Editor: Rekha Saraswat by EDITOR: REKHA SARASWAT

Vol. 77 No 10

JANUARY 2014

Rs. 20/month

THE RADICAL HUMANIST (Since April 1949) Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949) Founder Editor: M.N. Roy

Historical Role of Islam: An Introduction —M.N. Roy A Message from Delhi —Uday Dandavate Stop giving a 5 year Blank Cheque to Delhi Sevaks —Rakesh Manchanda Post Elections Analysis —Kuldip Nayar What Is the Real Face of Political Parties? —Rajindar Sachar Why AAP Model is unsafe for India? —K.S. Chalam Importance of Humanism in India —Jugal Kishore The Rise of the People’s Power in Delhi —Mahi Pal Singh Indian Urban Youth and Marxism in Our Times —Amandeep Vashisth M.N. Roy in a Dictionary — Dipavali Sen Delhi Elections: Redefining Democracy! (Editorial Comment) —Rekha Saraswat

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This Month's Contributors

M.N. ROY Founder Editor (page 4)

REKHA S.

UDAY DANDAVATE

Editor (page 2)

RAKESH MANCHANDA Zambia/New Delhi (Page 9)

U.S.A. (Page 6)

KULDIP NAYAR New Delhi, India (Page 11)

RAJINDAR SACHAR New Delhi, India (Page 14)

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The Radical Humanist

www.theradicalhumanist.com

Vol. 77 Number 10 December 2014

Contents 1. From the Editor’s Desk: Delhi Elections: Redefining Democracy! —Rekha Saraswat 2 From the Writings of M.N. Roy: Historical Role of Islam: An Introduction 4

Monthly journal of the

Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life. Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Editor: Dr. Rekha S. Contributory Editors: Prof. A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed, Dr. R.M. Pal, Professor Rama Kundu Publisher and Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India, Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques in favour of The Radical Humanist to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office), Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600

2. Guests’ Section: A Message from Delhi —Uday Dandavate Stop giving a 5 year Blank Cheque to Delhi Sevaks. —Rakesh Manchanda

3. Current Affairs’ Section: Post Elections Analysis —Kuldip Nayar 11 What Is the Real Face of Political Parties? —Rajindar Sachar 14 Why AAP Model is unsafe for India? —K.S. Chalam 16 4. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Importance of Humanism in India 19 —Jugal Kishore The Rise of the People’s Power in Delhi —Mahi Pal Singh 22 5. Professors' & Students' Section: Indian Urban Youth and Marxism in Our Times —Amandeep Vashisth 6. Book Review Section: M.N. Roy in a Dictionary — Dipavali Sen 7. Humanist News: a) IRI Gen. Body Meet-A Report b) A Citizens’ Agenda for Change c) Help The Birds-2014

Please Note: Authors will bear sole accountability for corroborating the facts that they give in their write-ups. Neither IRI / the Publisher nor the Editor of this journal will be responsible for testing the validity and authenticity of statements & information cited by the authors. Also, sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the Radical Humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them.

—Rekha S. 1

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From the Editor’s Desk:

Delhi Elections: Redefining Democracy democracy we mean people’s Byparticipation in making laws for themselves. By liberal democracy we mean people’s participation in making laws to live a life of their own choice and let others live it too. By welfare democracy we mean people’s participation in making laws not only to live for themselves but also to help others around them to live a dignified human life. Elections through political parties have become a necessary means of attaining any form of democracy, no doubt! But can elections make or break democracy? We have to find the answer! In a democracy governments are meant to work for the welfare of those people who bring them to power by voting for them. Promises are made to the people by the parties and candidates who contest elections. Promises to fulfill their immediate needs! This goes to say that whichever party wins and tries to fulfill its promises made to its targeted beneficiary it nurtures democracy for that limited range of people. In that case, BSP, SP, BJP, DMK, ADMK are all catering to democracy for each of their restricted circle of voters. We may call it a kind of sectarian democracy but democracy it is if we go by this definition! On the other hand, national parties like Congress, CPI and CPIM claim to look after the needs of all those who require help in living their lives without making any discrimination of caste, class, sex, region or religion. We may name it as an umbrella democracy, something that none of them could manage to give till now to the complete satisfaction of the masses till AAP came to their rescue in December last month. 2

Now AAP has promised, water, electricity, shelter, safety, security, food and employment to the people of Delhi within affordable means. It has decided to wipe corruption out of bureaucracy and politics. And it promises to do it all in the easiest way possible. It does not confuse the masses with a lofty philosophy of the East or the West; nor does it bewilder them with a complicated ideology of the Right or the Left. It simply talks of social idealism. It only speaks of corruption-free municipal facilities to the common man. It wants to give everything to the Aam Aadmi that he deserves in a public welfare state; everything that he never got in these 66 years of Indian democracy. Its success has come as a surprise even to its own leaders. It really appears to be a Happy New Year for the Indian common man and for the concept of democracy as such!! So far so very good! It is obvious that AAP has come as a reaction to the inaction of previous governments. But let us sincerely hope that it does not turn into only a reactionary group. Therefore, for creating an advance buffer for the future safety of this achievement a philosophical analysis of the situation needs to be done. We should beware of its good as well as bad consequences taking help from the innumerable instances in history where mass upheavals brought about phenomenal changes in world society but with their repercussions too. The British Glorious Revolution, French Revolution, American Independence struggle, Indian Independence Movement, the beginning of the Christian and Islamic Revolutions, for that matter all the reformist and renaissance movements in the world came to light because they all had one thing in common –the support of the common man. The world became a better place to live in with each of these efforts in some corner and in some manner. But worst wars and crusades were also seen as an aftermath.

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JANUARY 2014 have been redefined, options of living facilities have variegated. Choices are increasing, availabilities are decreasing. The youth now is able to see and feel the variety of options not only in his land but abroad too through the T.V., the internet and many mass media techniques. He wants to have them all. He feels he deserves them as much as those who are using them. And he believes that in a democracy the state should make them available to him. He is desperate because he feels all his efforts go in vain and he is not able to achieve his goals due to the inefficiency of the governments. APP will have to promise to him that atmosphere where he will be able bring a balance between his desires and efforts. According to Roy, democracy does not only mean gaining independence from a foreign yolk or fulfilling the basic requirements of the citizens. It means the inculcation of an atmosphere where each individual learns and earns his own freedom of unfolding his potentialities as an individual. A system where each human being gets an opportunity to know his worth and to nurture it to become the future scientist or artist, philosopher or teacher, engineer or doctor, actor or politician, writer or thinker in his life-time. Of course this comes next to first being able to survive in life as a respectable human being. Roy had written in the first thesis of Radical Humanist philosophy that ‘Man is the archetype of society’ and therefore, all round ‘development of the individual is the measure of social progress’. APP has some very candid, authentic and honest bureaucrats, lawyers, teachers, poets, social workers and social scientists in it. Let us hope they together become balanced, tolerant statesmen and political scientists and add philosophic definitions to their zeal and enthusiasm in finding long-lasting remedies to the socially, politically, economically and culturally diverse predicaments of the common man!

History is being repeated. APP has started an antithesis stage against the anomalies of the existing state of affairs, yet again with the help of this common man. But we must beware and not loose ourselves in the euphoria of the common man’s success. The synthesis also has to be brought about with the help of honest, dedicated, and visionary specialists from all fields of life- the scientists, the economists, the political theorists, the administrators, the bureaucrats, the poets, the artists, all together have to give this movement a direction, a philosophy. Otherwise the process of dialectics will remain incomplete. This is where the Radical Humanist philosophy of New Humanism might be of some help. I will only state one most important aspect of his philosophy in this editorial. The others may follow later. When Roy talks of forming People’s Committees he wants the educators to be educated first. What facilities and betterment the common man needs may be known directly from him. But how to make it available to him cannot always come from him. He is a simple man wanting his needs to be fulfilled. He expects the facilitator who goes to him to find a resolution to his problems. Mohalla Samitees will help APP know their troubles but for their solutions an expert analysis would call for professional assistance. The APP members approaching the man in his house and street may not necessarily have the qualities of educators. It will, therefore, necessitate a two step process. APP members bringing the information from the people’s mohalla samitees and experts sorting it out on priority basis delivering assistance for the basic requirements first followed by the emotional, educational, cultural and religious requirements next. The world is more approachable now than it was when Roy was writing his Theses with its innumerable miraculous ways of connecting with the masses. But life has also become more complex now than it used to be in his time. The number of people has grown, the basic needs 4

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JANUARY 2014 period of seven hundred years. Still, it had not attained the proportions of the Arabian Empire established in less than a century. The Empire of Alexander represented but a fraction of the vast domain of the Khalifs. For nearly a thousand years, the Persian Empire resisted the arms of Rome, only to be subdued by the “Sword of God” in less than a decade. Let a modern historian describe the miracle of the rise of Islam. Nowhere was there a vestige of an Arabian state, of a regular army, or of a common political ambition. The Arabs were poets, dreamers, fighters, traders; they were not politicians. Nor had they found in religion a stabilizing or unifying power. They practiced a low form of polytheism….A hundred years later, these obscure savages had achieved for themselves a great world power. They had conquered Syria and Egypt; they had overwhelmed and converted Persia, mastered Western Turkestan and part of the Punjab. They had wrested Africa from the Byzantines and the Berbers, Spain from the Visigoths. In the West they threatened France, in the East Constantinople. Their fleets build in Alexandria or the Syrian ports, rode the waters of Mediterranean, pillaged the Greek islands and challenged the naval power of the Byzantine Empire. Their success had been won so easily, the Persians and Berbers of the Atlas Mountains alone offering a serious resistance, that at the beginning of the eighth century it must have seemed an open question whether any final obstacle could be opposed to their victorious course. The Mediterranean had ceased to be a Roman lake. From one end of Europe to the other, the Christian states found themselves confronted with the challenge of a new Oriental civilization founded on a new Oriental faith” wrote H.A.L. Fisher in his book, A History of Europe. How did that stupendous miracle happen? That has been one of the baffling questions for historians. Today the educated world has rejected the vulgar theory that the rise of Islam was a triumph of fanaticism over sober and

From The Writings of M.N. Roy:

Historical Role of Islam Chapter One: Introduction Contnd. from the last issue....... he prevailing notions could be laughed at as ridiculous, were they not so pregnant with harmful consequences. These notions should be combated for the sake of the Indian people as well as in the interest of science and historical truth. A proper appreciation of the cultural significance of Islam is of supreme importance in this crucial period of the history of India. The great historian Gibbon describes the rise and expansion of Islam as “one of the most memorable revolutions which has impressed a new and lasting character on the nations of the globe”. One is simply amazed to contemplate the incredible rapidity with which the two mightiest empires of the ancient time were subverted by the comparatively small bands of nomads issuing from the Arabian dessert, fired with the zeal of a new faith. Hardly fifty years had passed since Mohammad assumed the role of the singular Prophet spreading his Message of Peace at the point of the sword, when his followers victoriously planted the banner of Islam on the confines of India on the one side, and on the shores of the Atlantic, on the other. The first Khalifs of Damascus reigned over an Empire which could not be crossed in less than five months on the fleetest camel. At the end of the first century of the Hegira, the “Commanders of the Faithful” were the most powerful rulers of the world. Every Prophet establishes his pretension by the performance of miracles. On that token, Mohammad must be recognized as by far the greatest of all Prophets, before or after him. The expansion of Islam is the most miraculous of all miracles. The Roman Empire of Augustus, as later enlarged by the valiant Trajan, was the result of great and glorious victories won over a

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tolerant peoples. The phenomenal success of Islam was primarily due to its revolutionary significance and its ability to lead the masses out of the hopeless situation created by the decay of the antique civilizations not only of Greece and Rome but of Persia and China – and of India. Contd. in the next issue...... [Publisher’s Note: This book, first published in 1939, was written when Roy was in jail in the early thirties under a sentence of twelve years rigorous imprisonment, later reduced to six, for ‘conspiring to deprive’ the king-Emperor of his sovereignty in India. Looking back at events in the intervening period, one might wish that this book had been read more widely in the decade

before the Indian sub-continent became independent and at the same time partitioned into two States. A better knowledge and more objective understanding of the history of Islam on the part of Muslim as well as non-Muslim India might have prevented much of the later tragic developments and human suffering. But it is never too late for knowledge and understanding to undo the harm that the lack of them has done. Hence, this small book on the historical role of Islam, in East and West, may itself have a historical role to play, apart from its intrinsic value as a scholarly treatise, beautifully written, on a fascinating chapter of human history.]

