Volume 1 | Issue 9 | Year 2015 | Arakan Newsletter | English â Burmese (For September, October & November)
EDITORIAL STOP ROHINGYA PERSECUTION, REINSTATE THEIR RIGHTS
For decades the defenseless Rohingya people have been subjected to institutionalized persecution and slow-genocide in Burma/Myanmar. The series of deadly violence carried out against them, since June 2012, were a joint conspiracy of Rakhine extremists headed by Rakhine National Party Chairman Dr. Aye Maung and Thein Sein government aimed at destabilizing the country, annihilating the Rohingya population with intent to turn whole Arakan into a homogenous Buddhist Rakhine land, and damaging the reputation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyiâs National League for Democracy (NLD) -- with the vigorous backup of âMa Ba Thaâ Buddhist ultra nationalist movement -- in a false dream of continuing military rule in the country.
Story Inside IN THIS ISSUE EDITORIAL: STOP ROHINGYA PERSECUTION, REINSTATE THEIR RIGHTS âŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚ..âŚ.âŚâŚâŚâŚ.âŚ.................... 1 ARTICLE: ROHINGYA ARE INSEPARABLE FROM ARAKAN âŚ.âŚâŚ 2 STORY FROM COVER PAGE âŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚ.3 ARTICLE: LACK OF HEALT CARE DEADLY FOR MYANMAR'S ROHINGYA âŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚ..âŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚâŚ.âŚâŚ4
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Despite massive destruction of their lives, properties and settlements, Rohingya are still surviving even as IDPs (internally displaced persons) homeless and jobless without basic freedom. These grave human rights violations of the Rohingya indeed amount to ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide according to experts in international law and as reported by various human rights organizations, including Yale School of Law, International State Crime Initiative of Queen Mary University, and Al-Jazeera documentary film âGenocide Agendaâ. Yet Rakhine extremists are celebrating victory without realizing that it was a boomerang and a shame on them. President Thein Sein and all his accomplices, who allowed hate speech to flourish, Islamophobia to spread, and grant impunity to the perpetrators of âatrocity crimesâ must soon face the verdict of the international criminal court with the support of the international community. As a winning party, the NLD is about to form the parliamentary government in Myanmar soon. Its leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was heavily criticized by the international community as unethical on her silence over the international crimes committed against Rohingya. Now is the time to see how far she is sincere and steadfast in her long commitment to ârule of lawâ. Conversely, it is disappointing that of late her senior leader U Win Htein had said that NLD had no priority for Rohingya issue. On top of that he accused them as Bangladeshi immigrants without due regards. We remind the NLD stalwarts that human rights are universal and democracy is linked to human rights. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has to deal with the Rohingya issue, a manmade tragedy of international concern, promptly and fairly. Justice delayed is justice denied! Nevertheless, it is imperative that Rohingya should be able to peacefully co-exist as equals in Arakan with their âcollective rightsâ on par with other ethnic nationalities of the Union of Burma/Myanmar.
VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER
Rohingya are Inseparable from Arakan By Nurul Islam (UK) Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim community living in Arakan with a long history, are a borderline people having had connections to the high cultures of Bengal, Persia and Arabia. Their sublime civilization was a gift to the whole people of Arakan, Muslims and Buddhists alike. The heyday of Arakan began with the spread of Muslim civilization during the most successful and glorious period of Mrauk-U dynasty. Its capital city Mrauk-U was built by King Naramithla or Sulaiman Shah, with the help of the army under Gen. Sandi Khan of Bengal Sultan. This city grew to be an international centre inhabited by a mix Arakanese, Bengalis, Afghans, Burmese, Dutch, Portuguese, Abyssinians, Persians, even Japanese Christians from Nagasaki escaping the persecution of Dictator Hideyoshi Toyotomi.
