Editor: Rekha Saraswat

Vol. 77 No 9

DECEMBER 2013

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST (Since April 1949) Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949) Founder Editor: M.N. Roy

Historical Role of Islam: An Introduction —M.N. Roy Street Epistemology: Peter Boghossian —Sam Harris Good Governance —N. Santosh Hegde Is Marxian Crisis Theory Relevant? Capital Market Frauds in India; The changing character of Leaders and Business Executives — K.S. Chalam Relief after Kayani’s Retirement; A Gentleman in Politics; A Visit To Bangladesh; High Fives To Electorates —Kuldip Nayar Search for Human Rights in Ancient Indian Philosophy —Badri Das Sharma The Luminaries: A Novel with a Heart —Dr. Ashok K. Choudhury An Answer to Insurgence — Dipavali Sen Indian Elections: A Long Way to Go! (Editorial Comment) —Rekha Saraswat

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DECEMBER 2013

This Month's Contributors

M.N. ROY Founder Editor (page 3)

SAM HARRIS

REKHA S.

San Francisco, U.S.A. (Page 4)

Editor (page 2)

JUSTICE HEGDE Bangalore, Karnataka (Page 6)

K.S.CHALAM Hyderabad, A.P. (Page 13)

KULDIP NAYAR New Delhi, India (Page 19)

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DECEMBER 2013

The Radical Humanist

www.theradicalhumanist.com

Vol. 77 Number 9 December 2013

Contents 1. From the Editor’s Desk: Indian Elections: A Long Way to Go! —Rekha S. From the Writings of M.N. Roy: Historical Role of Islam: An Introduction

Monthly journal of the

Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life.

Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Editor: Dr. Rekha S. Contributory Editors: Prof. A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed, Dr. R.M. Pal, Professor Rama Kundu Publisher and Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India, Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques in favour of The Radical Humanist to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office), Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600 Please Note: Authors will bear sole accountability for corroborating the facts that they give in their write-ups. Neither IRI / the Publisher nor the Editor of this journal will be responsible for testing the validity and authenticity of statements & information cited by the authors. Also, sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the Radical Humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them.

—Rekha S.

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2. Guests’ Section: Street Epistemology: Peter Boghossian —Sam Harris 5 Good Governance —N. Santosh Hegde 7 Is Marxian Crisis Theory Relevant?

Capital Market Frauds in India The changing character of Leaders and Business Executives — K.S. Chalam 15 3. Current Affairs’ Section: Relief after Kayani’s Retirement A Gentleman in Politics; A Visit To Bangladesh High Fives To Electorates —Kuldip Nayar 20 4. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Search for Human Rights in Ancient Indian Philosophy —Badri Das Sharma 25 Man or Superman!

—Rishabh Vyas 26 5. Professors' & Students' Section: The Luminaries: A Novel with a Heart —Dr. Ashok K. Choudhury 27 Human Rights of Woman in India and their Violation —Vandita Sharma 30 6. Book Review Section: An Answer to Insurgence — Dipavali Sen 35 7. Humanist News: 38 1

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From The Editor’s Desk:

Indian Elections: A Long Way to Go! month I wrote a pessimistic note on Last the remote possibility of any development in the democratic processes in our country. This month there appears to be a tiny ray of hope on the horizon as seen specifically in the results of Delhi State Elections!

But still we have a long way to go.

There has been a clear anti-incumbent vote against the Congress. BJP has made full use of it in the other four states and has been largest party in Delhi as well.

Corruption is the buzz word against Congress but I suppose, the lackluster attitude of the probable scion of the party in the happenings around him also has reflected strongly upon the results of these elections. Every time when there was a cause to take up, a reason to worry about, a mission to accomplish, people expected him to rise to the occasion for them and stand by their side but he belied their hopes and was nowhere to be found.

He didn’t walk the streets with the youth in the Nirbhaya case; didn’t even come out to meet them at his gate. He wasn’t seen much with the families who suffered in the Badrinath Kedarnath disaster. He couldn’t cajole his ministers in power to take up the Lokpal Bill in all sincerity to challenge the Anna storm honestly. He wasn’t very clear in his views on the Muzaffarnagar misfortune and both the sides who suffered didn’t find a warm shoulder of support in him. Corruption, price-rise, law and order failure, all these would have taken a back seat had he come forward to take charge of the dynastic sentiments of our voters.

In the other states where there was no other alternative but the BJP people brought it to power wth a clear majority. So what do we call it?

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A victory for Modi and the BJP or a punishment for the Congress to learn its lessons and gear up for the parliamentary elections coming up in the next few months?

Because had it been a clear verdict in favour of the BJP and Modi AAP could not win neck to neck with it in Delhi. People came out in large numbers to cast their votes and the benefits seem to have openly gone in favour of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). It has taken hold of more seats than envisaged in the opinion polls.

Those people who have voted for AAP have categorically shown their desire for a change in the system of management of government affairs! But Kejriwal's group would not be able to wave the magic wand and get rid of corruption in the power-centers without getting a clear majority and coming to power on its own.

If AAP forms the government with the support of either of its twin step-sisters (BJP or Congress) it would belie its very purpose of existence; and would shatter the expectations of those who came to vote for a change in the methods of functioning of government and administration.

We all know AAP would not commit such a blunder as the Parliamentary elections are not very far off and once bitten twice shy public will come back with a vengeance by rooting it out if it does so. The worst part would be the reverting of public vote to the stereotype political parties in all its disappointment dooming Indian democracy into darkness again.

Delhi’s election results have sent two clear messages to all. One, those who sat at home in these elections must also come out to vote in the union elections to give a clearer decision upon who should take the reigns of the government; and two, it is ultimately a matured voter and no one else who can change the directions of force to save his own rights.

But the million dollar question here is that has the voter really matured or is it his short-term memory reaction of frenzy against the traditional powers in Delhi? Only time will tell!!

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DECEMBER 2013 The practice of seeking consolation for the shame of the present in the real or legendary glory of the past has dressed the Muslim rulers of India in brilliant national colours.

Yet, a Hindu, who prides in the prosperity of the reign of an Akbar, or boasts of the architectural accomplishments of a Shahjehan, is even today separated most curiously by an unbridgeable gulf from his next door neighbour belonging to the race, or professing the faith, of those illustrious monarchs who are believed to have glorified the history of India. For the orthodox Hindus who constitute the great majority of the Indian population, the Mussulman, even of noble birth or high education or admirable cultural attainments, is a ‘mlechha’ – impure barbarian – who does not deserve a social treatment any better than according to the lowest of the Hindus.

The cause of this singular situation is to be traced in the prejudice born, in the past, of the hatred a conquered and oppressed people naturally entertained for the foreign invader.

The political relation out of which it sprang is a thing of the past. But the prejudice still persists not only as an effective obstacle to natural cohesion, but also as a hindrance for a dispassionate view of history. Indeed, there is no other example of two communities living together in the same country for so many hundred years, and yet having so little appreciation of each other’s culture. No civilised people in the world is so ignorant of Islamic history and contemptuous of the Mohammedan religion as the Hindus. Spiritual imperialism is an outstanding feature of our nationalist ideology. But this nasty spirit is the most pronounced in relation to Mohammedanism.

The current notion of the teachings of the Arabian Prophet is extremely ill-informed. The average educated Hindu has little knowledge of, and no appreciation for, the immense revolutionary significance of Islam, and the great cultural consequences of that revolution.

Continued................

From The Writings Of M.N. Roy:

Historical Role of Islam: An Introduction apparently sudden rise and the Thedramatic expansion of Mohammedanism constitutes a most fascinating chapter in the history of mankind. A dispassionate study of this chapter is of great importance in the present fateful period of the history of India. The scientific value of the study by itself is great, and the meritorious quest for knowledge is sure to be handsomely rewarded.

But with us, today in India, particularly with the Hindus, a proper understanding of the historical role of Islam and the contribution it has made to human culture has acquired a supreme political importance.

This country has become the home of a very considerable number of the followers of the Arabian Prophet. One seldom realises that many more Mohammedans live in India than in any single purely Islamic country. Still, after the lapse of many centuries, this numerous section of the Indian population is generally considered to be an extraneous element. This curious but extremely regrettable cleft in the loose national structure of India has its historical cause. The Mohammedans originally came to India as invaders. They conquered the country and its rulers for several hundred years. That relation of the conqueror and the subjugated has left its mark on the history of our nation which today embraces both. But the unpleasant memory of the past relation has been progressively eclipsed by the present companionship in slavery. The effect of British Imperialism is no less painful and ruinous for the bulk of the Muslim population than for the masses professing Hinduism. So completely have the Mohammedans become an integral part of the Indian nation that the annals of the Muslim rule are justly recorded as chapters of the history of India. Indeed nationalism has gone farther in effacing the painful memory of the past.

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DECEMBER 2013

Guest's Section:

Street Epistemology:Peter Boghossian —Sam Harris [Sam Harris writes, “Peter Boghossian is a full-time faculty member in the philosophy department at Portland State University. He is also a national speaker for the Center for Inquiry, the Secular Student Alliance, and the Richard Dawkins Foundation for Reason and Science. Peter was kind enough to answer a few questions about his new book, A Manual for Creating Atheists.”]

1. What was your goal in writing A Manual for Creating Atheists?

My primary goal was to give readers the tools to talk people out of faith and into reason.

2. How do you help readers accomplish this?

Almost everyone can relate to having had conversations with friends, family, coworkers, where you are left shaking your head and wondering how in the world they can believe what they believe —conversations where they fully and uniformly dismiss every fact and piece of evidence presented to them. So the core piece of advice I give may at first sound counterintuitive, but it is simple: When speaking with people who hold beliefs based on faith, don’t get into a debate about facts or evidence or even their specific beliefs. Rather, get them to question the manner in which they’ve reached their beliefs—that is, get them to question the value of faith in appraising the world. Once they question the value of faith, all the un-evidenced and unreasoned beliefs will inevitably collapse on their own. In that sense, the book is really about getting people to think critically—the atheism part is just a by-product. So my hope is that people won’t just read A Manual for Creating

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Atheists—they’ll act on it and put it to use. It’s a tool, and like any tool, it does no good unless it’s used.

The book draws from multiple domains of study—philosophy, psychology, cognitive neuroscience, psychotherapy, history, apologetics, even criminal justice and addiction medicine—and focuses principally on research designed to change the behavior of people who don’t think they have a problem and don’t want their behavior changed. This vast body of peer-reviewed literature forms the basis of the book, but the book also stems in large part from my own decades-long work using and teaching these techniques in prisons, colleges, seminaries, and hospitals, and even on the streets, where I’ve honed and revised them, improved upon what’s worked, and discarded what hasn’t. The result is a book that will get the reader quickly up to speed—through step-by-step guides and conversational templates—on all the academically grounded, street-tested techniques and tools required for talking people out of faith and superstition and into reason.

3. What is the most common logical error religious people make in their arguments for the existence of God? Confirmation bias—although I think it’s less that they’re using a logical fallacy and more that the entire way they’ve conceptualized the problem is fallacious. In other words, they’ve started with their conclusion and reasoned backward from that conclusion. They’ve started with the idea not only that God exists but that a very specific God exists—and they’ve asked themselves how they know this is true. They’ve put their metaphysics before their epistemology.

4. Perhaps you should spell out what you mean by “epistemology” and why you think it’s important.

“Epistemology” basically means how one knows what one knows. In the context of a faith-based

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DECEMBER 2013

intervention, one can also look at epistemology as a belief-forming mechanism.

A key principle in helping people abandon faith and embrace reason is to focus on how one acquires knowledge. As I said, interventions should not target conclusions that someone holds, or specific beliefs, but the processes used to form beliefs. God, for example, is a conclusion arrived at as the result of a faulty epistemology.

For too long we’ve misidentified the problem.

We’ve conceptualized it in terms of conclusions people hold, not mechanisms of belief formation they use. I’m advocating that we re-conceptualize the problem of faith, God, and religion (and virtually every other instance of insufficiently evidenced belief) in terms of epistemology—that is, in terms of how people come to know what they think they know.

5. What do you consider to be the core commitments of a healthy epistemology?

1) An understanding that the way to improve the human condition is through reason, rationality, and science. Consequently, the words “reason” and “hope” would be forever wedded, as would the words “faith” and “despair.”

2) The willingness to revise one’s beliefs.

3) Saying “I don’t know” when one doesn’t know.

6. Do you think that the forces of reason are

winning?

Yes. I think they are winning, and I think they will prevail.

- See more at: http://www.samharris.org/blog/item/streetepistemology#sthash.i1PgqppV.dpuf [Sam Harris is the author of the bestselling books, The End of Faith, Letter to a Christian Nation, The Moral Landscape, Free Will, and Lying. The End of Faith won the 2005 PEN Award for Nonfiction. His writing has been published in more than 15 languages. Mr. Harris and his work have been discussed in The New York Times, Time, Scientific American, Nature, Newsweek, Rolling Stone, and many other journals. His writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Los Angeles Times, The Economist, Newsweek, The Times (London), The Boston Globe, The Atlantic, The Annals of Neurology, and elsewhere. Mr. Harris is a cofounder and the CEO of Project Reason, a nonprofit foundation devoted to spreading scientific knowledge and secular values in society. He received a degree in philosophy from Stanford University and a Ph.D. in neuroscience from UCLA. – See more at: http://www.samharris.org/about#sthash.S MV9G08R.dpuf]

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[Following is the text of Tarkunde Memorial Lecture delivered by Hon’ble Mr. Justice N. Santosh Hegde, (Retd) Former Judge, Supreme Court of India, Former Lokayukta, State of Karnataka on 22nd November, 2013 at India International Centre, New Delhi on the topic - Good Governance]

Good Governance Aid’ an organization espousing ‘Action the cause of good governance, in its Resource Book titled “Good Governance” published on 2004, traces the international thinking in the issue of Governance. It states “the issue of governance and the state came into sharp focus in the aftermath of World War II. While democracy was touted as the ‘greatest good for the greatest number’ it was often reduced to ‘the will of the majority’. Carried to extremes, this Majoritarian will, or what the rulers interpret as the majoritarian will, can lead to cruel repression of minorities as was witnessed in Nazi Germany prior to the genocide. Horrified at the depths to which ‘rule’ of law of the majority’ could sink if it was not based on democratic values of equity and justice, the United Nations came out with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This set forth in detail the minimum obligations of the states to all persons at all times. Neither the will of the majority, nor greatest good for the greatest number, could override these principles”.

