." The Rhineland-Westphalian state began a "typical German" festival, and started the tradition on the eve of September 2 with the ringing of bells, fireworks and patriotic songs for a peace festival.
Weimarer Republic:
On July 31, 1919, the Weimarer Constitution would be accepted in its form by the Weimarer National Congress. In memorial of this "Hour of birth of democracy", the 11th August was created as Constitution Day, because the President of the Empire, Friedrich Ebert, signed the constitution on this day.
Time of Nazism:
Shortly after taking power in 1933 (so called Machtergreifung), May Day (May 1) was established as a national holiday in the German Empire. It was already celebrated as a "Day of the Labor Movement" since 1890, and also was part of the tradition for the May dance commemorating the Walpurgis Night. Immediately after the establishment of the holiday in 1933, the Nazis banned trade unions on May 2, 1933 and occupied their buildings as offices for the Nazi Movement. On March 1, 1939, Hitler declared November 9 as the "Memorial Day for the movement" as the national holiday.
Federal Republic of Germany:
From 1954 to 1990, the 17th of June was an official holiday in West Germany to commemorate the Uprising of 1953 in East Germany, even with the name "Day of the German Unity". Since 1963, it was proclaimed by the President of the Federal Republic as "National Day of Memorial of the German People." Therefore, in the year 1990, the "Day of German Unity" was celebrated twice.
German Democratic Republic:
In East Germany, the Founding Day in 1949 would be celebrated on 7 October as Day of the Republic, until the 40th anniversary in 1989.
Decision for GDR's unity with the Federal Republic:
The motive for setting the date of 3 October as the possible Day of Unity was decided by the Volkskammer (GDR Congress) on the impending economical and political collapse of the GDR. The Helsinki Conference was set for October 2, at which the foreign ministers would be informed of the results in the Two-plus-Four Talk. At the beginning of July, the governments of both German states decided on the schedule: elections in the GDR would be held on October 14, and a common election for the entire country on 2 December. The decision on the date was finally made on 22 August by the GDR's Minister-President, de Maiziere, at a special session of the Volkskammer, which began at 9 pm. After a heated debate, the President of the Volkskammer, Sabine Bergmann-Pohl, announced the results at 2:30 am on 23 August: "The Volkskammer decides on the accession of the GDR to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany according to Article 23 of the Basic Laws effective as of October 3, 1990. In the matter Nr. 201 there have been 363 votes. There were no invalid votes. 294 deputies have voted 'yes.' (Strong applause from CDU/DA, DSU, FDP, partly SPD and the deputies standing up in their seats.) "62 deputies have voted 'no,' and 7 people abstained. This is a historic event. Ladies and Gentlemen, I believe that we have not made an easy decision, but today we have acted within our responsibilities of the voting rights of the citizens of the GDR. I thank everybody that this result was made possible by a consensus across party lines. The SED-PDS Chairman Gregor Gysi made a sad declaration: "The Parliament has more or less decided on the downfall of the German Democratic Republic on 3 October 1990." (Jubilant cheers from the CDU/DA, DSU and SPD.)
Independence Day Lesotho - Oct 4
History
Early history:
The Nok people of central Nigeria produced the earliest terracotta sculptures found in the country. A Nok sculpture resident at the Minneapolis Institute of Arts portrays a sitting dignitary wearing a "Shepherds Crook" on the right arm and a "hinged flail" on the left. These are symbols of authority associated with ancient Egyptian pharaohs and the god Osiris and suggests that an ancient Egyptian style of social structure, and perhaps religion, existed in the area of modern Nigeria during the late Pharonic period. In the northern part of the country, Kano and Katsina has recorded history dating back to around 999. Hausa kingdoms and the Kanem-Bornu Empire prospered as trade posts between North and West Africa. At the beginning of the 19th century under Usman dan Fodio the Fulani led the centralized Fulani Empire which continued until 1903 when the Fulani population and land were divided into various European colonies. Between 1750 and 1900, between one to twothirds of the population of the Fulani jihadstates consisted of slaves. The Yoruba kingdoms of Ifẹ and Oyo in southwestern Nigeria became prominent in the 12th and 14th century respectively. However, Yoruba mythology states that Ile-Ife is the source of the human race and that it pre-dates any other civilization, although the oldest signs of human settlement dates back to the ninth century. Ifẹ produced terracotta and bronze figures, and Ọyọ once extended from western Nigeria to Togo. The Kingdom of Benin is located in southwestern Nigeria. Benin's power lasted between the 15th and 19th century. Their dominance reached as far as the city of Eko (an Edo name later changed to Lagosby the Portuguese) and further. The Kingdom of Nri of the Igbo people started in the 10th century until it lost its sovereignty to the British in 1911. It is the oldest kingdom in Nigeria. Nri was ruled by the Eze Nri, and the city of Nri is considered to be the foundation of Igbo culture. Nri and Aguleri, where the Igbo creation myth originates, are in the territory of the Umeuri clan who trace their lineages back to the patriarchal king-figure Eri. The oldest pieces of bronzes made out of the lost-wax process in West Africa were from Igbo Ukwu, a city under Nri influence.
The royal Bini mask, one of Nigeria's most recognize d a r t if a c t s
Colonial era:
Spaniard and Portuguese explorers were the first Europeans to begin trade in Nigeria in the port they named Lagos and in Calabar. The Europeans traded with the ethnicities of the coast and also negotiated a trade in slaves, to the detriment and profit of many Nigerian ethnicities. Consequently many of the citizens of the former slave nations of the British Empire are descended from a Nigerian ethnic group. Britain abolished its slave trade in 1807 and, following the Napoleonic Wars, established the West Africa Squadron in an attempt to halt the international traffic in slaves. In 1885, British claims to a West African sphere of influence received international recognition, and in the following year the Royal Niger Company was chartered under the leadership of Sir George Taubman Goldie. In 1900 the company's territory came under the control of the British government, which moved to consolidate its hold over the area of modern Nigeria. On January 1, 1901, Nigeria became a British protectorate, part of the British Empire, the foremost world power at the time. Many wars against subjugation had been fought by the states of what later became Nigeria against the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Notably of those were the British Conquest of Benin in 1897 and the Anglo-Aro War from 1901—1902. The restraint or complete destruction of these states opened up the Niger area to British rule. In 1914, the Niger area was formally united as the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Administratively, Nigeria remained divided into the northern and southern provinces and Lagos Colony. Western education and the development of a modern economy proceeded more rapidly in the south than in the north, with consequences felt in Nigeria's political life ever since. Slavery was not finally outlawed in northern Nigeria until 1936. Following World War II, in response to the growth of Nigerian nationalism and demands for independence, successive constitutions legislated by the British government moved Nigeria toward self-government on a representative and increasingly federal basis. By the middle of the 20th century, the great wave for independence was sweeping across Africa.
Post-independence:
On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained its independence from the United Kingdom. Newly independent, Nigeria's government was a coalition of conservative parties: the Nigerian People's Congress (NPC), a party dominated by Northerners and those of the Islamic faith, and the Igbo and Christian dominated National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, who became Nigeria's maiden Governor-General in 1960. Forming the opposition was the comparatively liberal Action Group (AG), which was largely dominated by the Yoruba and led by Obafemi Awolowo. The cultural and political differences between Nigeria's dominant ethnicities, the Hausa ('Northerners'), Igbo ('Easterners') and Yoruba ('Westerners'), were sharp. An imbalance was created in the polity by the result of the 1961 plebiscite. Southern Cameroon opted to join the Republic of Cameroon while northern Cameroon chose to remain in Nigeria. The northern part of the country was now far larger than the southern part. The nation parted with its British legacy in 1963 by declaring itself a Federal Republic, with Azikiwe as its first president. When elections came about in 1965, the AG was outmanoeuvred for control of Nigeria's Western Region by the Nigerian National Democratic Party.
Nigerian-Biafran War:
The disequilibrium and perceived corruption of the electoral and political process led in 1966 to several back-toback military coups. The first was in January and led by a collection of young leftists under Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. It was partially successful; the coup plotters murdered Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Premier Ahmadu Belloof of the Northern Region and Premier Ladoke Akintola of the Western Region. Despite this, they could not set up a central government. President Nwafor Orizu was then pressured to hand over government to the Nigeria Army, under the command of General JTU Aguyi-Ironsi. The coup was counter-acted by another successful plot, supported primarily by Northern military officers and Northerners who favoured the NPC, it was engineered by Northern officers, which allowed Lt Colonel Yakubu Gowon to become head of state. This sequence of events led to an increase in ethnic tension and violence. The Northern coup, which was mostly motivated by ethnic and religious reasons was a bloodbath of both military officers and civilians, especially those of Igbo extraction. The violence against the Igbo increased their desire for autonomy and protection from the military's wrath. By May 1967, the Eastern Region had declared itself an independent state called the Republic of Biafra under the leadership of Lt Colonel Emeka Ojukwu in line with the wishes of the people. The Nigerian Civil War began as the Nigerian (Western and Northern) side attacked Biafra (South-eastern) on July 6, 1967 at Garkem signalling the beginning of the 30 month war that ended in January 1970. Estimates in the former Eastern Region of the number of dead from hostilities, disease, and starvation during the thirty-month civil war are estimated at between 1 million and 3 million.
Military era:
During the oil boom of the 1970s, Nigeria joined OPEC, and billions of dollars generated by production in the oil-rich Niger Delta flowed into the coffers of the Nigerian state. The northern military clique benefited from the oil boom to the detriment of the Nigerian people and economy. As oil revenues fueled the rise of federal subventions to states and precariously to individuals, the federal government soon became the centre of political struggle and the centre became the threshold of power in the country. As oil production and revenue rose, the Nigerian government created a dangerous situation as it became increasingly dependent on oil revenues and the international commodity markets for budgetary and economic concerns eschewing economic stability. That spelled doom to federalism in Nigeria. Beginning in 1979, Nigerians participated in a brief return to democracy when Obasanjo transferred power to the civilian regime of Shehu Shagari. The Shagari government was viewed as corrupt and incompetent by virtually all sectors of Nigerian society, so when the regime was overthrown by the military coup of Muhammadu Buhari shortly after the regime's fraudulent re-election in 1984, it was generally viewed as a positive development by most of the population. Buhari promised major reforms, but his government fared little better than its predecessor, and his regime was overthrown by yet another military coup in 1985. The new head of state, Ibrahim Babangida, promptly declared himself president and commander in chief of the armed forces and the ruling Supreme Military Council and also set 1990 as the official deadline for a return to democratic governance. Babangida's tenure was marked by a flurry of political activity: he instituted the International Monetary Fund's Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) to aid in the repayment of the country's crushing international debt, which most federal revenue was dedicated to servicing. He also inflamed religious tensions in the nation and particularly the south by enrolling Nigeria in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. After Babangida survived an abortive coup, he pushed back the promised return to democracy to 1992. When free and fair elections were finally held on 12 June 1993, Babangida declared that the results showing a presidential victory for Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola null and void, sparking mass civilian violence in protest which effectively shut down the country for weeks and forced Babangida to keep his promise to relinquish office to a civilian run government. Babangida's regime is adjudged to be at the apogee of corruption in the history of the nation as it was during his time that corruption became officially diluted in Nigeria. Babangida's caretaker regime headed by Ernest Shonekan survived only until late 1993 when General Sani Abacha took power in another military coup. Abacha proved to be perhaps Nigeria's most brutal ruler and employed violence on a wide scale to suppress the continuing civilian unrest. Money had been found in various western European banks traced to him. He avoided coup plots by bribing army generals. Several hundred million dollars in accounts traced to him were discovered in 1999. The regime came to an end in 1998 when the dictator was found dead amid dubious circumstances. Abacha's death yielded an opportunity for return to civilian rule.
Recent history:
Nigeria re-achieved democracy in 1999 when it elected Olusegun Obasanjo, the former military head of state, as the new President of Nigeria ending almost 33 years of military rule (from 1966 until 1999) excluding the short-lived second republic (between 1979 and 1983) by military dictators who seized power in coups d'état and counter-coups during the Nigerian military juntas of 1966-1979 and 1983-1998. Although the elections which brought Obasanjo to power in 1999 and again in 2003 were condemned as unfree and unfair, Nigeria has shown marked improvements in attempts to tackle government corruption and to hasten development. Umaru Yar'Adua of the People's Democratic Party came into power in the general election of 2007 – an election that was witnessed and condemned by the international community as being severely flawed. Ethnic violence over the oil producing Niger Delta region and inadequate infrastructures are some of the current issues in the country. Yar'Adua died on 5 May 2010. Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was sworn in as Yar'Adua's replacement on 6 May 2010, becoming Nigeria's 14th Head of State, while his vice,a former Kaduna state governor, Namadi Sambo, an architect,was chosen on 18 May 2010,by the National Assembly following President Goodluck Jonathan's nomination for Sambo to be his Vice President. Goodluck Jonathan served as Nigeria's president till April 16, 2011,when a new presidential election in Nigeria was conducted. Goodluck Jonathan of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) was declared the winner on 19 April 2011,having won the election by a total of 22,495,187 of the 39,469,484 votes cast to stand ahead of Muhammadu Buhari from the main opposition party, the The Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which won 12,214,853 of the total votes cast. The international media reported the elections as having run smoothly with relatively little violence or voter fraud in contrast to previous elections.
Military The Nigerian Military are charged with protecting The Federal Republic of Nigeria, promoting Nigeria's global security
interests, and supporting peacekeeping efforts especially in West Africa. The Nigerian Military consist of an Army, a Navy and an Air Force. The military in Nigeria have played a major role in the country's history since independence. Various juntas have seized control of the country and ruled it through most of its history. Its last period of rule ended in 1999 following the sudden death of former dictator Sani Abacha in 1998, with his successor, Abdulsalam Abubakar, handing over power to the democratically elected government of Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. Taking advantage of its role as Africa's most populated country, Nigeria has repositioned its military as an African peacekeeping force. Since 1995, the Nigerian military through ECOMOG mandates have been deployed as peacekeepers in Liberia (1997), Ivory Coast (1997–1999),Sierra Leone 1997–1999, and presently in Sudan's Darfur region under an African Union mandate.
Lesotho officially the Kingdom of Lesotho, is a landlocked country and enclave, surrounded by the Republic of South Africa. It is just over 30,000 km2 (11,583 sq mi) in size with a population of approximately 2,067,000. Its capital and largest city is Maseru. Lesotho is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. The name "Lesotho" translates roughly into "the land of the people who speak Sesotho". About 40% of the population live below the international poverty line of US$ 1.25 a day.
National Cinnamon Bun Day Sweden - Oct 4
A cinnamon roll (also cinnamon bun, cinnamon swirl and cinnamon snail) is a sweet roll served commonly in South America and North America. It consists of a rolled sheet of cookie dough dough onto which a salted and sugar mixture (and raisins or chopped grapes in some cases) is sprinkled over a thin coat of butter. The dough is then rolled, cut into individual portions, and baked. This construction method is used because it would be impossible to mix in cinnamon flavor into the dough, as it would kill the yeast. In North America, cinnamon rolls are frequently topped with icing (often confectioner's sugar based) or glaze of some sort. In northern Europe, nib sugar is often used instead of icing. In Sweden, the country of its presumed origin, the cinnamon roll takes the name of kanelbulle (literally: "cinnamon bun") and October 4 has more recently started to be promoted as "kanelbullens dag" (Cinnamon roll day). A German variety originating in Hamburg and its surroundings is the Franzbrötchen. The size of a cinnamon roll varies from place to place, but many vendors supply a smaller size about 5 centimetres (2.0 in) in diameter and a larger size about 10 centimetres (3.9 in) to a side. The largest variety can be found in Finland, called Korvapuusti, where it can be up to 20 centimetres (7.9 in) in diameter and weighing 200 grams (7.1 oz). The Finnish "Boston cake" is a "cake" made by baking cinnamon rolls in a round cake pan instead of baking them separately, so that they stick together to form a round cake.
St. Petronius Day Italy - Oct 4
Saint Petronius (Italian: San Petronio) (died ca. 450 AD) was bishop of Bologna during the fifth century. He is a patron saint of the city. Born of a noble Roman family, he became a convert to Christianity and subsequently a priest. As bishop of Bologna, he built the Church of Santo Stefano.