Muslims were kingmakers in Arakan. They virtually ruled it form 1430-1531. It was the Muslim community who developed its agriculture and economy. With Muslim influence Arakan prospered on international trade for centuries, brought in to its people new ideas and learning. Due to âRohingya extermination policyâ of the Burmese military dictatorship, today Arakan is one of the poorest regions in Burma and its Muslim population has become one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. Burmese kings were envious of Arakan; and whenever they attacked Arakan its kings and nobles used to take refuge in Bengal for help. In 1784 the Burmese king Bodawpaya invaded and occupied Arakan, at the invitation of the some royal conspirators. Burmese tyrannical rule lasted only for 40 years teaching nothing to the people of the country. Everything that was materially and culturally Islamic was razed to the ground. Almost all rare documents of historical importance were destroyed. The Mahamuni image of Lord Buddha was carried to central Burma. Hundreds of people were brutally killed and two hundred thousand had fled to Bengal. A number of Muslims living in southern Chittagong are still identified as âRoineâ or Arakan origin people. Similarly the Rakhine refugees from Arakan are still living the districts of Coxâs Bazar, Patuakhali, Barisal, and Bandarban hill district of Bangladesh by the ethnic name of Magh, Rakhaing or Mrama.
Having been disgusted by the Burmese rule, the people of Arakan willingly sided with the British colonizers and facilitated the occupation of Arakan in the 1st Anglo-Burmese War of 1824-26. British colonial administration could be said peaceful, with uneasy calm, until 1942 massacre of about 80,000 unarmed Muslim Rohingyas by organized, well-armed Buddhist Rakhine extremists patronized by Burma Independence Army (BIA) led by Bo Yan Aung, when British forces had retreated to India in the course of Japanese advancement to Arakan. Large Rohingya settlements were devastated and a number of fleeing Rohingyas took refuge in British held territory of present Bangladesh. It crosses our minds that the systematic massacre of Rohingya and other Muslims in 2012 has identical ingredients with that of 1942 mass-killing of Muslims in Arakan. Immediately after the British gave independence to Burma on January 4, 1948, Rohingya discovered the disadvantages of their peripheral status in hostile environment that prompted the emergence of a Rohingya revolution popularly known as âMujahid Movementâ in April 1948 after series of incidents and riots. The Mujahids demanded equal rights within Burmese federation. On the categorical assurance of ensuring their rights and freedom as an recognized ethnic group âRohingyaâ by the then Burma parliamentary government of U Nu the Mujahids laid down their arms. But they were soon betrayed by military dictator General Ne Win who seized the power in 1962. He subjected the Rohingya to large-scale persecution on racial and religious grounds that propelled the Rohingya freedom struggle again. The current civilmilitary hybrid regime of Thein Sein is the worst. It disenfranchised the Rohingya for the first time, promotes hate speech and encourages the â969â Nazi-like campaign of Buddhist nationalist movement led by infamous monk U Wirathu who preaches dangerous form of religious chauvinism, demanding subjugation of the countryâs Muslims in general and expulsion of the Rohingyas in particular. The Firebrand Wirathu, known as âthe Face of Buddhist Terrorâ was shockingly praised by President Thein Sein as the âson of Godâ thus officially promoting his âRohingya ethnic cleansing policyâ. The 2012 one-sided deadly violence left a number of Rohingya dead, massive destruction of their houses and settlements with mosques and madrassas compelling thousands of people to escape by boats a number of whom were drowned, victimized at the hands of human traffickers or ended up in mass graves on Thai-Malaysian border and in several jails in countries within the region. The Thein Sein government had passed four controversial interfaith bills or socalled Religion and Race Protection laws aim at damaging nonBuddhist people particularly Rohingya and other Muslims of the country. Despite being indigenous to Arakan, having their genealogical link with the people of the Chandra dynasty, the Rohingya have been rendered stateless in their historical homeland by controversial and oppressive Burma Citizenship Law of 1982. Credible NGOs have stated that they are a people in most danger of extinction. Experts in international law argue that Rohingyas are facing genocide in Burma. There are several reports that substantiate that the âcrimes against humanityâ, âethnic cleansingâ and âcrimes of genocideâ have been perpetrated against Rohingya people.
Read at p-3, col-1 WWW.ROHINGYA.ORG | INFO@ROHINGYA.ORG
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER
From p-2, col-2: Rohingya is âŚ. It was surprising that Aung San Suu Kyi was silent and avoided telling the truth while Rohingyas were mercilessly killed and exterminated. Rather she made unhelpful statements in a situation of injustice! She could have saved many lives and properties of Rohingyas if she spoke out; nay, at least she could ease the situation. Her actions and behaviors have caused worries and alarms to the international community. Despite disappointing gestures demonstrated by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her top aides in the recent past, the Rohingya with the international community expect that good sense prevails in the minds of the NLD stalwarts and reinstate the citizenship and ethnic rights the indigenous Rohingya people in conformity with the international human rights standards and democratic norms. It brooks no delay! Last not least, the Rohingya have physical, emotional and spiritual attachments for Arakan, their only homeland on earth. In spite all conspiracies and use of force, the Rohingya are still living in Arakan and they will be living in it until doomsday. They are an integral part of Arakan.