An Appeal to the Readers Indian Renaissance Institute has been receiving regular requests from readers, research scholars, Rationalists and Radical Humanists for complete sets of books written by M.N. Roy. It was not possible to fulfil their demands as most of Roy's writings are out of print. IRI has now decided to publish them but will need financial assistance from friends and well-wishers as the expenses will be enormous running into lakhs. IRI being a non-profit organization will not be able to meet the entire expenses on its own. Initially, following 15 books have been ordered for print: New Humanism; Beyond Communism; Politics, Power and Parties; Historical Role of Islam; India’s Message; Men I Met; New Orientation; Materialism; Science & Philosophy; Revolution and Counter-revolution in China; India in Transition; Reason, Romanticism and Revolution; Russian Revolution; Selected Works-Four Volumes; Memoirs (Covers period1915-1923). Cheques /bank drafts may be sent in the name of ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ at (address): Shri B.D. Sharma, Advocate, Chamber No.111 (Old), Supreme Court, New Delhi-110001 Online donations may be sent to: ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ Account No: 02070100005296; FISC Code: UCBA0000207 UCO Bank, Supreme Court Branch, New Delhi (India) We make an earnest appeal to you to please donate liberally for the cause of the spirit of renaissance and scientific thinking being promoted in the writings of M.N. Roy. Thanking you B.D. Sharma N.D. Pancholi, Narottam Vyas President (IRI) Secretary (IRI) Treasurer (IRI) A note of Appreciation and Thanks: After the very first appeal made in the last issue (December 2013) of The Radical Humanist the following donations have been received from: 1. Sr. Adv. Fali .S. Nariman, Supreme Court - Rs. 51,000/2. Sr. Adv. P.P. Rao, Supreme Court Rs. 5,000/3.Sr. Adv. K.N. Kataria, Delhi High Court - Rs. 1,000/—Rekha Saraswat—

THE RADICAL HUMANIST

JANUARY 2014 The difference between traditionalists and innovators, between the pundits and the youth is- that the traditionalists and the pundits are obsessed with just permutations and combinations of existing options whereas the innovators and the youth continually reinvent themselves by daring to imagine a radically different future. My experience as a design researcher prompts me to say- that the future is always under construction, in the imagination of everyday people. The outcome of the elections reveals what is possible through the traditionalists’ approach of permutations and combination and the delightfully surprising and inspiring results that can be achieved by including the youth in the process of imagining a radically idealistic future. The voters of Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Rajasthan had limited options of either going with discredited Congress party or with the other available alternative in BJP. On the other hand in Delhi the Aam Adami party was able to inspire youth from around India to come to its campaign and unleash the imagination of a future where both established parties could be made to eat a humble pie and the political discourse of vote bank politics made irrelevant. As the votes were being counted the percentage difference between the AAP and the BJP (according to TIMES NOW) votes throughout remained within 1%-2% range and interestingly at times AAP’s voting share went higher than BJP’s. The older voters were split between the BJP and the AAP whereas overwhelming majority of first time young voters was primarily voting for the AAP. People’s support to AAP reminds me of the atmosphere during Navnirman Movement in Gujarat in 1974. This was a time when Jayprakash Narayan galvanized nationwide resurgence of youth energy demanding Total Revolution. Electoral success of AAP fell short of putting them in the government, unlike in 1974 when Janata Morcha managed to install a government led by Babubhai Jasbhai Patel.

Guests’ Section:

A Message from Delhi —Uday Dandavate I write this article I must qualify Before my personal bias. Professionally, I am a researcher of people, cultures and change; philosophically I am drawn to ideas that take into account grass root level transformations; and politically I support movements for sustainability, secularism and social justice. With this framework of mind my ideas should be seen as optimism of a positive deviant. In the aftermath of a historic debacle of the Congress party of India, the TV channels are inviting expert commentators and representatives of political parties to provide their interpretations of who gets credit for victories and who should bear responsibility for Congress party’s disastrous performance. I believe the shape of the future will not unfold from the expert knowledge of political pundits, but from the collective imagination of everyday people of India, especially the youth, who are eager to distance themselves from traditional politicians and are willing to experiment with fresh perspectives. The significance of young voters can be gauged from a report in Times of India of October 4th, 2013, “Close to 12 crore youths will be eligible to vote for the first time in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. To put that in perspective, no single party garnered more than 12 crore votes in the 2009 polls, showing how significant this segment can be if all of them register to vote. In the 2009 polls, the Congress polled 11.9 crore votes, the BJP 7.8 crore, BSP 2.6 crore and CPM 2.2 crore. No other party polled even a crore of votes across the country. The draft electoral rolls published by various states at this stage show that the national total is just under 79 crore votes.” (Times of India report)

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AAP’s victory in Delhi as well as BJP’s success in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chattisgarh has a more profound message for the progressive forces in India. The youth of India does not buy into the narrative of the need for a two party system in India. The Congress party stands at a historic prospect of decimation, possibly worse than its humiliating defeat in 1977. Progressive-minded Indians need to rise to the occasion and participate in the force of transformation unleashed by the success of people’s will in Delhi. It is time to make sustainability, secularism, social justice and swaraj- the foundation of a new vision for India. It is time to encourage grass root level leadership development and bring to political mainstream a new generation of leaders who can dedicate their imagination to developing innovative and sustainable solutions for India’s development needs. The match-up between Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi runs counter to the aspirations of the youth of India who want opportunities to cleanse the political system of corruption and follow their own imagination. RSS’s vision of the future is emerging as a formidable alternative to a discredited Congress party, the progressive forces need to step in and respond appropriately to Delhi’s clear message for the need for creating an alternative imagination of India. Democratic process has its own painfully slow way of bringing clarity. My friends have been asking me how I feel about AAP taking support from the Congress party of India to form a government in Delhi. In the spirit of full disclosure I must admit- When it comes to my views on politics I am an unreasonable person- meaning I believe in taking a rigid stand and sticking to it when it comes to matters of principles. From that perspective, I am not happy with the developments. Now, having grown in the midst of electoral politics, and having observed the unconventional approach of the AAP, I am not surprised that AAP decided to take Congress support. Here are my observations of the situation.

1. Fighting elections is an expensive and exhausting experience. Elected representatives do not typically like going back to fight elections in situations like this for financial reasons, plus due to the fact that they are not always sure that they will get re-elected in case of a re-election. Regardless of public posturing by all the parties, I am very sure that there was a section of elected representatives in all the three parties- the Congress, BJP and AAP- who did not want to go through another election. I believe the reason Arwind Kejriwal called the situation a Dharm Sankat is because he was being forced to eat his own words by the pragmatic view within his party. 2. Having established that the congress party is on a massive losing streak, there is no way even the 8 MLA's of Congress would get re-elected if there elections are held immediately. That reality check made the Congress party take a pragmatic view and offer support to the AAP, with the hope that the new government would fail to implement its tall promises and discredit itself. 3. In her article in rediff.com titled "Cong in catch-22 situation after support to AAP govt", Anita Katyal reports, "With the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party all set to form the next government in Delhi, Congress cadres are furious with former Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit for forcing the party to prop up the new dispensation.....The Congress rank and file believes the party has tied itself in knots because it will have little choice but to support the new party’s agenda, failing which it will be dubbed as being undependable and a traitor". (http://www.rediff.com/news/report/cong-in-catc h-22-situation-after-support-to-aap-govt/2013 1223.htm) 4. Going by the trends of recent elections to the four state assemblies, when the congress party does withdraw support to the AAP government (which they will at some time), there will be a further erosion of votes away from the Congress party. Depending on how AAP does in fulfilling

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its prepoll promises, the flow of votes will either go to the AAP or to the BJP- definitely not to the congress. 5. There are no signs of AAP pleading for congress support, or of toning down their scathing criticism of the congress party in the national government. I am happy that Arvind Kejriwal did not drive straight to Sonia Gandhi's house to express his gratitude to the ultimate authority in the congress party. On the other hand, he and other members of the AAP seem firm on their resolve to inflict a deep blow to both the congress party and the BJP during coming Lok Sabha elections. 6. AAP's resolve to set up Mohalla committees for citizens' participation in democracy is an innovative and disruptive process. It is going to lead to scenarios of the future that are going to put the traditional parties in an unfamiliar space and give AAP a competitive advantage in

working towards establishing a participatory democracy. Considering all of the above factors, I believe I need to get over my deep sense of disappointment at AAP for taking support of the congress party and urge AAP supporters to wait and watch how this disruptive innovation in the practice of electoral politics unfolds. In Mahabharata, Abhimanyu could not make it back from the Chakravyuh. I hope this Abhimanyu does. [Uday Dandavate studies people, cultures and trends worldwide and inspires people centered innovation strategies. He heads a design research consulting firm, SonicRim in U.S.A. He writes and speaks on topics related to people centered design and innovation in international journals and conferences. uday@sonicrim.com

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Stop giving a 5 year Blank Cheque to Delhi Sevaks —Rakesh Manchanda elhi People it appears are getting ready to take historical decision to set new rules for new elected Nagar Sevaks. Till date since past six decades people with a strange fear with no choice were forced to issue blank advance cheques to the winner Congress or BJP MLAs. Who foots the privilege bills and salary to elected peoples representatives? Where does the money come from? While direct tax collection in India is pegged at Rs 4,500 crore, indirect taxes could raise Rs 45,940 crores in the last budget 2011-12. You need not be a student of Economics to see that indirect taxes are a huge burden on the people, while the low direct tax rates were a relief for the rich. Poor do not pay direct tax due to less income but are forced or unknowingly pay rising indirect taxes. This means the salaries and perks given to elected leaders comes from the indirect VAT taxes generated by workers and common man and not rich income tax payers. Elected people's representatives in any country are full time service coordinators to run the governance and fulfill promises. Like it or not they are paid employees who do not work like a common man in a productive wheels from agricultural fields to factories. These sevaks of people are supposed to monitor just distribution of wealth with effective laws in the various wheels of productions and consumptions. Common man works hard to generate wealth and more jobs and foots bills of his elected M.Ps. At present there is no trend of sevaks(M.Ps) going back to masters (public) to get the weekly or monthly audit. New fashion which appears is: Stop issuing unsafe blank cheques to Delhi sevaks for five years. Reason being, it is very difficult to monitor growth and expenses from majority pockets after five years. In a usual employee-employer relationship blank cheque or cash audit needs to be cleared after every five

days. Thanks to the new political breeze. With entry of AAP there appears a guarantee to ask the sevaks to explain the social and cost audit say after every five weeks. Eight past days were spent by Delhi voters with a Governance deadlock. Bang On! People in big crowds now hang out to dress up as real masters for the first time to celebrate their new freedom. The mission for referendum was guidance to new sevaks in Jan Sabhas called by AAP. Participation and consultancy is the new buzz word and Peoples Parliaments with directives are getting shaped up fast. Many people find it ridiculous and comical as to why the royal elected leaders should come back to the real masters. It appears that such people in minority are either in a mischief mode or are still in a state of fear of past ruling elite. They are not ready to wear the master’s shoes and exercise control on the sevaks. Disunited and weak citizens in the past were forced to allow their elected representatives to serve the 1% but from the hidden back door. Post election scenario in the past would mean money in hidden power citadels getting exchanged and poaching was fashionable. Distance between governance and the people is drastically reduced. Speed of people empowerment is amazing. Battle of peoples’ referendum via SMS and mails is won but the real war for justice and Governance is still to begin. Delhi which was unhappy to be named as unsafe rape city is getting ready for a new process. People are redefining their relationship with ‘Netas’ as law makers who used to treat voters as their servants while forcing them to pay blank cheques. In the past leaders advised voters to come back after five years. Commons in Delhi were engaged with their own daily honest survival therefore short cuts and outsourcing solutions while getting reduced to ‘audience’ was normal. Work culture from Mantry (Minister) to Santry (Peon) needs to be corrected first with a clear link to productivity and pending home work of

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18 promises made to people. The chain of survival and alert Delhi governance will be made simple and smooth provided AAP practices what it preached. In last ten days every Delhi citizens knows what the 18 promises of AAP are. It is P2P (People to Politicians) relationship that needs a sustainable audit and a change. Mechanism that delivers safe laws and safe work culture for production and consumption of materials and thoughts needs to be fine tuned. After Radia Tapes, Wikki Leaks, 3G, coal scams etc. everyone knows it is difficult to cater to people’s expectations. Politicians till date continue to be the worst enemy of 99% people while slaves of 1% with no time management and no sensible law delivery in time. All these institutions need reforms. Delhi legislatures work needs a reform to ensure new democracy and a correct chain of survival. Divisive RajNeeti; a toy used to divert attention of voters needs a new face. Need of the hour is that the Raj(Rule) in 'Rajneeti' needs to be replaced by

Seva or 'Service Neeti' but still administration and rules for discipline are a must for a safe Delhi. Without any real change in delivery system you cannot fool people again and again. Delhi has globally championed women exploitation and unfair wages protests and now the new government AAP must deliver. Hope the year 2014 witnesses a real alive newer New Delhi -New India with new plans to take care of the hard earned money of majority. Mr. Rakesh Manchanda is working as Director of Grafax Cotton Zambia Ltd. in Zambia and at present is in Delhi since Diwali monitoring this historical change brought in politics by people of Delhi. He may be contacted at rakeshmanchanda65@gmail.com; 011-22145369, +91-9953540829; B-5,Gharonda Apartments, Shrestha Vihar,Delhi-92.