Life
The only certain historical information we possess concerning him is derived from a letter written by Bishop Eucherius of Lyon (died 450-455) to Valerianus (in P. L., L, 711 sqq.) and from Gennadius' De viris illustribus, XLI (ed. Czapla, Münster, 1898, p. 94). Eucherius writes that the holy Bishop Petronius was then renowned in Italy for his virtues. From Gennadius we receive more detailed information: Petronius belonged to a noble family whose members occupied high positions at the imperial Court at Milan and in the provincial administrations at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries. His father (also named Petronius) was probably prœfectus prœtorio, since a Petronius filled this office in Gaul in 402-408. Eucherius seems to suggest (P. L., L, 719) that the future bishop also held an important secular position. Even in his youth Petronius devoted himself to the practices of asceticism, and seems to have visited the Holy Places in Jerusalem, perhaps on a pilgrimage. About 432 he was elected and consecrated Bishop of Bologna, where he erected a church to Saint Stephen (Santo Stefano), the building scheme of which was in imitation of the shrines on Golgotha and over the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The buildings belong approximately to the period when Pope Leo I had basilicas erected in Rome and Galla Placidia in Ravenna. Petronius is believed to have written a work on the life of the Egyptian monks (Vitæ patrum Ægypti monachorum); the author of this work, however, is Rufinus of Aquileia. The treatise De ordinatione episcopi, bearing the name of Petronius as author, is by the elder Petronius, who was a man of eloquence and wide acquaintance with the secular sciences. Morin has published a sermon entitled "In die ordinationis vel Natale episcopi" (Revue bénédictine, 1897, 3 sq.), which Gennadius ascribes to Bishop Petronius of Verona, whom Czalpa holds is Petronius of Bologna, but this assignment is not certain. According to Gennadius, Petronius died during the reign of Emperor Theodosius II and Valentinian III, i. e., before 450. In the twelfth century appeared a legendary life of the saint, whose relics were discovered in 1141. Shortly afterwards a church was erected in his honour at Bologna; a second, planned on a large seal, was begun in 1390 (see San Petronio Basilica). The feast of St. Petronius is celebrated on 4 October. In iconography, he is depicted as a bishop holding a model of Bologna in his hand.
Independence Day Guinea - Oct 2
Guinea officially the Republic of Guinea (French: République de Guinée), is a country in West Africa. Formerly known as French Guinea (Guinée française), it is today sometimes called Guinea-Conakry to distinguish it from its neighbour Guinea-Bissau.Guinea is divided into eight administrative regions and subdivided into thirty-three prefectures.Conakry is the capital, largest city and economic center. The other major cities in the country include Labe, Nzérékoré, Kankan, Kindia, Mamou, Boke, and Guéckédou. Guinea's 10 million people belong to twenty-four ethnic groups. The largest and most prominent groups are the Fula 43% (French: Peul; Fula: Fulɓe), Mandinka 35%, and Susu 20% Guinea has almost 246,000 square kilometres (94,981 sq mi). It forms a crescent by curving from its western border on the Atlantic Ocean toward the east and the south. Its northern border is shared with Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mali, the southern one with Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d'Ivoire. The Niger River arises in Guinea and runs eastward. The land that is now Guinea belonged to a series of African empires until France colonized it in the 1890s, and made it part of French West Africa. Guinea declared its independence from France on 2 October 1958. Since independence, Guinea has had autocratic rule in which one person possesses unlimited power, which has contributed to making Guinea one of the poorest countries in the world.
Governments since independence:
Ahmed Sékou Touré became President upon Guinea's independence. By violent oppression, he ruled until 26 March 1984, when he died unexpectedly. By a quick coup d'état, Lansana Conté became the President after Touré. By despotic[clarification needed] means, Conté clung to power until his death in 2008. Despite extraordinary aluminium rich resources, he was unable to improve the desperate economic plight into which Touré had plunged the country. On 23 December 2008, Moussa Dadis Camara seized controlof Guinea as the head of a junta. On 28 September 2009, the junta ordered its soldiers to attack people who had gathered to protest any attempt by Camara to become President. The soldiers went on a rampage of rape, mutilation, and murder. On 3 December 2009, an aide shot Camara during a dispute about the rampage of September 2009. Camara went to Morocco for medical care. Vice-President (and defense minister) Sékouba Konatéflew back from Lebanon to run the country in Camara's absence. On 12 January 2010 Camara was flown from Morocco to Burkina Faso. After meeting in Ouagadougou on 13 and 14 January, Camara, Konaté and Blaise Compaoré, President of Burkina Faso, produced a formal statement of twelve principles promising a return of Guinea to civilian rule within six months. It was agreed that the military would not contest the forthcoming elections, and Camara would continue his convalescence outside Guinea. On 21 January 2010 the military junta appointed Jean-Marie Doré as Prime Minister of a six-month transition government, leading up to elections. The presidential election was set to take place on 27 June and 18 July 2010, it was held as being the first free and fair election since independence in 1958. The first round took place normally on the 27 June 2010 with ex Prime Minister Cellou Dalein Diallo and his rival Alpha Condé emerging as the two runners-up for the second round. However, due to allegations of electoral fraud, the second round of the election was postponed until 19 September 2010. A delay until 10 October was announced by the electoral commission (CENI), subject to approval by Sekouba Konaté. Yet another delay until 24 October was announced in early October. Elections were finally held on 7 November. Voter turnout was high, and the elections went relatively smoothly. 16 November 2010, Alpha Condé, the leader of the opposition party Rally of the Guinean People (RGP), was officially declared the winner of a 7 November run-off in Guinea's presidential election. He has promised to reform the security sector and review mining contracts if elected. On the night of July 18, 2011, President Conde's residence was attacked in an attempted coup. The attack included a fierce firefight and rocket propelled grenades. The president was unharmed. Sixteen people have been charged with the attempted assassination. Most of those indicted are close associates of Sekouba Konaté. The legal voting age is 18.
Monument to commemorate the 1970 military victory over the Port ugue s e inv a s ion
Military
Guinea's armed forces are divided into five branches – army, navy, air force, the paramilitary NationalGendarmerie and the Republican Guard – whose chiefs report to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who is subordinate to the Minister of Defense. In addition, regime security forces include the National Police Force (Sûreté National). The Gendarmerie, responsible for internal security, has a strength of several thousand. The army, with about 15,000 personnel, is by far the largest branch of the armed forces. It is mainly responsible for protecting the state borders, the security of administered territories, and defending Guinea's national interests. Air force personnel total about 700. The force's equipment includes several Russian-supplied fighter planes and transports. The navy has about 900 personnel and operates several small patrol craft and barges.
Republic Day Portugal - Oct 5
The Portuguese First Republic (Portuguese: Primeira República) spans a complex 16 year period in the history of Portugal, between the end of the period of constitutional monarchy marked by the 5 October 1910 revolution and the 28 May coup d'état of 1926. The last movement instituted a military dictatorship known as Ditadura Nacional (national dictatorship) that would be followed by the corporatist Estado Novo (new state) regime of António de Oliveira Salazar.
The republic
History The earliest known inhabitants of
the area were Khoisan huntergatherers. They were largely replaced by Wasja-speaking tribes during Bantu migrations. The Sotho-Tswana people colonized the general region of South Africa between the 3rd and 11th centuries. The present Lesotho (then called Basutoland) emerged as a single polity under kingMoshoeshoe I in 1822. Moshoeshoe, a son of Mokhachane, a minor chief of the Bakoteli lineage, formed his own clan and became a chief around 1804. Between 1821 and 1823, he and his followers settled at the Butha-Buthe Mountain, joining with former adversaries in resistance against the Lifaqane associated with the reign of Shaka Zulu from 1818 to 1828. Subsequent evolution of the state hinged on conflicts between British and Dutch colonists leaving the Cape Colony following its seizure from the French-occupied Dutch by the British in 1795, and subsequently associated with the Orange River Sovereignty and subsequent Orange Free State. Missionaries invited by Moshoeshoe I, Thomas Arbousset, Eugène Casalis and Constant Gosselin from the Paris Evangelical Missionary Society, placed at Morija, developed orthography and printed works in the Sotho language between 1837 and 1855. Casalis, acting as translator and providing advice on foreign affairs, helped to set up diplomatic channels and acquire guns for use against the encroaching Europeans and the Korana people. Boer trekkers from the Cape Colony showed up on the western borders of Basutoland and claimed land rights, beginning with Jan de Winnaar, who settled in the Matlakeng area in May–June 1838. As more farmers were moving into the area they tried to colonise the land between the two rivers, even north of the Caledon, claiming that it had been abandoned by the Sotho people. Moshoeshoe subsequently signed a treaty with the British Governor of the Cape Colony, Sir George Thomas Napier that annexed the Orange River Sovereignty that many Boers had settled. These outraged Boers were suppressed in a brief skirmish in 1848. In 1851 a British force was defeated by the Sotho army at Kolonyama, touching off an embarrassing war for the British. After repulsing another British attack in 1852, Moshoeshoe sent an appeal to the British commander that settled the dispute diplomatically, then defeated the Tlokoa in 1853. In 1854 the British pulled out of the region, and in 1858 Moshoeshoe fought a series of wars with the Boers in the Free State-Basotho War, losing a great portion of the western lowlands. The last war in 1867 ended when Moshoeshoe appealed to Queen Victoria, who agreed to make Basutoland a British protectorate in 1868. In 1869, the British signed a treaty at Aliwal North with the Boers that defined the boundaries of Basutoland and later Lesotho, which by ceding the western territories effectively reduced Moshoeshoe's kingdom to half its previous size. Following the cession in 1869, the British initially transferred functions from Moshoeshoe's capital in Thaba Bosiu to a police camp on the northwest border, Maseru, until administration of Basutoland was transferred to the Cape Colony in 1871. Moshoeshoe died on March 11, 1870, marking the end of the traditional era and the beginning of the colonial era, and was buried at Thaba Bosiu. During their rule between 1871 and 1884, Basutoland was treated similarly to territories that had been forcefully annexed, much to the chagrin of the Basotho. This led to the Gun War in 1881. In 1884, Basutoland was restored its status as a Crown colony, with Maseru again its capital, but remained under direct rule by a governor, though effective internal power was wielded by traditional chiefs. Basutoland gained its independence from Britain and became the Kingdom of Lesotho in 1966. In January 1970 the ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) lost the first post-independence general elections, with 23 seats to the Basutoland Congress Party's 36. Prime Minister Leabua Jonathan refused to cede power to the Basotho Congress Party (BCP), declared himself Tona Kholo (Sesotho translation of prime minister), and imprisoned the BCP leadership. BCP began a rebellion and then received training in Libya for its Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA) under the pretense of being Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) soldiers of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). Deprived of arms and supplies by the Sibeko faction of the PAC in 1978, the 178-strong LLA was rescued from their Tanzanian base by the financial assistance of a Maoist PAC officer but launched the guerrilla war with only a handful of old weapons. The main force was defeated in northern Lesotho and later guerrillas launched sporadic but usually ineffectual attacks. The campaign was severely compromised when BCP's leader, Ntsu Mokhehle, went to Pretoria. In the early 1980s, several Basotho who sympathized with the exiled BCP were threatened with death and attacked by the government of Leabua Jonathan. In September 1981 the family of Benjamin Masilo was attacked. A few days later, Edgar Mahlomola Motuba was taken from his home and murdered. The BNP ruled from 1966 till January 1970. What later ensued was a "de facto" government led by Dr Leabua Jonathan until 1986 when a military coup forced it out of office. The Military Council that came to power granted executive powers to King Moshoeshoe II, who was until then a ceremonial monarch. But in 1987 the King was forced into exile after coming up with a six-page memorandum on how he wanted the Lesotho's constitution to be, which would have given him more executive powers had the military government agreed. His son was installed as King Letsie III. The chairman of the military junta, Major General Justin Metsing Lekhanya, was ousted in 1991 and replaced by Major General Elias Phisoana Ramaema, who handed over power to a democratically elected government of the BCP in 1993. Moshoeshoe II returned from exile in 1992 as an ordinary citizen. After the return to democratic government, King Letsie III tried unsuccessfully to persuade the BCP government to reinstate his father (Moshoeshoe II) as head of state. In August 1994, Letsie III staged a military-backed coup that deposed the BCP government, after the BCP government refused to reinstate his father, Moshoeshoe II, according to Lesotho's constitution. The new government did not receive full international recognition. Member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) engaged in negotiations to reinstate the BCP government. One of the conditions Letsie III put forward for this was that his father should be re-installed as head of state. After protracted negotiations, the BCP government was reinstated and Letsie III abdicated in favor of his father in 1995, but he ascended the throne again when Moshoeshoe II died at the age of fifty-seven in a road accident, when his car plunged off a mountain road during the early hours of 15 January 1996. According to a government statement, Moshoeshoe had set out at 1 a.m. to visit his cattle at Matsieng and was returning to Maseru through the Maluti Mountains when his car left the road. In 1997, the ruling BCP split over leadership disputes. Prime Minister Ntsu Mokhehle formed a new party, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), and was followed by a majority of Members of Parliament, which enabled him to form a new government. Pakalitha Mosisili succeeded Mokhehle as party leader and the LCD won the general elections in 1998. Although the elections were pronounced free and fair by local and international observers and a subsequent special commission appointed by SADC, the oppositionpolitical parties rejected the results. Opposition protests in the country intensified, culminating in a peaceful demonstration outside the royal palace in August 1998. Exact details of what followed are greatly disputed, both in Lesotho and South Africa. While the Botswana Defence Force troops were welcomed, tensions with South African National Defence Force troops were high, resulting in fighting. Incidences of sporadic rioting intensified when South African troops hoisted a South African flag over the Royal Palace. By the time the SADC forces withdrew in May 1999, much of Maseru lay in ruins, and the southern provincial capital towns of Mafeteng and Mohale's Hoek had seen the loss of over a third of their commercial real estate. A number of South Africans and Basotho also died in the fighting. An Interim Political Authority (IPA), charged with reviewing the electoral structure in the country, was created in December 1998. The IPA devised a proportional electoral system to ensure that the opposition would be represented in the National Assembly. The new system retained the existing 80 elected Assembly seats, but added 40 seats to be filled on a proportional basis. Elections were held under this new system in May 2002, and the LCD won again, gaining 54% of the vote. But for the first time, opposition political parties won significant numbers of seats, and despite some irregularities and threats of violence from Major General Lekhanya, Lesotho experienced its first peaceful election. Nine opposition parties now hold all 40 of the proportional seats, with the BNP having the largest share (21). The LCD has 79 of the 80 constituency-based seats. Although its elected members participate in the National Assembly, the BNP has launched several legal challenges to the elections, including a recount; none have been successful.
Makhaleng River Gorges in the Highlands of Lesotho, 2003.
Culture
World Animal Day is celebrated each year on October 4. It started in Florence, Italy in 1931 at a convention of ecologists. On this day, animal life in all its forms is celebrated, and special events are planned on locations all over the globe. 4 October was originally chosen for World Animal Day because it is the feast day of Francis of Assisi, a nature lover and patron saint of animals and the environNumerous ment. churches throughout the world observe the Sunday closest to 4 October with a Blessing for the Animals. However, World Animal Day has now gone beyond being the celebration of a Christian saint and is today observed by animal-lovers of all beliefs, nationalities and backgrounds. Animal blessings are held in churches, synagogues, and by independent Animal Chaplains in parks and fields. Animal rescue shelters hold fundraising events and open days, wildlife groups organize information displays, schools undertake animal-related project work and individuals and groups of friends or co-workers donate to animal charities or pledge to sponsor a shelter animal. In Argentina it is celebrated on April 29 as a tribute to the death (in 1926) of Dr. Lucas Ignacio Albarracín. Albarracín was, along with Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, one of the founders of the Sociedad Argentina Protectora de Animales (Argentine Society of Protection of Animals) and the proponent of the National Law on Protection of Animals (No. 2786).
History
Before 1919:
International Day for the Elderly Worldwide - Oct 1
Dear Reader,
The Day of German Unity (German: Tag der Deutschen Einheit) is the national day of Germany, celebrated on 3 October as a public holiday. It commemorates the anniversary of German reunification in 1990, when the goal of a unity of Germany that originated in the middle of the 19th century, was fulfilled. Therefore, the name addresses neither the re-union or union, but the unity of Germany. The Day of German Unity on October 3 has been a German national holiday since the reunification in 1990, when the German reunification was brought out in full force. The 3rd of October is a legal holiday of the Federal Republic of Germany. The Day of German Unity is at the same time an anniversary for the re-founding of the five states Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringen. An alternative choice to commemorate the reunification could have been the day the Berlin Wall came down—November 9, 1989, which coincided with the anniversary of the proclamation of the German Republic in 1918 and the defeat of Hitler's first coup in 1923. However, 9 November was also the anniversary of the first large-scale Nazi-led pogroms against Jews in 1938 (Kristallnacht), so the day was considered inappropriate as a national holiday. Therefore, 3 October 1990, the day of formal reunification, was chosen instead.