Story from Cover Page⌠Khin Nyunt: An Inexcusable Dictator of Myanmar
U Khin Nyunt is an ex-general, ex-prime minister and ousted chief of military intelligence and former secretary (1) of State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) later State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). He was also known as head of the state no (2) and some called him TV hero. He was the dictator who won the status of second in position in military clique in Burma/Myanmar, after former head of the state Sen. Gen. Than Shwe. He was a much feared tyrant in the country who did change the entire profile of Myanmar culturally and religiously. He is the most responsible for all sorts of violations and lawlessness against the people of Burma. No one is capable to mention his crimes in texture except that his destructions of the nation and its people will never be forgettable for next generations in Myanmar.
Indeed he is not a Bamar racially but an ethnic Chinese. For this reason, he never mentioned his parent names in his personal information. He was born on October 11, 1939 from Chinese parents in Kyauktan township of Rangoon Division. He graduated from the 25th batch of the Officerâs Training School in 1960. Since then he served Burma army until October 18, 2004. Ex-general Khin Nyunt was brought to Rangoon in 1984 and appointed as chief of intelligence, after a bomb blast by North Korea in Rangoon on October 9, 1983, , in which at least 19 people including two leading advisers to President Chun Doo Hwan of South Korea and four of his Cabinet ministers âwere killed, forty-seven people wounded, many seriously. Since then he was said to be a protĂŠgĂŠ of Burmese ironman dictator Ne Win. In 1988 democracy uprising, spy-chief Khin Nyunt played a vital role by killing many students and other peaceful demonstrators. On 18 September the military took over the state power and SLORC was formed and Dictator Khin Nyunt became secretary-1 of the state. Again SLORC was renamed as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in 1997 and till August 2003 he remained as secretary-1, and then became the prime minister until he was sacked on October 18 in 2004. One of the records mentioned that from 1988 to 2004, he oversaw the arrest of around 10,000 people. Many were subjected to torture and farcical trials that resulted in decades-long prison sentences. After 1990 election, Khin Nyunt formed the ministry of the development of border area and immigration targeting ethnic nationalities while intending to destroy the Rohingya population. He established NaSaKa (Bama acronym for Nay Sat Kut-kwey Ye) border task force consisting of the police, military intelligence, and internal security or riot police, custom officials, the immigration and manpower department in Arakan/Rakhine state in 1992 under direct command of the SPDC with its headquarters in Sittwe. It subjected the ethnic Rohingya Muslims to various birth control and population control measures, replaced their National Registration Cards (NRCs) with temporary scrutiny ID cards known as âWhile Cardsâ on the basis of their religion and ethnicity, with manifest intent to reduce their status to a position of âstatelessâ in their own homeland. No other ethnic or religious group has been subject to a policy of population, marriage and birth control. Ex-general Khin Nyunt had also caused the rapid demographic changes in North Arakan dotting its nooks and crannies with Buddhist pagodas demolishing Rohingya cultural heritages and religious sites. He curtailed all basic freedoms of the Rohingya, including their right to freedom of movement, education, marriage and other liberties. He had been one of the main masterminds in the persecution, ethniccleansing, crimes of genocide against defenseless Rohingya people.