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Current Affairs:

Post Elections Analysis —Kuldip Nayar any doubt, elections reflect an Without anti-Congress mood. The people of four states, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Delhi, have expressed annoyance at the polls for their legislatures. The saving grace for the Congress has been Chhattisgarh where the party is close second because it sacrificed its 32 functionaries while confronting the violence of the Maoists. Why the party has got the drubbing is due to its 10-years of mis-governance at the Centre that manifested itself in the shape of corruption, price rise and the general sense of insecurity. President Sonia Gandhi and Vice President Rahul Gandhi could not pull the chestnuts from the fire because Sonia Gandhi is distant from the people and Rahul does not click. Good that the party is going to introspect. To begin with, it can shed the arrogance of power. My feeling is that the dynasty does not sell any longer. Rahul is too prosaic to make any impact as his campaigns in the different states have shown this. His sister, Priyanka may do better. Sonia Gandhi has said that the party would name the prime-ministerial candidate soon because Gujarat Chief Minister Narender Modi had the focus since he had been put up by Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) for the office of Prime Minister. She will find it difficult to choose the candidate because she has pushed Pranab Mukherjee, upstairs by making him the President. P. Chidambaram is the obvious choice but he would not be as obedient as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has been. The best thing that has happened in elections is the emergence of Aam Aadmi Party which evokes a sense of idealism and strengthens the belief that religion, caste or language does not influence an ordinary person. I wish the Aam Aadmi Party had an ideology to pursue. The future has to be chalked out, not only against 11

corruption but also against consumerism which is taking over the nation. It is time to revive the ethos of our freedom struggle: democracy, pluralism and egalitarianism. The immediate task should be the electoral reforms. The role of money has become important. It has been always there, but has beaten this time all the previous records. There were 6,454 candidates in fray in the five states. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of candidates—2,586 for 321 seats, followed by Rajasthan with 2,087 for the 200 seats. There was a drop in Chhattisgarh—843 contestants for 91 seats, 142 for 40 seats in Mizoram and a whopping figure of 796 for Delhi’s 70 seats. The expenditure runs into thousands of crores. The various studies show that the cost per Lok Sabha seat is around Rs. 10 crore. Seven to eight assembly constituencies constitute a Lok Sabha seat and the expense works out to Rs. 1.25 crore per assembly constituency. But it is said that the minimum expenditure on an assembly seat is at least Rs. 2 crore. Adding these figures, the total expenditure by the candidates comes to Rs. 13,908 crore. Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) explains: “We do not want to put all the eggs in one basket.” The campaign of Modi, the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, is reportedly financed by the corporate sector. The party cadres are said to be happy for getting the money. The meeting of captains of industry at Ahmadabad last year to support the candidature of Modi for prime-ministership emphasizes their preference for him because his speeches indicate how they would have a free hand if he came to power. What it suggests is that electoral reforms are essential for free and independent polls. Two trends have emerged, one plus and the other minus, from these elections. The positive aspect is that more voters have come to the polling booths than ever before, nearly 75 percent exercising their franchise. If spelled out, it means that people have expressed their

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ever-increasing faith in the ballot box, an essential ingredient of democratic governance. The negative side is the mudslinging. I have watched campaigns of all elections since independence. There were fierce contests, particularly from the late sixties. Yet none, neither an individual nor a political party, ever hit below the belt. At best, a remark like the one by Dr Ram Manohar Lohia, a socialist leader, was that Mrs. Indira Gandhi, his strong opponent, was a goongi gudiya (a silent doll). There was no malice. Indulging in personal abusive remark was not considered ethical. Since then the thin line between what is moral and immoral has got erased. And it has become free for all. The current state elections are considered a semi-final contest. I shudder to imagine how low would the level of the final, the Lok Sabha elections in May 2014, go to. Political parties have to agree upon a code so that the polls are not reduced to street brawls and the candidates do not behave like the urchins. I think that the Election Commission has been too complacent and too accommodative. I have seen reports of giving warnings and asking for explanations from erring candidates. But no action has been forthcoming so far. I get the feeling that the two have come to develop a cozy relationship, the anti-thesis of independent elections. I do not doubt the veracity of elections. Yet the means are not less important than the end. My greatest concern is over the attempt to polarize the society. Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi may not have played the Hindu card directly. But all his speeches underline the notion of Hindu nationalism, an anti-thesis of pluralism which is the ethos of our country. That the RSS has forced his candidature on the moderate BJP is understandable. But why people like Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley, who are considered left of the BJP ideology, are sharing the rostrum with Modi? L.K. Advani, who has mellowed over the years, has made it clear through his attitude that he is distant from Modi and the communal politics he represents.

The year 2013 was grey and grim. Prices rose, unemployment increased, moral standards fell and corruption was accepted as a normal phenomena. Parliament and state legislatures hardly functioned. Then there was summer in the cold month of December. The 46-year-old Lokpal Bill became an act. I wish the CBI had been made independent, directly under parliament. But since its own committee has prepared the bill after holding consultations with nearly all political parties, it should constitute the Lokpal (Ombudsman). The credit must go to Gandhian Anna Hazare who spearheaded the movement. Yet his hasty judgment and harsh words for the Aam Admi Party do not help the dissemination of fresh ideas. AAP is an extension of voluntary work done by the activists at the grassroots. These people are naïve and do not know the tricks of politics. This is their strength. That they, unlike the Naxalites, have put their faith in the ballot box and have successfully fought the state election in Delhi is the result of their realization that democracy demands a way to determine who will direct the people to reject dictatorships or an authoritarian system. How far the AAP can ensure the people’s participation as well as sovereignty may decide the fate of other experiments born out of millions of mutinies, however small, waging in the country. In fact, leading activists like Medha Patkar, Aruna Roy and Nikhil Dey should assemble on the platform which the AAP has provided. By no means should they leave their ideal to strengthen the people’s movements to put pressure on the government. But why don’t they constitute the governments themselves? Had Medha headed the Gujarat government the height of the Narmada Dam would have been decided by her to avoid the uprooting of people from their homes and hearths. In fact, the very dam, to which she objected, may have been replaced by a series of small dams which would have assured water to far-flung places like Rajkot and still not disturbed lakhs of people, most of them not getting land for land. Aruna

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Roy should have realized that the Right to Information, for which she mobilized people, would not have come about if parliament had not enacted the law. Her brief stint with Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council should have proved how the land acquisition and the food security demands became laws because Sonia Gandhi represented the authority of the governing party. People’s movements cannot be end by itself. Another striking feature of December is the emergence of Rahul Gandhi as the leader of the Congress. Sonia Gandhi has stepped back. Lately he is speaking and taking stances which may force the intelligentsia to rethink about his capability, written off earlier. Maybe, he is beginning to peak when Narendra Modi, the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP is lessening in gathering people’s attention because he peaked too early. This takes me to the Modi phenomenon. No doubt, he has jolted the political parties and the people. He speaks excellently in Hindi and goes down well in northern India. The rout of the Congress in Rajasthan in the state election has been primarily because of Modi. He even increased the tally of seats in Madhya Pradesh. Yet Modi has not clicked in West Bengal, Odhisha, Kerala, the northeastern states and to a large extent in Andhra Pradesh, TamilNadu and Karnataka. Even otherwise, his preference of Hindu nationalism in place of Indian nationalism has alienated the minorities, particularly the Muslims who influence the outcome on the parliamentary elections at least in 200 constituencies out of 545. The BJP may emerge the largest party in the next Lok Sabha, going to the polls in May. The defeat of the Congress in the four states, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Delhi is a clear indication of people’s anti-Congress mood. But it does not mean that Modi is the next prime minister. The BJP may have to have a more acceptable person

to form the government. He has not even said “sorry” for the loss of lives and property of Muslims in the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat. There is a possibility of a dark horse, a non-Congress and a non-BJP person, who will have the support of regional parties to be the prime minister. It all depends on the election results. Lately, there are so many outcries against corruption that the political parties have begun to pay heed to morality. One example is that of Delhi legislature. Even though the BJP was only short of four members for the formation of the government, it did not try to prod or get the support of independents. The party said that it did not get the mandate, something which was never the case before. This is a good beginning. Whether the political parties admit it or not, the AAP has set into motion an era which is harking back on the values. What has been disturbing in the year 2013 is the rise of communalism. To an extent, it is Modi’s divisive politics which he has camouflaged under the garb of development. Once a pracharak of the RSS, he is creating a wedge between Hindus and Muslims who have been living in peace for more than a thousand years. The worst fallout of his propaganda has been the killing of Muslims in Muzzafarnagar. They were sharing a common life. But this did not fit into the BJP’s scheme of things. The police force was, as usual, partisan. The victims are still languishing in camps despite the claim by state chief minister Akhilesh Yadav to be pro-Muslim. That is the reason why the Prevention of Communal Violence Bill should have been enacted during the winter session. This would have enabled the central government to intervene at a place where the police force was contaminated and where the state administration was lax. Parties can tear a leaf out of the book of AAP. It has initiated a politics that transcends caste and creed. The AAP’s success shows that the people are ready for it.

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What Is the Real Face of Political Parties? —Rajindar Sachar Elections are due in another Lok4 toSabha 5 months. But instead of Parties putting forth the ideological issues concerning human rights, right to equitable development, the only test being applied is – the marketability of the party, even though it may flout the ideal laid down in our Constitution or the vision of the freedom struggle for which millions died. Though Lok Pal Bill has been passed obviously under the shadow of forthcoming elections – both parties made adjustments they previously proclaimed unbridgeable. But the other two bills, Whistle Blowers Protection Bill, Public Grievances Bill which have been pending for so long and which would have given great relief against the small bureaucrats angularities were not even given the courtesy of being discussed much less being passed by just one days extension of Parliament session. The self serving political Parties exemption from the Right to information Act was passed unanimously to a thundering applause – but very significantly the question of donation to political parties by the corporate sector is being studiously kept under cover. It is no longer a secret that the liberality of donations to political parties is determined by the fact of being in the government or the opposition whether it is the Congress or the BJP. The High Powered Committee to revise Companies Act constituted by Government of India in 1977 had recommended the continuance of the ban on political donations by the corporate sector because of the warning given by Chief Justice Chagla as far back as 1958 when it warned “that any attempt on the part of business houses to finance a political party is likely to contaminate the very spring of democracy”. All this however fell on deaf ears of politicians and political donations were permitted after some time during the Indira Gandhi’s Governments and are 14

now being continued under Companies Act 2013. So much for campaign against politics being messed up by money power! That is why corporate funding of the new AAP which is forming the government in Delhi is a matter of concern especially when it claims to be different. The danger of corporate involvement in politics of the country is not lessened by receiving contributions on website or through cheques from corporate sector which in any case finds mention in Balance Sheets of the companies. It is the source of money power funding political parties that is the real danger to democracyhow it is displayed is a small matter. India is among just 10% of countries that allow parties & candidates to receive anonymous donations. Even Nepal & Bhutan fare better. Of Rs.2, 365 crores raised by congress between 2004 & 2012 about Rs. 2,000 crores could not be traced to an individual or organization; Similarly, BJP attributed Rs. 952 crore out of the total Rs. 1,304 crore raised between 2004 and 2012 to unknown sources. Hypocrisy in politics to some extent is accepted. But when hypocrisy puts on the role of mentor while concealing its real intentions, it amounts to cheating the electorate. Look at the way BJP, Congress are projecting their approach to the judgment of the Supreme Court reversing the view of Delhi High Court which had held Section 377 as unconstitutional resulting in Section 377 being restored on the Statute. Initially the Congress leadership of Sonia and Rahul both publically termed it as unhappy decision and as interference with individual liberties. Normal course of action would have been to have Section 377 (LGBT) repealed through Parliament. But then BJP which had initially broached the idea of placing this matter before all parties meeting took a sudden reverse turn and has now openly declared its support to the Supreme Court decision. Obviously BJP feels that in the country at large, especially amongst rural voters and even amongst the older generation deletion of 377 of Section would not

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find favour so BJP takes the cover of Supreme Court to maintain Sec. 377. The Congress hypocrisy is convoluted though more messier than the BJP. Though initially Sonia and Rahul both welcomed Supreme Court decision upholding Sec. 377, the Central government has moved a review petition in the Supreme Court. In my view filing a review petition is way of misleading the public. Legal experts could tell you that filing a review, is impermissible because courts have held that merely because another view could be taken is no ground for review. It is also embarrassing when out of two judges who gave the judgment the senior judge has retired. Frankly I do not understand why government is taking the tortuous route of review when a straightforward easy course of repealing this provision is available. I say this because Supreme Court judgment had given them clear power wherein it has said; “Notwithstanding this verdict the competent legislature shall be free to consider the desirability and propriety of deleting Section 377 IPC from the Statute Book”. When this convenient solution is in hand why this double game of Congress leadership! But this is not being done because Congress wants to play both running with the hare and hunting with the hound. It wants to pose as a modern liberal party appealing to the younger generation and urban population but at the same time not wanting to risk rural and older generation anger. This may be a correct political stratagem, but is a devious political strategy, which further brings shame to the ambiguous conduct of the politicians. Compare this with the humility and bold response of Pope Francis; “If a person is gay and seeks God, and good will, who am I to judge Him”, and this when Italy has a law against LGBT. Though AAP claims to be radically different from other parties, its decision to have

the Ministry sworn in at Ram Lila Ground is of the same old feudal Roman practice of giving the people circus because you can not give them bread; there is nothing radical about it. Akhilesh and previously Lalu Yadav & others have done it. This Royal analogy coronation ill befits a party purporting to speak for the Rickshaw Pullers and slum dwellers of Delhi. It would have been far more democratic if the Delhi cabinet after having been sworn in the usual staid manner at Raj Bhawan was then to go to Ram Lila ground and mix with the crowds as before. That would give the Aam Admi a greater sense of belonging than being pushed around, by the police while the oath is being given and dignitaries are seated safely. But the times have changed since when Dr. Lohia’s precept to the Socialist Party as first principle of political work was summed up in ‘Spade’ ‘Jail’ and ‘Vote’, meaning field work, ready to go to jail and faith in democratic elections. But now the present generation has come a long way instead to “SMS”, “T.V.”, “Middle corporate Sector”. Where does Aam Admi that is 90% of urban Indians who can only spend less than Rs. 142.70 to survive in cities fit in the present new political language. Mr. Justice, Rajindar Sachar, Chief Justice (Retd.) High Court of Delhi, New Delhi; Chairperson Prime Minister’s High Level Committee On Status of Muslims (Ex.) UN Special Rappoetuer on Housing; Member, U.N. Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (Ex.); President, Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) India (Ex.) may be contacted at: rsachar23@bol.net.in; rsachar1@vsnl.net A-19, New Friends Colony, New Delhi, 110065(India)Tel:091-11-26847786,26830194 ; 9810009644

Dear Friends, Your article for the RH along with a passport size photograph and a small resume should be emailed or posted at: rheditor@gmail.com or C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P. A note whether it has also been published elsewhere or is being sent exclusively for the RH should be attached with it. — Rekha S. 15