Animal Day Worldwide - Oct 4
Traditional musical instruments include lekolulo, a kind of flute used by herding boys, setolo-tolo, played by men using their mouth, and the woman's stringed thomo. The national anthem of Lesotho is "Lesotho Fatše La Bo-ntata Rona", which literally translates into "Lesotho, Land Of Our Fathers". The traditional style of housing in Lesotho is called a rondavel. Traditional attire revolves around the Basotho blanket, a thick covering made primarily of wool. The blankets are ubiquitous throughout the country during all seasons. The Morija Arts & Cultural Festival is a prominent Sesotho arts and music festival. It is held annually in the historical town of Morija, where the first missionaries arrived in 1833.
The Portuguese First Republic has, over the course of the recent past, lost many historians to the New State. As a result, it is difficult to attempt a global synthesis of the republican period in view of the important gaps that still persist in our knowledge of its political history. As far as the October 1910 Revolution is concerned, a number of valuable studies have been made, first among which ranks Vasco Pulido Valente’s polemical thesis. This historian posited the Jacobin and urban nature of the revolution carried out by the Portuguese Republican Party (PRP) and claimed that the PRP had turned the republican regime into a de facto dictatorship. This vision clashes with an older interpretation of the First Republic as a progressive and increasingly democratic regime which presented a clear contrast to Salazar’s ensuing dictatorship. A republican Constitution was approved in 1911, inaugurating a parliamentary regime with reduced presidential powers and two chambers of parliament. The Republic provoked important fractures within Portuguese society, notably among the essentially monarchist rural population, in the trade unions, and in the Church. The republic established wasanticlerical and had a "hostile" approach to the issue of church and state separation, like that of the French Revolution, and the future Spanish Constitution of 1931 and Mexican Constitution of 1917. Even the PRP had to endure the secession of its more moderate elements, who formed conservative republican parties like the Evolutionist Party and the Republican Union. In spite of these splits the PRP, led by Afonso Costa, preserved its dominance, largely due to a brand of clientelist politics inherited from the monarchy. In view of these tactics, a number of opposition forces resorted to violence in order to enjoy the fruits of power. There are few recent studies of this period of the Republic’s existence, known as the ‘old’ Republic. Nevertheless, an essay by Vasco Pulido Valente should be consulted, as should the attempt to establish the political, social, and economic context made by M. Villaverde Cabral (1988). The Republic repelled a royalist attack on Chaves in 1912. See also: Portugal in World War I The PRP viewed the outbreak of the First World War as a unique opportunity to achieve a number of goals: putting an end to the twin threats of a Spanish invasion of Portugal and of foreign occupation of the colonies and, at the internal level, creating a national consensus around the regime and even around the party. These domestic objectives were not met, since participation in the conflict was not the subject of a national consensus and since it did not therefore serve to mobilise the population. Quite the opposite occurred: existing lines of political and ideological fracture were deepened by Portugal's intervention in the First World War. The lack of consensus around Portugal’s intervention in turn made possible the appearance of two dictatorships, led by GeneralPimenta de Castro (January–May 1915) and Sidónio Pais (December 1917-December 1918). Sidonismo, also known as Dezembrismo (Eng. Decemberism), aroused a strong interest among historians, largely as a result of the elements of modernity that it contained.António José Telo has made clear the way in which this regime predated some of the political solutions invented by the totalitarian and fascist dictatorships of the 1920s and 1930s. Sidónio Pais undertook the rescue of traditional values, notably the Pátria (Eng. Homeland), and attempted to rule in a charismatic fashion. A move was made to abolish traditional political parties and to alter the existing mode of national representation in parliament (which, it was claimed, exacerbated divisions within the Pátria) through the creation of a corporative Senate, the founding of a single party (the National Republican Party), and the attribution of a mobilising function to the Leader. The State carved out an economically interventionist role for itself while, at the same time, repressing working-class movements and leftist republicans. Sidónio Pais also attempted to restore public order and to overcome, finally, some of the rifts of the recent past, making the Republic more acceptable to monarchists and Catholics. The vacuum of power created by Sidónio Pais' assassination on 14 December 1918 led the country to a brief civil war. The monarchy’s restoration was proclaimed in the north of Portugal on 19 January 1919 and, four days later, a monarchist insurrection broke out in Lisbon. A republican coalition government, led by José Relvas, coordinated the struggle against the monarchists by loyal army units and armed civilians. After a series of clashes the monarchists were definitively chased from Porto on 13 February 1919. This military victory allowed the PRP to return to government and to emerge triumphant from the elections held later that year, having won the usual absolute majority. It was during this restoration of the "old" Republic that an attempted reform was carried out in order to provide the regime with greater stability. In August 1919 a conservative President was elected –António José de Almeida (whose Evolutionist party had come together in wartime with the PRP to form a flawed, because incomplete, Sacred Union) – and his office was given the power to dissolve Parliament. Relations with the Holy See, restored by Sidónio Pais, were preserved. The President used his new power to resolve a crisis of government in May 1921, naming a Liberal government (the Liberal party being the result of the postwar fusion of Evolutionists and Unionists) to prepare the forthcoming elections. These were held on 10 July 1921 with victory going, as was usually the case, to the party in power. However, Liberal government did not last long. On 19 October a military pronunciamento was carried out during which – and apparently against the wishes of the coup's leaders – a number of prominent conservative figures, including Prime Minister António Granjo, were assassinated. This event, known as the "night of blood" left a deep wound among political elites and public opinion. There could be no greater demonstration of the essential fragility of the Republic's institutions and proof that the regime was democratic in name only, since it did not even admit the possibility of the rotation in power characteristic of the elitist regimes of the nineteenth century. A new round of elections on 29 January 1922 inaugurated a fresh period of stability, since the PRP once again emerged from the contest with an absolute majority. Discontent with this situation had not, however, disappeared. Numerous accusations of corruption, and the manifest failure to resolve pressing social concerns wore down the more visible PRP leaders while making the opposition’s attacks more deadly. At the same time, moreover, all political parties suffered from growing internal faction-fighting, especially the PRP itself. The party system was fractured and discredited. This is clearly shown by the fact that regular PRP victories at the ballot box did not lead to stable government. Between 1910 and 1926 there were forty-five governments. The opposition ofpresidents to single-party governments, internal dissent within the PRP, the party's almost non-existent internal discipline, and its constant and irrational desire to group together and lead all republican forces made any government's task practically impossible. Many different formulae were attempted, including single-party governments, coalitions, and presidential executives, but none succeeded. Force was clearly the sole means open to the opposition if it wanted to enjoy the fruits of power. By the mid-1920s the domestic and international scenes began to favour another authoritarian solution, wherein a strengthened executive might restore political and social order. Since the opposition's constitutional route to power was blocked by the various means deployed by the PRP to protect itself, it turned to the army for support. The armed forces, whose political awareness had grown during the war, and whose leaders had not forgiven the PRP for sending them to a war they did not want to fight, seemed to represent, to conservative forces, the last bastion of "order" against the "chaos" that was taking over the country. Links were established between conservative figures and military officers, who added their own political and corporative demands to the already complex equation. TheRevolution of 28 May 1926 enjoyed the support of most army units and even of most political parties. As had been the case in December 1917, the population of Lisbon did not rise to defend the Republic, leaving it at the mercy of the army. There are few global and up-to-date studies of this turbulent third phase of the Republic’s existence. Nevertheless, much has been written about the crisis and fall of the regime and the 28 May movement;. The First Republic continues to be the subject of an intense debate which is impossible to summarise in these paragraphs. Nevertheless, one can distinguish three main interpretations. For some historians, the First Republic was a progressive and increasingly democratic regime. For others, it was essentially a prolongation of the classical liberal regimes of the nineteenth century. A third group, finally, chooses to highlight the regime's revolutionary, Jacobin, and dictatorial nature.
Teacher's Day Worldwide - Oct 5
World Teachers' Day, held annually on October 5th since 1994, commemorates teachers’ organizations worldwide. Its aim is to mobilise support for teachers and to ensure that the needs of future generations will continue to be met by teachers. According to UNESCO, World Teachers' Day represents a significant token of the awareness, understanding and appreciation displayed for the vital contribution that teachers make to education and development. Education International (EI) (the global union federation that represents education professionals worldwide) strongly believes that World Teachers' Day should be internationally recognized and celebrated around the world. EI also believes that the principles of the 1966 and 1997 Recommendations should be considered for implementation in all nations. Over 100 countries observe World Teachers' Day. The efforts of Education International and its 401 member organisations have contributed to this widely spread recognition. Every year, EI launches a public awareness campaign to highlight the contributions of the teaching profession.
It gives me great pleasure to address you on the occasion of the German National Day on 03 October 2012. I arrived at the beginning of July and therefore I am still in the process of getting to know this fascinating country. When I was posted to Pakistan in 1988 – I was working as Consul and as First Secretary in the Development Section – there were still two German Embassies reflecting the sharp divide of Berlin, Germany and Europe. At that time nobody expected a sudden change. However, just one year later, in November 1989, the peaceful revolution led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and in October 1990 to the unification of the two German states. Having returned to Islamabad - now along with my wife and my children - I noticed quickly that Pakistan and Islamabad have changed tremendously. Pakistan is governed by a democratically elected government; the free media plays a crucial role in the society. Cities and towns have expanded, in particular Islamabad has become a more vivid place with such new facilities as Fatimah Jinnah Park or Pakistan Monument. The political relations between our two countries are quite close and have been strengthened within the last 12 months. Dr. Guido Westerwelle, the Federal Foreign Minister, and the Federal Minister of Defence, Thomas de Maizière, as well as several Members of Parliament and other high-ranking officials have visited Pakistan. Another recent highlight has been the visit of Pakistan's Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar to Berlin in September 2012. During this visit both Ministers signed the „Strategic Dialogue Roadmap“ - a step that will further deepen our bilateral relations. In the economic field, Germany has been and still is the biggest trade partner of Pakistan within the European Union which in turn is the biggest trade partner of Pakistan overall. The academic exchange is growing; at present, nearly 2.600 Pakistani students are studying in Germany. As we Germans celebrate our National Day, I hope that democracy in Pakistan as well as the contacts between our two countries will be strengthened in the years to come.
Day of the Francisco Morazan Honduras - Oct 3
A r m e d For c e s D a y Egypt - Oct 6
Egypt celebrates Armed Forces Day on October 6 to commemorate the Egyptian Army’s successful crossing of the Suez Canal which led to the capture of the Bar Lev Line during the 1973 October War.
HISTORY Shortly after midday on Saturday, October 6,
1973, the October War began when Egypt and Syria launched a combined surprise military assault on Israel. They timed the attack on Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. During Yom Kippur, most Israelis were in synagogues praying and fasting. Due to the surprise attack, Egypt successfully crossed the Suez Canal on October 7 and Syrian forces advanced on the Golan Heights. However, after suffering heavy losses, Israeli forces succeeded in turning the tide of battle in the North by October 10. During the next three days, Israeli forces advanced into Syrian territory well beyond the 1967 ceasefire lines. On October 14, Israeli forces succeeded in crossing the Canal and surrounded the Egyptian Third Army. Despite a cease-fire agreement on 22 October, fighting continued which almost brought the USSR and the US to confrontation. On October 26, all parties involved in the war accepted a US-Soviet backed Security Council resolution calling for a ceasefire. Peace talks between Egypt and Israel continued for two months. US Secretary of State Kissinger actively participated in the said talks, which concentrated mainly on an Israeli withdrawal to post-Six Day War lines. Israel later agreed to pull back some 20 km from the Canal. On January 18, 1974, a Disengagement Agreement was signed between Israel and Egypt.
CUSTOMS AND ACTIVITIES Armed Forces Day celebrations typically include parades and other activities, as well as songs, and fireworks dis-
plays. In 1981, President Sādāt was assassinated during an Armed Forces Day parade in Cairo. The Egyptian Navy in October 2008 launched the largest exercise in its history to commemorate the Egyptian Armed Forces Day.
National German-American Day U.S. - Oct 6
German-American Day is a holiday in the United States, observed annually on October 6. The holiday, which celebrates German American heritage, commemorates the date in 1683 when 13 German families from Krefeld near the Rhine landed in Philadelphia. These families subsequently founded Germantown, Pennsylvania, the first German settlement in the original thirteen American colonies. Originally celebrated in the nineteenth century, German-American Day died out in World War I as a result of the anti-German sentiment that prevailed at the time. The holiday was revived in 1983. In 1983, President Ronald Reagan proclaimed October 6th as German-American Day to celebrate and honor the 300th anniversary of German American immigration and culture to the United States. On August 6, 1987, Congress approved S.J. Resolution 108, designating October 6, 1987, as German-American Day. It became Public Law 100104 when President Reagan signed it on August 18. A proclamation (#5719) to this effect was issued October 2, 1987, by President Reagan in a formal ceremony in the White House Rose Garden, at which time the President called on Americans to observe the Day with appropriate ceremonies and activities.
October Revolution War Syria, Egypt - Oct 6
The Yom Kippur War, Ramadan War or October War (Hebrew: םירופיכה םוי תמחלמ Milẖemet Yom HaKipurim or רופיכ םוי תמחלמMilẖemet Kipur; Arabic:برح Yom ربوتكأ ḥarb ʾUktōbar or نيرشت برحḥarb Tišrīn), also known as the 1973 ArabIsraeli War and the Fourth Arab-Israeli War, was fought from October 6 to 25, 1973, between Israel and a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria. The war began when the coalition launched a joint surprise attack on Israel on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in Judaism, which coincided with the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Egyptian and forces crossed Syrian ceasefire lines to enter the Israeli-held Sinai Peninsula Golan Heights and respectively, which had been captured and occupied since the 1967 Six-Day War. The conflict led to a near-confrontation between the two nuclear superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union,both of whom initiated massive resupply efforts to their allies during the war. The war began with a massive and successful Egyptian crossing of the Suez Canalduring the first three days, after which they dug in, settling into a stalemate. The Syrians coordinated their attack on the Golan Heights to coincide with the Egyptian offensive and initially made threatening gains against the greatly outnumbered Israelis. Within a week, Israel recovered and launched a four-day counter-offensive, driving deep into Syria. To relieve this pressure, the Egyptians went back on the offensive, but were decisively defeated; the Israelis then counterattacked at the seam between two Egyptian armies, crossed the Suez Canal, and advanced southward and westward in over a week of heavy fighting. An October 22 United Nations-brokered ceasefire quickly unraveled, with each side blaming the other for the breach. By 24 October, the Israelis had improved their positions considerably and completed their encirclement of Egypt's Third Army. This development led to tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. As a result, a second ceasefire was imposed cooperatively on October 25 to end the war. At the conclusion of hostilities, Israeli forces were 40 kilometres (25 mi) from Damascusand 101 kilometres (63 mi) from Cairo. The war had far-reaching implications. The Arab World, which had been humiliated by the lopsided rout of the Egyptian-Syrian-Jordanian alliance in the Six-Day War, felt psychologically vindicated by early successes in the conflict. In Israel, despite impressive operational and tactical achievements on the battlefield, the war effectively ended its sense of invincibility and complacency. The war also challenged many American assumptions; the United States initiated new efforts at mediation and peacemaking. These changes paved the way for the subsequent peace process. The Camp David Accords that followed led to the return of the Sinai to Egypt and normalized relations—the first peaceful recognition of Israel by an Arab country. Egypt continued its drift away from the Soviet Union and left the Soviet sphere of influence entirely.