On that basis (In the above background) the above resource book describes the Governance as combination of three major components’ that of process, content and deliverables. The process of governance includes factors such as transparency and accountability. Content includes values such as justice and equity. Governance cannot be all process and values. It must ensure that the citizens, especially the poorest, have the basic needs and have a life with dignity. A dictatorship that delivers basic needs to the

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citizens is no doubt better than a dictatorship that does not, but, it is not good governance.

Similarly, regular elections alone do not translate into ’good governance’. Rule of law that is transparent, but unjust is certainly not ‘good governance’. It is only when all these three conditions are fulfilled that governance becomes ‘good governance’. As a matter of fact, the Constituent Assembly spent considerable time discussing the creation of the executive under the Constitution.

During the process of drafting of the Indian Constitution the Constituent Assembly took up for discussion on Draft Article 282B which is presently Article 309. The Assembly showed great concern about the security and tenure of the members of the Executive as to what should be relationship between political bureaucracy and executive bureaucracy. To deal briefly with this aspect as discussed in the Constituent Assembly, I would like to quote the address of Mr. Brijeshwar Prasad, who said; …..The power of dismissal, removal or reduction in rank of persons employed in several capacities under the Union or State should be in the hands of the Public Service Commission. I want that disciplinary matters should not rest in the hands of the Ministers, either Central or Provincial. Sir, I am not in any way suggesting a course of action which has got no precedent in any part of the world. In Great Britain, in Canada, in Australia and in South Africa in all these countries the public servants are not under the Ministers, and there has been no conflict or no confusion of authority. In the circumstances in which we are placed today I am quite clear in my own mind that if the foundations of our civil service are to be laid on sound and scientific basis they must be removed from the control of the Ministers.

The independence of the bureaucracy from the control of the Ministers is as important, if not more, than the independence of the judiciary from executive interference. “The role of the public servants, according to my humble judgment, is more important than that of

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DECEMBER 2013 fundamental requirement of Democracy?” before you.

India fought for its independence not only from foreign domination and to regain its sovereignty but also to be governed by ourselves. It wanted a Government of the people, by the people and for the people. Under the Indian Constitution people who administer the country have a special status. They have been recognized as the ‘Executive’. The executive, the legislature and the judiciary form three main pillars of our Constitution.

The constitution of India envisages an independent Executive. Its connection with the Legislature is only through the Cabinet. The duties and powers to be exercised by the executive are governed by the Transaction of Business Rules framed under Articles 77 and 166 of the Constitution. The executive can be broadly divided as political executive i.e. the cabinet and the bureaucrats who should actually administer the Country at various levels in their hierarchy. To give good governance or administration the Constitution provides for separate administrative services both at the Centre and at the State levels. The members of the bureaucracy are selected with prescribed educational qualification and through competitive examination, thereafter they are trained in the art of public administration. While the political executive, which is the cabinet is selected from the elected representatives, for them no educational qualification or experience is prescribed. They come to the legislature through elections and on being appointed to the cabinet as Minister becomes the political executive. Obviously, this type of dual executive system is adopted by the Indian Constitution with a view to give ‘the Executive’ a people friendly look. In their own areas political executives and bureaucrats have to work independently. But political executive by their presumed popularity has acquired excessive dominance by misusing the transaction of Business Rules. If these Rules were to be used

Ministers. “Men may come and men may go, but I go on for ever”. The public servants remain, though Ministers may come in and go out of the cabinet in bewildering rapidity. The foundations of our national life can be secured if the public servants are assured of their security, if they get the conviction that there will be no ministerial interference. For no fault of theirs, if they do not find favour with the Ministers, they are transferred to some unknown regions in some God forsaken districts. This creates a sense of insecurity. I am quite clear in my mind that there is need for administrative unification of the country. Sir, I am of the opinion that all the civil servants should be brought under the control of the Union Public Service Commission. As a matter of concession I am prepared to agree that some control should also be vested in the hands of the State Public Service Commissions. I stand for the proposition that the civil servants of India, whether central or provincial, should be under the Central Public Service Commission. We are passing through a very difficult period. Sir, the whole of our society is passing through a period of decadence and decay and if we want that the birth pangs of the new social order should be prolonged, we should lay the foundations of our civil services on safe and secure basis.”

Many of the sentences in the above said address of Sri Brijeshwar Prasad sound prophetic today.

Good governance implies an administration that is sensitive and responsive to the needs of the people and is effective in coping with emerging challenges in society by framing and implementing appropriate laws and measures.

It includes strict rules of accountability. It could be centered on community groups or individuals and based on a notion of rights as inherently comprising duties. Rulers must be strictly bound by generally accepted norms and controlled by institutions to enforce those.

It is in the above understanding of good governance; I propose to place this paper of mine on the topic “Is good Governance a 7

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DECEMBER 2013

only for the object for which they were incorporated in the Constitution, then the bureaucrats would have been the true administrators and would have been instrumental in providing good administration which is a fundamental right of the citizens of India. The idea that constitutional framers did not intend Article 77 and 166 to be used for political dominance in governance, is clear from the fact that no qualification was fixed for Members of the Legislature and Cabinet.

Over the years political dominance in the guise of representing people’s will has overshadowed the importance of bureaucracy.

This dominance is not resisted by many in the bureaucracy. On the contrary many willingly or meekly submitted to this dominance because of which good governance has suffered.

Lack of good governance was perceived by the country as far back as in 1960s itself.

Therefore, an Administrative Reforms Commission was constituted which in its report submitted in 1966 among other recommendations also recommended the creation of an Indian type of Ombudsman called ‘Lokpal’ at the Centre and Lokayukta at the States’ level. However, till date no Lokpal is appointed. Karnataka State Legislature passed the Karnataka Lokayukta Act, in 1984 and brought it to force in 1986. Though not all, some other States have followed this step.

Need for the existence of this institution is reiterated by the II Administrative Reforms Commission in its Report made in the year 2007, which officially indicates that maladministration still continues.

Good Governance can be provided by public servants only if they realize that they are not masters of the people, but they are only servants of the people and that they owe a duty to the people. For this they will have to follow certain principles of ‘Raj Dharma’. The ingredients of ‘Raj Dharma’ is enumerated in a Report prepared by Lord Nolan of U.K. which is known as “Standards in public life’, this report 8

though prepared with reference to governance in Great Britain, the same is ipso facto applicable to the governance in India. Lord Nolan’s seven principles of Public Life are: “Selflessness i.e., Holder of public office should take decisions solely in terms of the public interest. They should not do so in order to gain financial or other material benefits for themselves, their family, or their friends.

Integrity, i.e., Holders of public office should not place themselves under any financial or other obligation to outside individuals or organizations that might influence them in the performance of their official duties.

Objectivity, i.e., In carrying out public business, including making public appointments, awarding contracts, or recommending individuals for rewards and benefits, holders of public office should make choices on merit.

Accountability, i.e., Holders of public offices are accountable for their decisions and actions to the public and must submit themselves to whatever scrutiny is appropriate to their office.

Openness, i.e., Holders of public office should be as open as possible about all the decisions and actions they take. They should give reasons for their decisions and restrict information only when the wider public interest clearly demands.

Honesty, i.e., Holders of public office have a duty to declare any private interests relating to their public duties and to take steps to resolve any conflicts arising in a way that protects the public interest.

Leadership, i.e., Holders of public office should promote and support these principles by leadership and example.”

The above principles were accepted by the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India in its judgment in the case of Vineet Narain V/s Union of India (AIR 1998 SC 889). While accepting the above principles, the Supreme Court stated: “These principles of public life are of general

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DECEMBER 2013 the people, as also the prophetic words “Be you ever so high, the law is above you”.

Having analyzed these dos and don’ts by the administration in good governance, let me consider whether the above principles laid down

by Lord Nolan are still followed by the Administration in the present day context. The Public perception is that there is lack of ethics in governance both at the Centre and at the State.

Reasons maybe many and this lack is felt not only by the common man, but also by the people holding very high offices. For example, none other than the Hon’ble Prime Minister of this Country, on 15th April 2007 addressing the 2006 batch of IAS probationers stated, (see Deccan Herald dated 16/5/2007) and I quote “the barriers of administrative and political corruption should be tackled by the upcoming bureaucrats and quality of governance be improved at all levels to build an India ‘worthy of our dreams’. If there are barriers, there are barriers in our Country, in our good governance, in our governance processes, it is a fact there is lot of corruption, both at the political level and at the administrative level. We must take it head on.”

Thereafter, the very same Prime Minister while inaugurating the Conference of CBI stated that there is very large scale corruption, even in high places and many big fish are escaping and they should be caught and severely punished at the earliest. Obviously, the Hon’ble Prime Minister was talking about the corruption in Governance.

These words of the Hon’ble Prime Minister are certainly not complimentary and he was certainly speaking with all responsibility. His words indicate that apart from lack of good governance, there is corruption in the administration.

When one speaks of corruption and maladministration, it is not a question of degree or percentage of corruption in administration.

But it is about the lack of probity which is the foundation of good governance.

The then the Governor of Karnataka Shri T.N.

application in every democracy. And one is expected to bear them in mind while scrutinizing conduct of every holder of a public office. It is trite that the holders of the public offices are entrusted with certain powers to be exercised in public interest alone and, therefore, the office is held by them in trust for the people. Any deviation from the path of rectitude by any of them amounts to a breach of trust and must be severely dealt with instead of being pushed under the carpet. If the conduct amounts to an offence, it must be promptly investigated and the offender against whom a prime facie case is made out should be prosecuted expeditiously so that the majesty of law is upheld and the rule of law vindicated.

The adverse impact of lack of probity in public life leading to a high degree of corruption is manifold. It also has adverse effect on foreign investment and funding from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank who have warned that future aid to underdeveloped countries may be subject to the requisite steps being taken to eradicate corruption, which prevents international aid from reaching those for whom it is meant.

So said the Apex Court in the above cited case!

In the case of State of Assam V/s P.C. Mishra (AIR 1966 SC 430), the Supreme Court stated that: “It is incumbent for each occupant of every high office to be constantly aware that the power invested in the high office he holds is meant to be exercised in public interest and only for public good, and that it is not meant to be used for personal benefit or merely to elevate the personal status of the current holder of that office. Constant awareness of the nature of this power and the purpose for which it is meant would prevent situations leading to clash of egos and the resultant fall out detrimental to public interest”.

There is no doubt, under the Indian Constitution, the executive both political and bureaucratic are very powerful organs. Still they should always bear in mind their obligation to 9

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DECEMBER 2013

Chaturvedi, who was a bureaucrat himself, in his last Republic Day address, said “Corruption is not merely a dirty word. It describes a dirty act. We need to have a policy of zero tolerance towards all acts of corruption. We need to assert that there is no difference between a small act of corruption and major instances of malfeasance. There is no such thing as petty corruption – there is corruption, per se. It is necessary to strike at the very roots of corruption, for if we allow its tentacles to grow we will be firmly in its grip, with no way out.

This is a very real danger. Corruption in any walks of life can corrode, decay and annihilate our democratic system. We can ignore or minimize its evil effects at our own risk.

Corruption and un-refuted allegations of misuse of power for self and pelf do shake the faith of ordinary citizens in our democratic system.”

The views expressed by the Hon’ble Prime Minister of the Country and the then the Chief Executive of a State are truly reflecting the perception of the Common man also.

The Hon’ble Prime Minister has spoken, the then Governor of a State has spoken, many leaders holding high political offices have spoken about corruption. But who amongst them will bell the cat. Certainly they cannot expect an ordinary citizen to take steps to bring about this change without there being a will power on the part of the people in Governance to tackle corruption. It is one thing to talk of corruption and maladministration and another to act against it, but what action are the people at the helm of affairs taking to stem this rot? The Country does not need to be reminded time and again about this evil. The Country wants to know what is being done about it.

Having understood that there is corruption in administration, both political and bureaucratic, let me recapitulate at least one instance of corruption which must have affected directly the economy of the country and indirectly the rights of an ordinary man. In a reported news item in

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Times of India it is seen that out of very many lakhs of crores released by the Government of India for eight national schemes, it is reported by none other than the CAG that at least a sum of Rs.51,000 crores allocated to these schemes have not been accounted for. Imagine a sum of Rs. 51,000 crores in one year only out of 8 schemes being siphoned. There are hundreds of such schemes of both Central and States’, then how much money earmarked for the poor must have been siphoned of. It is a matter of public knowledge that in the year 1986 the then Prime Minister is reported to have stated that out of every rupee earmarked for the benefit of the citizen, only 15 paise reaches the beneficiary.