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Why AAP Model is unsafe for India? —K.S. Chalam he astounding victory of the AAP party in Delhi is a clear indication of the strong democratic foundations of our country. We may also congratulate Kejriwal and his team for effectively reaching out to the imagination of the Delhi voters and especially applaud Anna Hazare for the Lokpal Act.The emergence of the AAP enables us to reflect on the background of recent developments that led to popular Jasmine revolution in Egypt, Syria, Yemen and nearby Tunisia with spill over effects on India. It is also termed as Arab Spring by the new genre of public policy scholars who have manufactured scores of papers (under sponsored research) to educate Aam admi (common man). The orange revolution in Ukraine with alleged US support is still unresolved. The Anna Hazare centred India Against Corruption and the Civil Society activity for the implementation of Jan Lokpal Bill with huge corporate media coverage needs to be reflected as a phenomenon set out under the back drop of the events in the Middle East. The kind of dissensions and discords that became apparent in AAP and Anna Hazare last week is anticipated as in the Arab Spring. If someone is seriously following the events, it is clear that they are programmed like that. Instability and internal contradictions are a part of the formation of most of the civil society movements in the recent years. The concept of civil society so popular now in public discourse was conceptualized by London School of Economics (popularised by Gramsci) after looking at the phenomena of autonomous movements that are neither a part of State nor Market. The scholars have been trying to convince their readers that state and market, the two institutions became sane and progressive after the end of Cold War. There seem to be some confusion between Habermas and

JANUARY 2014 Gramsci on civil society as to its relations with state and political parties, associations etc and some academics have their own way in supporting whatever is convenient. The World Bank supports some 30 popular NGOs that are called as civil society organisations. But, it is everybody’s knowledge today that the institution of state is class/caste oriented and markets are manipulated by corporate interests. Some of the scholars do try to hoodwink the commoners with their sophisticated language skills to avoid the awkward questions like, what constitutes the fundamental problem of the present crisis: concentration of economic wealth or capitalist expansion with lack of opportunities to the marginalised? Is it not a design to make some of the weak and resource rich countries unstable to install puppet governments and the so called democratic movements are only excuses of American involvement? In this context, none other than the Russian President Putin, in his article in New York Times a few months ago said, “ millions around the World increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as relying solely on brute force”. It is not only Putin an avowed American bête-noire, but American academics like Charles Kupchan commented that, “democracy and open markets have spread so widely in part because they have been defended by US aircraft-carriers”. Therefore, India with vast resources and a huge market potential in the neighbourhood of the so called Arab world must be very careful in assessing every move of the West. The current events in our polity required to be assessed in the given circumstances of instability and turmoil in some of the traditional totalitarian states like Syria. India, despite its weaknesses in certain social sectors is different from the Arab world and therefore, should refrain from a conclusion that civil society agitations would naturally give rise to systems that are alternatives to a decadent system. AAP triumph in Delhi and its all-India ambition needs

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to be critically reflected in the interest of our democracy and institutions. No doubt, the party has some honest, sincere activists and a few with academic credentials to project and provide inputs and strategies to win elections. But, that does not make it credible and sustainable. One gets this impression with its brief record of election statements and communications (media reports). Kejriwal appears to have said that he has no ideological obligations and is willing to take ideas both from left and right. Is it not an opportunistic statement? It seems he has 70 manifestos for 70 constituencies and a general manifesto. He may have different manifestos for different communities, faiths, political ideologies and for East, West, North and South. The voters as per the election campaigns in Delhi were promised regularisation (paradises) of unauthorized colonies. The supporters in urban metros like Delhi coming from the new petty- bourgeois, seem to have behaved like ‘Aap Pahle’ type persons (see Jugsurya’s column, ToI). How can such a party be trusted? Does the party limit itself to municipal elections? What is its record against corruption, not in public statements but in practice? Politics is not a business activity where one can afford to give publicity about a product and after capturing the customer forget about the promise without any remorse till next move? The record of events show that there is some fall in the moral positioning of AAP party and seem to have already trapped in a mainstream political sludge. It is reported in a sting operation that in the candidature of ShaziIlmi, huge money changed hands and the candidate got defeated in the Delhi elections (with small margin). There are allegations of manipulation of voluntary contributions, social and corporate media sponsorship (worth billions of rupees), international mostly American -Indian donations and above all the American sponsored (through Philippines) Awards etc against some of the activists of the party. We may brush aside the

averments as political vendetta of opponents. But, a political party that projected itself as an anti-corruption crusader without a program of action, ideology, manifesto etc, cannot be considered as trustworthy, given the record of events in Middle East. The conditions in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia etc that have undergone similar situations are now under great stress of anarchy and common people or aam admi are shattered even three years after the spring and the promised bliss and peace. In Egypt, Mubarak government was overthrown and Morsi occupied the position with an Islamist agenda (with American backing). Now Morsi is deposed in a coup in July 2013. Media, the mischief monger is silent on the aftermath of Arab spring etc. There seems to be a conspiracy against the spontaneous movements of victims of exploitation, globalisation and the wicked designs of MNCs through sponsored and outsourced dramas to ease the intensity of anger of victims. The designs and strategies to be operated are regrettably processed through democratic institutions. The excess use of the institutions without the expected results, might burn the system. In this connection we may query what happened to the visibility of Social Summit? Therefore, the free world without reliable alternatives cannot afford this at this stage. Look at some of the consequences of the social media based movements. The agenda of Tea Party in USA seems to have created problems to Democratic Obama, the Muslim Brotherhood is spreading fundamentalism in Arab nations and NGO’s in India volunteer for private sector in Education alleges Anil Sadgopal in a recent statement and so on. All of these groups give us an impression that they have short term agendas, some may appear to be sincere, but do not interrogate how crony capitalism, manipulation of market by corporate bigwigs with corrupt practices led to economic crisis and human deprivations. Whether AAP is concerned about the corrupt practices of corporate

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business houses that are involved in all scams? Would Jan Lokpal be sufficient to sweep out all corruption and fraud in our country? Which of the two, public or private sector corruption is higher in value in India? Why is the corporate media projecting only select individuals and issues with huge costs involved? Did AAP and other protest groups notice how the onion prices in Delhi have suddenly come down immediately after elections and what does it indicate? Are the share markets reflecting the mood of the murky hand of bigwig modules? Indian democracy is graduated over a period of time through ontogenetic maturity using traditional institutions and not necessarily by the Western values of democracy. The established national political parties like Congress, BJP, Communists, JD and the regional parties like SP, TDP, BJD, BSP, YSRCP, DMK, AIDMK etc have some ideological position or an agenda. In a democratic country where parliamentary politics decides many things in governance, ideological position of a party irrespective of left or right or

centrist is predictable. But, a party or movement without an ideological commitment might send warning signals to some parties to get them vigilant. But, the process will make the citizens casual and might harm the democratic values, ultimately turning out to be a disaster to common man in the long run. We wish that a kichidi of sincere workers as in AAP should introspect and endure for posterity with a difference and do not burst like a bubble! Prof. K.S. Chalam has been Vice- Chancellor, Dravidian University, Kuppam (AP), (2005); Member, Planning Board, Govt. of M.P., (2002-04); Founder Director, UGC Academic Staff College, Andhra University, Visakhapatnam (1987-2005); Director, Swamy Ramananda Tirtha Rural Institute, Pochampally, Hyderabad (1997-98); Professor of Economics, Andhra University (1990-2005). He is on several Committees as Honâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ble Chairman, Member such as UGC, NCRI, A.U etc. He may be contacted at:chalamks@hotmail.com

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IRI/IRHA Members' Section:

Importance of Humanism in India â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Jugal Kishore is considered as an emerging India power on the international platform but there are number of problems still prevalent in the Indian society which prevents its progress ahead to be a great nation. Great nation means having great people and resources which are self sustained peacefully and attract the world for its character of humanity, culture, stability, maintenance of natural resource in an environmental friendly manner. India will take many decades or a century to reach to that tag of greatness. It is not true that India was not great but over a pe riod of time since Asoka, all those characteristics of greatness taken away by the selfish and inhuman individuals and groups. Today India is struggling with many problems. The uncontrolled growth of its population which has already touched 1.21 billion along with some social and health problems are major challenges for its progress. With these problems remaining unresolved, it is unlikely that India will be able to provide its citizens a respectable life. Unplanned population growth with total negligence towards proper human resource development puts a huge pressure on the existing resources which leads to poverty, poor quality of life of people. One third of Indian population is still living below poverty line. The World Bank estimates that 33% of the global poor now reside in India.1 It is further augmented by uneven distribution of wealth, with the top 10% of income groups earning 33% of the income.2 This inequity and unequal development leads to people in urban area enjoying better comforts than rural areas. Illiteracy makes people weaker and susceptible to not only exploitation but also more prone to die of diseases. Other problems

like malnutrition among pregnant women, children, and adolescent girls put them to risk of diseases throughout their lives. More than 50% of our mothers are anemic. 20% of all pregnancies are among teenage group. Lack of adequate sanitation in more than 60% of the total household in the country also leads to significant economic losses for the country apart from frequent diseases outbreaks. Gender discrimination remains the most distressing social evils in India. Issues like female feticide, infanticide, exploitation, illiteracy, maternal mortality and dowry deaths are throbbing discriminations women of India are subjected to. Unemployment remains a problem since with increasing price of necessary resources of life, unemployed people are unable to fend for themselves and their families. Other major problems like child labour, discrimination towards lower caste, religious conflict and civil war, widespread corruption, terrorism, naxalism and weak political-legislative implementation all these lead to a society with wide socio-economic disparities and poor growth. All these problems are affecting human society and violating human rights. To protect the Indian society from these problems, humanism needs to be protected and promoted and realized in true sense. According to American Humanist Association, Humanism is defined as a progressive lifestance that, without supernaturalism, affirms our ability and responsibility to lead meaningful, ethical lives capable of adding to the greater good of humanity.3 Humanism is a rational philosophy informed by science, inspired by art, and motivated by compassion. Affirming the dignity of each human being, it supports the maximization of individual liberty and opportunity consonant with social and planetary responsibility. It advocates the extension of participatory democracy and the expansion of the open society, standing for human rights and social justice. It recognizes human beings as a part of

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nature and holds that values-be they religious, ethical, social, or political-have their source in human experience and culture. With humanism, all social barriers like discrimination, violence against women, gender bias, religion wars, casteism etc can be eliminated. It calls upon a participatory political system with equal distribution of resources thereby reducing wealth gap, promoting rational thinking and promoting human rights. For this reason humanism need to be inculcated in people of India on urgent basis. As a public health professional I personally feel that humanism in public health is equally important in India. Public health is defined as â&#x20AC;&#x153;the science and art of preventing disease, prolonging life and promoting health through the organized efforts and informed choices of society, organizations, public and private, communities and individuals.4,5 The role of humanism is becoming more important when there is disparity of health care among people. According to the Constitution of India, state is responsible for health of its people, however, more than 80% of its population's health is catered by Private or corporate bodies. Due to the nature of private and corporate bodies to earn profit the welfare of the people is sidelined. Hence exploitation of poor in private health sector is common. Poor doctor patient relationship is rampant. There are incidences where doctors and healthcare staff refused to give treatment to HIV patients, handling trauma or delivery of poor. Weaker sections of the society like scheduled castes, scheduled tribe, residents of rural areas, illiterate and women should also be given due attention and facilities which is given to other patients. To tackle these problems of healthcare delivery in India, there is urgent need of humanism in health sector. Health care workers should not treat patients as diseased bodies but treat them with human touch and values. They should not discriminate patients with HIV, tuberculosis and leprosy in care. All the doctors and paramedical

staff should be trained in humanist values to interact with the people. Hospital environment should be such that to provide services to the patients in a human friendly manner and planning the services for patient welfare. At the same time, patients should also be taught about their role and support in providing such kind of services. They should take their responsibility in following the treatment and instructions of the doctor, keep faith in the doctor, be aware and spread awareness among fellow community members. With both doctor and patient working together with human values, health care services can be improved in future. Without the health of its people no nation can be great. We are aware of many problems striking the nation which make us weak and poor. Because the problems are multifactorial in nature, our efforts should be multilayered at home, society, and country and within country in various sectors. Humanism should be practiced in following levels: Importance of Humanism in Home: Family needs to deal with low value of girl child and women, female infanticide and feticide, women equal rights and respect, etc. in emotional, logical and effective manner. Importance of Humanism in Society: Society needs to deal with casteism, inequalities, poor attitude towards rape and molestation, Child labor, mentally and physically challenges people, elderly population in participatory, consultative, supportive and rational manner: Importance of Humanism in the Country: Country through its parliament and political structure needs to deal with defective policies and program, poor implementation of laws, corruption, black money, divisive politics, etc in scientific, rational, parliamentary, and authoritative manner. Importance of humanism in Medicine and public health:

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Health sector needs to deal with exploitation of patients, maltreatment, discrimination with HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, poor, destitute, poor doctor-patients relationship, quackery, unscientific system of medicine, etc. in ethical, rational, scientific, and responsible manners. According to Gautama Buddha, six things are to be remembered in order to unite any community in harmony which are promoting human values in community: 1: Friendly Behaviour both in public & in private. 2: Friendly Speech both in public & in private. 3: Friendly Thought both in public & in private 4: Sharing of Gains even down to any single lump of food 5: Moral Agreement: All respect the same ethical rules 6: Same Views: All share the same general views & opinions No human being can remain happy and progress if he/she is not in harmony and peace. When humanism prevails people are happy and they progress. When you care for human beings you start looking in all those factors which are responsible for human health and happiness such as environmental health protection and preservation of animals and birds. It can only happen when you have respect for and believe in

platonic and universal humanism. References:

World Bank’s new poverty norms find larger number of poor in India The Hindu (Chennai, India). 28 August 2008. In Pictures – Middle Class, or Upper Class? India Together. Civil Society Information Exchange. August 2003 American Humanist Association. Available from http://americanhumanist.org/Humanism/Defini tions_of_Humanism

Winslow, Charles-Edward Amory. “The Untiltled Fields of Public Health”. Science 51 (1306): 23–33 Jugal Kishore. A Dictionary of Public Health. 3rd

Edition. New Delhi: Century Publication 2013 (Presented as Chief Guest Address on 28th Dec 2013 in 4th National Conference of Manav Vikas Vedika (Human Development Forum) Hyderabad). Prof. Jugal Kishore, Department of Community Medicine, Maulana Azad Medical College, New Delhi-2, and Executive Director (Hon.), Center for Inquiry (India) may be contacted at drjugalkishore@gmail.com