Background The war was part of the Arab-Israeli conflict, an ongoing dispute which
included many battles and wars since 1948, when the state of Israel was formed. During the Six-Day War of 1967, the Israelis captured Egypt's Sinai Peninsula all the way to the Suez Canal, which became the cease-fire line, and roughly half of Syria's Golan Heights. According to Chaim Herzog: On June 19, 1967, the National Unity Government of Israel voted unanimously to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace agreements. The Golan would have to be demilitarized and special arrangement would be negotiated for the Straits of Tiran. The government also resolved to open negotiations with King Hussein of Jordan regarding the Eastern border. The Israeli decision was to be conveyed to the Arab states by the U.S. government. The U.S. was informed of the decision, but not that it was to transmit it. There is no evidence it was conveyed to Egypt or Syria. The decision was kept a closely guarded secret within Israeli government circles and the offer was withdrawn in October 1967. Egypt and Syria both desired a return of the land lost in the Six-Day War. In September 1967, the Khartoum Arab Summit issued the "three no's", resolving that there would be "no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel". In the years following the war, Israel erected lines of fortification in both the Sinai and the Golan Heights. In 1971, Israel spent $500 million fortifying its positions on the Suez Canal, a chain of fortifications and gigantic earthworks known as the Bar Lev Line, named after Israeli General Chaim Bar-Lev. President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt died in September 1970. He was succeeded by Anwar Sadat, who resolved to win back the lost territory. In 1971, Sadat, in response to an initiative by UN intermediary Gunnar Jarring, declared that if Israel committed itself to "withdrawal of its armed forces from Sinai and the Gaza Strip", to "achievement of a just settlement for the refugee problem", to "the withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from all the territories occupied since 5 June 1967", and to implementation of other provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 242 as requested by Jarring, Egypt would then "be ready to enter into a peace agreement with Israel." Israel responded that it would not withdraw to the pre-June 5, 1967 lines. Sadat hoped that by inflicting even a limited defeat on the Israelis, the status quo could be altered. Hafez al-Assad, the leader of Syria, had a different view. He had little interest in negotiation and felt the retaking of the Golan Heights would be a purely military option. After the Six-Day War, Assad had launched a massive military buildup and hoped to make Syria the dominant military power of the Arab states. With the aid of Egypt, Assad felt that his new army could win convincingly against Israel and thus secure Syria's role in the region. Assad only saw negotiations beginning once the Golan Heights had been retaken by force, which would induce Israel to give up the West Bank and Gaza, and make other concessions. Sadat also had important domestic concerns in wanting war. "The three years since Sadat had taken office... were the most demoralized in Egyptian history.... A desiccated economy added to the nation's despondency. War was a desperate option." In his biography of Sadat, Raphael Israeli argued that Sadat felt the root of the problem was in the great shame over the Six-Day War, and before any reforms could be introduced he felt that shame had to be overcome. Egypt's economy was in shambles, but Sadat knew that the deep reforms that he felt were needed would be deeply unpopular among parts of the population. A military victory would give him the popularity he needed to make changes. A portion of the Egyptian population, most prominently university students who launched wide protests, strongly desired a war to reclaim the Sinai and was highly upset that Sadat had not launched one in his first three years in office. The other Arab states showed much more reluctance to fully commit to a new war. King Hussein of Jordan feared another major loss of territory as had occurred in the Six-Day War, in which Jordan lost all of the West Bank, territory it had conquered and annexed in 1948-49 which had doubled its population. Sadat was also backing the claim of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to the West Bank and Gaza and in the event of a victory promised Yasser Arafat that he would be given control of them. Hussein still saw the West Bank as part of Jordan and wanted it restored to his kingdom. Moreover, during the Black September crisis of 1970, a near civil war had broken out between the PLO and the Jordanian government. In that war, Syria had intervened militarily on the side of the PLO, estranging Hussein. Iraq and Syria also had strained relations, and the Iraqis refused to join the initial offensive. Lebanon, which shared a border with Israel, was not expected to join the Arab war effort because of its small army and already evident instability. The months before the war saw Sadat engage in a diplomatic offensive to try to win support for the war. By the fall of 1973, he claimed the backing of more than a hundred states. These were most of the countries of the Arab League, Non-Aligned Movement, and Organization of African Unity. Sadat had also worked to curry favour in Europe and had some success before the war. Britain and France for the first time sided with the Arab powers against Israel on the United Nations Security Council.
A nwa r Sa da t
Upon learning of the impending attack, Pr im e M inis t e r of Is rael Golda Meir m a de t he c ont r ov e r sial decision not to launch a pre-empt iv e s t r ik e .
Events leading up to the war:
Following Israel's rejection of Sadat's peace initiative, which had proposed a full Israeli withdrawal to the pre-67 borders in exchange for a non-belligerency pact, Sadat declared that Egypt was prepared to "sacrifice a million Egyptian soldiers" to recover its lost territory. From the end of 1972, Egypt began a concentrated effort to build up its forces, receiving MiG-21 jet fighters, SA-2, SA-3, SA-6 and SA-7 antiaircraft missiles, T-55 and T-62 tanks, RPG-7 antitank weapons, and the AT-3 Sagger anti-tank guided missile from the Soviet Union and improving its military tactics, based on Soviet battlefield doctrines. Political generals, who had in large part been responsible for the rout in 1967, were replaced with competent ones. The role of the superpowers, too, was a major factor in the outcome of the two wars. The policy of the Soviet Union was one of the causes of Egypt's military weakness. President Nasser was only able to obtain the material for an anti-aircraft missile defense wall after visiting Moscow and pleading with Kremlin leaders. He said that if supplies were not given, he would have to return to Egypt and tell the Egyptian people Moscow had abandoned them, and then relinquish power to one of his peers who would be able to deal with the Americans. The Americans would then have the upper hand in the region, which Moscow could not permit. One of Egypt's undeclared objectives of the War of Attrition was to force the Soviet Union to supply Egypt with more advanced arms and matériel. Egypt felt the only way to convince the Soviet leaders of the deficiencies of most of the aircraft and air defense weaponry supplied to Egypt following 1967 was to put the Soviet weapons to the test against the advanced weaponry the United States had supplied to Israel. Nasser's policy following the 1967 defeat conflicted with that of the Soviet Union. The Soviets sought to avoid a new conflagration between the Arabs and Israelis so as not to be drawn into a confrontation with the United States. The reality of the situation became apparent when the superpowers met in Oslo and agreed to maintain the status quo. This was unacceptable to Egyptian leaders, and when it was discovered that the Egyptian preparations for crossing the canal were being leaked, it became imperative to expel the Soviets from Egypt. In July 1972, Sadat expelled almost all of the 20,000 Soviet military advisers in the country and reoriented the country's foreign policy to be more favorable to the United States. The Syrians remained close to the Soviet Union. The Soviets thought little of Sadat's chances in any war. They warned that any attempt to cross the heavily fortified Suez Canal would incur massive losses. Both the Soviets and the Americans were then pursuing détente, and had no interest in seeing the Middle East destabilized. In a June 1973 meeting with U.S. President Richard Nixon, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev had proposed Israel pull back to its 1967 border. Brezhnev said that if Israel did not, "we will have difficulty keeping the military situation from flaring up"—an indication that the Soviet Union had been unable to restrain Sadat's plans. In an interview published in Newsweek (April 9, 1973), President Sadat again threatened war with Israel. Several times during 1973, Arab forces conducted large-scale exercises that put the Israeli military on the highest level of alert, only to be recalled a few days later. The Israeli leadership already believed that if an attack took place, the Israeli Air Force (IAF) could repel it. Almost a full year before the war, in an October 24, 1972 meeting with his Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Sadat declared his intention to go to war with Israel even without proper Soviet support. Planning had begun in 1971 and was conducted in absolute secrecy—even the upper-echelon commanders were not told of war plans until less than a week prior to the attack, and the soldiers were not told until a few hours beforehand. The plan to attack Israel in concert with Syria was code-named Operation Badr (Arabic for "full moon"), after theBattle of Badr, in which Muslims under Muhammad defeated the Quraish tribe of Mecca.
Israeli F-4E Phantom of the type present in the dogfight over Sharm el-Sheikh. Small Egyptian roundels on nose credit the aircraft with three a e r ia l v ic t or ie s .
Lead-up to the surprise attack:
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Directorate of Military Intelligence's (abbreviated as "Aman") Research Department was responsible for formulating Israel's intelligence estimate. Their assessments on the likelihood of war were based on several assumptions. First, it was assumed correctly that Syria would not go to war with Israel unless Egypt did so as well. Second, the department learned from a high-level Egyptian informant, Ashraf Marwan, that Egypt wanted to regain all of the Sinai, but would not go to war until they were supplied MiG-23fighter-bombers to neutralize the Israeli Air Force, and Scud missiles to be used against Israeli cities as a deterrent against Israeli attacks on Egyptian infrastructure. Since they had not received MiG-23s, and Scud missiles had only arrived in Egypt from Bulgaria in late August and it would take four months to train the Egyptian ground crews, Aman predicted war with Egypt was not imminent. This assumption about Egypt's strategic plans, known as "the concept", strongly prejudiced the department's thinking and led it to dismiss other war warnings. The Egyptians did much to further this misconception. Both the Israelis and the Americans felt that the expulsion of the Soviet military observers had severely reduced the effectiveness of the Egyptian army. The Egyptians ensured that there was a continual stream of false information on maintenance problems and a lack of personnel to operate the most advanced equipment. The Egyptians made repeated misleading reports about lack of spare parts that also made their way to the Israelis. Sadat had so long engaged in brinkmanship that his frequent war threats were being ignored by the world. In May and August 1973, the Egyptian army conducted military exercises near the border, and the Israeli army mobilized in response both times at considerable cost. For the week leading up to Yom Kippur, the Egyptian army staged a week-long training exercise adjacent to the Suez Canal. Israeli intelligence, detecting large troop movements towards the canal, dismissed these movements as mere training exercises. Movements of Syrian troops towards the border were puzzling, but not a threat because, Aman believed, they would not attack without Egypt and Egypt would not attack until the weaponry they wanted arrived. On September 27 and 30, two batches of reservists were called up by the Egyptian army to participate in these exercises. Two days before the outbreak of the war, on October 4, the Egyptian command publicly announced the demobilization of part of the reservists called up during September 27 to lull suspicion on the Israeli side. Around 20,000 troops were demobilized, and subsequently some of these men were given leave to perform the Umrah (pilgrimage) to Mecca. The obvious reason for choosing the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur to stage a surprise attack on Israel was that on this specific holiday (unlike any other) the country comes to a complete standstill. Yom Kippur is the holiest day in the Jewish calendar; both religiously observant Jews and most of the secular majority fast, abstain from any use of fire, electricity, engines, communications, etc., and all road traffic ceases. Many soldiers also go home from military facilities for the holiday, and Israel is more vulnerable with much of its military on leave. The war coincided that year with the Muslim month of Ramadan, when many Arab Muslim soldiers also fast. Other analysts believe that the attack on Yom Kippur actually helped Israel to more easily marshal reserves from their homes and synagogues, because the nature of the holiday meant that roads and communication were largely open and this eased mobilizing and transporting the military. Despite refusing to participate, King Hussein of Jordan "had met with Sadat and [Syrian President] Assad in Alexandria two weeks before. Given the mutual suspicions prevailing among the Arab leaders, it was unlikely that he had been told any specific war plans. But it was probable that Sadat and Assad had raised the prospect of war against Israel in more general terms to feel out the likelihood of Jordan joining in." On the night of September 25, Hussein secretly flew to Tel Aviv to warn Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir of an impending Syrian attack. "Are they going to war without the Egyptians, asked Mrs. Meir. The king said he didn't think so. 'I think they [Egypt] would cooperate.'"Surprisingly, this warning fell on deaf ears. Aman concluded that the king had not told anything that was not already known. "Eleven warnings of war were received by Israel during September from well placed sources. But [Mossad chief] Zvi Zamir continued to insist that war was not an Arab option. Not even Hussein's warnings succeeded in stirring his doubts." He would later remark that "We simply didn't feel them capable [of War]." Finally, Zvi Zamir personally went to Europe to meet with Marwan at midnight on October 5/6. Marwan informed him that a joint Syrian-Egyptian attack was imminent. It was this warning in particular, combined with the large number of other warnings, that finally goaded the Israeli high command into action. Just hours before the attack began, orders went out for a partial call-up of the Israeli reserves. Ironically, calling up the reserves proved to be easier than usual, as almost all of the troops were at synagogue or at home for the holiday. The attack by the Egyptian and Syrian forces caught the United States by surprise. According to the future CIA Director and Defence Secretary Robert Gates, he was briefing a US arms negotiator on the improbability of armed conflict in the region when he heard the news of the outbreak of war on the radio. On the other hand, KGB learned about the attack in advance, probably from its intelligence sources in Egypt.
A n Is r a e li M 6 0 Pa t t on t a nk de s t r oy e d in t he Sina i
Lack of Israeli pre-emptive attack:
The Israeli strategy was, for the most part, based on the precept that if war was imminent, Israel would launch a pre-emptive strike. It was assumed that Israel's intelligence services would give, in the worst case, about 48 hours notice prior to an Arab attack. Golda Meir, Moshe Dayan, and General David Elazar met at 8:05 a.m. the morning of Yom Kippur, six hours before the war began. Dayan opened the meeting by arguing that war was not a certainty. Elazar then presented his argument in favor of a pre-emptive attack against Syrian airfields at noon, Syrian missiles at 3:00 p.m., and Syrian ground forces at 5:00 p.m. "When the presentations were done, the prime minister hemmed uncertainly for a few moments but then came to a clear decision. There would be no preemptive strike. Israel might be needing American assistance soon and it was imperative that it would not be blamed for starting the war. 'If we strike first, we won't get help from anybody', she said." Other developed nations, being more dependent on OPEC oil, took more seriously the threat of an Arab oil embargo and trade boycott, and had stopped supplying Israel with munitions. As a result, Israel was totally dependent on the United States for military resupply, and particularly sensitive to anything that might endanger that relationship. After Meir made her decision, at 10:15 a.m. she met with US ambassadorKenneth Keating in order to inform the United States that Israel did not intend to preemptively start a war, and asked that US efforts be directed at preventing war. An electronic telegram with Keating's report on the meeting was sent to the US at 16:33 GMT (6:33 p.m. local time). A message arrived later fromUnited States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger saying, "Don't preempt." At the same time, Kissinger also urged the Soviets to use their influence to prevent war, contacted Egypt with Israel's message of non-preemption, and sent messages to other Arab governments to enlist their help on the side of moderation. These late efforts were futile. According to Henry Kissinger, had Israel struck first, they would not have received "so much as a nail." David Elazar proposed a mobilization of the entire Air Force and four armored divisions, a total of 100,000 to 120,000 troops, while Dayan favored a mobilization of the Air Force and two armored divisions, totaling around 70,000 troops. Meir chose Elazar's proposal.
Casualties
Israel suffered between 2,520 and 2,800 killed in action. An additional 7,250 to 8,800 soldiers were wounded. Some 293 Israelis were captured. Approximately 400 Israeli tanks were destroyed. Another 600 were disabled but returned to battle after repairs. A major Israeli advantage, noted by many observers, was their ability to quickly return damaged tanks to combat. The Israeli Air Force lost 102 aircraft: 32 F-4s, 53 A-4s, 11 Mirages and 6 Super Mysteres. Two helicopters, a Bell 205 and a CH-53, were also shot down. According to Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, nearly half of these were shot down during the first three days of the war. IAF losses per combat sortie were less than in the preceding Six Day War of 1967. Arab casualties were known to be much higher than Israel's, though precise figures are difficult to ascertain as Egypt and Syria never disclosed official figures. The lowest casualty estimate is 8,000 (5,000 Egyptian and 3,000 Syrian) killed and 18,000 wounded. The highest estimate is 18,500 killed in action of which 15,000 were Egyptian and 3,500 Syrian. Most estimates lie somewhere in between the two, with the Insight Team of the London Sunday Times claiming combined Arab losses of 16,000 killed and yet another source citing a figure of some 15,000 dead and 35,000 wounded. Some 8,372 Egyptians and 392 Syrians were captured. Thirteen Iraqis and six Moroccans were also captured. Arab tank losses amounted to 2,250though Garwych cites a figure of 2,300. 400 of these fell into Israeli hands in good working order and were incorporated into Israeli service. Between 341 and 514 Arab aircraft were shot down. According to Herzog, 334 of these aircraft were shot down by the Israeli Air Force in air-to-air combat for the loss of only five Israeli planes. The Insight Team of the London Sunday Timesnotes Arab aircraft losses of 450. At sea, 19 Arab naval vessels, 10 of which were missile boats, were sunk for no Israeli losses.
Long-term effects The peace discussion at the end of the war was the first time that Arab and Israeli officials met for direct public discussions since the aftermath of the 1948 war.