Recently, another top leader of a National Party has reportedly stated that the amount so spent has come down to 10 paise only. This almost means that it is only 10% of the amount sanctioned reaches the poor. If this interference is justly drawn it shows that Country spends only 10% of its expenditure on an ordinary citizen, if so where does the balance of 90% go. Put conversely if 90% of the budget amount reaches the ordinary man, guess what would be the benefit the poor. If we apply this factual statement made by the then Prime Minister of India, at least to the amount allocated for the benefit of the ordinary citizens of India in the annual budget of the Central Government, then you will notice the magnitude of corruption. It is said that towards revenue expenditure, the annual budget provides about 8, 97,232 crores of rupees, out of this as per the Late Prime Minister only 15% reaches the beneficiary and 85% of that amount goes unaccounted, guess the quality of administration. This single factor will show the effect of corruption on good governance. It is because of this type of governance, even after 67 years of independence and 64 years of democracy, the poor has remained poor and the rich has become richer. When democracy defines governance is of the people, one has to see the effect of corruption on governance, one has to

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go to public offices and try to seek up interview with a public servant and experience whether it is possible to get even an interview with a public servant at any hierarchy without a pocketful of money to bribe or political backing to get the work done. If one makes an audit of the time spent by the bureaucrats, of every level, at work, I am sure that the said report will show that most of the time the bureaucrats are not in their designated places, but are in so-called meetings with the political bosses, India which boasts of largest democracy in the world which is supposed to be ruled by the Government of the people, seems to have lost the true meaning of the word ‘democracy’.

Let me try to find out briefly the cause of this malice.

Our Constitution contemplated an independent legislature, executive and judiciary.

Over the years, for the reasons well-known the Legislature and Bureaucracy seems to have merged into one group like the conjoined twins, one supported by the other. If our Constitutional organ, like the executive, is independent and honest, there could be no political corruption and vice-versa. If there is corruption as stated by the Hon’ble Prime Minister and as I believe it to be true, then it is because of the collective greed of the elected representatives and Bureaucracy.

Has the Government made any efforts whatsoever to fight corruption, is the moot question. Originally when Indian Penal Code was drafted, it contained a provision against almost all crimes that was perceived by the Society which included corruption. When a particular crime grows out of proportion, the Legislature makes special laws to fight the same like Anti-Terrorist Act, Offences against Women, etc. In 1947 itself the Governments of that time perceived that corruption had reached a stage which required a special law other than the Penal Code to deal with it. Hence, the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1947 was codified. With the tremendous growth in corruption and number of people involved in corruption, one would have expected the law makers to make stricter

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anti-corruption Laws. Alas, that did not happen.

But what has happened on 23rd December 2008 is something unbelievable. While approving 17 laws in 12 minutes, the Lower House of Indian Parliament approved the amendments to Prevention of Corruption Act, which literally nullified the powers of the prosecuting agency. I ask a question to the law makers since 1947 to December 2008, has corruption reduced, so that it becomes necessary for the law to be diluted rather than making it stringent.

Fortunately, this Bill was not accepted by the Upper House.

One of the commonest methods by which the bureaucrat could be made subservient or even corrupt is by way of ‘transfer’. Today, Government servants are used to ‘cushy’ postings which are gifts of political bosses.

Transferring officials is not and should not be the prerogative of political bosses. It is the most potent weapon by which you can control the honest bureaucrat or reward dishonest one. I strongly believe that the power of transfer should be vested with the bureaucracy itself and politicians should not have any role to play in it.

Way back in 2007 itself I had written to the II Administrative Reforms Commission about the evils of transfer in the hands of political bosses.

But nothing seems to have happened except reproducing my letter in one of its report. The recent judgment of the Apex Court of the country directing Government to create a Board for Transfer and Promotion of executives is a boon to the bureaucracy.

Transparency and accountability are other factors which make or mar good governance.

Unfortunately both are lacking in-spite of Right to Information Act coming into force.

Good Governance requires foresight and master planning. Administration should be able to foresee natural calamities and provide measures in advance to face such calamities.

But today, as is well said any calamity is a boon to a large section of governance. Cynics say in a democracy people get the Government they

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deserve. I do not believe it. May be in life many events happen over which we may not have any control. But in a democracy many changes can be achieved if people fight for it collectively.

According to me, good governance is our fundamental right. Collective voice for this will have its own effect. Every one should raise their voice about it. If that happens, one day in future I am sure good governance will be the rule of the day. No doubt, an eternal vigilance is the price one has to pay in democracy and that eternal vigilance should be a collective one.

Very often when I deliver lectures to the students who are graduating, I am fond of quoting a stanza from the Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore’s Nobel Prize Winning Gitanjali. In the context of today’s address, I have emboldened myself to modify that Gitanjali in the following words.

“Where the mind is without fear and every head is held high; Where knowledge is free; Where

the country will not any more break into fragments of hate based on religion, caste and language; Where words of politicians come from the depth of truth; Where arms of administration stretch towards the needy and deprived, not to fleece them but to help them; Where hearts of politicians and administrators work towards fulfilling the promises enshrined in our Constitution; Into that heaven of freedom our Mother India should awake before its next Republic Day. (With profound apologies to Gurudev Tagore) I am confident all the above are achievable with the application of honesty and accountability in administration.

With this, Ladies and Gentlemen, I conclude this Memorial Lecture once again dedicating the same and paying homage to late Justice Tarkunde.

An Appeal to the Readers Indian Renaissance Institute has been receiving regular requests from readers, research scholars, Rationalists and Radical Humanists for complete sets of books written by M.N. Roy. It was not possible to fulfil their demands as most of Roy's writings are out of print. IRI has now decided to publish them but will need financial assistance from friends and well-wishers as the expenses will be enormous running into lakhs. IRI being a non-profit organization will not be able to meet the entire expenses on its own. Initially, following 15 books have been ordered for print: New Humanism; Beyond Communism; Politics, Power and Parties; Historical Role of Islam; India’s Message; Men I Met; New Orientation; Materialism; Science & Philosophy; Revolution and Counter-revolution in China; India in Transition; Reason, Romanticism and Revolution; Russian Revolution; Selected Works-Four Volumes; Memoirs (Covers period1915-1923).

Cheques /bank drafts may be sent in the name of ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ at (address): Shri B.D. Sharma, Advocate Chamber No.111 (Old), Supreme Court, New Delhi-110001 Online donations may be sent to: ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ Account No: 02070100005296 FISC Code: UCBA0000207 UCO Bank, Supreme Court Branch, New Delhi (India) We make an earnest appeal to you to please donate liberally for the cause of the spirit of renaissance and scientific thinking being promoted in the writings of M.N. Roy. Thanking you B.D. Sharma N.D. Pancholi, Narottam Vyas President (IRI) Secretary (IRI) Treasurer (IRI)

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST

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Is Marxian Crisis Theory Relevant?

—K.S. Chalam conomic crisis in the form of a recession in the advanced countries has provoked several scholars to re-examine the theories propounded by classical writers including Marx. Those who were critical about the miscarriage of Marxian prediction of the so called ‘law of the tendency of falling rate of profit’ during the peak days of capitalism appear to muse now. There are scholars who are still working on the ideas of great thinkers unlike some political parties. It is in this context, the 17th annual Conference of the Indian Political Economy Association took place in the University of Hyderabad recently. I was invited to deliver the valedictory address (being former founding Member and office bearer). Some young scholars from different parts of the country and also a few from outside were found dabbling with old and obsolete concepts without relating them to the existing conditions in the sessions. They need to be told that the job of an academic as distinguished from a political activist is to try the alternative paradigms to test a theory or Law. Political Economy is not a Religion and its importance is recognised when there was a transition from Feudalism to Capitalism in the 19th century and its relevance is felt now when the Globalisation project is in deep crisis. Therefore, scholars should realise that unless the epistemology of the discipline is enhanced and strengthened, its relevance may not last long. Indian Political Economy Association has been publishing an Alternative Economic Survey and in the same vein you should also work on an alternative frame work to assess the relevance of the existing theories. It is wrong to come to conclusions without exhausting the prevailing discourses available in different countries. There are different shades of Political Economy taught and discussed in Social Sciences. Its popularity is gone down now in

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most of the universities due to several reasons and due to deliberate academic neglect. For instance, the UGC curriculum centre in Economics did not recognise the subject at all and in most of the universities, I am told even Economic Thought or Political Ideas are not taught. In fact, the Chicago School of Political Economy and its high priests, who were behind the Non-Marxian theory of withering away of state, have done great damage to the dispassionate academic quest in educational institutions by espousing only one side view.

India is not an exception to this trend. However, one of the prominent and the dominant approach of Political Economy based on Marxian theory are still surviving despite the collapse of Soviet or Chinese official patronage. In fact, the academic discourse now gains objectivity due to absence of the official bogey. It is anticipated that prospective scholars and thinkers who are searching for alternative sources of intellectual insights would soon bring a paradigm shift.

There are three important academic developments in the Marxian Political Economy.

The German scholar and economist Michael Heinrich in his “An Introduction to the Three Volumes of Karl Marx’s Capital” published by Monthly Press in 2012 and in his expository article in April 2013, brought out a contentious revelation. The maligned theory of crisis of falling rate of profit in Capital, according to Heinrich is an edited version of Engels and not that of Marx. As a German, Heinrich had access to all Marx’s material and found that 1865 manuscripts of Marx were edited by Engels heavily revising to construct the third chapter on “Law”. He has condensed it to divide it in to 4 subsections and the original 7 chapters were reorganised in to 7 parts. Then what is the problem? Heinrich argues that Marx was still researching and trying to understand the dynamics of capitalist system and the law was only a disparate theory and not a comprehensive Law. The fact that he tried to use mathematical examples to explain the falling rate of profit with

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the increase in constant capital and declining surplus value ( with lower number of workers due to increase in productivity etc) is only a discrete attempt. He has also explained that Marx was collecting data and information (even learnt Russian) to understand the American system of capitalism where presence of interest bearing capital and credit have dissipated the tendency of falling rate of profit. Therefore, we need to understand the essence of Marx’s argument and not the actual events. The arguments of Heinrich are contested by Michael Roberts through his blog. According to Roberts, the falling rate of profit even within the given theory is proved in the UK and USA. He has estimated the rate of profit by using the standard Marxist concepts of organic composition of capital, surplus value and rate of profit in the two most advanced capitalist countries during 1963-2008. He found that profits fell by 28%, organic composition rose by 20% and surplus value fell by 19% during 1963-75 in the UK. It is estimated that between 1996 and 2008, profits fell by 11%, organic composition rose by 16% and surplus value remained secularly stagnant. It is now left to the scholars to examine to what extent Marxian theory of crisis is relevant or irrelevant and to what extent Lenin who explained the tyranny of Finance Capital in his elaboration of Imperialism (Globalisation) would be useful. The second most important criticism against Marxism is the alleged absence of analysis of human element in the mechanical application of Historical Materialism.

One may leisurely and dispassionately look at his theories now and their application in countries like India. One may also address the criticism that why India could not produce a Gramsci, Ho chi Min etc, probably to dabble with the so called objective and subjective conditions. Why is it that the Asiatic Mode of Production (exception Sardesai, Harbans Mukhia, Shakti Padhi etc) was not given importance in the mainstream Marxist discourse to understand the vexed question of Caste? How

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do we understand a situation like Telangana even 65 years after independence? There are attempts by independent scholars to address some of these questions, but the hegemony of organised few, it is alleged did not allow the lone voices to be heard to. In fact, scholars like Eric Fromm published “Marx’s Concept of Man” in 1961(thanks to Ravela Somayya for forwarding the book). Fromm, one of the topmost Psychologists of last century analysed Marx’s Philosophical and Economic Manuscripts 1859, to discover the humanist traditions in the elaboration of concept of “Alienation”. The spiritual emancipation of man from the chains of economic determinism as elucidated in ‘labourer exists for the process of production and not the process of production for the labourer’ are to be re-visited. In fact, he argued that Historical Materialism of Marx was deeply rooted in Anthropological content rather than on economic considerations (as it was drawn from Morgan, the Anthropologist).How the classes in contemporary capitalism are to be understood.

Are the classes and castes means the same thing? Is the concept of New Petty Bourgeois advanced by Nicos Poulantazas applicable to India? How do we account for those who assert that, ‘we are poor in economic terms and not by the prestige of caste’, in the urban slums? Do the ICT professionals and Finance Managers who serve the interests of capital come under NPB? Has the concept of New Imperialism understood in the Indian context? These are some of the important questions that should make the academic scholars to bother to make Political Economy really a tool in the hands of the oppressed.

Capital Market Frauds in India economy of 2013 is different from Indian 1953, and qualitatively even from 1993.

The money market has slowly been transformed and the traditional usurers seem to have shifted their eye from pawn brokerage to stock

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exchange. In a short period they have reformed the capital market and the economy .The capital market is where buyers and sellers engage in transactions of securities like bonds, shares etc generally on a longer period of one year and beyond are now reached international standards. But, it was the government initiative and the Public sector that have provided the necessary background for industrialization and later globalization. The year 1992 is a watershed in the capital market operations of the country.