Read at p-4, col-1 WWW.ROHINGYA.ORG | INFO@ROHINGYA.ORG
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-3, col-2: Cover Story After he became the prime minister, Khin Nyunt announced a seven-point roadmap to democracy, called âa systematic and step-by-step implementation of the road-map to democracy', but without time-line. It was heavily criticized by the opposition. Despite this he recalled the pending National Convention (NC) to lay down the favorable principles for a new constitution with the intention of keeping the nation under military dictatorship forever. While he was enjoying great popularity in the military dictatorship, he was sacked by one-sentence announcement signed by Sen. Gen. Than Shwe on 18 October 2004. At first he was "permitted to retire on health grounds". But, later he was immediately arrested and kept under protective custody and then on 21 July 2005 he was sentenced to 44 years in prison. Anyhow, he had served his term under house arrest instead of in prison until he was released by President Thein Sein on January 12, 2012 who engaged him in anti-Muslim campaign with Burmese terror monk Wi Ra Thu with a view to creating anti-Rohingya or anti-Muslim deadly violence and religious unrest across the country. Using Khin Nyunt as a tool in the anti-Muslim violence, President Thein Sein wanted to muster the support of all his former companions or spies worked for longtime under Khin Nyunt. Consequently, Khin Nyunt, with the criminal monk U Wirathu and his old intelligent, had machinated crimes of genocide against the Rohingya and other Muslims of the country in 2012 with false and concocted allegation that a Buddhist woman named Ma Thida Tway was raped and killed by three Muslim men. According to the report of the doctor who performed postmortem on the dead body of Ma Thida Tway, there was no suggestion of rape. Also the principal accused that was killed immediately after arrest was not a Muslims. This is a short note of how ex-general Khin Nyunt was ruthless causing colossal damages to the whole nation while in power and after his retirement. He married Dr. Khin Win Shwe, a medical doctor and they have two sons and a daughter. Lack of Health Care Deadly for Myanmarâs Rohingya (Robin McDowell, AP ) When the kicking stopped, Zuhura Begum in a Sittwe IDP camp suspected something was wrong with the twins she was supposed to deliver that month. When the pain started shooting through her body, all doubt was erased. She needed help, but had nowhere to turn. She was trapped with thousands of other Muslim Rohingya in a squalid, dusty camp in western Myanmarâs Rakhine state. The foreign aid workers she had relied on early in her pregnancy were gone â forced out by a distrustful government and extremist Buddhist mobs. Getting help outside the camps, in hospitals run by the Buddhist Rakhine majority, requires special permission that is harder than ever to obtain.
And there is one more obstacle: The fear that has grown over two years in which ethnic violence in Rakhine, mostly by Buddhist mobs against Rohingya, has left up to 280 people dead and forced another 140,000 from their homes. Rohingya worry Buddhist doctors and nurses will hurt or even kill them, though aid workers, now just beginning to return to Rakhine, say there is nothing to suggest that the rumors are true.
All those factors weigh on Rohingya who need medical attention â especially pregnant women like Begum. Her family said that instead of getting the treatment she and her twins needed, the 20-year-old lay at the camp in a âlong houseâ â a shelter of bamboo and corrugated metal where multiple families live. Her mother stroked her hand and placed packs of ice on her huge belly between screams. ------------------------Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, has been gripped by ethnic and religious violence â mostly in Rakhine â since it began its bumpy transition to democracy three years ago. Though many Rohingya here are from families that arrived generations ago, the government considers them all illegal migrants from Bangladesh and has denied them citizenship. Many of those displaced by recent violence live under apartheid-like conditions on the outskirts of Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine. There are reports almost daily about deaths, many of them pregnant women experiencing complications that could have been prevented, according to aid workers and Rohingya in the camps. Before Doctors without Borders was kicked out of Rakhine, pregnant women made up a quarter of the groupâs emergency referrals. The government expelled the group in February. It had angered officials by hiring some Rohingya staff, and by saying it had treated victims of an attack on a village in northern Rakhine state early this year. The United Nations has said more than 40 people may have been killed in that attack, but the government says the only death was that of a policeman.
Read at p-5, col-1 WWW.ROHINGYA.ORG | INFO@ROHINGYA.ORG
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-4, col-2: lack of Health careâŚ.
Weeks later, more than 700 other foreign aid workers were forced to flee after their guest houses, offices and warehouses were attacked by Buddhist mobs.
âThey have to create a situation that both communities can accept,â Than Tun said in an interview. âIf they keep working the old way, Iâm sure there will be more conflict in our state.â It is clear to aid workers that Rohingya in Rakhine state require much more aid than Buddhists, who can get help at government clinics and hospitals with none of the obstacles Rohingya face. Begum married Mohamad Rafis two years ago, just as their world was being turned upside down by hatred. They entered the camp after Buddhist mobs destroyed their village. Like most men in the camps, unable to leave without paying hefty bribes, Rafis was not working.