Response in Israel:
Though the war reinforced Israel’s military deterrence, it had a stunning effect on the population in Israel. Following their victory in the Six-Day War, the Israeli military had become complacent. The shock and sudden reversals that occurred at the beginning of the war inflicted a terrible psychological blow to the Israelis, who had hitherto experienced no serious military challenges. A protest against the Israeli government started four months after the war ended. It was led by Motti Ashkenazi, commander of Budapest, the northernmost of the Bar-Lev forts and the only one during the war not to be captured by the Egyptians. Anger against the Israeli government (and Dayan in particular) was high. Shimon Agranat, President of the Israeli Supreme Court, was asked to lead an inquiry, the Agranat Commission, into the events leading up to the war and the setbacks of the first few days. The Agranat Commission published its preliminary findings on April 2, 1974. Six people were held particularly responsible for Israel's failings: 1) Though his performance and conduct during the war was lauded, IDF Chief of Staff David Elazar was recommended for dismissal after the Commission found he bore "personal responsibility for the assessment of the situation and the preparedness of the IDF." 2) Intelligence Chief, Aluf Eli Zeira, and his deputy, head of Research, Brigadier-General Aryeh Shalev, were recommended for dismissal. 3) Lt. Colonel Bandman, head of the Aman desk for Egypt, and Lt. Colonel Gedelia, chief of intelligence for the Southern Command, were recommended for transfer away from intelligence duties. 4) Shmuel Gonen, commander of the Southern front, was recommended by the initial report to be relieved of active duty. He was forced to leave the army after the publication of the Commission's final report, on January 30, 1975, which found that "he failed to fulfill his duties adequately, and bears much of the responsibility for the dangerous situation in which our troops were caught." Rather than quieting public discontent, the report—which "had stressed that it was judging the ministers' responsibility for security failings, not their parliamentary responsibility, which fell outside its mandate"—inflamed it. Although it had absolved Meir and Dayan of all responsibility, public calls for their resignations (especially Dayan's) intensified. On April 11, 1974, Golda Meir resigned. Her cabinet followed suit, including Dayan, who had previously offered to resign twice and was turned down both times by Meir. Yitzhak Rabin, who had spent most of the war as an advisor to Elazar in an unofficial capacity, became head of the new government, which was seated in June. In 1999, the issue was revisited by the Israeli political leadership to prevent similar shortcomings from being repeated. The Israeli National Security Council was created to improve coordination between the different security and intelligence bodies, and the political branch of government.
Hafez al-Assad (right) with s oldie r s , 1 9 7 3 .
Response in Egypt and Syria:
For the Arab states (and Egypt in particular), the psychological trauma of their defeat in the Six-Day War had been healed, allowing them to negotiate with the Israelis as equals. Due to the later setbacks in the war (which saw Israel gain a large salient on African soil and even more territory on the Syrian front), some believe that the war helped convince many in the Arab world that Israel could not be defeated militarily, thereby strengthening peace movements and ending the old Arab ambition of destroying Israel by force. General Shazli had angered Sadat for advocating the withdrawal of Egyptian forces from Sinai to meet the Israeli incursion on the West Bank of the Canal. Six weeks after the war, he was relieved of command and forced out of the army. Ultimately, he went into political exile for years. Upon his return to Egypt, he was placed under house arrest. Following his release, he advocated the formation of a "Supreme High Committee" modeled after Israel's Agranat Commission, to “probe, examine and analyze” the performance of Egyptian forces and command decisions during the war. His requests were ignored. His book, which candidly described Egyptian military failings and sharp disagreements he had with Ismail, Sadat and others in connection with the prosecution of the war, was banned in Egypt. The commanders of the Second and Third Armies, Generals Khalil and Wasel, were likewise dismissed from the army. The commander of the Egyptian Second Army at the start of the war, General Mamoun, suffered a heart attack or alternatively, a breakdown after the 14 October Sinai tank battle and was replaced by General Khalil. The Seventh Division commander, Gen. Omar Abash, who failed to break through Col. Avigdor Ben-Gal's brigade, was alternatively reported to have been killed in the fighting or to have died of a heart attack.
Camp David Accords:
The Yom Kippur War upset the status quo in the Middle East, and the war served as a direct antecedent of the 1979 Camp David Accords. Rabin's government was hamstrung by a pair of scandals, and he was forced to step down in 1977. The right-wing Likud party, under the prime ministership of Menachem Begin, won the elections that followed. This marked a historic change in the Israeli political landscape: for the first time since Israel's founding, a coalition not led by the Labor Party was in control of the government. Sadat, who had entered the war in order to recover the Sinai from Israel, grew frustrated at the slow pace of the peace process. In a 1977 interview with CBS News anchorman Walter Cronkite, Sadat admitted under pointed questioning that he was open to a more constructive dialog for peace, including a state visit. This seemed to open the floodgates, as in a later interview with the same reporter, the normally hard-line Begin – perhaps not wishing to be compared unfavorably to Sadat – said he too would be amenable to better relations and offered his invitation for such a visit. Thus, in November of that year, Sadat took the unprecedented step of visiting Israel, becoming the first Arab leader to do so, and so implicitly recognized Israel. The act jump-started the peace process. United States President Jimmy Carter invited both Sadat and Begin to a summit at Camp David to negotiate a final peace. The talks took place from September 5–17, 1978. Ultimately, the talks succeeded, and Israel and Egypt signed the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty in 1979. Israel withdrew its troops and settlers from the Sinai, in exchange for normal relations with Egypt and a lasting peace. Many in the Arab community were outraged at Egypt's peace with Israel. Egypt was expelled from the Arab League. Until then, Egypt had been "at the helm of the Arab world." Egypt's tensions with its Arab neighbors culminated in 1977 in the short-lived Libyan–Egyptian War. Sadat was assassinated two years later on October 6, 1981, while attending a parade marking the eighth anniversary of the start of the war, by Islamist army members who were outraged at his negotiations with Israel.
Oil embargo:
In response to U.S. support of Israel, the Arab members of OPEC, led by Saudi Arabia, decided to reduce oil production by 5% per month on October 17. On October 19, President Nixon authorized a major allocation of arms supplies and $2.2 billion in appropriations for Israel. In response, Saudi Arabia declared an embargo against the United States, later joined by other oil exporters and extended against the Netherlands and other states, causing the 1973 energy crisis.
Commemorations:
October 6 is a national holiday in Egypt called Armed Forces Day. It is a national holiday in Syria as well, where it is called "Tishreen Liberation Day". Marking the 35th anniversary in 2006, Hosni Mubarak said that the conflict "breathed new life" into Egypt. He said Egypt and Syria's initial victories in the conflict eased Arab bitterness over Israel's victory in the 1967 Six-Day War and ultimately put the two nations on a path of peaceful coexistence. In Egypt, many places were named after the October 6 date and Ramadan 10, its equivalent in the Islamic calendar. Examples of these commemorations are the 6th October Bridge in Cairo and the cities 6th of October City and 10th of Ramadan City. The "Museum of 6 October War" was built in 1989 in the Heliopolis district of Cairo. The center of the museum is occupied by a rotunda housing a panoramic painting of the struggle between Egyptian and Israeli armed forces. The panorama, the creation of which was outsourced to a group of North Korean artists and architects, is equipped with engines to rotate it 360° during a 30-minutes presentation accompanied by commentary in various languages. A similar museum, which was also built with North Korean assistance—the October War Panorama—operates in Damascus.
General Francisco Morazán (Central American pronunciation: moɾaˈsan; October 3, 1792 – September 15, 1842) was a Honduran general and a politician who ruled several Central American states at different times during the turbulent period from 1827 to 1842. He rose to prominence at the legendary Battle of La Trinidad on November 11, 1827. Since then, and until his execution in 1842, Morazán dominated the political and military scene of Central America. In the political arena, Francisco Morazán was recognized as a visionary and great thinker, as he attempted to transform Central America into one large and progressive nation. He enacted liberal reforms in the new Federal Republic of Central America, including freedom of the press, speechand religion. Morazán also limited church power by making marriage secular and abolishing government-aided tithing. These reforms made him some powerful enemies, and his period of rule was marked by bitter infighting between liberals and conservatives. But through his military skills, Morazán was able to keep a firm grip on power until 1837, when the Federal Republic became irrevocably fractured. This was exploited by the conservative leaders, who rallied around the leadership of Rafael Carrera and in order to protect their own interests, ended up dividing Central America into five nations.
Personal life
Early years and education:
José Francisco Morazán Quezada was born on October 3, 1792, in Tegucigalpa (then in theCaptaincy General of Guatemala, now the capital of Honduras) during the waning years of Spanish colonial rule to Eusebio Morazán Alemán and Guadalupe Quezada Borjas, both members of an upper-class Creole family dedicated to trade and agriculture. His grandparents were: Juan Bautista Morazán (a Corsican immigrant) and María Borjas Alvarenga. Thirteen days after his birth Morazán was baptized at San Miguel Arcángel church, by father Juan Francisco Márquez. Francisco Morazán was for the most part, a self-educated man. According to historian Ramon Rosa; he "had the misfortune of being born ... in that sad era of isolation and total darkness in which Honduras lacked schools ... therefore Morazan had to learn in private schools with an awful organization and sustained by parents' contributions." In 1804, his parents took advantage of the opening of a Catholic school in the village of San Francisco. At the age of twelve, José Francisco was sent there to learn to write and read, and to receive instruction in mathematics and drawing. The teachings he received were through Friar Santiago Gabrielino, appointed religious instructor to the Guatemalan priest José Antonio Murga. In 1808 Francisco Morazán and his family moved to Morocelí where they worked the fields inherited by Mr Eusebio. In addition, young José Francisco also engaged in helping the town's mayor with his clerk duties. On 1813 the family moved back to Tegucigalpa. Once there, Mr. Eusebio placed his son under the tutorship of Leon Vasquez who taught him civil law, criminal procedure and Notaries. Francisco now had access to a library where he learned French, which in turn, allowed him to familiarize himself with the works of Montesquieu, the social contract of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the French Revolution, the history of Europe, as well as the biographies of theGreek and Roman leaders. This dedication and spirit of improvement took Francisco to occasionally excel in his hometown, where he even represented the interest of some people before the colonial courts.
Marriage and family:
Francisco Morazán married María Josefa Lastiri in the Cathedral of Comayagua on December 30, 1825. They had one daughter, Adela Morazán Lastiri, born in San Salvador in 1838. Lastiri belonged to one of the wealthiest families in province of Honduras. Her father was the Spanish trader Juan Miguel Lastiri, who played an important part in the commercial development of Tegucigalpa. Her mother was Margarita Lozano, member of a powerful Creole family in the city. María Josefa was a widow who had first married the landowner Esteban Travieso, with whom she had 4 children. Upon his death, she inherited a fortune. Her fortune and the new circle of powerful and influential friends, that came out of this marriage only enhanced Morazán's own business, and thus his political and military projects. Outside his marriage, Francisco Morazán fathered a son, Francisco Morazán Moncada, who was born on October 4, 1827 to Francisca Moncada, daughter of a well known Nicaraguan politician named Liberato Moncada. Francisco Morazán Junior lived in the Morazán-Lastiri home and accompanied his father in Guatemala, El Salvador, Panama, Peru and finally in Costa Rica, where his father was executed. After the death of his father, Francisco Morazán Moncada settled in Chinandega, Nicaragua where he devoted himself to farming. He died in 1904 at age 77. Morazán also had an adoptive son named José Antonio Ruiz. He was the legitimate son of Eusebio Ruiz and the Guatemalan lady Rita Zelayandía, who handed her son to General Morazán when he was 14 years old. José Antonio accompanied his adoptive father on military actions and became a Brigadier General. He died in Tegucigalpa in 1883.
Early political and military career:
After the Captaincy General of Guatemala, which included Honduras, became independent from Spain (on September 15, 1821) Francisco Morazán began to take an active part in politics and public administration. He worked at Tegucigalpa's City Hall as deputy mayor and public defender in civil and criminal court cases. Such activities allowed him to acquire a great knowledge of the structure and operation of the public administration of the province. This job also allowed him to get in close contact with the problems of post-colonial society. In November 1821, shortly after the Captaincy had declared its independence from Spain, a group of dignitaries and politicians known as the 'Interim Advisory Board' sat in Guatemala City in the process of organizing a government to succeed Spanish colonial rule. On November 18, a note from General Agustin de Iturbide arrived in Guatemala City suggesting a union between the Captaincy and the Mexican Empire, pursuant to the Plan of Iguala and the Treaty of Córdoba. The members of the Interim Advisory Board, after reviewing the issue, stated they were not empowered nor deputized to decide on this matter, but suggested forums be held in different cities to hear the views of the people, and thus explore their willingness to go forward with the proposal. The question of annexation to Mexico caused divisions within each of the provinces as some cities were in favor and others against. In Honduras, Comayagua, through its Governor José Tinoco de Contreras, supported the idea of the annexation. But Tegucigalpa, the second most important city of the province, strongly opposed it. Tinoco then decided to take repressive actions against the authorities of that city. In order to offset Tinoco's aggressiveness and to defend their independence, an army of volunteers organized in Tegucigalpa. It was during these events, that Francisco Morazán enlisted as a volunteer at the service of the authorities in Tegucigalpa. He was appointed captain of one of the companies, by decision of the organizers of the militias. Thus began Morazán's military life and his struggle against conservative interests. Tegucigalpa could not maintain its opposition, however, and recognized its annexation to Mexico on August 22, 1822. The annexation to the Mexican Empire was short-lived, with the collapse of the Mexican Empire and the subsequent creation of the Federal Republic of Central America on April 1, 1823. That same year, the Constitutional Assembly in Guatemala appointed Morazán as a member of a commission to study the affairs of the Federation. That same commission determined the electoral districts, district boards and the departmental boards of the Federal Republic. A year later Morazán's uncle Dionisio de Herrera, was elected Head of State in Honduras. On September 28, 1824, he appointed Morazán as his secretary general.
President Manuel José Arce was exiled by General Morazán when the Civil War of the Federal Republic Background Central American Federation (1824–38) comprised the republics of Central en d ed
America—Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. United under a captaincy general in Spanish colonial times, they gained independence in 1821 and were briefly annexed to the Mexican empire formed by Agustín de Iturbide. On July 1, 1823, these nations regained their independence, and joined together in a loose federal state. On the following year, the Constituent Congress of Central America met in Guatemala City, in which the objective was to decide which system of government would be adopted for the young nation. On the table of debates, two different proposals emerged: the members of the Liberal Party wanted a federalist government, similar to that of the United States of 1789. This type of government would provide every state significant autonomy of self-administration, freedom to create its own laws and reforms, among other things, but always, under the supervision of the federal government, keeper of the constitution. The Conservatives on the other hand, wanted a centralist government. In this system, the decisions and laws adopted by the central government would apply equally to all the other states. After debating the proposals, the Liberal majority prevailed, and the federalist system was adopted. On November 22, 1824, under the motto: "God, Union, Liberty", the new constitution was approved, and the nation was renamed the Federal Republic of Central America, appointing Manuel José Arce (1825–29) as their first president.
Rise to power
Battle of 'La Trinidad':
In 1826, the Federal Government headed by Manuel José Arce pretended to dissolve the federal congress and called a meeting to be held in Cojutepeque, on October 10, 1826, to elect an extraordinary congress. This unconstitutional move was rejected by the Honduran head of state, Dionisio de Herrera. But President Arce did not recognize Herrera's authority, claiming that Herrera's provisional mandate had expired, and that he was in power illegitimately. For this reason, the National Assembly had called for new elections in Honduras, but Herrera had ignored this decree and remained in power. For these reasons, but under the guise of protecting Copán's tobacco plantations owned by the federal government, Arce decided to oust Herrera. This mission was entrusted to colonel Justo Milla, who on April 9, 1827, commanded 200 men and seized Comayagua (the state capital) capturing Herrera and sending him to a Guatemalan prison. While Milla was busy consolidating power in Comayagua, Morazán escaped from the federal troops. He left the besieged capital in the company of colonels Remigio Díaz and José Antonio Márquez, with the purpose of getting reinforcements in Tegucigalpa. Their plan was to return, and to liberate the state capital. Upon their return from Tegucigalpa, his men clashed with Milla's forces on the ranch 'La Maradiaga'. This confrontation, had no major consequences for either side; Milla remained in charge of Honduras, and Morazán left for Ojojona where he was captured and transferred to Tegucigalpa by order of Major Ramón Anguiano. But Francisco Morazán managed to escape from his captors and left for La Unión, El Salvador, with the intention of emigrating to Mexico.In La Unión, he met Mariano Vidaurre, a special Salvadoran envoy to the government of Nicaragua. Vidaurre convinced him that, in that country, he could find the military support he needed to expel Milla from Honduran territory. He arrived in the city of Leon, Nicaragua, where he met with the commander-in-chief of the Nicaraguan armed forces, José Anacleto "Cleto" Ordóñez. For Morazán the meeting paid off; the Nicaraguan leader provided him with weapons and a contingent of 135 men. These men were joined by Colonel Zepeda's troops from El Salvador, and some columns of Honduran volunteers in Choluteca, Honduras. When Justo Milla discovered the presence of Morazán in southern Honduras, he quickly moved his troops to Tegucigalpa, where he established his headquarters, meanwhile Morazán headed for Sabanagrande. At 9 am on a November 11, Morazán faced General Milla in the in the memorable battle of 'La Trinidad'. After five hours of intense fighting, Milla's federal troops were crushed by Morazán's men. Milla and few of his officers survived and fled the scene of battle. Following this victory, Morazán marched to Comayagua where he was declared Honduras' new Chief of State.