Hrashad Mehta, a smalltime LIC representative turned sub-broker caught manipulating the Bombay share market. It was estimated that he got involved in manipulating around Rs 4000 crores in the share market, was one of the earliest scams after globalization. But, Prof Brahmananda who was given the responsibility to investigate and submit a report informed our Professor in one of his visits to Waltair that it was around Rs 70000 crores (more than I per cent of GDP and 76 % of turnover of market by one operator). Harshad could manipulate the market by trading in shares at premium with the help of a nondescript bank, Bank of Karad in Maharastra, GDRs, diversion of funds and so on .He was in a way responsible for the establishment of Securities and Exchange Board of India, SEBI to oversee the operations of the share market in India from 1993. The volume of trade on SEBI and NSE is increased in leaps and bounds during the post- reform period. The market capitalization was Rs 188146 crores in 1992-93 had become Rs 912842 crores in 1999-2000 and Rs 12311459 crores in 2012-13. It means Rs 23 lakh crores more than our GDP. The market turnover of the share market was Rs 92461 crores in 1992-93 reached Rs 2059219 crores in 1999-2000 and to Rs 2780968 in 2012-13 (rough). The numbers are mind boggling, but that is the reality of our economy monetized and capitalized after 1992 with international corporates participation and probably indirect control. How does the share market operate and influences the economy is

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not even intelligible to economists who do not specialize in Finance (see Samuelson remarks on derivatives.) Therefore, the management experts or those brilliant engineering graduates who are squeezed in to Finance through Management courses are now running the industry, yes industry. Most of the European and American Corporate Houses have almost given up industrial and manufacturing activities and are now concentrating on Finance. If one looks at the GDP accounts of these countries, one would notice that major part of their income comes from the service sector and within service sector, Finance and Banking activities in the World. We are told that the software business or services have a key activity relating to this sector and therefore, we quite often see the honchos of IT hobnob with share market and financial sector. A few years ago a news item in English daily from Bangalore reported that Rs 800 crores is transferred from the city to a London Bank that was already closed and stopped operations. We have not read anything about it thereafter. It is not only through dubious operations of some MNCs including Indian companies that frauds are taking place, but some of the operations of these companies themselves are dubious. The chairman of SEBI, U.K. Sinha, in his address to the PHD Chamber of Commerce and Trade, Delhi last week spoke on corporate frauds in Share market. He has identified around 5 categories. They are 1.

Structured trading where securities like, bond, loan , shares etc are used in commodity finance by taking them as collateral is a non-standard trading ,tends to involve in faruds.2.Syncronised trading is dubious as the amount and orders on both the sides of buyers and sellers are identical.

It is used to display the volume of trade. 3.

Circular trading where particular scrip or scrips are traded by closely knitted entities to push the price.4.Agressive trading is done in large quantity and investment to capture the market.5. Push the market by using market strategies of the product market (in share

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market). Readers and T.V. viewers must have noticed the number of pages devoted to share market in regular newspapers, the time slots given to share market, media briefs and the whole infotainment today is really fantastic. The whole industry relies and survives on the corporate patronage connected directly or indirectly with big business houses. U.K. Sinha narrated how the corporate world is involved in the share business or IPO mislead the client/ subscriber with wrong information by ‘managing the media’. He has mentioned that some of them give specious information relating to the mergers, products, financial results, manipulation of balance sheets and several other innovative practices to dupe the customer.

It is interesting to notice that Legal Firms are now very active in helping the corrupt through innovative ideas to avoid the present legal frame work .He said that every day SEBI gives around 100 alerts based on their sources and parameters on frauds but, order investigations on 8 cases. If we look in to the data of SEBI, only 102 cases of frauds like market manipulation, insider trading, take-overs etc are reported in 2102. However, SEBI could not cancel operations of any of the fraudsters except suspending 10-16 entities during the year 2012.

It shows the vulnerability of the system. There is another grey area that seems to have been responsible for the 2008 economic crisis in USA. It is called as the derivatives and forwards market. America became almost bankrupt due to the derivatives of the housing scam and slowly recovering through Federal Fiscal policy intervention. India was one of the countries that were severely influenced by the trends and the impact seems to be now seen in the slowdown of growth. At the same time Indian operators and the Hedge Fund and money managers who were involved in this must have contributed to the knowhow of the business. It is reported in some section of the media (not prominently) that around Rs 7000 crores are involved in a forward market fraud where the poor and gullible

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farmers’ money is locked or lost. In fact, seven thousand crores is a paltry amount in a system where one day’s yield in wealth in the capital market (of some) is 1.2 lakh crores. The size of our capital market in terms of operators consisting of brokers and sub-brokers is less than one lakh. There are about 7800 scrips, out of which only 3000 are actively traded. We have around 1.8 crore investors who participate in capital market .The SENSEX is however is based on 30 scrips mostly the private corporates like Reliance, Tata, Infosys and ONGC etc. But the ordinary investor, the enthusiast, the villager, the NRI dependent, the pensioner etc are not fully aware of the theatrics and the frauds that land them in bankruptcy and sometimes silently commit suicides. How do the operators create frauds? Public memory is very short and fails to recall that in the month of June, the NSE has issued a show cause notice to 2 brokers Inventure Growth and Securities and Prakash K Shah Shares and Securities who had put in orders 144 to 271 times their margin deposits.

NSE has reported that one operator placed orders worth Rs 1083 crores and another Rs 960 crores when their annual income was Rs 40 to 50 lakhs. NSE seems to have initiated action that is contested and by now got relief in our wonderful emerging new judiciary .This is only an example and there are many such operators and companies that manipulate their accounts and records with designed data of mergers, innovations, financial results to influence the investor and get benefitted by the transactions in the share market. It is possible in India where only 25 percent of the scrips are available for trade and the rest are held by the companies or their proxies. There seem to be much bigger scam here than all the Colgate, 2G etc scams put together. We have not covered here the Banking sector that is directly in their operations and indirectly through operations in share market participate in some of the activities. It seems, the size and operations appear to be small for our friends in the West and therefore, wanted the

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sector to be opened up for private foreign operators so that the whole economy can be regulated. There may be experts and corporate defenders who might argue that it is how money is to be accumulated for investment to usher in higher rates of growth and the corporates do no wrong. Can they do it without affecting the common man where too much money (artificial) is chasing (inflation) too few goods?

The changing character of Leaders and Business Executives world it is said, functions Thewithmundane the actions and decisions of people who are influential in the ordinary business of life. They are called as leaders in public life and Executives in the business world.

There are publications elucidating the concepts and collating them as courses of study in Business Schools all over the world. However, quite often we read and pay attention to people talking about the dearth of competent leaders in a troubled world today. It is true that we need leaders with a vision, aptitude and empathy for the people rather than attending to their immediate routines as political or other functionaries. History is replete with episodes of great men and women emerging as leaders to lead the people, groups, nations and countries to a chosen destiny and earned name and fame.

Though, history does not recognize individuals as superhuman, the conditions and circumstances that shape the significant events are however, recorded and in the process some individuals might get recognition as leaders.

Historians have recorded the significant contributions of Ashoka, Alexander, Akbar, Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Churchill, Attlee, Gandhi, Nehru, Ambedkar and several others both at the national and international levels. Now the issue is do we have capable leaders now to take on the threats of contemporary society? It is often seen that old people who have passed the age of sixty, calling the younger generation hopeless 17

individuals without any objectives in life. But such indictments are proved false when young innovators or achievers demonstrate that they are different. In other words, we can never generalize a situation to hit the mark. It is necessary to study the leadership qualities of the individual(s) and classify them as successful or unsuccessful. This is an academic approach to study personnel and we have now hundreds of institutes to teach and train people in leadership. Of late, media is also contributing its share to this enterprise. Interestingly, the notion ‘training ‘introduced in the beginning to control animals like horse, dog and other pets as per our desires is being used now for humans indicating the absence of human element in most of the programmes. Harvard University started the first Business School in the World in the year 1908. It has changed the course of academic discourse of social sciences in a short period of less than a century. In fact, it is not a discipline, it is a programme barrowing its content mostly from Economics, Psychology and Finance. But, its influence on the world of knowledge and the value system is incredible and future historians would record that if there is any single training programme that has altered the direction of the society and economy, it is Business Management. Some scholars accuse that it has swallowed the Public Administration discipline and inspired NPM in governance.

Andhra University is the first in India to offer MBA and the course is so popular that we have today more number of so called Business schools than the Degree colleges. The one single contribution of this course is that it has created respect for our word ‘Guru’ by means of recognizing thousands of management gurus, corporate babas, experts in leadership, soft skills, life skills trainers etc. Some of them are well read and educated and many of them are charlatans to make money out of the ignorance of the gullible. It is the American guru(s) who have defined and elaborated the new concepts of Leadership and Business Executive. Warren

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Bennis an American Guru has said that, “Managers do things right. Leaders do the right things”. The Austrian-American Peter Drucker has laid strong foundation for the development of the Management course through his two dozen books not only in the USA but in several countries where English is popular. We have also our own guru (a late Professor of Michigan) who said that people can make money out of the poor and was responsible for the now unpopular micro finance business. There are Executives who brought a turnaround in their chosen fields with inputs from management gurus. The ambitious among the successful gurus joined the World of Business seeking money and muscle. A few of the gurus are on the radar of the media and police and the powerful are still in the corridors of power and business empires mediating and lobbying, may be for a consideration. Experts in the field with the support of scholars through sponsored research have developed what is called instruments, consisting of batteries, schedules, questionnaires etc. They deploy standard statistical tools like ANOVA, Factor Analysis, and Regression etc. to arrive at conclusions. Even Political Science (PA) scholars are obliged to accept Theory X and Y to denote leadership styles. However, a section of the intellectual community dissents how the onslaught of a sundry subject is distracting the concerns of human sciences from the welfare of man to creation and accumulation of wealth. The endowment of the Harvard Business School with $ 2.7 billion reflects this (one fourth or $ 50 million contributed by Tata alone). Some of our young politicians have stints of Business

education and it has become a craze that civil servants are deputed to get flying degrees under one of Harvard or Stanford’s short term Executive Education programme paying thousands of dollars as fees by the Government.

Late P.C Alexander former Governor and Cabinet secretary in one of his articles critically remarked that why the Government is deputing officers to USA and what do the incumbents learn except getting a label? Leadership is about the capacity and ability of a person (s) to inspire people to achieve certain inclusive goals. It is also about the sacrifices that one can acquiesce in the interest of the followers and to realize the wellbeing of people. Gandhiji and Abraham Lincoln who sacrificed their lives to uphold certain values under the spirit of common good are the kind of leaders that we are longing for.

The leaders who are trained in competencies or skills like charisma, inspirational and intellectual stimulation, communication, guidance etc are meant to add value to customers and margins to corporations.

Regrettably, the delicate difference between Leadership and Business Executive is erasing after economic globalization. The mind-set of the present leaders in most of the countries is overwhelmed by the business issues to see only short term gains and not the long run interests of humanity.

It may be due to the fact that the capitalist democracy that guides the qualities of most of the leaders including George Bush (Harvard), were trained as Business leaders. They are constrained by the corporate goals of some powerful lobbies that sponsor their candidature and not the enlightened citizens guiding them to attain collective dreams of people.

Dear Friends, Your article for the RH should be emailed to: rheditor@gmail.com.

Or it may be posted at: C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P. A passport size photograph, a small bio-data and a note whether it has also been published elsewhere or is being sent exclusively for the RH should be attached with it.

— Rekha S.

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Current Affairs' Section:

Relief after Kayani’s Retirement —Kuldip Nayar Army Chief Ashfaq Parvez Pakistan Kayani’s announcement to retire on November 29 was a lead story in his country’s media. Some newspapers had bannered it.

Opposition leader Syed Khurshid Shah welcomed the statement. In fact, there has been relief all over including in India that Kayani had announced his exit. This was primarily because Kayani was considered an ambitious general.

Moreover, it was believed that there might be another coup because such has been the practice in the past. But fortunately, Kayani had come out in the open on what his plans were. “I am grateful to the political leadership and the nation for reposing their trust in me and Pakistan Army this important juncture of our national history. However, I share the general opinion that institutions and traditions are stronger than individuals and must take precedence.” The perception about Pakistan is that the army can walk in whenever it likes. The coups first by General Mohammad Ayub, then by General Zia and finally by General Parvez Musharraf have given the impression that although the army goes back to the barracks, its influence does not wane. This is true as well because even Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who has said that the PM is the ‘boss’, has been careful not to lessen the pre-eminence of the army. Since the Prime Minister, after election through a democratic process, was thrown out

by General Mushrraf, Nawaz Sharif is understandably respectful to the army chief.

Both the PM and Kayani are reportedly discussing who should succeed Kayani, a job which in a democratic country is settled by the government. Most pictures I see in newspapers show Kayani by the side of Nawaz Sharif.

Therefore, there was surprise as well as a sense of satisfaction when there was a cryptic press 19

release from the Inter Services Public Relations that the chief of army staff would retire on November 29, when his extended tenure ends.

In fact, when Prime Minister Yousuf Reza Gilani gave Kayani three years’ extension there was rumours that Gilani had no choice as if the extension was at the point of gun. There was nothing like that. Gilani wanted a professional head to depoliticize the army, something which Mushraff had not done during the eight and a half years that he stayed in power. Whether Kayani’s retirement in a regular manner is enough of evidence to infer that there would never be a coup in Pakistan is not easy to say.

But chances will lessen as the days go by because the people have more and more vested interest in election process. I find the leading politicians of different parties going on record as saying that the people would come on to the streets if ever the army tries to take over.I wish it would be true. But my experience is different.

When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto assumed power in the wake of Bangladesh liberation war, he told me that “we have learnt from the history” and that the Pakistanis would revolt and hit the streets to stop the tanks if they ever came out. This was proved wrong when Musharraf took over. The Pakistanis, like we Indians, want to rule themselves. But with almost a span of 50 years of military rule since the 66-year-old independence, democracy has not taken roots in the country. The people are too afraid. Today the situation has worsened because the army is the only force which has the wherewithal to fight against the menace called Taliban. The challenge would become bigger when the western forces leave Afghanistan next year.I am intrigued by more or less the farewell statement that Kayani has made. He has said: “It is important that the military leadership in future also continues to play its unreserved role for strengthening of democratic system in the country.” That Kayani made the statement on October 12 to coincide with the military coup in which the elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif

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was thrown out is significant. He announced his retirement on ctober 6 but delayed the statement by six days. I do not know what message he was trying to convey. But Kayani’s use of words like military’s “unreserved role” for strengthening of democratic system conveys it all. The “unreserved role” means that the military is expected to act in a manner which is not written in any constitution, nor defined otherwise. The role is important to “strengthen democratic system” but not spelled out. Kayani has been concentrating on Kashmir. He has removed the demand for plebiscite and forsaken Musharraf’s proposal to make the borders of Jammu and Kashmir irrelevant. During Kayani’s time the violations of ceasefire have increased, as many as 100 in the last few weeks. Kayani’s vague words remind me of what General Zia told me during his dictatorial regime. General Zia-ul Haq argued that the army had every right to intervene if the situation went bleak. I told him you had come in whenever you wanted to do.