The government insisted it could fill the gap, though the health care system across the country is still rebuilding after years of neglect. The former military government spent around $1 per person on medical care annually before it was replaced in 2011. The state deployed dozens of its own doctors into Muslim camps, but some initially refused to go, saying they felt unsafe. Now they show up several times a week, but only for a few hours. Long lines form with hundreds of patients, each getting only a few minutes of attention. Some suffer from respiratory infections and diarrhea, the two biggest child-killers worldwide. And experts fear cholera or other waterborne outbreaks will flare when the sprawling camps, now blanketed by choking clouds of dust, turn to mud when the rainy season starts. The government also promised to let aid workers from Save the Children, Oxfam and other humanitarian groups return to Sittwe within days, but few staff have returned so far. Most are working out of hotel rooms with cardboard boxes turned into makeshift filing cabinets. While a few started visiting camps this week with supplies, they say the must operate under greater restrictions than they had before. They point to the Emergency Coordination Center as one of the most worrying signs. Comprised of state and central government officials, as well as representatives from the United Nations, nonprofits and members of the local Buddhist Rakhine community, its role initially was to be an information-sharing mechanism. But last week, one of most influential members, Than Tun, told aid workers their terms of engagement had changed. Now aid groupsâ activities must be approved by the center, and must give Buddhists and Rohingya equal amounts of aid.
But Begum managed to hold onto hope. Though many of her friends already had several children by the age of 20, the twins in her bulging belly would be her first and she was thrilled. She was also getting the prenatal care she needed â until Doctors without Borders was forced out in February. As her due date neared, something went wrong with her pregnancy, and when the pain came it was obvious that she needed a doctor. On April 13, Begumâs family took her to a small hospital in Dapaing village, but the doctor wasnât there. He told the nurses by phone that she should go to Sittwe General Hospital. Like others in the camp, Begum had heard rumors that several Rohingya admitted into the hospital did not make it out alive. Foreign aid workers have not seen evidence of Buddhist doctors treating Rohingya improperly. A more certain risk was not getting medical help. If a hospital cannot be reached for a cesarean section, the risk of death for moms and babies is greatly increased. Begum went home. Her husband and parents took turns holding her hand, rubbing her stomach with ice, trying to console her. âShe was screaming, âIâm dying! This is so painful! The pain comes from the belly! Help me!'â said Abdul Melik,â a friend of Begumâs family who stayed with them through much of her ordeal. âShe screamed so loudly that about 10 long houses could hear her.â When the International Red Cross, which has managed to maintain a tiny presence in Sittwe, learned about Begumâs case, the group was able to convince her that Sittwe General was the only option she had. She went to the Sittwe hospital three days after she had gone to the one in Dapaing. One baby was believed to have died several days before the other, and sepsis may have set in by the time she was admitted. But after her surgery, Begum appeared to be in stable condition. She spent a week in recovery and was supposed to be released April 25.
Read at p-6, col-1 WWW.ROHINGYA.ORG | INFO@ROHINGYA.ORG
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-5, col-2: Lack of Health CareâŚ.
ááášá¸áĄá áĽášáĄááŹáĄá áááŻáášáˇááášá¸áááŻáášááşáášá¸ áąááááŻáášááŹážáááášáˇ áááš
Begumâs aunt Mastaba Khatu, who stayed with her in the hospital, said that hours before her niece was due to go home, a doctor led her to another room, saying he just needed to give her one final injection. Twenty minutes later, pain started surging again through Begumâs stomach. And moments later, she was dead. Tin Aung, an obstetrics doctor at the hospital, would not comment about Begumâs case but said Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhine patients are all treated the same. âWe have so many patients here. ⌠Whether we can help them depends somewhat on what condition they were in when they arrived,â he said. âWe do the best we can.â Word about Begumâs death spread quickly among Rohingya, adding to the rumors and fear that deterred her from seeking help in Sittwe. On Tuesday, another Rohingya woman died in childbirth, 27year-old Alima Khatu. She, too, went to the Dapaing hospital, but her husband initially refused to have her transferred to the hospital in Sittwe because he was concerned about her wifeâs safety. Begumâs father, Abdul Lamin, is simply struggling to understand. âWhen I was told that she died in the hospital, I felt like the whole world was broken and my heart too,â the 50-year-old said, sobbing. âI keep hearing people say, âShe was killed. She was killed,'â he said. âBut I didnât see anything with my own eyes. I donât want to blame anyone. I just want my daughter.â
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The natives of Arracan Proper call their country Yekein; the
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Hindoos of Bengal, Rossaun. The latter, who have settled in great numbers in Arracan, are denominated by the original inhabitants Kulaw Yekein, or unnaturalized Arracaners. The Moguls know this country by the name of Rakhang, and the Mohammedans who have been long settled in the country, call themselves Rooinga, or natives of Arracan.