Civil War:
Following his victory at 'La Trinidad', Morazán emerged as the leader of the liberal movement and his military skills became known throughout Central America. For these reasons, Morazán received calls for help from liberals in El Salvador. As in Honduras, El Salvadoreans opposed the new congressmen and other government officials elected by the decree issued on October 10, 1826. They demanded their restitution, but President Manuel Arce argued that this move was necessary to re-establish the constitutional order. El Salvador responded by attempting to take-over the federal government through military force. President Arce however, defeated the Salvadorean army in Arrazola on March 23, 1828. He then ordered 2,000 federal troops under the command of General Manuel de Arzu to occupy El Salvador. This event marked the beginning of the civil war. Francisco Morazán accepted the challenge. He placed Diego Vigil as Honduras's new head of state and left for Texiguat, where he prepared the Salvadorean campaign. In April, 1828, Morazán headed to El Salvador with a force of 1,400 men. This group of militants, known as the "Army Protector of the Law", was composed of small groups of Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Salvadoreans, who brought their own tools of war; others had the support of Indians who served as infantry. Some volunteers continued his liberal convictions, others worked for a political leader, others simply hoped to get something for their efforts after the war ended. This was the combination of forces that joined Morazán in their fight against federal troops. While the Salvadorean army battled the Federal forces in San Salvador, Morazán positioned himself in the eastern part of the state. On July 6, Morazán defeated Col. Vicente Dominguez's Federal troops at the 'El Gualcho' ranch. In his memoirs, Morazán described the battle like this: "At 12 midnight I undertook my march... but the rain didn't let me turn the day, and I was forced to wait in El Gualcho,... At 3 o'clock in the morning, the rain stopped, I put two companies of hunters on the hill overlooking to the left of the ranch ... At 5 o'clock I learned the position occupied by the enemy.. I could not go back under these circumstances ... It was no longer possible to continue the march, without serious danger, a vast plain and the very presence of the enemy. Less I could defend myself in the ranch, placed under a height of more than 200 feet ... It was therefore necessary to accept the battle with all the advantages reached by the enemy ... I ordered the hunters to advance over the enemy to stop their movement... While the force rose by a slope and narrow path, fire broke-out...But 175 inexperienced soldiers made impotent for quarter of an hour, the repeated attacks by the bulk of the enemy. The enthusiasm that produced in all the soldiers the heroism of these brave Hondurans, exceeded the number of the enemy. When the action became general on both sides, our right wing was forced to back down. And occupied the light artillery that supported it. But the reserve working on that side, re-established our line, recovered the artillery and ended the action...The Salvadorans assistants.. arrived in time to pursue the dispersed..." enemy soldiers. Morazán kept on fighting around San Miguel, defeating every platoon dispatched by General Arzu from San Salvador. This prompted Arzu to leave Col. Montufar in charge of San Salvador and personally deal with Morazán. When the 'liberal caudillo' learned about this, he left for Honduras to recruit more troops. On September 20, Gen. Arzu was along the Lempa River with 500 men in pursuit of Morazán, when he learned that his forces had capitulated in Mejicanos. In the meantime, Morazán returned to El Salvador with a respectable army. Arzu feigning illness returned to Guatemala, leaving his forces under the command of lieutenant colonel Antonio de Aycinena. The colonel and his troops then marched towards Honduran territory, when they were intercepted by Morazán's men in San Antonio. On October 9 Aycinena was forced to surrender. With the capitulation of San Antonio, El Salvador was finally free of federal troops. On October 23, Morazán triumphantly entered the plaza of San Salvador. A few days later, he marched on Ahuachapán, to organize the army with which he intended to invade Guatemala.
Guatemala:
In Ahuachapán Morazán made every effort to organize a large army. He asked the government of El Salvador to provide 4,000 men, but had to settle for 2,000. When he was in position to act in early 1829, he sent a division commanded by Juan Prem to enter Guatemalan territory and to take control of Chiquimula. The order was carried out by Prem in spite of the resistance offered by the enemy. Shortly after, Morazán placed a small force near Guatemala City under the command of Col. Gutierrez to force the enemy out of their trenches and to cause the defection of their troops. Col. Dominguez had left from Guatemala City with 600 infantrymen to attack Prem but he was informed about Gutierrez's small force. He changed his course of action and went after Gutierrez. This opportunity was seized by Prem who then moved from Zacapa and on to Dominguez's forces, defeating them on January 15, 1829. Prem then was ordered to march with 1400 men under his command to occupy the post of San José, near the capital city. Meanwhile the people of Antigua organized against the Guatemalan government and placed the department of Sacatepequez under Morazán's protection. This prompted Morazán to invade Guatemala with his 'Protector Army of the law'. Morazán situated his men in the village of Pinula near the capital city. Military operations on the capital began with small skirmishes in front of government fortifications. On February 15 one of Morazán's largest divisions under the command of Cayetano de la Cerda was defeated in Mixco by federal troops. Due to this defeat Morazán lifted the siege of the city and concentrated his forces in Antigua. A strong division of federal troops followed him from the capital under the command of Col. Pacheco, heading towards Sumpango and Tejar with the purpose of attacking Morazán in Antigua. But Pacheco spread his forces, leaving some of them in Sumpango. When he went into San Miguelito with a smaller army, he was beaten by Morazán. This incident raised the morale of Morazán's men once again. After the victory of San Miguelito, Morazán's army grew larger when Guatemalan volunteers joined his ranks. On March 15 when Morazán was on his way to occupy his former positions, he was intercepted by Col. Prado's Federal troops at the 'Las Charcas' ranch. Morazán, with a superior position, crushed Prado's army. The battlefield was left full of dead bodies, prisoners and weapons, and Morazán moved on to recover his former positions in Pinula and Aceytuno, and to put Guatemala City under siege again. General Verveer, plenipotentiary minister of the king of the Netherlands to the Central America Federation, attempted to mediate between the Government under siege and Morazán, but they could not reach an agreement. Military operations continued, with great success for the allied army. On April 12, Guatemala's Chief of State, Mariano Aycinena, capitulated and the next day the Central Plaza was occupied by Morazán's troops. Immediately thereafter President Arce, Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Beltranena, and all the officials who had had some role in the war were sent to prison. After these events, the General ran the country dictatorially, until senator Juan Barrundia took over on June 25, 1829.
Presidency
First term, 1830-1834:
Francisco Morazán won the popular vote of the 1830 presidential election, against the conservative challenger José del Valle. He was inaugurated on September 16. In his inaugural speech he declared: "The sovereign people send me, to place myself, in the most dangerous of their destinies. I must obey and fulfill, the solemn oath that I have just rendered. I offer, to uphold the Federal Constitution, which I defended as a soldier and as a citizen." With Morazán's as president and governors sponsored by him, the liberals had consolidated power. The General was now in position to advance his liberal reforms. Through them, he attempted to dismantle what he felt were archaic Spanish institutions, and to give to his people a society based upon general education, religious liberty and social and political equality. In 1931 Morazán and Governor Mariano Galvez turned Guatemala into a testing ground for these 'enlightenment-like' policies. They oversaw the building of schools and roads, enacted free trade policies, invited foreign capital and immigrants, allowed secular marriage and divorce and freedom of speech, tried to make public lands available to the expanding cochineal economy, separated church from state, abolished tithes, proclaimed religious liberties, confiscated church property, suppressed religious orders, and removed education from church control, among other policies. All of this new approved legislation struck a blow at the heart of the Guatemalan oligarchy. But more importantly, it stripped the Spanish clergy of their privileges, and curtailed their power. According to historian Mary Wilhelmine Williams: "The immediate reasons for the different enactments varied. Some laws were intended to protect the state from the clergy ... others aimed to help the recoup the public treasure, and at the same time sweep away aristocratic privilege; while still other legislation – especially that of latter date – was enacted for the punishment of opposition to earlier acts and of intrigues against the government" when Francisco Morazán first came to power. Back then, the General had to expel from the country archbishop Ramon Casaus and certain members of the monastic orders, because they were under suspicion of opposing independence. They used their influence against him and the liberal party during the civil war. They also had opposed the reforms, particularly those in the interest of general education which the liberals were determined to push. In March, 1832, another conflict erupted in El Salvador. Chief of State, José María Cornejo had rebelled against some federal decrees, which prompted President Morazán to act. The commander in chief at the head of the Federal Troops marched on to El Salvador where they beat Cornejo's State Army on March 14. On the 28 of the same month, Morazán had occupied San Salvador. From that point forward, rumors about the need to reform the constitution began.
Second term, 1834-1838:
In 1834 at the request of Governor, Mariano Galvez, the General moved the capital city to Sonsonate and later to San Salvador. The same year, the first four years of Francisco Morazán's presidency had ended. According to the constitution, elections needed to be held in order to elect the next president of the Republic. Moderate, José Cecilio del Valle ran against the incumbent president; for this reason, General Francisco Morazán deposited the presidency on General Gregorio Salazar, so the federal congress could verify the fairness of the election. When all the votes were counted, José del Valle had defeated Francisco Morazán. The Federal elections showed strong popular opposition to liberal reforms. Valle, however, died before taking office. Most historians agree that had he lived, he might have brought conciliation and harmony between the opposing forces (Liberals and Conservatives). On June 2, the Federal Congress called for new elections, which were won by Francisco Morazán. On February 14, 1835. General Morazán, was sworn as president for a second term.
End of the Federation:
In February 1837 there occurred in Central America a series of events that ignited a revolution that culminated with the fall of the Federation. An epidemic of cholera scourged Guatemala leaving approximately 1000 people dead and 3000 infected with the virus. The epidemic struck especially the poor and the Indians in the highlands of the state. At the time when it appeared, the Indians of the district of Mita, influenced by their priests, were much perturbed over the system of trial by jury (incomprehensible to them) which was being introduced. The disease spread rapidly and the government of Mariano Galvez, hoping to alleviate the situation, dispatched the available physicians, medical students and remedies for distribution. But these measures were of little help because the Indians continued to die. The church viewed this as an opportunity to strike back a the liberal government of Mariano Galvez. The local priests spread the rumor that the government had poisoned the rivers and streams for the purpose of wiping out the indigenous population, and repopulating it with foreigners. In proof, they pointed to a recent grant of territory in Vera Paz made to a British colonization company. A cry was then raised by the frantic Indians against their supposed murderers. As the cholera continued to spread the Indians took to arms, killed whites and liberals, burned their houses, and prepared to confront Galvez's government. The governor sent an army to try to stop the revolt. But the army's measures were so repressive, that it only made matters worse. By June Santa Rosa erupted, and from the village of Mataquescuintla emerged a young Rafael Carrera. Carrera was an illiterate, but shrewd and charismatic swineherd turned highwayman, whom the rebels wanted as their leader. The priests proclaimed to the natives that he was their protecting angel Rafael, descended from the heavens to take vengeance on the heretics, Liberals and foreigners and to restore their ancient dominion. They devised various tricks to favor the delusion, which were heralded as miracles. A letter was let down from the roof of one of the churches, in the midst of a vast congregation of Indians, which was supposed to come from the Virgin Mary, commissioning Carrera to lead a revolt against the government. Under cries of "Long live religion!", and "Death to foreigners!", Carrera and his forces initiated a war against the government. Encouraged by these events the conservatives joined in. The liberal government called General Morazán for help. Francisco Morazán repeatedly defeated Carrera's forces and pacified the state, but he could never catch the Indian leader, as he simply retreated to the mountains and came back to re-occupy the key positions as soon as Morazán's troops left. By 1838 Morazán was presiding over a dying institution. Galvez had relinquished power, Congress tried to restore some life to the Federal Government by transferring control of their custom revenues. But Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica opposed this move and used it as an opportunity to leave the union. The Federation was dead. On February 1, 1839, Morazán had completed his second constitutional term as president, congress had dissolved and there was no legal basis to name his successor. In the end ignorance, the power of the church, bitter infighting between conservatives and liberals, and the quest for personal glory were the main reasons for the downfall of the 'Federation'.
Chief of state
After Francisco Morazán's second term as President of the Federal Republic ended, he was left without political or military power. On July 13, 1839, however, the general was elected Chief of State of El Salvador. When Rafael Carrera and the Guatemalan conservatives learned about Morazán's new role, they declared war on El Salvador. Francisco Morazán personified the 'Old Federation' itself and for that reason alone they vowed to defeat him. On July 24, Guatemala and Nicaragua signed a treaty of alliance against Morazán's Government. Carrera then called the Salvadorian people to rise against their government. These calls resulted in small uprisings within El Salvador, but they were quickly put down and without much effort by Morazán. When Carrera's attempt failed, Morazán's enemies formed an army of Nicaraguan and Honduran troops. On September 25, 1839, these forces invaded El Salvador and faced Morazán's army during the Battle of San Pedro Perulapán. The General only needed 600 Salvadorans to defeat 2,000 men commanded by Generals Francisco Ferrera, Nicolás de Espinosa, and Manuel Quijano. After their defeat, the humiliated generals and their troops fled to neighboring states, leaving behind over three hundred dead.
Defeat:
On March 18, 1840 Morazán made a last attempt to restore the 'Union'. He gathered what he thought, were enough Salvadorean forces to face Carrera and with them marched to Guatemala. Once positioned, Morazán moved in from the south, striking towards the capital. Carrera then pulled most of his own force out of the capital, leaving only a small, very visible garrison inside. Morazán jumped in, slaughtered much of the bait, then found himself assaulted from all directions by Carrera's main force of about 5,000 men. It was a battle which became notorious for its savagery and revealed the ruthless side of Carrera. whose Indians sang Salve Regina, and shouted "Long Live Carrera!", "Death to Morazán!" By the next morning, it was Morazán who was running out of ammunition. He then ordered an increase in fire from three corners of the plaza, in order to attract attention, while he himself slipped out through the fourth corner of the plaza with a small escort, to escape back to El Salvador. This time, the General didn't have the support of the common people he needed it, as he had in 1830. The 'Liberal Reforms' hadn't produce enough of good results for the people to believe, but rather, they resented some of them as it was the case with the Livingston Code, the system of taxation, among others. As for the 'Liberals', they were too busy fighting among themselves that even former liberal president, José Francisco Barrundia had joined Rafael Carrera. Morazán's defeat was so decisive that on March 27, he deposited the headquarters of the State in the hands of director José Antonio Canas and directed a proclamation to the people of El Salvador. Morazán, did not want to cause any more problems to the Salvadoreans. With Francisco Morazán's final defeat, the hopes of a Central American federation vanished.
Bust of Morazán at San Pedro Perulapán, El Salvad o r
Exile in South America
On April 8, 1840, General Francisco Morazán took the road of exile. He left from the port of La Libertad, El Salvador, and embarked on the schooner Izalco accompanied by 30 of his closest friends and war veterans. He stopped in Costa Rica where he sought and got political asylum for most of his companions. Seven of them continued the journey to South America with him. Morazán landed at Chiriquí Province, then he moved on to David where his family awaited him. While in David, Morazán was informed by his friends about the fierce persecutions suffered by his supporters at the hands of Rafael Carrea and other Central American leaders. Outraged by this and by the chain of insults and slander against him by some members of the press, he wrote and published his famous 'Manifest of David' dated July 16, 1841. When he was still in David, Morazán also received calls from his liberal colleagues in Costa Rica. Braulio Carrillo, governor of that state had restricted individual liberties, placed limits on freedom of the press, and derogated the Political Constitution of 1825. He replaced it with a new constitutional charter, denominated "Law of Bases and Guarantees", where he declared himself 'Chief of State for Life'. Furthermore, Carrillo declared Costa Rica a free and independent State. However, Morazán wanted to stay away from Central America affairs, and he travelled to Peru. Once in Lima, he received the invitation of Mariscal Agustín Gamarra to command a Peruvian division, at a time when his country was at war with Chile. But Morazán declined, because he found this war to be very confusing and troubling. Peru, Bolivia, Colombia and Chile were all involved in a twelve-year war, which brought about a train of baneful stages of chaos, among all countries involved. In Peru, Morazán was fortunate to find good friends with whom he shared the same ideals. These included Generals José Rufino Echenique and Pedro Bermudez. Around 1841, the English began to intervene in the Mosquito territory, located between Honduras and Nicaragua. This event prompted Morazán to end his self-imposed Peruvian exile, and he decided that it was time to return to Central America. With the financial backing of General Pedro Bermudez, he departed from Callao on board the "Crusader" in late December 1841. On that trip he was accompanied by General Cabañas and Saravia, and five other officers. He and his companions made stops in Guayaquil, Ecuador and Chiriqui where he had the chance to meet with his family before returning to Central America.