Where did the worsening of situation arise and where was the justification? Kayani should know that the elected government has the final word.

Most of Pakistan’s problems are the doings of the military. The Taliban whom it is trying to eliminate in its own country is because of the military’s thinking that the group fired by the ideology of jihad would come in handy to keep India on its toes. Today Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has become such a Frankenstein that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has promulgated an ordinance of special powers to confront the Taliban. Kayani’s farewell advice to his successor, yet to be named, to back democracy is unsolicited and uncalled for.

Kayani should realize that democracy is not a gift, definitely not from the armed forces. What he was saying from experience is that the Pakistanis are not prepared for another military rule. This has had a salutary effect of Mushraff’s failure and people’s loss of faith in a military rule. It is a plus point for democracy in Pakistan.

A Gentleman in Politics

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a time when politicians have come Atdown to the level of street urchins, hurling abuses at each other and when the surveillance of even an individual is not considered an intrusion to privacy, the memory of the late Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral is like a fresh air. He was urbane, civil and never raised voice when an opponent lost his cool.

This November 30 is his first death anniversary.

Throughout his political career, either as foreign minister or as prime minister, he tried to bring back the values. As foreign minister, he advocated morality in dealing with big and small countries. He was opposed to taking action against Saddam Hussein, then heading Iraq.

The West regretted the elimination of Saddam when it found that he had no weapons of destruction. In his book, A Foreign Policy for India, Gujral says: “Indian foreign policy was not something which we read about in text books or heard about at the university. It was a product of the freedom struggle itself. Resisting oppression meant independence and was spelt out as the defining characteristic of an independent policy.” Gujral was particularly partial to India’s neighbouring countries, something that came to be known as the Gujral Doctrine. I am certain that he would have accommodated Bangladesh on the Tiesta river water, a concession which would have helped Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to win in the elections due in January next.

Similarly, Gujral would have found a way to hold talks with Pakistan instead of sticking to Islamabad’s guarantee to ensure the sacrosanct of the Line of Control. When Pakistan is itself in the midst of combat with terrorists, particularly the Taliban, it is difficult to guarantee no violation of the LoC because there are non-stake holders disturbing peace. I came to know Gujral when he was a member of Indira Gandhi’s kitchen cabinet after she lost to Lal Bahadur Shastri in the race to the prime ministerial gaddi. She demanded unstinted loyalty and Gujral was her confidante. Yet when Mrs Gandhi imposed the emergency he refused to toe the

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line as Minister for Information and Broadcasting. Mrs Gandhi’s son, Sanjay Gandhi, an extra-constitutional authority was running the government. Sanjay phoned up Gujral asking him to propagate against Jayaprakash Narain, heading the movement to remove corruption and to resist the authoritarianism which Mrs Gandhi’s rule had come to represent.

Gujral told Sanjay that he was Mrs Gandhi’s minister and not his errand boy. Gujral was transferred from the Information and Broadcasting ministry to the Planning Commission where P.N. Haksar, once Mrs Gandhi’s principal secretary, was hibernating.

He too had been punished for having joined issue with Sanjay Gandhi. It was only the offer of ambassadorship to the Soviet Union which stopped Gujral from resigning from the government. Being a leftist—he was a camp follower of the Communist Party during his student days at Lahore—he did so well at Moscow that he was requested by Morarji Desai, then the prime minister, to continue as India’s envoy. Gujral had ingratiated himself with the communist party and the government so closely that the Soviet Union was unsparing in supplying arms to India. Moscow also stood by the side of New Delhi on Kashmir. Gujral, though, had a weakness—his love for Pakistan where he was born. He sincerely believed that a friendly Pakistan was an asset to India. He would have criticized the firing of Pakistan television channels for showing the Indian programmes more than permitted. Both countries are guilty of harming each other’s credentials relating to the news and political enormity. Viewers are mature enough to separate the propaganda from happenings. His first love was for Punjab.

When he was prime minister, he wrote off the state’s debt to the centre running into crores. He also sanctioned a Science City to be founded at Jalandhar where he and his family settled after migrating from Jhelum. And while out of office, he spanned the distance between the Hindus and Sikhs during the militancy years. He

constituted the Punjab Group—I was its member—to talk to the Akalis on the one hand and the chauvinists on the other. After the fall of Deve Gowda government, Gujral became the prime minister for a brief period. He undertook a tour of South Africa and Egypt in October 1977. I accompanied him as a journalist. My purpose was to see the country where Gandhi had experimented with his satyagraha, an antidote to the class struggle, because a satyagrahi was required to purify himself in order to serve the society without any ulterior motive. Gujral visited the Pietermaritzburg railway station where a pamphlet was available relating how Gandhiji was thrown out of a first-class railway compartment exclusive reserved for whites. My long cherished desire to meet Nelson Mandela came true as I joined Gujral during a banquet dinner hosted in his honour. Later at night, Mandela broke into dance and dragged Gujral on to the floor. Gujral’s bonanza to government servants on the recommendations of the pay commission was too heavy a burden on the exchequer at a time when India was not in sound economic health. Had he implemented the other recommendations, such as the 30 per cent cut in the bureaucracy and extended working hours, some balance might have been struck.

But Gujral was under pressure from trade unions and the Left. The hike unbalanced the Central budget and was beyond the capacity of the states when they too were obliged to follow suit. It is strange how the dust of time accumulates to obscure even the names of people who have served the country well in its most difficult times. The Congress party he served, practically his whole life, is opposed to him because he tried to bring back the party to its ethos of democracy, pluralism and egalitarianism. It is, indeed, a pity that the values have ceased to matter with political parties. Gujral would not have fitted in the Congress or any other party if he had been living.

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A Visit To Bangladesh

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a few minutes of my arrival at Within Dhaka, I was in the midst of a debate whether the parliamentary elections, to be held on January 5, 2014, would be fair and independent.

P.M. Sheikh Hasina has constituted an all-party interim government and has even offered Begum Khalida Zia, who is her main opponent and heads the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. But Sheikh Hasina is “the problem” with Begum Khalida. I can say after my five-day stay in Bangladesh that the polls would be fair if Khalida Zia boycotts them which looks very much on the cards. Sheikh Hasina does not want to step down and looks like going to any extent to retain power. She amended the state’s constitution which provided for a caretaker government, headed by the outgoing retired Supreme Court C.J., to supervise the polls. What amazes me is the alacrity with which Sheikh Hasina has frittered away her four-fifths of majority in parliament. Her mis-governance has increased corruption, contaminating even the government functionaries in villages. Begum Khalida has aggravated the situation by organizing hartal every third day, hitting the common man. Sheikh Hasina too had organized hartals when she was in the wilderness. The two Begums, becoming prime minister alternatively, have talked to each other on the phone probably for the first time. There is no breakthrough, not even via the conciliators, because of personal hostility. There is enough evidence to support the suspicion that Begum Khalida’s close associates were behind the attack on Sheikh Hasina’s meeting when she was out of power.

The Jammat-e-Islami is the biggest gainer.

Methodically and relentlessly, it has created cells in all segments of the society, including the intelligentsia. The Jammat has the advantage of BNP’s dependence on it. The two were together in the government which Begum Khalida headed. They would be the coalition partners if and when the BNP comes to power. The worse fallout has been the birth of fundamentalism. It has been increasing because of the poisonous

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speeches the maulvis and the mullahs make after the Friday prayers. It goes to the credit of Sheikh Hasina that she has kept the fight against fundamentalists on top of her agenda and has harked back on the days of secularism which the rule by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had ushered in.

Such sentiments have brought Sheikh Hasina popularity in India which too has adopted pluralism as the basic structure of its polity. But just as Narendra Modi, the BJP’s P.M. candidate, has cast shadows on its secular credentials, Khalida Zia has done in Bangladesh. A country which evoked hope when it liberated itself on the principle that religion would not be mixed with politics is today exhibiting an entirely different scenario. Poverty is opium for the masses as Karl Marx has said. The need of the Left is felt immensely.

Bangladesh had a strong community party. Now it is reduced to a rump and tends to tilt towards the establishment.

Tragically, it is the same old story in the entire subcontinent, including India. Had there been hope of the Left’s revival, 70% of the subcontinent’s people, extremely poor, might not have listen to the religious appeal as a force to propel progress. The Left could have retrieved the situation. Alas, the god has failed the people.

The anti-India feeling that Sheikh Hasina is confronting is because of her unilateral steps like the transit facilities to New Delhi to connect its northeastern states through the shortest route. Had Manmohan Singh given the Tiesta water to Sheikh Hasina, she would have been on a strong wicket. The late West Bengal chief minister, Jyoti Basu, was a visionary and accommodated Bangladesh on the Farrakha waters. Mamata Banerjee does not see beyond her vote bank. As for Pakistan, I found little interest than before. The people relate to it mostly as a reference point to their liberation struggle against what was once East Pakistan.

Nine months before liberation, the Pakistani government, led by President General Yahya Khan, had refused to step down after the Awami League, based in East Pakistan, won a majority

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in the national elections. For years the Bengalis in East Pakistan had chaffed under governments that favoured the cultural and economic development of West Pakistan. The then moderate Awami League, with a clear majority gained in the freest and fairest election in years, could implement its Six Point Plan, giving East Pakistan autonomy in all areas except foreign affairs and defence. Instead, Yahya Khan used military to suppress the movement. However, I have found lately in Pakistan the regret over having lost part of the country because of the late P.M. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s follies. One Pakistan’s leading lawyer said that they could now appreciate how the Indians felt about the division in 1947 when the British quit. The post-liberation generation, nearly 65 percent of Bangladesh’s population does not know what its forefathers went through to win freedom. Nor does it care to inquire. Surprisingly, there is no good book to describe the privations of those days available. Over the years, I have found that self-confidence and optimism increasing among the people. Despite the internal turmoil, Bangladesh has sustained 6% growth for the last decade. Human development statistics are far between than those of India. Agriculture growth has made the country self-sufficient while the garment industry, although not following labour laws, is thriving. No doubt, there is a widespread poverty and the gulf between the rich and the poor is yawning. Yet the rural areas have done so much better that the people from there do not flock in to cities as they used to do during the flood or scarcity. They may rough it out but they are self-developed. The future is no doubt unpredictable, but may see a large scale of violence, particularly at the time of elections because Begum Khalida is opposed to the polls under Sheikh Hasina. One leading editor has gone to the extent even suggesting intervention by the judiciary. He says, “We have owhere to turn to but to the custodians of our constitution of law and citizens’ rights.”

High Fives To Electorates

for state legislatures in TheM.P.,elections Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram and Delhi have indicated the mood of people. Many questions have come to the fore.

The political parties face the challenge of finding an answer before the parliamentary polls next year. Two trends have emerged, one plus and the other minus, from these elections. The positive aspect is that more voters have come to the polling booths than ever before, nearly 75 percent exercising their franchise. If spelled out, it means that people have expressed their ever-increasing faith in the ballot box, an essential ingredient of democratic governance.

The negative side is the mudslinging. I have watched campaigns of all elections since independence. There were fierce contests, particularly from the late sixties. Yet none, neither an individual nor a political party, ever hit below the belt. At best, a remark like the one

by Dr Ram Manohar Lohia, a socialist leader, was that Mrs Indira Gandhi, his strong opponent, was a goongi gudiya (a silent doll). There was no malice. Indulging in personal abusive remark was not considered ethical. Since then the thin line between what is moral and immoral has got erased. And it has become free for all. The current state elections are considered a semi-final contest. I shudder to imagine how low would the level of the final, the Lok Sabha elections in May 2014, go to. Political parties have to agree upon a code so that the polls are not reduced to street brawls and the candidates do not behave like the urchins. I think that the Election Commission has been too complacent and too accommodative. I have seen reports of giving warnings and asking for explanations from erring candidates. But no action has been forthcoming so far. I get the feeling that the two have come to develop a cozy relationship, the anti-thesis of independent elections. I do not doubt the veracity of elections. Yet the means are not less important than the end. My greatest concern is over the attempt to polarize the society. Gujarat C.M. Narendra Modi may not

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have played the Hindu card directly. But all his speeches underline the notion of Hindu nationalism, an anti-thesis of pluralism which is the ethos of our country. That the RSS has forced his candidature on the moderate BJP is understandable. But why people like Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley, who are considered left of the BJP ideology, are sharing the rostrum with Modi? L.K. Advani, who has mellowed over the years, has made it clear through his attitude that he is distant from Modi and the communal politics he represents. The BJP has hit itself on the foot. The party has been expanding its base by diluting its anti-Muslim stance. By honouring at Agra two BJP members of legislative assembly during the election campaign, the party’s base has got shrunk. The voters have seen through the smokescreen it had created. Both the MLAs were charged with the participation in the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in 2002 and were let off by the court due to lack of concrete evidence.

Their communal antecedents have only been confirmed. The results for the legislature in the five states will have no bearing on the forthcoming Lok Sabha polls. They do not indicate that the parliamentary elections will go the same way. The voters are sick and tired of non-governance by the Congress government at the centre. They are also horrified over the scams running into thousands of crores. The price rise is also a factor against the Congress.