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-6, col-2: áťááášááŹáááŻáá áš áśááźááš áááŻááášááşáŹâŚ..áá˝
ááášá¸áá˛áˇáááŻá ááááŻáášá¸áąáááášá áŹááşáŹá¸áĄáááš Dr Buchanan á áá°áá áŹ
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á ááŻáášáąááááŻáášááşáášáá˝áááášáˇ áááŻááŹáąáááášáááŻáá áááááááŻáášááᯠRooinga
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(áááŻáĄáášááŤ) áááŻááááŻááš ááááŻáášáąááááśááşáŹá¸áᯠáąáááááŻáąááˇáá˝ááąážááŹáášá¸ áťáááš
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER áááŻáášá¸ááášá¸ááŹá¸áá°ááşááŻá¸á ᯠáąááŤáášá¸áąááŹáášááşáŹá¸ áĄáŹá¸ááśáŻá¸áá˝áášáˇ áááŻáášá¸áá˝á´á¸ááşáŹá¸áĄááŤáĄáááš
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-9, col-2: áááŻááášááşáŹá áťááášááŹáĄá ááŻá¸á âŚâŚ
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER (From p-11, col-2: áááŻáá˝á ášáĽáŽá¸áááŻááášáâŚ..áá˝) áąááŹášáťááášá¸ (ááŻáášááŹááŽááŻáášáťááášá¸)á áá°áááášáĄááşááłá¸áááŽá¸ááşáŹá¸ ááŻááŤáżááśáłáťááášá¸áá˝áášáˇ áĄááşááłá¸ááŹá¸ááşáŹá¸ áĄáąááťááŹá¸áťááášáąááŹáášáťááášá¸ (áááąááŹááŻáášáťááášá¸) áááŻáááᯠáááášááášáąáá¸ááášáťáá ášááášá
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER From p-12, col-1: á á ášáąááźáąáá¸ááśáŻáááŽá¸âŚ.
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áááŻáááŻááĄáŹá¸ áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áąáá¸áááš áąááŹáášá¸áááŻáá áťááášááŹáĄá ááŻá¸áááášááş áááźá áĽáŽá¸áááášá¸á ááášááąáťááŹááźáášáˇáá áťááášážááŹá¸áąáá¸ááášáááŽá¸ áĽáŽá¸áá˛áá áź ášáááš ááášá¸ á áąááˇááŻáášá áŹááşáášáá˝áŹááźááš ááŻááááᢠáĄááźáᲠáĄá áášá¸ááşáŹá¸áá˝ áťááášááŹáááŻáášááś ááźááš áááŻááášááşáŹáááŻáĄ á áŹá¸ áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áąáá¸áááš áąááŹáášááśáąááŹáášá¸áááŻááááᯠáááš ááşáááŻáášáąážááŹáášá¸ áááŻááášáᏠ(áá) ááášáąááá áąáá¸ááŹá¸áąááŹášáťáááŹá¸ááášá áĽáŽá¸áá˛áá áź áš áąáá¸ááŹá¸áá˛áˇááášáá˝áŹ âáá˝áźááŻášáášáááŻááĄá ááŻá¸ááá˛áˇ ááśáá°ááşáášá áá˝áźáášáŻáášáááŻá áĄáąááá˛á áááŻááášááşáŹáááŻáá˛áˇ áĄááśáŻá¸áĄáááášá¸ááᯠááśáŻá¸á ááášááşááášá áá˝áźáášáŻáášáááŻá ááááŻáášáťááášááášáĄááźáášá¸áąááááŻáášáá˛áˇ ááá¤áŤááŽáąááźáááŻáąááŹáˇ áááá áĽááąáááᯠáĄáąáťáááśáżááŽá¸ áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áťáá ášááźáášáˇáąáá¸ááášâ áá°ááťáá ášááášá