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The Rise of the People’s Power in Delhi —Mahi Pal Singh ith the decision of the Aam Aadmi Party on 23rd December 2013, to form a minority government in Delhi more importantly, followed by an informal referendum through SMS messages and 280 public meetings across the 70 Assembly constituencies, the first phase of the rise of the people’s power in Delhi is complete. It had declared before the elections that it would neither take the support of nor give it to the Congress or the BJP for the formation of the government. However, fearing that it would be completely wiped out if re-election was held in Delhi again in the absence of any party forming a government, the Congress, in a tactical move, declared its unconditional support to the AAP, thereby putting the latter in a difficult situation because both the Congress and the BJP would blame the AAP for it if re-election was left the only option in case the AAP refused to form a government. However, the AAP leadership outmaneuvered both the parties by deciding to go to the people to seek their opinion on the matter. Of course, as expected, over 75% people voted in favour of their forming a government. The fact remains that the AAP was reluctant to accept its support primarily because it had fought against the corruption of both the Congress and the BJP, and it did not readily agree to have Congress’s so-called unconditional support because of its lost credibility as a reliable supporter given its past record. The Congress is having a wishful thinking that the new government would fail to fulfill its poll promises and the Congress would again come to power. Now that the AAP has gone to the people to seek their opinion on whether to form the government or not, the move aimed to put the AAP into a tight corner by the Congress by extending its support to it has boomeranged and brought the AAP nearer to the people which

they have done by going back to them to seek their opinion, a move never ever even thought of by the Congress or the BJP themselves and never forethought of by either of them. It, in fact, is perfectly in tune with the promise of the AAP to proceed towards participatory democracy instead of representative democracy, hitherto practiced by all political parties, in which a representative once elected never went back to the voters who elected him to know their opinion on any matter howsoever it affected their lives and working on the mandate of the party bosses instead of the wishes of the ultimate sovereign, the people. The move by the AAP is a welcome step and promises to empower the ordinary people who have been neglected so far because they were given no role to play in the formation of policies. It is only the corporate houses, industrialists and elite sections of the society who have been dictating the governmental policies by bribing the political masters of the country in the form of unaccounted funds for elections and it is these sections and the politicians alone who have been reaping and sharing the fruits of development and the aam aadmi has remained where he was. He is needed by the politicians only at the time of elections and to garner his support they use tools like caste, religion, region, language etc. besides money and muscle power. Although the AAP was formed only a year ago, the failure of the government to govern, policy paralysis to control sky-rocketing prices of even the most essential commodities like vegetables and the unprecedented corruption by the politicians and the bureaucrats alike and the resultant popular movement of the people first by India Against Corruption, the movement initiated by Anna Hazare and planned, organized and implemented by the team of dedicated activists like Arvind Kejriwal, Prashant Bhushan, Yogendra Yadav, Manish Sisodia, Sanjay Singh, Gopal Rai, to mention only a few of them, in short the failure of the UPA government on all fronts and unprecedented corruption by its

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leaders gave the AAP the popular support the activists turned leaders needed after the formation of a political party. This support base increased geometrically when these people participated in large numbers in the movement against the 16th December 2012 Nirbhaya gang-rape in Delhi and also led large-scale movements against very high electricity bills eating into the pockets of the poor and the middle class people alike, and failure of the government to supply even drinking water to the people in Delhi even after remaining in power in Delhi for 15 years and having the Congress led UPA government at the center also. The ultimate result is the formation of government by the AAP under the leadership of Arvind Kejriwal. The 28-seat tally of the AAP is not fully reflective of their real popular support. They won these seats against all kinds of odds. Various opinion polls gave them only 3 to 7 seats, only CSDS poll, conducted after the other polls, giving them 17 seats. Only Chanakya poll gave them 31 seats but this conclusion by the Chanakya was laughed at by all journalists and commentators sitting in the TV studio discussions as completely unrealistic. Arun Jaitley brushed them aside by saying that he would wonder if they got more than one or two seats. The AAP team had occupied the imagination of the aam aadmi, students, youth etc. so much that they would have won something like 50 seats if the mood of the man on the road was any reflection of the shape of things to come. But the tirade of the two main parties, the Congress and the BJP, that they were only vote-cutters or vote-spoilers day in and day out on TV channels had some effect on the voters, at least on the fence-sitters who would not like to waste their vote. However, the lethal damage was done to their poll prospects on 2nd of December, just two days before the polls on 4th December 2013, when Anna Hazare landed in Delhi and when asked by a journalist, said that he was not supporting the AAP and Kejriwal. The untold damage, perhaps intended, would not have been done had he just

kept his mouth shut. Only a few days before that an old video was telecast on all channels repeatedly talking about the IAC funds being misused by Arvind for his party but only a few showed the clarification by Arvind that not a single rupee of the movement had been used by him and he had asked Anna to constitute a committee to enquire into the charges if he thought that there was any such possibility and at that time Anna had shown full faith in Arvind. Some damage might also have been caused by another doctored sting-video which was prepared by Sarkar.com to target only the AAP candidates although the video did not show any of the candidates accepting money even for party fund from people posing as victims of some or the other government department, for any promise to show favours to them. The anchors also did not show the raw footage provided by the party to them a few days later which contained the portions mischievously cut to malign the AAP candidates and which cleared their candidates of all the charges leveled against them. The AAP leaders were also accused on the TV shows again and again of betraying Anna Hazare, their mentor, though the fact is that it is not the AAP leaders who betrayed Anna but it is Anna Hazare who betrayed them, if anybody betrayed somebody. One must remember that Anna Hazare was present on the dais at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi when Arvind announced the formation of a political party and Anna himself had declared that he supported the move to form a political party to fight against corruption in the country as the political class was not listening to them, though later he deserted them by declaring that he was not in favour of forming the party and he had nothing to do with the party and told Arvind that they should neither use his name nor his photo to boost their political prospects, to which Arvind had agreed and he did neither. One can understand Annaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s non-participation in politics himself because it is completely his own decision, but his repeated negative comments

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against the AAP puts doubt in oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mind. Had the AAP failed to win a sizable number of seats Anna would have told its leaders that he was right and that they had not listened to his sane advice and had committed a blunder of forming a political party. Later events also show clearly that Anna was fighting against corruption, but against the corruption of the Congress party alone and all those who are today with him, his team of advisers including Kiran Bedi, Gen. V.K. Singh etc., wanted to favour the BJP against the Congress. Gen. Singh launched a tirade against Arvind Kejriwal and the AAP in his speech at Ralegan Siddhi, Annaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home village, in the presence of Gopal Rai, a leader of the party who had gone there and sat on fast to show his solidarity for the cause of Jan Lokpal, along with Anna Hazare who was on his last fast for the passage of the Lokpal Bill by parliament, and Anna too asked him very rudely, instead of saying a single word to Gen. Singh not to talk politics from his dais, to leave the village when the former objected to Gen. Singhâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s remarks saying that the latter should not make any political remarks as that was a place only for demanding the passage of the Lokpal Bill. The country had earlier seen Gen. Singh sharing the stage with Narendra Modi, and later rumours were rife that he was likely to join the BJP, and Kiran Bedi advised the AAP leaders, when the results of the Assembly elections were declared that they should form a coalition government with the BJP on the basis of a common minimum programme, obviously under the leadership of a BJP Chief Minister. Perhaps she did not see the corruption of the BJP leaders, the Reddy brothers, in Karnataka in the mining scams, nor of other leaders elsewhere like Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, where ministers who have serious charges against them and have even been convicted remain firmly in the government, and Chhattisgarh where the party has been in power. As long as the BJP felt that the movement against corruption was against the Congress party, they were supporting the

movement and its cadres were participating actively in the movement because they felt that the BJP would gain electorally from the movement. But as soon as they realized that people like Arvind and Prashant Bhushan were speaking against their corruption also, they started distancing themselves from AAP and became its strong enemies like the Congress and left no chance unutilized to criticize them on whatever counts they could. We must recall and remember that Arvind Kejriwal and his other colleagues in the AAP were strongly opposed to the idea of entering politics when they were working for the movement against corruption with Anna Hazare. They were forced into doing so by the Congress as well as the BJP leaders who challenged them to get elected to Parliament and pass the Jan Lokpal Bill themselves if they really represented the people as claimed by them. They goaded these activists again and again to challenge their authority only after getting the requisite mandate from the people of the country and rejected the claim of the activists that the people of the country were wary of corruption and wanted a strong Lokpal bill to be passed. When these people entered politics after forming the AAP, these politicians, who hardly know the will of the people because they do not work among the masses and are busy only amassing money through corrupt means, made every effort to brush them aside as a bogus threat to their position as masters of the destiny of the country and its people, not realizing for a moment that when the people rise the thrones of even the most powerful shake in a democratic system, which has been rendered into a phony democracy by these politicians over the years, at least when the people get the chance to express their will through electoral process. The Congress has forgotten that even the government of Indira Gandhi was thrown down by the aam aadmi in 1977 and she herself also could not win her Lok Sabha seat. The fact is that these politicians were not expecting a victory for

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the new Aam Aadmi Party lead by non-politicians formed just a year ago, whereas they themselves were unable to feel the pulse of the people and their strong desire to throw out the Congress government in Delhi and deprive even the BJP of its coveted victory. The latter may have got 31 seats in Delhi but the people of Delhi have given it 2% lesser votes than in 2008. That should be a lesson for it and not a cause of rejoicing in any manner. The people have rejected not only the Congress but also the BJP. So far as the victory of the BJP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh is concerned, even that should not make it happy because even that is not a lasting benefit beyond the immediate benefit. People there have also voted for what they thought as the lesser evil between the Congress and the BJP, the only choices offered to the people in the absence of a third viable alternative. Wherever people have a viable alternative, they reject both of them. The Congress is a sinking ship and it will be decimated completely if it declares Rahul as its Prime Ministerial candidate for the 2014 election because he is the choice of Sonia Gandhi and the sycophants in the Congress, not of the people on the street. But the will of the people still has no meaning for the Congress and the UPA partners. The BJP too has been winning so far on its divisive communal agenda and emotive issues alone. With the rise of regional parties over the years and now the people’s party in the form of the AAP, it has serious challenge ahead and it will be detrimental for it to take it lightly. So far as the passage of the Jan Lokpal law is concerned, it has met a sad doom in the form of the Lokpal Bill passed by the Parliament under the pressure of Anna’s last fast seen in the light of the repercussions of not passing it in the forthcoming parliament elections for both the Congress and the BJP who colluded to pass it in the winter session of Parliament, a Lokpal Bill in form but surely not in content. It is surprising that even Anna praised the passage of the bill, of course under the advice of his immediate

advisers most of whom have BJP leanings. This bill had nothing of the Jan Lokpal law Anna had initially undertaken the fast at Ram Lila ground at Delhi for. The main demands of an independent CBI with independent financial, administrative, and investigative powers, and inclusion of lower bureaucracy under the ambit of the Lokpal, establishment of Lokayukata in the states on the lines of the strong Lokpal, passage of the citizens charter – the last three being the three conditions on which the sense of the House was communicated to him after which he broke his fast – are all missing from the law passed by Parliament. Should it not surprise all why then did Anna become happy at its passage although the former Anna team of Kejriwal and others has rejected the new law and vowed to continue their struggle for the Jan Lokpal law which they had drafted and agitated for Anna should realize that if anybody is still promoting the cause of the Jan Lokpal law, for which he stood earlier, it is the AAP alone with all its volunteers and countless supporters. Instead of condemning them and harming their cause, he should be thankful to them that they are still continuing their struggle for the cause for which he stood only two years ago. And last, but not the least, he and his present comrades should understand that under the leadership of Arvind Kejriwal the movement against corruption has outgrown the movement and turned itself into a movement for participatory and direct democracy, a bigger cause, so that the present system, which has made the rich more rich and kept the poor poor, can be changed. Team Kejriwal has proved all the fears of Anna Hazare wrong. He thought that poor people could not contest elections and win and that they could not change things by entering electoral politics as they would never attain such a position where they would be able to do so. Now the same team has formed a government in Delhi and it has already begun changing the political culture of the ruler and the ruled. Most of their candidates were selected by area committees and almost all

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of them are aam aadmi and they have won. They fought 69 seats with just 20 crores of Rupees collected from the people, a fully accounted for money put transparently on their website which no other political party has dared to do. It may well be a trendsetter for future elections and future polity. Well begun they say is half done. Long ago, M.N. Roy the great visionary, freedom fighter, intellectual and great radical humanist had anticipated that the party based parliamentary democracy would work havoc on the people of the country and the leaders would only use them for their own benefits. Whatever he had said even before India became independent has proved true. He had talked of direct democracy through people’s committees who would choose their representatives and the representatives were expected to consult them for every important decision. Team Kejriwal went back to the people, described by both the major political parties and many intellectuals as ‘tamasha’, to seek their mandate when they faced the dilemma of forming a government with the support of the same Congress party against whose corruption their main fight had

been, or not to form a government and let there be re-elections. Many commentators have started praising them for the introduction of a new kind of people’s politics, of course, many of whom did not find any merit in their efforts earlier, though there were some notable and respectable exceptions like Abhay Dubey, Neeraja Chaudhary, Aarti Jairath and Arvind Mohan etc. who understood the mood of the people even earlier. My best wishes for the Aam Aadmi Party to work towards a real people’s democracy, a shift from leader centric polity to people centric polity. I salute the rise of the people’s power in Delhi in the recent Assembly elections. May they succeed at the National level also! Not only I, but also the people of the country are today looking with a hope towards them. I hope that their faith and hope will not be belied. Mr. Mahi Pal Singh, President, Delhi State, Indian Radical Humanist Association, may be contacted at: mahipalsinghrh@gmail.com

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Students’, Research Scholars’ & terms of a positive reference point of ‘aspiration’ rather than ‘exploitation’. Argument supporting Professors’ Section:

Indian Urban Youth and Marxism in Our Times —Amandeep Vashisth Don’t be afraid to look at popular culture. (Slavoj Zizek, in a lecture at Sao Paulo) istory has witnessed many changes and uprisings. Sometimes those changes were brought about by peasants, sometimes by industrial workers and in recent past by youth around the world and in India. Youth have always been representatives of most vibrant energy centres of life. Whether it was the case of 1968 movement in France or protests in 1975 in India, the taskmasters were youth, in general. So, it becomes imperative to establish dialogue with youth for accelerating any desired social change. Historically, the sections which have put in maximum effort for radical changes have undoubtedly been Marxist groups. But ironically, in our present times Marxist circles face strong communication problem with youth and more precisely urban middle class youth in Indian context. Youth are representatives of not only their culture but most importantly, popular culture. To put in Zizekian terms, we get those insights from the popular culture which serious culture hides from us. Let us first get through some troubles which Marxist factions face today. These days a new kind of criticism (and probably a valid one) is in the air. According to many people Marxism has been addressing people in terms of ‘exploitation’ or to put in other words, language with which a Marxist group approaches people is always laden with expressions of ‘exploitation’. It seems that expressions used for approaching a mass of modern youth are full of references towards ‘exploitation’. This new criticism proposes that Marxism does not address modern youth in

for this proposed change is fairly simple. But let us first look at its origin. The terminology of ‘sharp visible exploitation’ has its roots in a theoretical frame generated in The Condition of the Working Class in England by Engels. This ground of language worked well in Indian conditions till late 80s when we saw full bloomed strikes. So, what has changed now? Exploitation has changed both its form and content when compared with the Engels’ study of 1845. Also, market forces have worked hard to reduce ‘visibility of exploitation’. Exploitation is carried out in such a subtle manner that it is too hard to locate. One can theoretically locate it, but there is a difference between theoretically locating and showing it directly. As far as urban setups in Indian scenario are concerned it will be hard to ignore positive changes and better living conditions. Going back in 19th century living conditions of workers were enough demonstration of exploitation of working class. Now a days, top MNCs will of course still exploit, but with handsome salaries (quoted as packages) and not to forget, those office parties lasting till late Saturday nights. Now, does this match with that classical imagery of ‘exploited worker’? 1 Locating Life of Urban Youth: Let us again simplify this by an example. A young man in his twenties working in an MNC, spending nights in a disc/bar/club (which are quite affordable for middle class youth), watching splits-villa/roadies on MTV in evenings, spending lavishly on clothes, having all sorts of romantic relationship problems and at the same time, to the surprise of most people, having some sort of opinion about political system or ‘system’ as such. How would one then approach this emerging working class (cited as ‘emerging middle class’ in Indian media)? 2 The section considered here is probably not even 1% of total population. But it is the section which is emerging as a leading section and other

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sections, e.g. rural youth, see them as a role model. This is the section which is in touch with the changes across the globe and it reacts to those changes. One of the most easy and popular approach is to reject them as very small and negligible percentage of population and labeling them as a section drowned deep into capitalist-consumerist culture with no probable hope. The other one is to sensitively consider the complexity of present scenario and make an attempt to deepen the dialogue. Which front of the life touches urban youth the most? Obviously, it is not only economical and even if it relates, it relates not in the sense of exploitation but in the sense of ambition and aspiration. There may be a streak of economic disappointment; not because they don’t have enough bread or clothing but may be because they don’t yet possess a latest electronic gadget. There is a perpetual struggle of life for them not for wages, but for higher status and latest models of luxury cars. Now, can ambition, precisely to say personal ambition, be rejected immediately as a variant of individualism and always be scoffed at? This is exactly the point where orthodox images and approaches become a hindrance. Until and unless a man personally feels a deep sense of satisfaction in every act he pursues, there is little scope for an otherwise approach. A student from a very backward and underdeveloped area aspires to be in a metro for higher education or job. How should we take it? How does one establish a dialogue with this phenomenon? Surely, not to stop him from entering metropolis by giving nauseating doses of lectures concerning demonic consumerist urban culture, but rather by finding revolutionary radical possibilities in the very act of transition from countryside to the metro. Indian urban youth has been accused of being apolitical and almost narcissistic but during Lokpal agitation and in December protests, it was observed very clearly that modern urban Indian youth, despite its affinity with consumerist culture, is not fundamentally

averse to the idea of street protest and consequently to mass politics as such. It was pleasant to see that amidst December protests in Delhi last year some leftist student outfits beautifully connected with the pulse of youth. Recent outpouring of anger in form of support for AAP is a highly political act, albeit within electoral lines. One thing is clearly visible – a deep sense of urgency and immediacy. In popular contemporary movies, like Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara, the whole philosophical undercurrent pervading throughout the movie is that of living life to its fullest with the quest of immediacy. In somewhat crude form it is also reflected in the emergence of fast food which are cooked and served immediately. In modern urban romantic relationships it is expressed as a deep intensity and almost a complete absence of superficial sentimentality. If things don’t work out, then option of break up is always open and a person can move on without making too much fuss. Similarly while connecting to society the path goes through immediate concerns which touch them directly. Immediacy is the one of the areas where Bourgeoisie parties like Congress and BJP or other regional outfits have an edge over other ideology-based groups. Despite their evidently shallow and narrow visions, they prove to be heavy weights in electoral process just because of this particular factor of immediate action. Utopian goals are so distant and located so far in future that they almost become synonymous with religious concept of eternal bliss or kingdom of heaven. Of course there is nothing wrong in having a long term goal, it is rather praiseworthy, but if it becomes a hindrance in getting along with the pulse of present time it surely lands us into trouble. To put it in simple words, if terminology is rooted in past and goals in distant future it becomes problematic to get hold of the present. So, a language has to be evolved which fits in modern context and it has to be synthesized with idea of urgency. It is highly significant at the present juncture to keep pace with contemporary urban

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life. By contemporary urban life we mean what is happening in industries, markets, malls, shopping plazas, cafes, bars, discs and everything which follows. By too much rejection, Marxist discourse has deprived itself of easily available enrichment. The deadlock which Marxism faces today in urban areas is not due to a lack of depth in theoretical framework but absence of expansion in tune with modern times. The result is before us: A dynamic theoretical framework has been reduced as an image of a tactic for wage hike or at most just a resistance tool against any govt. development plan. It seems that the whole trouble has started by the making of economics as the focal point of Marxism. Most of the energy goes in defending TRPF, surplus theory and so on. Suppose in any case, any sort of research brings out a fault in economic theory of Marx then so much furor is created as if the world has come to an end. This is such a simple thing that Marxism propounds a scientific temperament and it is so childish to expect that almost 125 year old calculations and analysis would remain unchanged forever. Marxism is not just economics but much more than that, which was emphasized very clearly by Althusser long back. Developments of Frankfurt school of thought (drawing upon the work of Freud) well demonstrated that repression is not just economic in nature but psychological as well and it is important to get out of the clutches of ‘economism’. It does not mean that economic aspect is to be forgotten altogether, but just not to give it central position in urban context. Psychological Aspects of Urban Life: Urban aspirations oscillate between two poles of relationship and career with priorities shifting towards career in recent times. Relationship itself is viewed more as a status symbol than an emotional necessity. These pressures are making modern man more and more alienated. He has an emotional connection with almost nobody. Tight work schedules make life highly mechanical and repetitive. Healing industry (read modern day spiritual gurus) is always

ready to provide solace to ailing man. Modern urban man and especially youth need a world view that is not fractured. Till date there have been political outlooks but they become useless when one returns home in the evening to discuss daily family problems. There have been beautiful spiritual/religious philosophies which work nicely when one is alone but as soon as someone steps out of his home and confronts social reality they seem to be pointless. Deep unconscious thought govern the life and it is crucial to get at them. One of these is religious thought. Religious feelings have persisted despite so called triumph of science and there is a strong psychological basis for it. The fetishistic aura surrounding commodities is almost an equivalent for archetypal mythical figures. Noted Marxist thinker Aijaz Ahmed refers to it while talking about Derrida: “Derrida seems to ask a very different question: what would the world look like without those feelings to which a religious feeling corresponds-the affections and terrors of inferiority, so to speak, induced by social world itself-and how adequate is Marxism in answering that question?” 3Another feeling is that of love which is seen by many as a potent weapon of rebellion. The case of love is not simple and straight. Rather it is fraught with tensions. It is note-worthy to mention that Freud rules out a possibility of love and social mobility at the same time. When we derive the antithesis between civilization and sexuality from the circumstances that sexual love is a relationship between two individuals in which a third one can only be superfluous or disturbing, whereas civilization depends upon relationship between considerable number of individuals..When a love relationship is at its height no room is left for any interest in environment; the pair of lovers are sufficient unto themselves, do not even need the child they have in common to make them happy.(pp55, 1962, Freud, Civilization and its Discontents) 4Hence, western psychoanalytic frameworks find trouble in any attempt to synthesize deep personal experience (as love)

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and social. Social discourse lacks personal element and ‘personal’ seems to forbid any movement beyond the ‘two’. When we look back we find that till date it is only Gandhian theory which makes an attempt to blend personal with social. In Gandhi we find a joint triumph of idiom and tactics. For the first time there was a man who was trying to generate a system in which there was space for discussions, ranging from colonial exploitation to the quantity of milk to be consumed in mornings. It appeared ridiculous to some at that time, but nonetheless it was quite a creative attempt. Gandhian discourse is not just dry political rhetoric for freedom of nation, but a man as such. Frame work of Gandhi was synthetic in approach and it blurred the division between personal and social but there was a great problem of lack of theoretical rigour. Gandhian theory revolved around mystic aura of a single person, so it could not become the basis of a concrete revolutionary program. Active mainstream Marxism has long ignored psychological aspects of life. This attempt to avoid complexity has ascribed it an image of a very shallow tool of struggle, loud and rhetorical, instead of being sensitive and deep. Problems and Contradictions: There is a darker of present generation. It has to be worked upon that why a young person with all his gadgets and access to unlimited information, which is always a just click away, finds himself withdrawn in isolation more and more. Constant addiction, social networking and visible earplugs may provide a hint into a mindset which despite all its clarity and sharpness finds itself suddenly into bottomless pit of boredom if left on its own. Too much emphasis on the value of success poses a lopsided view of reality. The age old dictum – To err is human, seems irrelevant to a success obsessed generation. The craving for too much perfection surely leads to a neurotic state of mind. It is precisely this situation which the Marxist circles have to confront today. Possible Approaches: 30

There may be many possible approaches. a) Linking personal with social so that the social may not remain an abstraction, part time job or post retirement enterprise. Social activity should be a direct manifestation of the personal. Till date such an effort was undertaken by Gandhi, as already cited. b) Life of Indian urban youth revolves around music, relationships and career. These are precisely the areas which are to be taken care of while approaching youth. Urban youth (and even small town youth) today desires fullness of experience which touches his innermost core. The days are gone when anyone joined a political-social outfit for just a tag of ‘nice social fellow’. Only two possible options wait today’s youth, either a very realistic, honest and intimate discourse or need-based political liaison. c) Small groups can possibly be formed outside rigid party structures through which new ideological spaces can be generated. d) Modern psychoanalytical theory has brought into light the irrational element rooted in unconscious mind. This supposedly irrational element should be incorporated into the Marxist discourse so that we can move from a powerful rhetoric to the concrete. The synthetic efforts of Frankfurt school of thought (as in Eros and civilization), Althusser and Zizek in our times must be incorporated in daily struggles and responses to various attacks by right wing forces. It can only be by engaging in dialogue with urban youth that these theoretical developments are further advanced. e) A deep need is felt by all of us to engage with contemporary philosophical -theoretical work. In Marxist circles (especially mainstream communist parties), most of the people are engaged in theoretical frames which are mostly almost a century old. Classics by Marx, Engels, and Lenin have their own importance but they cannot be a substitute for present day philosophical work. It is highly important that students involved in left politics keep pace with

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contemporary thought. To put it very roughly and in somewhat lighter tone, on one hand Althusser has provided us a frame on over-determination and inter-dependence of base-superstructure, while comrades are still busy with 150 year old deterministic models. Throughout 20th century we have seen many remarkable developments in theory on various currents and cross-currents ranging from Luxemberg, Gramcsi, Lukacs to Zizek and Badiou in our present times. But surprisingly we find almost no corresponding change in attitude or idiom of established political parties. It seems that theoretical development always moves two decades ahead in its development relative to party tactics. Probably we need some sort of Kujaat Marxism (Amending a Lohiate term) which can prove to be helpful for our own times. Revolution now should not be seen at any fixed point in spatio- temporal frame of reference but regenerating itself perpetually. This revolution will need a whole set of idiom and terminology to bring it about. Instead of propaganda and tactics, dialogue and intimacy will provide the clue. In our times of crisis it is important to recall what Derrida said in his ‘Specters of Marx’: The ‘New International’ is an untimely link, without status ... without coordination, without party, without country, without national community, without co-citizenship, without common belonging to a class. The name of New International is given here to what calls to the friendship of an alliance without institution among those who ... continue to be inspired by at least one of the spirits of Marx or of Marxism. It is a call for them to ally themselves, in a new, concrete and real way, even if this alliance no longer takes the form of a party or a workers’ international, in the critique of the state of international law, the concepts of State and nation, and so forth: in order to renew this critique, and especially to radicalize it.5 It is crucial to look at the two important words, ‘concrete and real’. For a long time now we are familiar with the famous statement of Lenin

formulating Marxist method as, ‘concrete analysis of concrete conditions’. Derrida adds ‘real’ (which can probably be extended into ‘the Real’ of Lacanian psychoanalysis) to this formulation. And still, the formulation remains non-rigid and flexible in structure. Mainstream Marxist groups have mostly brushed aside these attempts terming them as ‘impractical’ and ‘too utopian’. It is high time that we get flexible and dynamic in essence, as the enemy (read capitalism) to be tackled is chameleon of a sort. This is the time to sit and give some thought to deal with the present situation in entirely novel ways so that the talk of relevance does not merely remain rhetoric. Notes and references: 1. One of the most cited reasons for underdevelopment of Marxist influence in European conditions is that, apart from exploiting workers in Europe, capitalism has given a considerable share of loot to workers themselves. It is important to add that the explanation for this phenomenon has been put forth by a non-Marxist Indian thinker Dr. Rammanohar Lohia with his brilliant surplus theory based on colonial exploitation. 2. Prof Rajinder Chaudhury puts a different formulation: we must take up pro-people issues of ‘non-poor’ too because in present undemocratic system even legitimate concerns of vast sections of ‘non-poor’ people go unaddressed. 3. Three returns to Marx: Derrida, Zizek, Badiou (Michael Sprinker Memorial Lecture 22.3.12, Kolkata published in Social Scientist July-Aug 2012) 4. For a different analysis see Slavoj Zizek: Love as a Political Category available as video 5. 1994, Specters of Marx, The State of the Debt, The Work Of Mourning, & The New International [Mr. Amandeep Vashishth teaches Physics in Rohtak (Haryana). He may be contacted at 09255060575, vashishthaman@yahoo.com]