Therefore, the vote cast in favour of the BJP is a negative one. There are still no all India alternatives to the Congress and the BJP, however distasteful to most voters. Yet the most disconcerting thing that has assumed dangerous proportion is the role of money. It has been always there, but has beaten this time all the previous records. There were 6,454 candidates in fray in the five states. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of candidates—2,586 for 321 seats, followed by Rajasthan with 2,087 for the 200 seats. There was a drop in Chhattisgarh—843 contestants for 91 seats, 142 for 40 seats in Mizoram and a

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whopping figure of 796 for Delhi’s 70 seats. The expenditure runs into thousands of crores. The various studies show that the cost/ Lok Sabha seat is around Rs. 10 crore. Seven to eight assembly constituencies constitute a Lok Sabha seat and the expense works out to Rs. 1.25 crore/ assembly constituency. But it is said that the minimum expenditure on an assembly seat is at least Rs. 2 crore. Adding these figures, the total expenditure by the candidates comes to Rs. 13,908 crore. Chief Electoral Officer explains: “We do not want to put all the eggs in one basket.” The campaign of Modi, the BJP’s P.M.candidate, is reportedly financed by the corporate sector. The party cadres are said to be happy for getting the money. The meeting of captains of industry at Ahmedabad last year to support the candidature of Modi for prime ministership emphasizes their preference for him because his speeches indicate how they would have a free hand if he came to power.

They should have reconsidered their stand after the surveillance by the government’s security forces, including the anti-terrorist force, of a girl he had taken ‘fancy’ to in 2004. It was not protection but a close check on whom she met or where she went. The state’s inquiry committee is a farce. There should be a judicial probe. The surveillance is linked with Modi or, probably elections, in Gujarat. The overall picture may not be affected very much. Yet what it suggests is that electoral reforms are essential for free and independent polls. There have been many committees which have proposed reforms. I recall Gandhian leader J.P. making several recommendations. In fact, even the Janata Party, his creature, did not implement any one of them because P.M. Morarji Desai had different ideas. His personal integrity was beyond doubt, but he could not lessen the role of money in elections. That continues to affect the independence and fairness of elections even today.

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IRI / IRHA Members' Section:

Search for Human Rights on Ancient Indian Philosophy —Badri Das Sharma his is in response to an article in the RH of November, 2013 by Dr. Dipti Shukla on human rights in ancient Indian Philosophy. I was a bit surprised to find that in the said article, many important aspects of human life in ancient India and ancient Indian Philosophy had been missed.

First of all, let us take up the question of equality, it is well known that system of caste or Varna Dharma was very much there in the philosophy and resultant way of life. A Brahman was considered to be at the top and a dalit or Sudra was considered to be at the bottom of the Society. There was strict prohibition for the Sudra from rising up the ladder of status quo to become Vaishya, Khshtriya for Brahman and he was condemned for his life to abject slavery and poverty. For instance, we find in Mahabharata that Eklavya who was from the lowest caste had no right even to become a pupil of Gurus like Dronacharya and when he dared to assert that he learnt his lessons in archery by following Shri Dronacharya’s teachings silently without letting the latter know about it, the latter ordered him to cut-off his right hand thumb and give the same as Gurudakshina to him so that Eklavya could never beat the Pandavas in the art of archery.

There are many other examples of such atrocities being committed on Sudras and dalits.

If we take up the case of a brother and sister in a family, the male was considered to be higher in stature; as a Sanskrit hymn runs- “Pun Nam Narkat Trayate, iti Putra”; i.e. he who gets father away from hell, known as ‘Pun’ is called Putra.

Thus, even for life beyond this Earth there was utter discrimination between a male and a female child those days. The same was the condition of women; they were doomed to

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restrict themselves to the works in the household or sometimes in the fields of agriculture and were not even given a chance to study and learn Vedas or take up serious study of literature etc. Women were not considered as equal partners with their husbands. System of polyandry was in vogue.

It we think in terms of a human being living his life as he liked, we find that belief in the super-natural i.e. God etc. sapped his creative activity and man was taught that he would get only what was in store for him, i.e. theories of ‘Karma’ and the ‘other world’ were very much prevalent. Geeta has been said to be the gist of Vedas and Upanishad. But in Geeta one finds that Lord Krishna ordains that “Your right is only to work and that you have no right on the fruits of your Labour”. Thus Geeta, in a way discourages a man to work ceaselessly for greater gain to make him and others happy. The theory of soul being immortal is also ingrained in Geeta. The idea of soul and of another world as heaven or hell, are very much part of the teachings of Geeta. Such teachings are definitely an anti-thesis to reason and rational thinking. In Geeta Lord Krishna exhort Arjun to leave all Dharmas and surrender himself to Lord Krishna and on surrender, Lord Krishna would relieve Arjun of all worries and anxieties and lead him to eternal bliss (Moksha). This shows that ancient being was worthless without the support of God. Dr. Dipti Shukla has referred to the dictum- “the entire world is a family”. As an ideal it is very good but the question is when even in a small unit of a family, consisting only of man, his wife, his son and his daughter there is no sense of equality, freedom of thought etc., the ideal of entire world being a family and all the human beings being members of family, is nothing but Utopia.

These are some of the many questions which come to my mind and I have raised them here so that our friends may coolly, pounder over them.

[Adv. B.D. Sharma, Supreme Court, is the President of Indian Renaissance Institute]

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Man or Superman!

—Rishabh Vyas the whole world skips a heartbeat And on one common thought- “Cricket without Sachin Ramesh Tendulkar”. Such is the impact of this man who simply played a sport and nothing else. Such is the charisma of a man who has always held his head high, made his country proud and never let anything put even a mark on his accomplishments.

I’ll not be talking here about his achievements or how he defines ‘Cricket’ to people like me. I’ll be talking about something deeper and relevant to all of us, which compelled me and many like me to respect this man.

Achievements and accolades have been won in the past too. There have been many stalwarts, many people who have come and gone making significant contributions in some field or the other. We have seen many shoot up to fame and come down with the same speed. But what is it with this man that is so rare? What difference has this man made that the whole world salutes him, idolizes him, praises him and respects him?

According to me, apart from dedication to his work, continuously delivering in his game, recognizing and respecting his responsibility, what makes him stand out is his humility, his humbleness. The way he speaks, addresses everyone on the field and elsewhere, shows what

a strong character he has. We know what he has achieved for the nation. We all know that.

Yet, has there ever been any news about him doing something that undermines his character? Has he ever been reckless in his fame and got drunk or slapped any of his over intrusive fans? Has there been any news of him fixing a match (match-fixing could have been done easily by someone of his stature, but he never ventured into it). I’ll be trying to connect a superhero flick one liner here (given to Peter Parker from Uncle Ben in Spiderman)- “With great powers, come greater responsibilities”.

People need to understand the value they have created for themselves. If you have people looking up to you, idolizing you, you need to keep up to that level and not fall back. Take that responsibility. This phenomenon is applicable to everyone at every level- to parents, to elder brothers and sisters, everyone. Make yourself worthy of the position you claim. It’s not simple, not simple at all. Taking responsibility is one of the most difficult tasks ever. But, if you think you deserve to be at that level, you need to learn this as well (part of the pre-requisites).

Won’t miss you Sachin because we know you are here with us in our hearts, and will always be.

[Rishabh Vyas, a young radical humanist, is pursuing his post graduation from IMT Hyderabad (PGDM finance). He may be contacted at rishabhvyas25@gmail.com]

Beyond Communism to New Humanism A careful study of psychology as well as of history leads to the conclusion that defeat is not always an unmixed evil. As a matter of fact, defeat inspires thought. Marching from victory to victory, not being confronted with difficulties which appear to be overwhelming, one cultivates the habit of complacency, and that habit inhibits thought. When all our efforts appear to be frustrated, or when the path before us does not seem to be strewn with roses, only then do we begin to think furiously; in such critical moments, the sum-total of human knowledge and understanding inceases by leaps and bounds, and a new vista of progress for all opens up before humanity. That perhaps is the brightest side of the present crisis, the silver-lining of teh dark clouds.

—M.N. Roy, (Beyond Communism, Beyond Communism to New Humanism, Page 78) 26

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Professors' & Students' Section:

The Luminaries: A Novel with a Heart —Dr. Ashok K. Choudhury Kiran Desai won the Man Booker When Prize in 2006 at the age of 35 for her second novel The Inheritance of Loss it created a stir as she was the youngest woman to win Britain’s most prestigious literary prize, awarded annually to a novelist from Britain, Ireland or a Commonwealth country. This year’s winner, the 28 year old Eleanor Catton is not only the youngest novelist to win the world’s most coveted literary award in the award’s 45 year’s history, but has set a new record for the longest work ever to win. The 832 pages The Luminaries, the second novel of Catton that she completed at the age of 27, is a “magnificent novel: awesome in its structural complexity; addictive in its story-telling; and magical in its conjuring of a world of greed and gold," says Chair of judges Robert Macfarlane.

Eleanor Catton is the second New Zealander to win the prize, the first being Keri Hulme who won it for his novel The Bone People in 1985.

What impressed the judges was that it could have been the work of someone so young.

Catton was just 25 when she started work on it.

“Maturity is evident in every sentence, in the rhythms and balances. It is a novel of astonishing control”, reiterates Macfarlane. A more important statistic is that earlier in the year there were an extraordinary number of 151 novelists who submitted for the prize. A long list of thirteen titles was announced on 23 July, and these were narrowed down to a shortlist of six titles, announced on 10 September.

The jury, chaired by the travel writer Robert Macfarlane, who was joined by Robert Douglas-Fairhurst, Natalie Haynes, Martha 27

Kearney, and Stuart Kelly, after months of commotion and speculation, and around two hours of discussion made a final decision in favour of The Luminaries. The shortlisted writers contained great geographical and ethnic diversity, with Zimbabwean-born No Violet Bulawayo's account of the lives of Zimbabwean urchins We Need New Names through Chatto & Windus; Jim Crace from England for Harvest (Picador) portrays the unsettling narrative detailing the disintegration of an agrarian community; the Pulitzer Prize winner Indian-American Jhumpa Lahiri for The Lowland, a tale about two brothers in 1960s Bengal, which was lauded by the judges as a “seismological story that was told with impeccable lucidity”, through Bloomsbury Publishing; Canadian-American Ruth Ozeki for A Tale for the Time Being that focuses on the lives of two distinctly different women linked by the serendipitous discovery of a diary through Canongate; and three-time shortlisted Booker veteran Colm Toibin of Ireland for The Testament of Mary published by Viking Press.

The judges picked Catton’s audacious take on an old form, the Victorian “sensation novel”.

Catton was presented the Prize on 15 October 2013 by Prince Charle’s wife Camilla Parker-Bowels, the Duchess of Cornwall, at a glittering dinner in London’s ancient Guildhall the sum of £50000. In her acceptance speech Catton admitted: “When I began writing The Luminaries, I was very much in the thrall of Lewis Hyde’s wonderful book, The Gift, as I still am. And his conception of the creative enterprise as explored in that book was very important to me in how I came to understand the West Coast of the South Island of New Zealand, during the years of the gold rush… I would also like to make some very brief but heartfelt individual thanks. To my editors, Sarah Holloway and Max Porter, whose influence on The Luminaries has been conspiratorial, rigorous, and for me, incredibly personally sustaining.

To my publishers Fergus

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Barrowman, Philip Gwyn Jones and Sigrid Rausing, who were kind enough to take a chance on me? And to my dear agent Caroline Dawnay in whom I trust completely… Lastly I would like to thank the Man Booker Prize and this year’s judging panel for considering my work alongside the work of such wonderful and important shortlisted writers for providing the value and the worth, jointly, of this extraordinary prize”.

The judges also emphasized that the length never poses a problem even if it’s a great novel.

The Luminaries, a publisher’s nightmare, is a novel you pan, as if for gold, and the returns are huge. Those of us who didn’t read it on e-readers got a full-body workout from the experience. A complex novel published by Granta, The Luminaries makes the readers follow the events without feeling the length of it.

It tells of adventures and crimes of travelers coming to New Zealand to search for gold. The epic tale of love, murder, conspiracy, and deceit set in 1866 lesser known New Zealand gold rush, tells the tale of Edinburg-born Walter Moody, who lands in Hokitika, New Zealand, with a plan to dig for gold on 27th January 1866.

Upset by a stormy, traumatic crossing, he seeks shelter in the hotel he comes across, only to stumble upon a secret meeting by twelve local men. Over the course of the evening, each of the group tells their part in a story that has been puzzling the town over two weeks. The story involves a missing rich man, a dead hermit, a huge sum in gold, and a beaten-up whore.

Catton has given each one gathered the personality stereotypical to an astrological sign.

Her descriptions are meticulous and precise.

A wealthy man has vanished; a whore has tried to end her life. An enormous fortune has been discovered in the home of a luckless drunk.

There is hidden gold and there are prostitutes; there are drunkards and shipwrecks, séances, and murder too. Moody is soon drawn into the mystery. A network of fates and fortunes that is as complex and exquisitely patterned as the

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night sky. The multiple voices take turns to tell their own stories and gradually what happened in Hokitika on New Zealand’s South Island is revealed. The characters are in New Zealand, who are pale, waxen, grievously wounded, bone thin, fogged by opium, or redolent of the sea in a rugged region plagued by shipwrecks, move through alongside the living: dead or alive, to make and to gain- the one thing that disrupts them is love. Catton gives a vibrant sense of New Zealand’s terrain, its rowdy gold rush and veneer of civilization which has begun to fame it.

The murder mystery, however, explores identity, greed and human trailing. Macfarlane, in his announcement speech, described the debut novel as being “animated by a weird struggle between compulsion and conversion: within its pages, men and women proceed according to their fixed fates, while gold – as flakes, nuggets, coins and bars – ceaselessly shifts its shapes around them.”