áťááášááŹáááŻáášááśááźááš áťááášáąááŹáášá áŻáááášáąááŹáš (áąáĄáŹáášáááášáąááŹáš) ᥠááźááš áĄááášáąááŤáášá¸ (ááá) áąáááŹáá˝ááš áĄááşááłá¸ááŹá¸áááášáąááŹáš (áĄáááš áááášáąááŹáš) áĄááźááš áĄááášáąááŤáášá¸ (ááá) áąáááŹá á áŻá áŻáąááŤáášá¸ (ááá) áąá ááŹááᯠááášáá˝áášááşáŹááŹá¸ááŹá áąááźá¸áąááŹáášáá áźá˛ áźááš ááášáąááŹáášáá˝áĽáš áżáááłááš áááš ááááŻáĄáášááášáˇ ááášááąááŹáš áááŻáášá áŹá¸áá˝áášááşáŹá¸áĄáááŻá áąáááŹáá ááŹáááŻááš áááášá¸ááşáášááŹá¸ááŤá ááşáášáá˝áááášáˇ áťááášáąááŹáášá áŻáááášáąááŹášá ááá áąááᏠáĄáááš NLD áá˝ ááá áąááᏠ(ááŹáááŻáášáááášá¸áĄáŹá¸áťááášáˇ á á) áááŻááášá¸áąááŹáášá¸á áĄááşááłá¸ááŹá¸áááášáąááŹášá ááá áąáááŹáĄáááš NLD áá˝ ááá áąááᏠ(ááŹáááŻááš áááášá¸áĄáŹá¸áťááášáˇ áá.á) áááŻááášá¸áąááŹáášá¸ áĄááŽá¸ááŽá¸ áĄáááŻáášááá˝ááᏠáĄáááš
ááášááášá áá°á áááá áĽááąááá˝áášáˇ áááŻáášááŽááááá˝áááŤá ááášáá˝áşáááš áááŻááš ááśáááŹá áááĄáŹá¸áąáá¸áąá ááŹáá° ááášáá°á á ááŻáá˝áş áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áťáá ášááźáášáˇáąáá¸áááš áááŻáášáąážááŹáášá¸á áááŻáĄááşáášáááš áťááášááŹáááŻáášááśá áĄááşáłáášáĄááşáŹáĄáŹáᏠáááŻáášáááŻáášáááťáá ášáąážááŹáášá¸á áĄáąáááááášá áżáááááášáá˝áášáˇ áĄáťááŹá¸áĽáąááŹááááŻáášááśááşáŹá¸ ááźáášááášá¸ áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áĽááąáááşáŹá¸ áááŻáášá áŽáťáááŹáášá¸ááŹá¸áąážááŹáášá¸á áááŻáĽááąá áá˝áášáˇ ááááŻáášááŽááŤá ááášá¸áááŻááááŻáášááśááźáášááášá¸ ááášáá°ááááŻáá˝áş áááŻáášááśááŹá¸áťáá áš ááźáášáˇááťááłáąážááŹáášá¸ áąááŹášáťáááŹá¸ááášá áťááášááŹáĄá ááŻá¸áá áááŻáá˛áˇáááŻá ááŻáášááťááášááŹááááᯠáááŻáášááśááᏠáá°áĄ á ááźáášáˇáĄ áąáḠáĄááźáᥠᲠá áášá¸ááşáŹá¸á áťááášá¸áťááášá¸ááášáááš áá˝áłáášááşááşáášáá˝áááá˛áˇáááŻá ááᯠááášááşáŹáĄáąáá¸áááášáá˝áŹá¸áá° áĄááźáĄ áᲠá áášá¸ááşáŹá¸áááášá¸ áťááášááŹáĄá ááŻá¸áááᯠá ááŻáá˛áˇáááŻá áá°á¸áťááŹá¸ááááá˝áááášáˇ áąááŹáášá¸áááŻááááşáŹá¸ áťááłááŻáášááášáˇáĄá áŹá¸ áááŻáášááśá áᏠáĄáááŻáášá¸áĄáááŻáášá¸ááşáŹá¸áĄáąááťááášáˇ ááááŻáášáťááášááášááźááš áááŻááášááşáŹááşáŹá¸áąáḠááášá¸á áźáŹáąááááŻáášáááš áĄá áŽáĄááśááşáŹá¸ááŻáášááášáˇáąážááŹáášá¸ áąáááášáąááŹáášáťááąáťáᏠáááŻááşáášáá˝áááášá