Return:
On January 15, 1841, Morazán arrived in El Salvador. He made himself available to the Central American leaders for the common defense against the British intervention. On February 16, 1842, he told his countrymen that his return was a "duty" and a "irresistible national sentiment", not only for him but for all "those who have a heart for their homeland." But his offers were rejected, nonetheless. After this episode, he put forth a plan to overthrow Costa Rican head of State Barulio Carrillo. In La Union, El Salvador, Morazán hired three boats. He then travelled to Acajutla, San Salvador and Sonsonate where he was able to reactivate the local forces. From Acajutla, he left for the island of Martin Perez, located on the Gulf of Fonseca. There he organized a military contingent of about 500 men. On April 7 and without any mishap, Morazán's fleet of five vessels landed at Port of Caldera in Costa Rica. When Braulio Carrillo was informed of the presence of Morazán in Costa Rica, he organized a military force under the command of General Vicente Villasenor. On April 9, 1842, Morazán issued a proclamation to the people of Costa Rica in which he stated that he was never indifferent to the "misfortunes" of the Costa Rican people. "Your cries", he said, "have for a long time hurt my ears, and I finally found the means to save you, even at the expense of my own life". With more experience and political skills, Morazán avoided an armed confrontation with the forces sent by Carrillo. Through negotiations, he and Vicente Villaseñor signed "The Jocote Accord". This agreement provided for the integration of a single military body, the convening of a National Constituent Assembly, the ousting of Braulio Carrillo and other members of his administration, and the installation of a provisional government under the command of Francisco Morazán. On April 13, 1842, Morazán's forces entered the city of San José. Thereafter Chief Carrillo was persuaded to accept the treaty. He approved it only when some modifications were added. He then turned the government over to Morazán and left the country. Morazán's first act was to open the doors of the state to Costa Rican and Central American political refugees. He then abolished the laws that Carrillo had imposed limiting trade and property, restored individual and political rights,devoted himself to urgent reforms, and convened the Constituent Assembly, which appointed him Supreme Chief of the Costa Rican State. According to historian Gomez Carrillo, in the months that followed, Morazán concentrated on recruiting military personnel for the purpose of 'restoring the Central America motherland.' Thereafter, rumors of the possibility of war against the neighboring states spread. This troubled Costa Ricans; they feared Rafael Carrera would intervene in their affairs, specially after Guatemala broke ties with them. In addition they felt financially incapable of sustaining a war, and also considered it unnecessary. After all, the restoration of the 'Union' was a cause they didn't believe in. For all these reasons they decided to conspire against Morazán.
His death:
On September 11, 1842, a popular movement opposed to Morazán erupted in San José. Led by Portuguese General Antonio Pinto Soares, 400 men attacked Morazán's guard of 40 Salvadoreans.Morazán and his men managed to repel the attacks and retreat to their headquarters. The fighting continued bloody and relentless, and the insurgents increased to 1000, while the besieged diminished. Chaplain José Castro then proposed a capitulation to Morazán ensuring his life, but he refused. After 88 hours of fighting, Morazán and his closest collaborators resolved to break the siege. General José Cabañas with 30 men held the retreat, which made it possible for the others to flee towards Cartago. But the insurrection had spread there too, so Morazán turned for help to his friend, Pedro Mayorga. But Mayorga betrayed him, and turned him over to his enemies along with generals, Vicente Villaseñor, José Saravia and José Trinidad Cabañas. Saravia committed suicide, Villaseñor attempted the same but survived. Subsequently, Morazán and Vicente Villaseñor were sentenced to death. On September 15, Morazán and Villaseñor were transferred to the central plaza in San José. Before his execution, Morazán dictated his famous will to his son, Francisco. In it, he calls his death "murder" and declares, "I do not have enemies, nor the smaller resentment I take to the grave against my murderers, I forgive them and wish them the greatest good." When he was done, a chair was offered to him but he refused it. Seated next to him was Gen. Villaseñor, sedated and almost unconscious. Morazán then said, "Dear friend, posterity will do us justice" and crossed himself. A few minutes later, Morazán himself commanded the firing squad that ended his life and that of Villaseñor. With his death, the nation lost a man described by José Martí as "a powerful genius, a strategist, a speaker, a true statesman, perhaps the only one Central America has ever produced". In 1848, the government of José María Castro sent Morazán's remains to El Salvador, fulfilling one of his last wishes.
Politics and the failed Federation
More than a man of ideas, Morazán was a man of action wrote biographer Rafael Eliodoro Valle. But his name can not fail to brighten the history of ideas in Central America, because he knew how to instill in them; the power of his sincerity, the passion that inflamed him, and his faith in the future, like men of vision who always think big. Francisco Morazán pushed with his liberal and progressive ideas a series of revolutionary measures for the time. Thus, promoting education, immigration, established freedom of worship and the press. The first federal administration headed by Morazán was oriented to the peaceful reconstruction of the several States that comprised the republic. When liberalism seemed to finally find the opportunity to implement its noblest principles, after a long process of integration as ideological tendency, as a political group and as a power option, the liberal regime was unable to achieve cohesion within the Central American society. The Liberals' sustained fight against the aristocracy and their quest to exclude conservatives from political life was not accompanied by a parallel effort to integrate other sectors such as indigenous people, (The bulk of the population) to the national modern project that they so vehemently postulated. The indigenous people never found the liberal proposal to be attractive enough, so as to break free from the deep rooted ancient order taught by the Church and the stability they have had for three centuries under the colonial regime. According to writer, David Alejandro Luna, one of Morazán's biggest mistakes was to not design a plan to break the feudal estates where his secular enemies were sitting ... Morazán's fight was marred of romanticism, his strategic line tended to politically displace the oppressive aristocratic landowners of Central America, his tactics however, disagreed with the political reality. Despite the strenuous efforts made by General Francisco Morazán from the presidency of the Republic. The clerical and aristocratic forces staged a strong anti-liberal building block taking advantage of the fanaticism and discontent that permeated large sections of the population, especially in the state of Guatemala.
Legacy:
Francisco Morazán became a martyr and a symbol of the Republic of Central America. He gave his life however unsuccessfully, attempting to preserve the 'Union'. Now, more than one hundred and sixty years after his death, Central America still plagued by power struggles, corruption, and poverty. More often than not, the five republics have emulated Carrera than Morazán; but the dream of The Great Central American Country still alive. His image can be found in bills, logos, and stamps. Institutions, cities, departments, schools, and parks among other things bear Morazán's name, in order to preserve his legacy. El Salvador was among the first countries to pay tribute to Morazán. On March 14, 1887. The National Assembly of the Republic of El Salvador replaced the name of the department of "Gotera" with "Morazán". So as "to perpetuate the name of the great leader of the Central American Union". In 1943, Honduras renamed the Tegucigalpa department, Francisco Morazán. On Novembre 15, 1887 the town of Tocoy Tzimá became 'Morazán' in Guatemala. In 1945, Port Morazán was founded in Nicaragua. In the political field the idea of integration is still preserved in the mind of many Central Americans. For example; the Central American Parliament, also known by the abbreviation "Parlacen" (from the Spanish Parlamento Centroamericano). This is a political institution devoted to the integration of the Central American countries. The Parlacen represents a modern version of the historic Federal Republic of Central America, though not including Costa Rica but including Panama and the Dominican Republic. In the past several unsuccessful attempts have been made to restore the 'Union' (1851, 1886, 1921) Morazán's legacy is also present in the arts. The first play of record in El Salvador is titled "La Tragedy of Morazán" written by Francisco Díaz(1812–45) and dramatizing the life of the Central American President. The modern period of in Honduran theater began with Luis Andrés Zúñiga Portillo when he wrote "Los Conspiradores" (The Conspirators, 1916), a historic drama that honored the virtues of Francisco Morazán. In his book Canto General, Pablo Neruda also pays tribute to the 'Liberal Caudillo', with a poem to Central America. Statues and busts of Francisco Morazán can be found in Chile, El Salvador, United states, Spain among others. The most famous and controversial of these, is the equestrian statue of Morazán located in Tegucigalpa's Central Park. On his book The Open Veins of Latin America, Uruguayan writer, Eduardo Galeano mentions, that this statue is that of French marshal Michel Ney. According to Galeano, the statue was bought at a flea market, because the persons entrusted to buy it, spent the money in binges. He later retracted. Similar comments were made by Gabriel García Márquez.
HUNGARY The Fundamental Law guarantees “fourth generation human rights”, President at the UNGA (Online 26 Sep) President of Hungary János Áder and Minister for Foreign Affairs János Martonyi are attending the general debate of the 67th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. In his address, János Áder said that Hungary's new constitution guarantees constitutional as well as “fourth generation human János Áder with Barack and Michelle Obama rights”. “Europe's youngest constitution in- supplies; biodiversity – in particular cludes almost all the elements of the native plant and animal species; and Charter of Fundamental Rights of the cultural assets. The State – and every European Union and the system of person – is obliged to protect, sustain checks and balances established in and preserve these for future gener1990,” he said. A new element is that ations. the constitution sets limits on public Highlighting the importance of water spending and growth of government management, the President said that debt, and it provides guarantees for Hungary considers water and sanitameeting international legal obliga- tion to be one of the most important tions and for respecting widely-recog- issues of the 21st century. In light of this, in recent years Hungary has nised rules of international law. The President added that Hungary's taken part in the work of the UN's Friends of Water working group. Furnew constitution has adopted several so-called fourth generational basic thermore, Hungary will host a conference on water and sanitation in rights, too. These include the protection of: natural resources, especially Budapest next autumn. In addition to his participation at the farmland, forests and drinking water
UN General Assembly, on Wednesday at Hungary’s main consulate in New York, the President greeted around 100 Hungarian Americans who have recently taken up Hungarian citizenship, telling them that they could count on Hungary now more than ever, and that their homeland would similarly count on them. Hungarian Foreign Minister János Martonyi will also attend the general debate of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. According to a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the minister will attend a plenary session focusing on topical and regional issues, and will address several sessions and have bilateral talks with his counterparts from Kazakhstan, Serbia, Kosovo and Palestine. He will also attend the opening of the European Union's New York representation and meet representatives of Jewish organisations in the US. In addition, he is scheduled to take part in an oathtaking ceremony at Hungary's consulate general in New York for those taking up Hungarian citizenship.
H unga r ia n Gov t would s e a l a n a gr e e m e nt with the IM F: PM (Online 28 Sep) Hungary can reach an agreement with international lenders based on letters sent by the government to the International Monetary Fund and the European Commission, said Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in his Friday interview on the regular morning show called 180 Minutes (MR1 Kossuth, Hungarian public radio). Orban stressed he wanted to seal an agreement with the IMF
which would help Hungary continue
on the path that it embarked on. He did not mention a deadline for a possible agreement. With regard to alternative proposals sent last We r d n e s d a y, chief negotiator Mihály Varga had earlier said the proposals were in connection with public finances and the budget, but insisted that the government was committed to implementing its job protection plan and would not cut pensions, wages or benefits.
New National Military Strategy an Important Milestone 24 (Online Sep) Defence Minister Csaba Hende called the new National Military Strategy and important mileThe stone. Minister spoke at a press conference, following a five-party consultation in Budapest on 21 September. According to Minister Csaba Hende, the renewal of the strategy was n e c e s s a r y, since the previous document did not reckon János Áder with Barack and Michelle Obama with the very severe and lasting consequences of ment necessary. He said that the curthe global economic crisis, which rent state of the Hungarian Defence have constrained the options for plan- Forces presents a mixed picture: they have constrained financial options ning the defence budget as well. Minister Hende said that the strategic and obsolete military equipment, are running out, but there are which goals set out in the new document include the stabilization of the system more and more soldiers with internaexperience. tional and the launch of sustainable development process. To achieve these Therefore, “the creation of a modern goals, the national armed forces will military force with flexibly and effecbe reinforced with further effectively tively deployable capabilities, a balstructure and a deployable capabilities and comple- anced mented with a well-functioning sys- complementary well-functioning sysof volunteer reserve is an ambitem tem of volunteer reserve, he added. The Minister pointed out that the un- tious yet real long-term goal”, the predictability of long-term events Minister stressed. To achieve all this, adds further significance to the role of in the medium term we need to prethe military, and makes its develop- serve the capabilities of the Hungar-
Defence ian and Forces launch them on a sustainable course of development – he added. Minister Csaba reHende that minded considering the economic realities, the Gove r n m e n t recently committed itself in a decree to mainthe taining nominal value of the defence until budget 2016 so that the Hungarian D e f e n c e Forces can fulfill their statuand other international tory obligations. After that, the Government will increase the defence budget by 0.1% of the GDP per year, so it will reach 1.39% of the GDP by 2022, the Minister added. The strategy is part of the national security strategy, which the Government endorsed this spring, the Minister said. The military strategy is available on the homepage of the Ministry, where anyone can read it and comment on it until November. After that, it will be submitted to the Defence and Law Enforcement Committee of the Parliament and then the government can endorse it by a decree.
Minister Martonyi met with his Egyptian colleague in New York (Online 28 Sep) Foreign Minister János Martonyi had a meeting with Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohammad Kamal Amr at the UN General Assembly in New York on September 27. The two ministers agreed that they would bolster cooperation between their countries. Minister Martonyi expressed his appreciation for the domestic and foreign policy achievements accomplished by the new Egyptian leadership since the government was formed. He offered to share Hungary’s experience on democratic transition. The Hungarian Foreign Minister said that Hungary would be interested in learning more about the plans of the Egyptian leadership, and
urged to intensify high-level political dialogue between the two countries. This would include having more visits to Hungary by the decision-makers of the Egyptian Government. The two embassies in Budapest and Cairo also have an important role to play in the development of bilateral relations. Foreign Minister János Martonyi said that he was happy to see the developing economic relations between the two countries; the 20 million euro contract concluded recently between the Egyptian State Railways Company and Ganz Motor Ltd was an important step forward in this respect. Minister Mohammad Kamal Amr stated, in response to János Martonyi’s suggestions, that the
Egyptian Government was ready to intensify cooperation with Hungary. The Egyptian Foreign Minister also pointed out that Hungarian railway manufacturing has had an excellent reputation in Egypt for a long time, therefore Egypt would be expecting Hungarian investment primarily in transport, but also in other fields. Foreign Minister Kamal Amr claimed that the Egyptian leadership was deeply concerned about the Syrian crisis, for the dissolution of the country would seriously destabilize the entire region. Egypt was interested in resolving the crisis as soon as possible, Minister Mohammad Kamal Amr declared.
Foreign Minister met his Palestinian counterpart in US (Online 28 Sep) Foreign Minister János Martonyi had a meeting with Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad alMalki in New York on September 27, 2012. The two ministers had a discussion about the situation in the Middle East. Minister Riyad al-Malki informed his colleague, among others, about the latest Palestinian proposal, which had been handed over to the Israeli government a few days ago. He stressed that only the two-state solution can lead to a long-term settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. At their meeting they also touched
upon the Palestinian initiative concerning their UN status. The two foreign ministers agreed that only direct negotiations between the Israeli and the Palestinian parties can yield a lasting solution. As Minister Martonyi stated, Hungary appreciated that the Palestinian party was ready to consult with the European Union and its Member States. The foreign ministers of EU member states are following the issue closely. Foreign Minister Martonyi stated that Hungary would finalize its position and decide about how to vote after consulting with the EU member states about the text of the Palestin-
ian proposal. The Hungarian Foreign Minister emphasized that it was in Hungary’s interest to find a fair and just solution. Hungary is committed to a lasting and just peace in the Middle East, to the establishment of sovereign and viable Palestinian State living in peace with its neighbors, and to the security of Israel. Foreign Minister János Martonyi invited his Palestinian counterpart to visit Hungary, and expressed his willingness to visit the Palestinian Authority in the course of his trip to the region in December.