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Book Review Section:

M.N. Roy in a Dictionary —Dipavali Sen [BOOK: Kunal Chakrabarti and Shubhra Chakrabarti's, Historical Dictionary of the BENGALIS, The Scarecrow Press, Inc., Lanham. Boulder. New York. Toronto. Plymouth, U.K., 2013; hardcover, with maps and photographs, pp 569, price unstated] his book is one of the series of Historical Dictionaries of Peoples and Cultures, with Jon Woronoff as the Series Editor. The others in the series include Tamils, Jews, Ismailiis, Druzes, Gypsies, Kurds ….. a wide range of humanity indeed! As Jon Woronoff says in the Editor’s Foreword (p ix), this book covers the various geographic, demographic, economic, social and religious groupings of Bengalis through a long period of history. After the Foreword comes a very useful Reader’s Note on Content, Spelling and Names, Visuals and Cross-references. This is followed by maps and a section on the Chronology of events connected with Bengalis. The Introduction discusses, most ably, the Land and the People, their History and Identity. It ends with the statement: “It may be difficult to define the Bengalis but not to recognize them” (p 34). Alphabetically, now the Dictionary begins. The first entry, under A is Abeden, Zainul and the last entry, under Z, is Zia, Begum Khaleda. In between there is hardly an aspect of the Bengali essence that has not been covered, from Baul songs to Tenida, Terra-cotta to Kabir Larai. There are more than 750 cross-referenced entries on politicians, educators and entrepreneurs, leaders and thinkers, writers, painters, actors, on economy, education, political parties, religion, women and minorities, literature, art and architecture, music, cinema, food and festivals. No dictionary of the Bengalis can be complete without reference to one of its

most illustrious sons, M.N. Roy. This one, very rightly, has a one-and-a-half-page (pp 388-89) entry on him, containing all the essential facts about M.N. Roy, mentioning the Radical Humanist as well. “After World War II, Manabendranath felt the need to go beyond communism and developed an alternative set of ideas that he called radical humanism. He renounced party politics, rejected the idea of imposing structural changes from above, and insisted on philosophical revolution as a precondition for social revolution. He advocated a cooperative system of production, decentralization of political power, and the spread of democracy at the grassroots level. Manabendranath founded a cultural-educational organization called the Indian Renaissance Institute and wrote extensively to propagate his views…… He was one of the major political thinkers of the 20th century”. (p 389) The Bibliography is extensive (pp 499-569) and has an Introduction to itself, followed by sections that are as illuminating as chapters. At the end comes a page About the Authors Dr. Kunal Chakrabarti and Dr. Shubhra Chakrabarti, who as Jon Woronoff had said in the Introduction, form “a formidable husband-and-wife team” (p x). With impeccable academic credentials and authentic Bengali identities (in spite of being Delhi-based at present), they were the best persons for the job, and how well they have done it! Scholarly writing is most often bereft of readability. But this is one book that has got both qualities, and though a dictionary, is as absorbing as a novel. The language is smooth and easy-flowing and does not intimidate. Meticulous yet friendly, it should be useful to students of anthropology. Young NRIs too should benefit. Globalization (another name for Imperialism?) is fast erasing away ethnic and cultural identities. Books like this will help preserving those identities, and prevent human beings from becoming faceless. The printing and binding are excellent and in spite of its

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thickness, the book is comfortable to hold and handle. The only critical comment I can make is that there could have been more illustrations, e.g., on Bengali arts and crafts (such as sara painting and kantha stitching, and Ganesh Pyne’s style as distinct from Abanindranath Tagore’s). Thanks, Kunal and Shubhra, on behalf of other Bengalis!

[Ms. Dipavali Sen, from DSE and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (Pune), Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan teaches at Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Delhi University. She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles both in English and Bengali. dipavali@gmail.com]

BOOKS BY M.N. ROY Published by Renaissance Publishers, Indian Renaissance Institute, Oxford University Press and Others 1. POLITICS POWER AND PARTIES

Rs. 90.00

2. SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY

Rs.95.00

3. BEYOND COMMUNISM

Rs.40.00

4. THE HISTORICAL ROLE OF ISLAM

Rs.40.00

5. MEN I MET

Rs.60.00

6. INDIA’S MESSAGE

Rs.100.00

7. MATERIALISM

Rs. 110.00

8. REVOLUTION & COUNTER REVOLUTION IN CHINA

Rs. 250.00

9. REASON, ROMANTICISM AND REVOLUTION

Rs.300.00

10. NEW ORIENTATION

Rs 090.00

11. ISLAAM KI ETIHASIK BHOOMIKA (IN HINDI)

Rs.25.00

12. HAMARA SANSKRITIK DARP (IN HINDI)

Rs.40.00

13. NAV MANAVWAD (IN HINDI)

Rs.90.00

14 .SAMYAWAD KE PAAR (IN HINDI)

Rs.45.00

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Humanist News Section:

A Brief Report of General Body Meeting of Indian Renaissance Institute (IRI): The General Body meeting of Indian Renaissance Institute was held on 30th November and 1st December 2013 at Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi. Adv. B.D. Sharma, Adv. N.D. Pancholi, Adv. Narottam Vyas, Dr. Rekha Saraswat, Ms. Arshi Ansari, Dr. D.K. Saraswat, Mr. Ajit Bhattacharya, Mr. Sisir Kumar Chakravorty, Prof. Subhankar Ray, Mr. Debabrata Pal, Mr. V.P. Arya, Mr. Sunity Ranjan Mukherjee, Mr. S.C. Verma, Mr. Amit Sirivastava, Mr. Mritunjoy Ganguly, Ms. Swati Sinha, Mr. Ghanshyam Singh, Mr. Vidya Sagar K., Ms. Deepshikha Bharati, Dr. Manju Ray, Md. Nazimuddin S.K., Mr. S.C. Jain attended the meeting. Adv. B.D. Sharma, Chairperson of the Institute, presided over the meeting. Following decisions were taken: 1. Minutes of the last General Meeting held on August 21, 2011 were approved. 2. Report of Adv. N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, was approved. 3. The accounts for the year ending 31st March 2013 were discussed and adopted. 4. Status of the Court case regarding 13 Mohini Rd. Dehradun: Adv. N.D. Pancholi informed that the appeal filed by late Shri S.N. Puri in the Nainital High Court against the judgment of the Civil Court at Dehradun was dismissed in May 2013 and proceedings for execution of the decree in favour of Indian Renaissance Institute for taking possession of the property at Dehradun have been initiated in Dehradun Court. 5. Future management of 13 Mohini Rd., Dehradun after its possession: There were several proposals about the future management of 13 Mohini Road, after its possession by IRI.

Broad consensus was that it should be developed as a ‘Centre of Learning’ in humanist thoughts and values. 6.The Radical Humanist: It was decided that funds should be raised for the monthly journal ‘Radical Humanist’ and efforts should be made for getting advertisements for it. 7. Publication of the humanist literature and M.N. Roy’s Selected Works: The Secretary informed that many books written by M.N. Roy were not available, though his ‘political thought’ was part of curriculum in various universities. Therefore it was decided to get the books re-printed. It was also informed that reprinting of some of the books has already been initiated by Dr. Rekha Saraswat in Meerut. It was further decided that appeal should be made for donations to meet the expenditures of their printing and publishing. During discussion following members offered and paid donations as below: Adv. B.D. Sharma - Rs. 25,000/Adv. Narottam Vyas Rs. 5000/Shri Ajit Bhattacharya – Rs. 2000/Dr. D.K. Saraswat Rs. 21,000/It was further decided that the draft of the material of the Fifth Volume of the Selected Works should be ready by 31st March 2014. 8. Role of the Radical Humanists in the present political and social scenario: A lively discussion followed on the above subject. 9. It was further decided that IRI should organize a seminar on the issue of ‘Price Rise’. Suggested dates were 29th and 30th March, 2014. 10. Translation of M.N. Roy's books in Hindi: It was informed that this work has been taken up by Ms. Arshi Ansari, Research Scholar, Political Science, from Meerut. 11. Following trustees were elected: 1. Shri Narottam Vyas; 2. Shri Ajit Bhattacharya 3. Dr. N. Innaiah; 4. Dr. Bhaskar Sur 5. Shri S.C. Jain; 6. Shri Ramesh Awasthi

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7. Mr. Gautam Thakar 12. Elections of office bearers: Following office bearers were elected: 1. Chairman , Shri B.D. Sharma 2. Secretary, N.D. Pancholi 3. Treasurer, Shri Narottam Vyas —Report sent by Adv. N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, IRI II

A Citizens’ Agenda for Change: The following is the full text of a document prepared by the Council for Social Development, New Delhi. It was released at a press conference in the Capital addressed by Prof. Muchkund Dubey, the CSD President: Prof. Amit Bhaduri, Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty, K.B. Saxena, the Council’s senior faculty members and T. Haque, the CSD Director, on November 26, 2013. In the context of the forthcoming general elections, it is important to think through a citizens’ guide to governance and development strategy that sets out of the essentials for all concerned. This task is all the more important because of the persistent projection of matters of ephemeral importance, false issues and non issues in the corporate-controlled media and the statements of political parties and leaders. Basic Issues: A reliable indication of what affects the lives of the people are the issues raised by civil society organizations, people’s movements, independent experts, public intellectuals and concerned citizens. Over the past few decades, they have relentlessly asserted the people’s right to life and personal liberty around issues of violence by state, non-state and private actors; conflict over common and natural resources; depleting lively-hood; denial of voice and visibility in decision making and formulation and implementation of government plans and projects; continuing deprivation of access to quality education for the vast majority of the poor and marginalized; lack of access to quality

health care for the poor; project-induced displacement, eviction or the threat of eviction of the most vulnerable, impoverished and insecure communities from forestlands and cityscapes; and extreme threat to the safety and security of women. Current Growth Path: All political parties and governments at the Centre as well as the States, through their overt and covert actions, are complicit in the pursuit of the corporate-led growth path, the main characteristics of which are production for catering to the needs of the privileged sections and foreign markets, profitability at the cost of the wage earners, growth at the cost of employment, neglect of agriculture and environmental degradation. This growth path has resulted in increasing inequalities between the rich and the poor, further impoverishment and immiseration of those who are vulnerable owing to being dalits, tribals, minority groups, the vast numbers of women and children, the forced migrants and refugees, and workers employed in the informal sector. Constitutional Vision: The Constitution of India envisages an active role for the state in securing for Indian citizens entitlements and rights set out in the Constitution and in protecting the natural resources and other assets of the country. In the chapter on the Directive Principles of State Policy, the Constitution enjoins upon the state to promote the welfare of the people, strive to minimize inequalities in different forms not only among individuals but also amongst groups of people, secure for its citizens the right of an adequate means of livelihood, consider the raising of the level of nutrition…. And the improvement of public health as among its primary duty, promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and ensure that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as to subserve the common good. The

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corporate-led growth path being pursued by the state has amounted to an abdication of all these obligation assumed by it under the Constitution. These obligations are becoming increasingly difficult to meet because of the shrinking of space for independent economic policy. This is especially visible in our dependence on foreign capital, import liberalization at the cost of domestic industrial growth, and growing current account deficit. Retreat of the State and its Consequences for the Poor: This growth strategy has, among others, resulted in an accelerated trend of the withdrawal of the state from the key sectors of the economy, particularly rural infrastructure, agriculture and social sectors, in order to create space for occupation by corporations, including foreign corporate interest. Apart from its adverse effect on the sustainability of growth, this policy is having disastrous consequences for the incomes, livelihood and welfare of the poor sections of the population, and the exercise of their rights under the Constitution. The retreat of the state has affected the poor and the marginalized sections of the population most severely. Here are some examples: The state’s indifference to school education has led to the mushrooming of English-medium, high-fee-charging, private schools in which the quality of education does not do any credit to the nation. The poor parents’ desire to send their children to these schools has driven them to bankruptcy and indebtedness thus crippling them economically. The public health centres and sub-centres from which the poor stand to benefit most are in a state of neglect. The private sector is not interested in taking over primary health care as it is not profitable. Outsourcing of sanitation, kitchen, and ambulance, diagnostic and similar other health services earlier provided in government hospitals has led to an increase in their costs, taking them beyond the reach of the poor. This has made it difficult for them to get treatment even in government

hospitals. The government’s withdrawal from the maintenance and expansion of quality institutions for the education of teachers, doctors, and para-medicals has led to the proliferation of private medical engineering and teachers’ education colleges charging exorbitant fees and demanding huge capitation fees for initial admission. This has deprived the poor of whatever chances were there earlier to get their children admitted on the basis of merit, in quality government institutions in this category. The financing of urban development with private capital and institutional credit has resulted in the exclusion of the poor from the process of urbanization. Obsession with big-ticket investments by the private sector for the development of infrastructure and provision of amenities in the cities has accentuated the distress among the poor city dwellers and has forced them to shift from the centre of the city to its periphery. The facilities created by private sector investments largely through commercial borrowing, which incidentally is available mainly in big cities, have been concentrated in the relatively richer areas of the city and availed of mainly by the better-off section of the urban population. The government also seems to be in a hurry to hand over assets – land , other natural resources, institutions for educational research and training and similar institutions in the health sector, to the corporate interests, both Indian and foreign. This has hit the poor hardest by further reducing their access to services in these sectors. The process of privatization of social services has resulted in the continuing decay and dismantling of existing public institutions in health, education and scientific research without their being replaced in any significant way by new institutions built by the private sector or under public-private partnership. The expectation that the withdrawal of the government from the process of production and distribution and the delivery of goods and services would remove a major cause of corruption has been belied. Instead,