áĄáá˛ááá˝ááᲠáĄá ááŻá¸áááźá˛áá áášá¸áááŻáášáááš áąáĄáŹáášáá áźá˛ áśáá˛áˇááášá áťááášááŹá á ášáĄáŹááŹáá˝áášááşáŹá¸ áááŽá¸á ááŻá¸áąáᏠááášáá˝ááĄáŹááŹá áááśáááŻáášáąáá¸á፠áᎠáĄáąááťááášáˇ áťááášáąááŹáášá áŻáááášáąááŹášááźááš áĄááášáąááᏠ(áá) áá˝áášáˇ áĄ
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VOLUME 1 | ISSUE 9| YEAR 2015 | ARAKAN NEWSLETER | ENGLISH â BURMESE (AN ISSUE OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER & DECEMBER á á ášáąááźááźááš áááŽáąáá˝ááąááŹáášáááŹááşáŹá¸áĄáŹá¸ áááŻá¸ááşá˛ááááĄáŹá¸áąáá¸ááŹ
áťááášááášááášá¸ááŽá¸á áĄáášá ááášáąááŹááš áĄááşáłáášááášá¸áááŻá áááŻááąááŹáášáᏠáĄáŹáááś
ááááŻáášáťááášáááš áĄáŹááŹáááŻáášááşáŹá¸áááš ááŽááášááŹááĄááźáášá¸ á á ášáąááźáżáááłá ááášáá˝á áááŽáąáá˝ááąááŹááš ááŹááŹáąáá¸áááŹááşáŹá¸á áááŻáášáąáá¸áááŻáášáᏠᥠáąážááŹáášá¸áĄááŹááşáŹá¸áĄáąáá á ááášááášá áźáŹ áĄáŹááśáŻá á°á¸á ááŻáášááşáášáá˝ááżááŽá¸ ááášá¸áááŻáᥠáąáá áááŻáááŻáááĄáŹá¸áąáá¸ááŹážáááášá áááŻááá áĽáá˝áášáˇá áášááşáĽášá¸á áááŽáąáá˝ááąááŹáášáááŹááşáŹá¸áááš áááááááŻáááááŻááš áąáá¸ááŹááááš áĄáťááášáˇáĄá áśáŻá ááášáąááźááá˝ááá áĄáąáťááĄáąááá˝áášáˇ ááášááášá¸áá˝áášáˇ áááááááŻá áĽáŽá¸áąááŹáášáĽáŽá¸ááźáášáťááłááášáˇ áááŽááášáťááłáąááşáŹáášá¸ááşáŹá¸á áĄáąáťááĄáąáá áááš áąáááŹá áĄáąááŹáášáĄáĽáŽá¸áááŹáášáá˝áášáˇ ááášááášáˇááášáąááźáťááášáˇ áááš ááášáąá áááš á ááášáˇáĄáąážááŹáášá¸áĄááŹááşáŹá¸ááᯠáżááŽá¸áťááášáˇá áśáŻá áźáŹáąáá¸ááŹá¸á ááášáááŻááš áᏠáĄáŹááŹáááŻáášááşáŹá¸ááśááášáťááááš ááŽááášáᏠ(áá) ááąááá áĄáąážááŹáášá¸ ážááŹá¸ááŹá¸ááášá
ááąáá¸áááŻáášááášáˇ áťáá ášáááááŻáášááŹááŻáášá á áá (á) âáĄááşáŹá¸áťááášáá°áĄ ááşááłá¸ááşááš á áŽá¸áąá ááâ áťááášáˇ áĄááááźáášáˇ ááśáŻá¸ááášá á ášáąáá¸ááşáášáá˝áááášá áĄááášááŤáťáá ášáááąáťááŹáášáąááŹáš áąááŹáášáááš (á) áá˝á ášáĄáá ááşááśáąá áááŻáášáżááŽá¸ ááášá¸áááŻáááŤá¸áĽáŽá¸ááᯠááŽááášááŹá (á) ááášáąááá (á) ááášáąááá (áá) ááášáąáá áá˝áášáˇ (áá) ááášáąáá áĄááŽá¸ááŽá¸áááŻáááźááš ááśáŻá¸ááŻáášá á ášáąáá¸áá˛áˇááášá
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