Viktor Orbán pays two-day visit to Georgia (Online 27 Sep) Prime Minister Viktor Orbán visited Georgia on Wednesday at the invitation of President Mikheil Saakashvili. At the start of his two-day visit, the Prime Minister was received by the President at his palace in Tbilisi. Orbán also laid a wreath at a memorial to local heroes. At the inauguration of a new airport in
Kutaisi, built with the contribution of five Hungarian companies, the Prime Minister said that Hungary would provide full support to Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. At the end of his visit in Kutaisi, the Prime Minister held a speech at the city stadium stressing that Georgia, along with Hungary, must follow the path towards the creation of a com-
petitive, European state. Later in the day, Orbán Viktor will meet with David Bakradze, speaker of the Georgian Parliament and Ivane Merabisvili, Prime Minister of Georgia. The politicians are scheduled to sign an agricultural agreement and will consult on the setting up of a joint economic committee.
Zoltán Balog negotiated in Norway and participated in Roma integration conference (Online 27 Sep) Minister of Human Resources Zoltán Balog held a speech about the relationship between employment policy and the National Social Inclusion Strategy. Among the work programs dedicated to increasing employment, he highlighted the Start work program stating that 200 thousands people are already working within its framework in Hungary. He declared that it is very important that the state should provide work opportunities when the economy does not have the capacity to do so. The Minister also negotiated about the support provided by the Norwegian Fund. Zoltán Balog pointed out that the main topic of discussion was the sum of 13 billion HUF intended for
use in inclusion programs, in order to decide if they should implement targeted Roma programs or handle poverty as a common issue. Zoltán Balog stated that he took position on the latter because he considers mixed programs necessary, provided that during implementation special attention is paid to the proportional inclusion of Roma people. He added that „we do not want solely ethnic programs because those increase prejudices and negative emotions”. The Norwegian Fund is the assistance fund that is granted by Iceland, Liechtenstein and primarily Norway to those Eastern and Central European countries that recently joined the European Union. According to the Minister of Human
Resources, the first phase of the program from 2009 to 2014 has been closed following the decision on support allocations, and now only the fund transfers have to be implemented. In the next period between 2012 and 2016, Hungary will receive an amount of 40 billion HUF and the current discussions with those involved centred on its distribution principles, tenders and goals. Regarding the application of funding, one third of the 40 billion sum will be allocated for inclusion and two thirds for other needs such as health care, support of civil associations, research and development, work related to renewable energy, the preservation of cultural and natural heritage, and green industry innovation.
EU's Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee’s 3-day visit to Hungary (Online 26 Sep) A delegation from the European Union's Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee visited Hungary between 24 and 26 of September following a request from the European Parliament to prepare a report on whether recently adopted laws in Hungary are in line with the fundamental rights and norms included in the European treaties and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. The Committee also included Hungarian Members of the European Parliament, such as former Foreign Minister Kinga Göncz and member of the Hungarian Jobbik Party Krisztina Morvai. The Hungarian Government welcomed the fact that the delegation visited the country to gather information objectively and offered its full cooperation. The European Parliament officials met with key figures of the
Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Public Administration and Justice. Justice Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tibor Navracsics informed the delegation about proposed measures concerning the retirement of judges, while Deputy State Secretary Ferenc Kumin hosted a working lunch where a constructive discussion was held about current Hungarian affairs. The eight-member delegation also held talks with parliamentary group leaders, representatives of the judiciary as well as of civil groups. At a meeting with Attila Péterfalvi, the President of the Hungarian National Authority for Data Protection and Freedom of Information (NAIH), the delegation was briefed on recently adopted measures aimed at enhancing the authority’s independence in
line with the European Commission’s requirements. On the last day of their visit, Head of delegation Juan Fernando López Aguilar and rapporteur Rui Tavares held a press conference regarding their three-day visit. They both stated that the delegation came to Hungary on a fact-finding mission and will summarise its findings in a report after returning to Brussels. They emphasised that the Hungarian Government cooperated fully with the delegation, adding that they had fruitful discussions with the Government’s officials. Mr. López Aguilar also mentioned that they had good impressions and felt at ease during their stay in Budapest, stating that it is impossible not to fall in love with Budapest.
State Secretary for Foreign Affairs holds consultations with British investors (Online 25 Sep) State Secretary for Foreign Affairs and External Economic Relations Péter Szijjártó held consultations with the biggest British investors in Hungary on 25 September. The State Secretary briefed British employers on the government’s job protection action plan as well as on measures designed to
ease red tape and administrative burdens. At the meeting, predictability and a steady business environment were mentioned as crucial factors to increase investments in Hungary, the State Secretary’s press chief told MTI. Éva Varga added, the heads of British business operating in Hungary
said they were ready to propose measures aimed at boosting the Hungarian economy at the earliest opportunity. Péter Szijjártó also held talks with the President of the Jordan Europe Business Association as well as with Jordanian businessmen from the Association.
Hungary Requests EU Aid for Drought Damage Mitigation (Online 25 Sep) At the meeting of the Agriculture and Fisheries Council in Brussels, Minister for Rural Development Sándor Fazekas requested that emergency aid be transferred from the European Union Solidarity Fund for the mitigation of drought damage. The Minister also proposed the simplification and if possible temporary waiving of agricultural-environmental regulations, in addition to suggesting that 80 percent of 2013 direct funding should be payable in advance instead of the current 50 percent. Sándor Fazekas reported to the Council that Hungarian agriculture is suffering from extreme lack of rainfall, as a result of which forty percent less corn and roughly half the amount of forage crops have been cultivated compared to last year. This affects the income of farmers to an extraordinary extent, especially those who keep animals, he informed them. "The Ministry of Rural Development's most important task in this difficult situation is to provide fast and efficient
help", announced Sándor Fazekas, who viewed the fact that the agriculture council dealt with the issue in "exhaustive detail" as a success for agrarian diplomacy. "Damage to farmers is quite catastrophic, and not only in Hungary, but throughout the whole Southern European region; so this drought affects half the European Union", explained the Minister. At the meeting of EU agriculture ministers in Brussels on Monday, Sándor Fazekas suggested that 80 percent of 2013 direct funding should be payable in advance instead of the current 50 percent. According to the Minister, a decision on this issue may be brought within a few weeks. The Minister also proposed the simplification and if possible temporary waiving of agricultural-environmental regulations, for example within the field of grazing times and periods. This means that grazing would be possible for the remainder of the year, which is otherwise closed season. Sándor Fazekas also requested that
the European Union investigate the possibility of transferring emergency aid from the European Union Solidarity Fund for the mitigation of drought damage. According to the Minister, similar emergency aid has already been provided in the case of Cyprus. In closing, the Minister also stated that Hungary is strongly in favour of the setting up of an "operative and sufficiently flexible" EU agricultural crisis fund. According to the Minister, several of his EU colleagues voiced their support during their own speeches, and there will be further discussions with the European Commission next week; analysis of the state of the market will commence, including the exploration of which European Union instruments and mechanisms may be suitable for providing help. Sándor Fazekas estimates that the issue of what aid Hungary and the other EU member states affected by the drought may receive from the European Union will be decided within roughly two months.
Defence Ministers meet in Cyprus (Online 28 Sep) Hungarian Defence Minister Csaba Hende participated at the two-day Informal Meeting of EU Ministers of Defence in Cyprus. The ministers discussed among others the future of the EUFOR Althea mission in BosniaHerzegovina, as its UN mandate expires in November 2012. Due to the fragility of the Photo: Katja Hrisztodolu, MTI/EPA political situation in Bosnia, Minister Hende found
it important that the EU continue to support the country’s integration with every possible tool. Furthermore he also emphasised the need to maintain the executive military mandate. At the meeting, discussions also centred on the EU’s missions, capabili t y development and the security situation in North Africa and the Middle East.
A ddr e s s by Tibor N a v r a c s ic s t o t he A llia nc e of Eur ope a n J our na lis t s (Online 24 Sep) ‘The state is good if it serves the interests of its citizens and has no external goal for which it uses its citizens to accomplish, in the way that the state did under the Arrow Cross and Communist dictatorships.’ This was the central message of Tibor Navracsics, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Administration and Justice, when he spoke on Friday at the Budapest College of Communication and Business, at the invitation of that institution and the European Federation of Journalists. The minister said that the state must serve the public good: in other words it must promote such ideals that
stand above the individual groups within a given nation and that do not represent party interests. He said that we must strive to ensure that government and governmental policy is good for the whole nation. He added, however, that this does not mean that there is no difference between the Left and the Right, because they may view the important elements of public good in different ways. Mr. Navracsics thinks that the good state must serve the interests of citizens with the maximum of efficiency, economy and civility. He pointed out that we often measure efficiency in terms of lower costs, but an efficient
and economical state cannot simply be judged by its size, but by how rapidly it serves its citizens. Mr. Navracsics summarised the results of reforms in Hungarian public administration so far and emphasised that the public service points and government offices which were introduced across the country last year have had an important role in introducing people to the state’s function as a service provider. He added that it is hoped that by the end of 2013 it will be possible to deal with several hundred types of the administrative tasks at 300 government offices.
Hungarian Diplomatic Note Sent to Armenia (Online 24 Sep) The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Hungary sent a diplomatic note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia on 24 September, 2012.
The diplomatic note expresses the interest of the Government of Hungary to end the unilateral suspension of diplomatic relations by the Republic of Armenia without preconditions.
The diplomatic note is a formal answer to the communication in which Armenia informed Hungary about the suspension of the diplomatic relations August 31, 2012.
Hungarian–South Korean Cooperation in Nuclear Studies (Online 24 Sep) Pál Kovács, Minister of State for Climate Change and Energy, discussed the opportunities of a future co-operation in the field of education in nuclear sciences with Goon Cherl Park, President of the KEPCO KINGS nuclear training centre of South Korea on 20 September 2012 in Budapest. The South Korean institution was established in 2010 with the aim of securing the next generation of nuclear specialists. In his presentation Mr Goon Cherl Park pointed out that in the future they wish to give high emphasis to increasing the international character of the institution. They will
invite renowned international nuclear specialists to teach and also recruit foreign students. Hungary may be in the vanguard of this co-operation. Mr Pál Kovács stressed that the existing excellent relations between the two countries in the field of nuclear sciences can still be improved and extended to education. During the discussions Mr Sándor Nagy, Deputy CEO of MVM Zrt. announced that the company sends three students to start their studies in the South Korean institution in the near future. Hungary is committed to the peaceful use of atomic energy and proceeds along a carefully considered strategy. It has a
pivotal role in the transfer of nuclear technological knowledge. Recently, training has started for Vietnamese experts in Budapest and Paks, in the maintenance and education centre of the nuclear power plant. Saudi Arabia and Indonesia also show interest in education-related co-operation. Hungary has an excellent infrastructure for the transfer of nuclear technological knowledge both in the Centre for Energy Research of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics.
Employment rate above pre-crisis levels (Online 28 Sep) In the period of June-August 2012 the rate of employment increased to 51.1 percent which is a multi-year record and above precrisis levels – the Hungarian Central Statistical Office (KSH) has reported in its latest release. The 25-month upward trend in payroll figures continued compared to the same period of the previous year. The increase of the number of employed aged 15-74 years was the highest in a year, as the number of employed was up by 77 thousand from 3 million 836 thousand one year ago to 3 million 914 thousand. Regarding those aged 15-64 years the number of employed increased from 3 million 804 thousand one year ago to 3 million 878 thousand – up by almost 74 thousand – and thus the rate of employment of this age bracket has been boosted to 57.8 percent. According to the latest labour market statistics of the KSH, by an annualized comparison the number of em-
ployed increased for the 25th time in the June-August 2012 period. In the age bracket of 15-74 years the number of employed was higher by 2.02 percent (year/year), the greatest increase in a year, consequently the employment rate of this age group increased from 50 percent in the corresponding period of the previous year to 51.1 percent or 1.1 percentage points. On an annual basis in the age group of 15-64 years a dynamic payroll increase of 1.95 percent was also recorded. As far as the gender aspect of employment is considered, indicators have improved for both sexes. The employment rate of men aged 15-64 years was higher by 1.58 percentage points to 63.2 percent compared to the same period of the previous year, while the relevant rate for women was up by 1.83 percent (to 52.6 percent). 2 million 83 thousand were employed of men aged 15-64 years which corresponds to a rise of 26
thousand compared to the same period 2011, whereas the number of women with a job increased significantly to 1 million 797 thousand (by 48.4 thousand). Another favourable development has been the increase in the number and ratio of employment for those in the most optimal working-age category of 25-54 years as well as regarding slightly older people aged 55-64 years. The Job Protection Action Plan will further facilitate the ongoing positive trend regarding the rate of employment especially in those categories where help is required most (career starters, job seekers above the age of 55, women, mothers with small children). Thereby the Hungarian economy can maintain those favourable labour market trends which have been in place ever since the change of government despite the negative impacts of an inauspicious foreign market environment.
Hungarian proposal adopted: children to be a specially protected group within the EU (Online 27 Sep) On Wednesday Tibor Navracsics, Minister of Public Administration and Justice, announced that two new child-friendly police interview rooms have been created in Hungary – one in Nagykanizsa and the other in Tatabánya. In connection with the Year of Childfriendly Justice, the minister has arranged that by 2014 every county town will have such a room, in which investigators will be able to interview child victims or witnesses of crime, in
far more humane conditions. The police interview rooms are being created in order to reduce trauma for children in the course of proceedings. The atmosphere is designed to be welcoming and the rooms are equipped with video and audio recording equipment, the latter to ensure that children will only have to give statements once, rather than several times throughout the different stages of legal proceedings. Minister Navracsics also reported that recently Hungary has scored a
significant success, when on 12 September the European Parliament adopted a directive on protection for victims of crime, in which children are defined as a specially protected group. The preparations for this breakthrough directive started during Hungary’s 2011 presidency of the EU. Additionally, the new Criminal Code, which was adopted this year, places special emphasis on stricter punishment of crimes committed against children.
Debate begins in Parliament on the new Civil Code (Online 26 Sep) On 26 September the parliamentary debate began on the new Civil Code, which is due to be the first civil law codex formulated in Hungary under democratic conditions. Before being submitted to Parliament, the new Civil Code was the subject of wide-ranging public and professional consultations, involving the country’s most eminent specialists. The code will enter into force progressively from 1 January 2014, and it will be the final stage in the renewal of the Hungarian legal system, which also includes the new Fundamental Law and the new Criminal Code. In the debate in Parliament, Minister of State for Justice Róbert Répássy said that the current Civil Code was fifty years old, and although it had been modified several hundred times, it was the product of an age in which private property only existed within extremely limited boundaries. The new Civil Code will respond realistically to the economic and social changes which have occurred since the political transition of 1989-90. The creation of the new Civil Code started 14 years ago, and formula-
tion of regulation for individual areas has been carried out with the aid of the most highly-qualified experts. At the end of this process, spanning several government terms, the present administration has put forward a proposal based on the advice and knowledge of recognised specialists in the field. The aim of the codification has been the creation of a text which is free of contradictions, aids practical application of the law, incorporates judicial practice, and is thoroughly considered in every detail. A basic aim has been a broader interpretation of civil law than has been the case up to now. The bill for the new Civil Code contains significantly more provisions than the old code, but at the same time its format is more logical and clearer. This clearer structure plays an important role in the consistency of legislation, and thus in reinforcement of legal certainty. The new code embraces legal provisions for the business world, commerce and private individuals. Modernisation of the code is needed because of social and economic changes, and it provides remedies on those points where feedback from interested parties indicated that practical needs
could not be met by the original code’s provisions. Among the most important new features are those related to family law, company law, mortgage law, the protection of personal rights and inheritance law. One new feature is that the provisions for family law based on international models (Dutch, Italian and Swiss) are now incorporated in the Civil Code and not in a separate act; this makes it possible for these regulations to be amended in line with rapidly changing social conditions and international expectations. Linked to the Fundamental Law, the Code of Family Law places special emphasis on protection of marriage and the family, and has more content related to the interests of children than the current document. The bill also places legal capacity on new foundations: in the future courts may not place general limits on legal capacity, but only limit it in a restricted number of cases. This is in contrast to the current Civil Code. Another change which provides a guarantee to people with intellectual disabilities is that it will no longer be possible to limit a person’s legal capacity finally and for that person’s lifetime.