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outsourcing and award of contracts to private operators and companies have spawned corruption on a scale infinitely larger than could have been imagined a few years ago. Finally, the Indian state has generally been both incapable and unwilling, owing to its commitment to corporate-led growth, to monitor and regulate private operators in order to ensure that their operation does not militate against public interest, is not violative of the law of the land and of the basic principles and objectives of the Constitution. Right-based Approach for Providing Public Goods and Services: Social public goods and services are now being increasingly demanded by the people as their legal right. Yielding to the public pressure, the Central Government has enacted a number of legislations for putting its flagship programmes for social development on the legal basis and launching new rights-based programmes. These include the Right to Information Act (2005). Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGAâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;2005), Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Right) Act, (2006), Unorganized Workers Social Security Act (2008), and most recently, the Food Security Act and Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (2013). Central to the articulation and realization of right-based access to facilities, services and assets is the exercise by every citizen of the fundamental rights to personal liberty (Article 19), to life interpreted in the broadest sense of the term (Article 21), and to equality and non-discrimination (Article 14 and 15) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; all of which are justiciable. In addition to upholding these rights, the government also needs to recognize the right to shelter, health, education, sanitation, drinking water and social security for all its citizens. It must also ban child labour in all its forms. While governments may view a rights-based approach as a part of their legitimization needs, they have to be situated in the larger context of being part of the right to life

and, therefore, as constitutional rights. Otherwise, the mere granting of entitlements through legislative fiat serves the limited purpose of political mobilization, without in fact addressing inequalities and discrimination in access to life and livelihood. While the legislations enacted recently are necessary and critical measures, they cannot also substitute policies for the creation of employment, equal opportunities for access to services and productive assets, and expansion of rural infrastructure. Without these, the legal rights will suffer from inherent constraints and limitations. Besides, these legislations, as formulated and implemented by the government, do not carry any guarantee for the citizens to be able to exercise the rights granted under them. This is because they do not make adequate financial provisions for realizing the stated objectives nor are they comprehensive enough to cover all contingencies and all sections of the population who are entitled. Moreover, the record of implementation of these legislations is very poor, the most conspicuous example being the Right to Education Act and Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Rights) Act. Further, in most cases, rules have been framed and the Acts notified without adequate preparations. No serious effort has been made to create the capacity in the government and put in place an effective review, monitoring, grievance redressal and coordination mechanism for implementing these laws. It can be argued that if the provisions of these legislations are not implemented, then a citizen or an entity on his behalf has a right to approach the court to get it enforced. However, the poor, who are the worst sufferers, do not have the means to go to the courts. Besides, the courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s verdict is at best unpredictable. There is shrinkage of space in India for debates on secular praxis. The endangerment of minority rights through escalating violence and discrimination against the minorities persists. The unabashed use of minorities as vote-banks

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by all major political parties and their exclusion from democratic deliberations and effective political participation through the use of collective violence and threat of violence is a cause for serious concern. This puts in jeopardy the very survival of India as a pluralistic democratic society. Decentralisation of governance is a constitutional mandate which has been discharged by successive governments of India and States in a half-hearted manner and without seriousness of purpose. Consequently, even 20 years after the enactment of the Panchayati Raj Acts there is no effective decentralization of governance. Progress in the devolution of functions, functionaries and finances to the Panchayati Raj Institutions has been hesitant and insignificant. There is no desire on the part of political parties and Central and State legislatures, to give up their control over funds and patronages at the local level. In order to retain their existing controls and privileges, they are interfering in various illegal ways with the functioning of Panchayats and have created separate structures parallel to the Panchayati Raj Institutions. Looking Ahead: Opt for people-oriented growth: The current corporate-driven growth should be replaced by a people-oriented development strategy. The new development strategy should be based on the creation of demand within the country, the production of the local mass consumption goods and generation of universal employment, as its principal objectives. Protect the poor and marginalized: In the new strategy, highest priority should be accorded to meeting the essential needs of the poor, marginalized and underprivileged. The essential needs of these sections include, but are not restricted to, school education, community health care, provision of productive assets and credit, sustainable livelihood support including unhindered access to land and forest-based livelihoods, including full access to

the commons, public distribution system, food security, drinking water and sanitation. In any event, it should be ensured that there is no deterioration of the conditions of these sections of the population along any of the above indicators. Empower the disabled: Persons with disability, who continue to be seen as dependent on state charity and denied fundamental rights to freedom and non-discrimination, should have in equal measures with others, the right to access all these essential needs, including barrier-free access to institutions and services. A critical measure in this regard would be to replace the current Protection of Persons with Disability Act 1995 with a comprehensive rights-based law. Prioritize Social Sector Spending: Expansion in expenditure on social development should no longer be seen as a function of revenues realized as a result of higher rates of growth. Instead, it should be regarded as a precondition for achieving higher sustained growth as well as the end-result of development. There should, therefore, be a drastic reprioritization of plan and budgetary expenditures of the Central and State governments, in favour of education, health, and other social sectors, rural infrastructure, and the informal sector, including medium and small industries. Expenditures on health and education as a percentage of the GNP must be brought to the same level as prevalent in developed and most of the more developed among developing countries (a minimum of three per cent of the GNP for health services and six percent for education). This has to be treated as priority in the restructuring of public finance rather than the present policies of giving huge subsidies to corporations. Make economic rights justiciable: In spite of the limitations of the right-based approach for providing social goods and services, the very fact of the justiciability of a

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rights-based provision improves the prospects of getting them implemented. This is better than depending on the sweet will and discretion of the government. If the people know that access to a quality social service is their right, they would tend to be more pro-active an assertive in claiming it than would the case otherwise. Thus, rights-based access to services puts in the hands of the civil society organisations and popular movements a more potent tool to exercise pressure on the government for implementing pro-poor programmes. In this context, very high priority should be attached to enact legislations for granting to the children the right under the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), and to all the citizens, the right to shelter and health services. Guarantee equality for minorities: Every citizen of the country irrespective of class, caste, ethnicity or religion, has equal right to life, liberty, expression and minimum facilities and services guaranteed under the Indian Constitution. Each citizen, therefore, must be treated as equal in all respects, without any discrimination. End violence against religious minorities: The frequent violation of physical security and the threat it creates for religious and other minorities must be addressed. In addition to legal measures like enacting the pending Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011, the state must create mechanisms to act immediately against incidents of riots, institute judicial probes to fix responsibility and take prompt action to implement their recommendations. End systemic discrimination: Since independence special programmes and projects have been launched for the development of minority groups and affirmative actions in their favour have been taken. However, these are only of limited value until they continue to be subjected to systemic biases

and discriminations rooted in the social structure. Removal of such discrimination is, therefore, as important as the special measures or affirmative action. Discrimination can be removed not only be legislation and its effective implementation but by a regular social audit of institutions, establishments and public spaces where discrimination is practiced and a sustained campaign against biases, disinformation and hate speech. Ensure accountability towards fellow citizens: There must be commitment to non-discrimination within the framework of complete transparency and accountability in every aspect of state action at every level. Ombudsmen should be appointed and special arrangements made at micro levels to detect and severely punish acts of discrimination. The maturity and level of excellence of a society is judged by the manner in which it treats its minorities and the main responsibility for it rests with the majority community. Expand decentralization: Decentralisation is indispensable to the democratic process and must inform governance at each level. The promised devolution of functions, functionaries and finance and the implementation of PESA â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; in all tribal areas should be effected by all States in full measure and at one go, within a time limit to be prescribed under law. End Caste Violence: The continued violence against the Scheduled Castes and poor enforcement of law on prevention of at atrocities and failure to eliminate the degrading occupation of manual scavenging is a blemish on our society. A comprehensive strategy for the elimination of these evil practices should be launched with provisions for monitoring mechanisms at various levels. This should go hand in hand with creation of awareness, with the involvement of

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political parties, to end this in a specified timeframe. Public funding of elections: The fountainhead of corruption is the electoral process. Political parties seem to be unanimous in sticking to the view that their current practices and discretion on matters of election funding must not be opened out to public debate and scrutiny. The public funding of elections is a minimum non-negotiable requirement of constitutional governance. This would curb a very important source of corruption and reduce barriers to wider participation in the electoral process. The measures, policies and strategies suggested above do not constitute an exhaustive list, but should set standards for minimum acceptable governance in India. Unless we act immediately and decisively, it might be too late to save our most prized possession – Indian democracy. —Sent by Adv. N.D. Pancholi III

Help The Birds-2014 During Kite-flying festival, (14th-15th January) thousands of birds fall victim to the sharp glass powder coated “maanja” with injuries on their wings or just about anywhere, bleeding them to death. This festival is one of the most unfortunate manmade disasters for the avian community of our city. More than 3000 birds get 'cut' every year in Ahmedabad (India) alone, At Jivdaya charitable hospital treated 2085 birds in 2012 and 2095 birds treated in 2013. The kite strings are so sharp that it sometimes chop off the whole wing!! The festival is round the corner and we need to prepare ourselves to save as many lives as we can. HTB 2014 is coming up. HTB (Help the Birds) campaign is organized every year in Ahmedabad by many N.G.O. with join hand with forest

department, Wildlife Rescue Center during the Kite-flying festival (Uttarayan) as an effort to save the injured birds from certain death and giving them a survival chance. Our primary focus will be birds of endangered species, especially White-Rumped Vultures for creating Vulture Safe Zone. This festival responsible for 56 WRV casualties just from 2009 to 2013, who will want to save these precious birds and you can be one of them. We need your involvement to make this campaign a success! There are several ways in which you can help, even if you are not comfortable with working hands on with injured birds. Apart from rescue, we will need volunteers for attending rescue phone calls, documentation, education / awareness programs, helping vets in the Operation Theater and follow up treatment, transfer of birds, transportation of injured birds, data collection, donation and much more… This entire work is extremely important for the campaign. This is your chance to help the urban bird life. Every one of us can make a big difference in saving lives of the innocent feathered friends. Let us all join hands and try to help them in whichever way we can. We want veterinary doctors. —News sent by Kartik Shastri Jivdaya charitable Trust, Trustee, Bird conservation society Gujarat-vulture cell Assistant coordinator, IUCN vulture specialist group member, Ahmedabad, Gujarat, India. Panjarapole, opp.polytechnic , Nr.sahjanand college, Ambawadi, Ahmedabad-15 Mob:098240-25045 kartikgyps@gmail.com kartik@jivdayatrust.org kartikshastri@hotmail.com You may visit GFD center at: Vanchetana Kendra Bodak Dev

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This Month's Contributors

K.S. CHALAM HYDERABAD, A.P. (Page 16)

JUGAL KISHORE New Delhi (Page 19)

AMANDEEP VASHISHTH Rohtak, Haryana (Page 27)

MAHIPAL SINGH New Delhi (Page 22)

DIPAVALI SEN Gurgaon, Haryana (Page 32)

Post Office Regd. No. Meerut-146-2012-2014 RNI No. 43049/85 To be posted on 10th of every month At H.P.O. Meerut Cantt. RENAISSANCE PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED 15, Bankim Chatterjee Street (2nd floor), Kolkata: 700 073, Mobile: 9831261725 NEW FROM RENAISSANCE By SIBNARAYAN RAY Between Renaissance and Revolution-Selected Essays: Vol. I- H.C.350.00 In Freedom’s Quest: A Study of the Life and Works of M.N. Roy: Vol.Ill H.C.250.00 Against the Current - H.C.350.00 By M.N. ROY Science and Superstition - H.C.125.00 AWAITED OUTSTANDING PUBLICATIONS By RABINDRANATH TAGORE & M.N. ROY Nationalism - H.C.150.00 By M.N. ROY The Intellectual Roots of Modern Civilization - H.C.150.00 The Russian Revolution - P.B.140.00 The Tragedy of Communism - H.C.180.00 From the Communist Manifesto - P.B.100.00 To Radical Humanism - H.C.140.00 Humanism, Revivalism and the Indian Heritage - P.B. 140.00 By SIVANATH SASTRI A History of The Renaissance in Bengal —Ramtanu Lahiri: Brahman & Reformer H.C.180.00 By SIBNARAYAN RAY Gandhi, Gandhism and Our Times (Edited) - H.C.200.00 The Mask and The Face (Jointly Edited with Marian Maddern) - H.C.200.00 Sane Voices for a Disoriented Generation (Edited) - P.B. 140.00 From the Broken Nest to Visvabharati - P.B.120.00 The Spirit of the Renaissance - P.B.150.00 Ripeness is All - P.B. 125.00 By ELLEN ROY From the Absurdity to Creative Rationalism - P.B. 90.00 By V. M. TARKUNDE Voice of A Great Sentinel - H.C.175.00 By SWARAJ SENGUPTA Reflections - H.C 150.00 Science, Society and Secular Humanism - H.C. 125.00 By DEBALINA BANDOPADHYAY The Woman-Question and Victorian Novel - H.C. 150.00

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