“With The Luminaries I had a question that I wanted to ask, and the question led me in my research from book to book, and in my writing from scene to scene, and I still do not feel that I have answered the question in a definitive sense, but the book is the answer to that question.

The question to do with self-knowledge of your own destiny corrupts a person. A lot of the characters in the book are engaged with their own past”, said Catton at the post-award press meet. Kristy Gunn, a novelist and writer of short stories of New Zealand, writing in The Guardian, observes, “The Luminaries is a consummate literary page turner. Catton has created her own world in The Luminaries, - an upside-down, southern Hemisphere kind of a place with its own astrological calendar that casts its own kind of influence, its own light”. “The Luminaries is a heart-pounding sport of the manifold suspects, witness, and possible accompanies that reminds readers of the excitement of storytelling”, says the Publishers Weekly.

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Four years ago her debut novel, The Rehearsal, is a mesmerizing, labyrinthine, intricately patterned, and astonishingly original novel. It’s really something else entirely. With The Rehearsal one gets the style, the sophistication, the boundless possibility and the narrative pleasures. The wildly brilliant and precious first novel was widely praised and nominated for awards and prizes including: the 2009 Betty Trask Award, the Adam Prize in Creative Writing, and Amazon Prize in 2010, as well as long-listed for the Orange Prize, short-listed for the Dylan Thomas Prize, and shortlisted for the Guardian First Book Award in 2008. It has since been published in 17 territories and 12 languages.

Catton, the last winner of the Booker, which is presently confined to writers from the

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Commonwealth countries and Ireland, was born in Canada and raised in Christchurch, New Zealand. Completing an MFA from the Iowa Writers’ Workshop and an MA in fiction writing from International Institute of Modern Letters, she held an adjunct professorship at the Iowa Writers’ Workshop. Currently she lives in Auckland with her ‘big bag’, which she had bought a new one as her book would not fit into old one. This is what Catton described her immediate reaction to the news of her win.

[Dr. Ashok K Choudhury, a Literary Critic & Post-Doctoral Scholar, is with India’s National Academy of Letters.]

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Human Rights of Woman in India and their Violation —Vandita Sharma rights refer to the “basic rights Human to freedom to which all humans are entitled. The basic human rights of people who lack economic, physical, mental, social and emotional resources are very often violated.”

The study of human rights occupies a very important place in the world. In other words Human Rights are of universal importance. They are no doubt the inherent rights of human beings. They are common to all regardless of caste, creed, colour, religion, race, etc. All countries of the world including India strive hard to safeguard human rights through their well established Constitutions. Yet, violations of human rights continue to occur in the name of religion, race, creed, caste, colour, sex, etc.

Human Rights for Women in India: Right to equality; Right to education; Right to live with dignity; Right to liberty; Right to political participation; Right to property; Right to equal opportunity for employment; Right to free choice of profession; Right to livelihood; Right to work in equitable conditions; Right to get equal wages for equal work; Right to protection from gender discrimination; Right to social protection in the eventuality of retirement, old age and sickness; Right to protection from inhuman treatment; Right to protection of health; Right to privacy in terms of personal life, family, residence, correspondence etc. and Right to protection from society, state and family system.

Important Constitutional and Legal Provisions for Women in India: The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in

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favour of women. Within the framework of a democratic polity, our laws, development policies, plans and programmes have aimed at women’s advancement in different spheres.

India has also ratified various international conventions and human rights instruments committing to secure equal rights of women.

Key among them is the ratification of the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1993.

Constitutional Provisions: The Constitution of India not only grants equality to women but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women for neutralizing the cumulative socio economic, education and political disadvantages faced by them. Fundamental Rights, among others, ensure equality before the law and equal protection of law; prohibits discrimination against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, and guarantee equality of opportunity to all citizens in matters relating to employment. Articles 14, 15, 15(3), 16, 39(a), 39(b), 39(c) and 42 of the Constitution are of specific importance in this regard.

1. Some Constitutional Privileges: (i) Equality before law for women (Article 14) (ii) The State not to discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them (Article 15 (i)) (iii) The State to make special provision in favour of women and children (Article 15 (3)) (iv)Equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State (Article 16) (v) The State to direct its policy towards securing for men and women equally the right to an adequate means of livelihood (Article 39(a)); (vi)Equal pay for equal work for both men and women (Article 39(d)) Legal Provisions: To uphold the Constitutional mandate, the State has enacted various

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legislative measures intended to ensure equal rights, to counter social discrimination and various forms of violence and atrocities and to provide support services especially to working women. Although women may be victims of any of the crimes such as ‘Murder’, ‘Robbery’, ‘Cheating’ etc, the crimes, which are directed specifically against women, are characterized as ‘Crime against Women’. These are broadly classified under two categories.

Crimes Identified Under the Indian Penal Code (IPC): Rape (Sec. 376 IPC); Kidnapping & Abduction for different purposes (Sec. 363-373); Homicide for Dowry, Dowry Deaths or their attempts (Sec. 302/304-B IPC); Torture, both mental and physical (Sec. 498-A IPC); Molestation (Sec. 354 IPC); Sexual Harassment (Sec. 509 IPC); Importation of girls (up to 21 years of age) Crimes identified under the Special Laws (SLL): Although all laws are not gender specific, the provisions of law affecting women significantly have been reviewed periodically and amendments carried out to keep pace with the emerging requirements.

Some acts which have special provisions to safeguard women and their interests are: The Employees State Insurance Act, 1948; The Plantation Labour Act, 1951; The Family Courts Act, 1954; The Special Marriage Act, 1954; The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 with amendment in 2005; Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956; The Maternity Benefit Act, 1961 (Amended in 1995); Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961; The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971; The Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1976; The Equal Remuneration Act, 1976; The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006; The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983; The Factories (Amendment) Act, 1986; Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986; Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act, 1987; The Protection of Women from Domestic

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Violence Act, 2005 Special Initiatives for Women: a) National Commission for Women In Jan. 1992, the Government set-up this statutory body with a specific mandate to study and monitor all matters relating to the constitutional and legal safeguards provided for women, review the existing legislation to suggest amendments wherever necessary, etc. b) Reservation for Women in Local Self –Government The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Acts passed in 1992 by Parliament ensure one-third of the total seats for women in all elected offices in local bodies whether in rural areas or urban areas. c) The National Plan of Action for the Girl Child (1991-2000) The plan of Action is to ensure survival, protection and development of the girl child with the ultimate objective of building up a better future for the girl child. d) National Policy for the Empowerment of Women, 2001 The Department of Women & Child Development in the Ministry of Human Resource Development has prepared a “National Policy for the Empowerment of Women” in the year 2001. The goal of this policy is to bring about the advancement, development and empowerment of women.

Violation of Human Rights of Women in India: Human rights are those minimum rights which are compulsorily obtainable by every individual as he/she is a member of human family. The constitution of India also guarantees the equality of rights of men and women.

However, in the sphere of women’s human rights in India, there exists a wide gulf between theory and practice. Indian society is a male dominated society where men are always assumed to be superior to society. The women in India very often have to face discrimination, injustice and dishonour. Though women in India have been given more rights as compared to men, even then the condition of women in India is miserable. The paper will throw light on how

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all the fundamental rights given to the women are being violated in India, by focusing on the various crimes done against them.

The crimes against women in India are increasing at a very fast pace. The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) had predicted that growth rate of crime against women would be higher than the population growth by 2010, which was found to be true. ‘Crimes in India – 2010, NCRB, Ministry of Home Affairs’ informs that the top 5 most dangerous cities in India in terms of crimes against women rank as follows: Delhi is on 1st Rank with 16%; Hyderabad is on 2nd Rank with 8.1%; Bangalore is on 3rd Rank with 6.5%; Ahmadabad is on 4th Rank with 6.4% and Mumbai is at 5th Rank with 5.8% in terms of crimes against women in Indian cities.

There is a need to discuss the rights of the women separately as women represents more than half the population of India, yet she is discriminated and violated in every sphere of her life. Only women are a prey to crimes such as rape, dowry, bride burning, sexual harassment, selling and importation, prostitution and trafficking etc. Have you heard the men as a victim to all these crimes? The answer is “NO”.

This year there has been 20% increase in women trafficking, procurement of minor girls accounted for 19.8%, importation of girls accounted for 4.9% and buying of girls for prostitution accounted for 2.3% approx. Then how these Human Rights are beneficial to women? Though government is taking a number of steps to improve the condition of women in India, but there is a long way to go.

The paper will study the various human rights of women in India and how they are being violated.

Although special rights are being given to woman as compared to men, yet they are least beneficial to them.

Violation of Women Human Rights: It has been repeatedly said these days that women in India are enjoying the rights equal to men. But in reality, women in India have been the sufferers from past. Not only in earlier times but

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even now days also, women have to face discrimination, injustice and dishonour. Let us now discuss the crimes done against the women in spite of being given rights equal to men.

These points will explain that continuous violation of human rights of women in India.

Violation of Human Rights of Women in the Past: The Indian women exploitation is not the present phenomenon. Rather she is being exploited from the early times. Women in Indian society never stood for a fair status. The following examples are sufficient to prove how women were ill-treated in the olden times: 1. Devadasis: Devadasis was a religious practice in some parts of southern India, in which women were married to a deity or temple.

In the later period, the illegitimate sexual exploitation of the devadasis became a norm in some part of the country.

2. Jauhar: Jauhar refers to practice of the voluntary immolation of all wives and daughters of defeated warriors in order to avoid capture and consequent molestation by the enemy. The practice was followed by the wives of Rajput rulers, who are known to place a high premium on honour.

3. Purdah: Purdah is a practice among some communities of requiring women to cover their bodies so as to cover their skin and conceal their form. It curtails their right to interact freely and it is a symbol of the subordination of women.

4. Sati: Sati is an old custom in Indian society in which widows were immolated alive on her husband’s funeral pyre. Although the act was supposed to be voluntary on the widow’s part, it is believed to have been sometimes forced on the widow.

Violation of Human Rights in General: 1. Violation of ‘Right to Equality’ And ‘Right to Protection against Gender Discrimination’: Discrimination against the girl child starts the moment she enters into the mother’s womb. The child is exposed to gender differences since birth and in recent times even

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before birth, in the form of sex –determination tests leading to foeticide and female infanticide.

The home, which is supposed to be the most secure place, is where women are mort exposed to violence. If a girl child opens her eyes in any way, she is killed after her birth by different cruel methods in some parts of the country. Thus the very important ‘right to life’ is denied to women.

In India, men are always assumed to be superior to women and are given more preference. The ‘World Human Rights Conference’ in Vienna first recognised gender-based violence as a human rights violation in 1993.

The same was declared in the ‘United Nations Declaration’ in1993.

2. Violation of ‘Right to Education’: Education is considered as means of development of personality and awareness.

Education is one of the most important human rights but the position of women’s education in India is not at all satisfactory. Young girls may be bought up to believe that they are suited only to certain professions or in some cases to serve as wives and mothers. Despite in the improvement in the literacy rate after independence, there continues to be large gap between the literacy levels of men and women. Almost half of the women population is unable to even recognize any language character. At least 60 million girls lack access to primary education in India. Due to large percentage of uneducated women in India, they are not even aware of their basic human rights and can never fight for them.

3. Violation of ‘Political Right’: The political status of women in India is very unsatisfactory, particularly their low representation in higher political institutions –Parliament and provincial Legislatures which hampers their effective role in influencing the government initiatives and policies regarding women’s welfare and development. Their representation has been unable to reach even 10% in Lok Sabha. Thus it is clear that there is male domination in Indian politics and almost all the parties give very little support to women in election despite their vocal 33

support for 33% reservation of seats for women in Parliament and Provincial Legislation. And although women have taken initiatives in political participation but they have not been accepted in politics.

4. Violation of ‘Right to Property’: In most of the Indian families, women do not own property in their own names and do not get share of parental property. Due to weak enforcement of laws protecting them, women continue to have little access to land and property. In fact, some of the laws discriminate against women, when it comes to land and property rights. Though, women have been given rights to inheritance, but the sons had an independent share in the ancestral property, while the daughter’s shares were based on the share received by the father.

Hence, father could any time disinherit his daughter by renouncing her share but the son would continue to have a share in his own right as a son. Also, the married daughters facing harassment have no rights in ancestral home.

5. Violation of ‘Right to Protection of Health’: According to the World Bank report, malnutrition is the major cause of female infertility.

The presence of excessive malnutrition among female children as compared to male children is basically due to differences in the intra-family allocation of food between the male and female children.

Normally, the male members are fed before the female members of the family.

6. Violation of ‘Right to Equal Opportunity for Employment’ and ‘Right to Get Equal Wages for Equal Work’: The employment of the women in agriculture, traditional industries and in sizeable sections of the new industries is declining at a very fast rate. The reason is that the adoption of new technological changes requires new skills, knowledge and training. And women in India, who constitute a large share of the world’s illiterate masses lack such skills and knowledge. The studies have also showed that for the same task, women are paid less than the males. Technological changes in agriculture and

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industry are throwing out women from the production process. The women workers are found fit only for such jobs which require the so-called female skills. Thus, Indian labour market is adverse to women workers. It shows that the role of women in large scale industries and technology based businesses is very limited. But even in the small-scale industries their participation is very low. Only 10.11% of the micro and small enterprises are owned by women today. Statistics show that only 15% of the senior management posts are held by the women. In agriculture where women comprise of the majority of agricultural labourers, the average wage of women on an average is 30 –50 % less than that of men.

7. Violation of ‘Right to Live With Dignity’: Eve Teasing and Sexual Abuse: Eve teasing is an act of terror that violates a woman’s body, space and self-respect. It is one of the many ways through which a woman is systematically made to feel inferior, weak and afraid. Whether it is an obscene word whispered into a woman’s ear; offensive remarks on her appearance; any intrusive way of touching any part of woman’s body; a gesture which is perceived and intended to be vulgar - all these acts represent a violation of woman’s person and her bodily integrity.

Thus, eve teasing denies a woman’s fundamental right to move freely and carry herself with dignity, solely on the basis of her sex. There is no particular places where eve –teasers congregate. No place is really “safe” for women. Roads, buses, train, cinema halls, parks, beaches, even a woman’s house and neighbourhood may be sites where her self–worth is abused.

8. Violation of ‘Right from Society, State and Family System’: a) Child Marriage- Child marriage has been traditionally prevalent in India and continues to this date. Discrimination against the girl begins even before their birth and continues as they grow. According to the law, a girl cannot be married until she has reached the age of 18 at least. But the girl in 34

India is taken as a burden on the family.

Sometimes the marriages are settled even before the birth of the child. b)Dowry Harassment and Bride BurningThe demand of dowry by the husband and his family and then killing of the bride because of not bringing enough dowry to the in –laws has become a very common crime these days. In spite of the Dowry prohibition Act passed by the government, which has made dowry demands in wedding illegal, the dowry incidents are increasing day by day. According to survey, around 5000 women die each year due to dowry deaths and at least a dozen die each day in ‘kitchen fires’. c) Rape- Young girls in India often are the victims of rape. Almost 255 of rapes are of girls under 16 years of age. The law against rape is unchanged from 120 years. In rape cases, it is very torturing that the victim has to prove that she has been raped. The victim finds it difficult to undergo medical examination immediately after the trauma of assault. Besides this, the family too is reluctant to bring in prosecution due to family prestige and hard police procedures. d) Domestic Violence - Wife beating and abuse by alcoholic husbands are the examples of violence done against women which are never publicly acknowledged. The cause is mainly the man demanding the hard earned money of the wife for his drinking.

Bibliography: 1. Human Rights (Concept and Issues) – J. Shivananda, 2. National Human Rights Commission of India – Arun Kumar Palai 3. Human Rights – Lalit Parmar 4. Woman & Human Rights – S.K. Sharma 5. Human Rights & Equal Opportunities 6. The Hindu – Delhi Edition [Vandita Sharma is a student of M.A English at K.L.P.G College, Meerut]

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Book Review Section:

An Answer to Insurgence —Dipavali Sen [Across The CHICKEN NECK Travels in Northeast India, Nandita Haksar, Rainlight, Rupa Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, 2013,hardcover with black-and –white halftone illustrations, pp 175, Rs 495] cheerful and colourful is the cover by SoMaithili Sharan, a map of northeast India in the style of a child that you pick up the book at once. And then, you get absolutely engrossed.

In case the author needs some introduction, Nandita Haksar is a fighter. She has been one right from 1970 when she joined Delhi University, and gone on to make a mark as an intrepid lawyer, teacher, journalist and activist in the areas of human rights and women’s movement. She has a fresh and unbiased opinion what a fair trial should be and has put it forward in several widely-read newspapers and magazines as well as books of her own. Notable among her many publications are Demystifications of Law for Women (1986) and ABC of Naga Culture and Civilization (2011).

She lives in Goa as well as Delhi and Ukhrul, and her writings have been translated into several languages including Burmese and Tangkhul.

In this book she had combined a fascinating account of her travels (17 October 2011 -30 January 2012) with astute analyses of the insurgencies in the Northeast. What makes the travelogue more interesting is that the two travelers are an elderly couple with ethnic differences as well as weak knees and asthma calling for diet and medication. After the introductory `Milestones’, the author takes us

for “a quick drive” `Through Nepal’ that reveals its linkages with Northeast India. What is the Chicken Neck? It is the thin strip of land connecting the Northeast with the rest of India.

In the chapter `From Chicken Neck to China’, on her way to Siliguri, the author crosses Nakshalbari and feels “a strange thrill”. For this where it had all begun the movement whose reverberations the author had felt in Delhi in 1970. The chapter provides rich details of local history, architecture, and food, and touches sensitively upon Gorkhaland and Kamtapur movements.

Next comes the chapter `From Dhubri to Bomdila’ that begins with a reference to a stone missile that was thrown at Guru Teg Bahadur by a sorceress in course of a battle between the Mughal army and the raja of Kamrup (of which Dhubri was once a part). `Majuli: The Island of Intolerance’ begins with Tezpur, the Sonitpur of Hindu mythology. (Here and elsewhere too, the author weaves mythology and folklore with harsh socio-political realities.) The chapter moves to Jorhat, and the way bard Bhupen Hazarika gets mourned locally. It describes the Sankardev cult and the associated Satra culture and moves on to the Sanjay Ghose-ULFA issue. Here the author points out an asymmetry in the indignation that such issues rouse. “This division of humanity into `us’ and `them’ is something I have found unacceptable. Why do we tolerate `our’ violence on `them’ but condemn `their’ violence on `us’ so vociferously?” (p 59) `Over the Patkai Hills’ the author goes now, stopping at various places and highlighting their scenic beauty, cultural contour and political problem. In `Opium for the Masses’, after Tibetan food at Chophelling Tibetan refugee camp, she travels to Miao and then to Namdapha National park, interacting with tribes like Tangsa, Singpho, Lisu and Chakma. At Ratnagiri Vihar she meets monk Narinder Bikhu. Several interesting encounters later, she arrives at Mayodia and leaves Arunachal Pradesh for

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Assam. `From Sadiya to Dibrugarh’ covers interesting facets of Assam, pointing out how in the 19th century the British, to develop tea plantations, had snatched away acres of land from Naga and Mizo tribes. She emphasizes the need for State government institutions to preserve traditional art and culture (p 123). She weaves in the contribution of Indira Goswami who happens to pass away during her passage through Assam. Dimapur in Nagaland is her next destination, taken up in the chapter `The Land of Festivals’. Since 2000, the Hornbill Festival is held every year from December 1, which is also the rather controversial Nagaland State Day. She senses a lot of “suppressed emotions and unspoken hurts” ( p 134) among the Nagas but does not herself suppress delightful details like being offered rotis with lightly sautéed grasshoppers and dried frogs’ legs.

The chapter `National Highway 39 The Road to Myanmar’ takes her first to Imphal, the capital of Manipur. At Mao Gate, the border between Nagaland and Manipur, there is a hoarding about the death of two young Naga students being “Murdered” by Manipur State Government in 2010. With such poignant details, she reaches Makhel (where the Nagas had first settled in the 11th century) and then Dimapur. In spite of firing between two NSCN groups, the author goes on to `The Most Dangerous Districts’. Crossing dense forests by road snaking up and down hills, past a statue of Rani Gaidinliu, a revered Zeliangrong Naga freedom fighter, she enters Haflong, passes Garampani Lake and crosses over from districts in unrest into the safer Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya. `In the Abode of Clouds’, describes the author’s stay in Shillong, with visits to the Cathedral Church on Christmas morning and the Don Boscoe Centre for Indigenous Cultures neighbouring Mawlai, from where once the Khasis had launched a drive against non-tribal residents, mostly Bengalis. As the chapter proceeds, the author brings in legal and constitutional issues. She writes: “As a human rights activist I had always

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perceived the Northeast to be a place where citizens of India were denied the rights given to them by the Indian constitution. Today, I can see them in their specific historical contexts and how individual cultures and civilizations developed as a result of the trading relationships they built with kingdoms in Tibet, China , Burma and what is today Bangladesh. Their isolation, which continues to the present, was imposed by the British …But why did India not do anything to ameliorate the condition of the people s after Independence? Even after 1991 …the peoples of the Northeast have not felt that they would be emerging from their centuries-long isolation…all they have felt is that their cultures are being swallowed by yet another wave of colonialism.’ (p 195) The chapter ends with a pertinent though poignant query: “…Nagas living in the Meghalaya do not celebrate with Khasi friends. Khasis do not invite them to their homes. This is true for all of Northeast. But, can we really speak of a Northeast?”(p 203) `In and around Guwahati’ provides insights of the famous Kamakhya temple, the Assam State Museum and the shrines of Hanoi, and reports conversations with various interesting people, e.g., with a Jesuit priest who has set up a North East Social Science Research Centre in Guwahati, and Anjali, a distinguished Bodo, who has undergone kidnap and murder attempts but can still laugh. The author concludes the chapter with: “This is the reason why I am attracted to the peoples of the Northeast. They possess the capacity to enjoy life in all its aspects, in spite of all the trials it throws their way, and to embrace it with joy.” (p 221) `From the Garo Hills to Bhutan’ mentions: Many young Garos have taken to armed resistance in support of their demand for a separate Garo homeland” (p 226). Covering the Tiwa fair , the Jumbeel Mela, the author also takes us to the Guwahati High Court and a Bhutanese court of law (that looks like a Buddhist pagoda). Then she moves to Kokrajhar, one of the principal towns within the

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Bodoland Territorial Council. As she drives out of Kokrajhar, she spots slogans of AAMSU (All Assam Minority Students’ Union), and feels she is “traveling in a war zone” (p 239). Darjeeling, Lumbini, Lucknow, Kanpur... That is the way taken in `Home Again’. A most valuable conversation reported here is that with the frail but elegant Lakshmi Sahgal, who remains silent when asked what she thought of Netaji’s non-recognition of India’s multi-national character (pp 246-7). As the author wearily heads home, she feels that the peoples of the Northeast are “reclaiming their past, even though it has taken them armed insurgencies to do so…. (They) have survived for centuries and have refused to let history pass them by. They will find ways to survive, perhaps even thrive.” (pp 247-8). But she fears that the dams that India and China are building now could cause earthquakes and floods and “physically” wipe out the entire region across the Chicken Neck.

For a possible solution, she calls for “political solidarity” among China, Myanmar, and Bangladesh, the Northeast as well as the rest of India (p 248).

The illustrations could have been clearer and captioned. Notes and Index are academically faultless.

Acknowledgements refreshingly

readable. The last acknowledgement is to husband and fellow-traveller Sebastian.

“Sebastian and I”, she had mentioned in Milestones, “began working in the human rights movement at around the same time. We have been friends for more than thirty years and married for more than twenty, but he remains a Naga and I, an Indian.”(p 2). All through the book there are affectionate and lively references to his actions and reactions. In the Acknowledgments, she writes, “...my heartfelt thank you to Sebastian without whom I would not have understood so many things, not just about the Northeast but about life and living.”(p 261) These loving lines should be read as part of the main text, as well as an acknowledgment of hope for better ties between the Northeast and the rest of India. The answer to insurgence is ultimately in love.

[Ms. Dipavali Sen, from DSE and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (Pune), Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan teaches at Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Delhi University. She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles both in English and Bengali. dipavali@gmail.com]

A New Political Philosophy The question of all questions is: Can politics be rationalised? Can politics be rationalised? An affirmative answer to this controversial question would not take us very far unless rationalism was differentiated from the metaphysical concept of reason. To replace the teleology of Marxist Materialism by an appeal to the mystical category of reason would not be an advance.

The cognate question is about the relation of politics and morality: "Must revolutionary political practice be guided by the Jesuitic dictum- the end justifies the means? The final sanction ofrevolution being its moral appeal - the appeal for social justice - logically, the answer to the latter question must be in the negative. It is very doubtful if a moral object can ever be attained by immoral means. In critical moments, when larger issues are involved and greater things are at stake, some temoporary compromise in bebehaviour mwy be permissible. But when practices repugnant to ethical principles and traditional human values are stabilised as the permanent features of the revolutionary regime, the means defeat the end. Therefore, communist political practice has not taken the world, not even the working class, anywhere near a new ordwer of freedom and social justice. —M.N. Roy (From New Humanism, A New Political Philosophy, page 34)

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Humanist News Section: 18 uestions for Mr. Narendra Modi

by NAPM

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This Month's Contributors

B.D. SHARMA New Delhi (Page 25)

RISHABH VYAS Hyderabad, AP. (Page 26)

VANDITA SHARMA Gurgaon, Haryana (Page 30)

ASHOK K. CHAUDHURY New Delhi (Page 27)

DIPAVALI SEN Gurgaon, Haryana (Page 35)

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By M.N. ROY The Intellectual Roots of Modern Civilization - H.C.150.00 The Russian Revolution - P.B.140.00 The Tragedy of Communism - H.C.180.00 From the Communist Manifesto - P.B.100.00 To Radical Humanism - H.C.140.00 Humanism, Revivalism and the Indian Heritage - P.B. 140.00

By SIVANATH SASTRI A History of The Renaissance in Bengal —Ramtanu Lahiri: Brahman & Reformer H.C.180.00

By SIBNARAYAN RAY Gandhi, Gandhism and Our Times (Edited) - H.C.200.00 The Mask and The Face (Jointly Edited with Marian Maddern) - H.C.200.00 Sane Voices for a Disoriented Generation (Edited) - P.B. 140.00 From the Broken Nest to Visvabharati - P.B.120.00 The Spirit of the Renaissance - P.B.150.00 Ripeness is All - P.B. 125.00

By ELLEN ROY From the Absurdity to Creative Rationalism - P.B. 90.00

By V. M. TARKUNDE Voice of A Great Sentinel - H.C.175.00

By SWARAJ SENGUPTA Reflections - H.C 150.00 Science, Society and Secular Humanism - H.C. 125.00

By DEBALINA BANDOPADHYAY The Woman-Question and Victorian Novel - H.C. 150.00

Published and printed by Mr. N.D. Pancholi on behalf of Indian Renaissance Institute at S-1 Plot 617 Shalimar Garden Extension I, Sahibabad, Ghaziabad-201005 Printed by Nageen Prakashan Pvt. Ltd., W. K. Road, Meerut, 250002 Editor-Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001