Rs. 20/month
Vol. 76 No 6
SEPTEMBER 2012
THE RADICAL HUMANIST (Since April 1949)
Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949)
510
Founder Editor M. N. Roy
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
The Radical Humanist
Download and read the journal at www.theradicalhumanist.com
Vol. 76 Number 6 September 2012
- Contents -
Monthly journal of the Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life. Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Editor: Dr. Rekha Saraswat Contributory Editors: Prof. A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed, Dr. R.M. Pal, Professor Rama Kundu Publisher: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India, Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011, E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques in favour of ‘The Radical Humanist’to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office), Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600
Please Note: Authors will bear sole accountability for corroborating the facts that they give in their write-ups. Neither IRI / the Publisher nor the Editor of this journal will be responsible for testing the validity and authenticity of statements & information cited by the authors. Also, sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the Radical Humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them. —Rekha Saraswat
1. From the Editor’s Desk: A Rudderless Politics —Rekha Saraswat 1 2. From the Writings of Laxmanshastri Joshi: Spiritual Materialism: A Case for Atheism 2 3. Guests’ Section: A Tribute to my father: Laxmanshastri Joshi —Arundhati Khandkar 7 India’s Tryst With Destiny —Uday Dandavate 9 4. Current Affairs’ Section: Performance of Public Sector and Disinvestment —K.S. Chalam 12 5. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Proportional Representation —Jawaharlal Jasthi 15 Anna In Deep Waters! —Gautam Thakar 18 Narendra Modi: An Evaluation —Jayanti Patel 20 Waging War: The Case of Seema Azad —N..D. Pancholi 24 6. Teacher’s & Research Scholar’s Section: MGNREGA at Work: Glimpses from Rural Uttar Pradesh —Ashish Saxena 28 8. Humanist News 33 A) IRI Meeting on Radical Humanism B) Assam Report by V.K. Tripathi, IIT Delhi C) Birthday of ‘Robert Green Ingersoll celebrated: The Great Agnostic’ D) Humanist Gore Vidal is no more E) A club named ‘M.N. ROY’ in Mexico
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
From The Editor’s Desk:
A Rudderless Politics Rekha S.
political parties; Numerous myriad of leaders; countless
promises; but no helmsmen!!! No ideals; no vision, no mission, no mast; no rudder; no one rowing the boat!!! No “fortune to bring in some boats that are not steered” (Shakespeare); and “only guys who aren’t rowing, having all the time rocking the boat.”(Sartre) Strange are the circumstances!! People are killed in the name of religion, first in the train then in the city, still the leader is chosen by the people in an opinion poll as the best manager in the state. An event manager? People are malnourished, jobless, penniless, yet they choose a man who boasts of millions in his safe to stand for them and their state in the next elections as he is a young dynamic scion of a seemingly benevolent deceased leader in that state. A benevolent leader? People have declared corruption to be the biggest problem facing our country today. But the same people want the leaders to enjoy the loot if the latter agree to fulfil their basic needs. How can the people have their share if the maximum part goes to the leaders’ coffers? What a mockery of intelligence! People have already begun forgetting the past in a hope that the politicians would definitely deliver in the future! We, the people, continue to live in oblivion! So short-lived is our memory! Come 15th August each year and “we beat on, boats against the current, borne back ceaselessly into the past.” (F. Scott Fitzgerald) No Tilak, no Gandhi, no Nehru, no Ambedkar, no J.P., no Lohia and, of course, no Roy now! Still, people incessantly hope to see these visionaries’ shadows in the faces they send to the Parliament and Vidhan Sabhas, year after year. We keep solving riddles like— Who is blacker than the Indian coal? Who is harder than the 1
Indian steel? Which politician plays better than the Indian sportsmen? Whose spectrum lowers the Treasury rays? Whose investments are crossing the borders? Whose lands are larger than the maps? Faces of the politicians change but the façades do not! Yet, hoping against hope is human nature…. An individual willingly loses his individuality to so many kinds of groups in his life-time as they tend to rear his existence in so many ways. But if the same groups begin to work as impediments and browbeat the individual’s very survival what would he do? Try to survive without a group? That he cannot do! Then should he evolve a new group? Why not? He has always done that in the past. He must try it again! Well, this would be what has always been, the ‘natural evolution’ of society!! Likewise, a citizen eagerly forsakes his political freedom into the hands of so many kinds of political parties as they continuously pretend to steer his realm in so many unique ways. But if the same parties begin to become hazardous and intimidate the citizen’s very subsistence in that country what should he do? Try to overthrow the system of politics? That he cannot do as society has travelled a long way to learn to lead a civilised life in a political state. May be, he should develop a new political party to serve the purpose. However, repeating my first sentence, India already has numerous political parties, myriad of leaders with countless promises. But, it has no real helmsmen to steer him through the ever increasing problems of his life. Can there be a defect in the party system as such? Or are we still incompetent to select sound captains for our ships? Is the flaw in our political system and its methodology? Or are we still immature to adopt it and follow it? May be, it is not in sync with our social system! Should we not then, once again, try to develop a new political ideology according to our indigenous requirements? Not an easy task, I know!
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
From the Wrtings of Laxmanshastri Joshi: “That religion more often than not tends to perpetuate the existing social structure rather than being reformist and that it benefits the upper classes. They perpetrate the illusions and are used for impressing the weaker sections of the society. Many taboos which might have had some beneficial effects are given a permanent sanction and these put a fetter on further progress. The Laxman S. Joshi argument that religion promotes social stability and social harmony is examined and rejected. Without the dubious benefit of religion various secular values have been developed and they have Spiritual Materialism – A case worldly benefited mankind more than the vaunted religious for Atheism values. With no sops of religious men have Translated by laboured hard and the finest admirable qualities of —Arundhati Khandkar men’s spirit have been developed inspite of religious influence – the scientists and the reformers are examples. The humility that should [The book Spiritual Materialism – A case for force itself in the presence of the infinite and the Atheism, A New Interpretation of the unknown is more to be seen with the scientist, the Philosophy of Materialism written by philosopher than the religious leaders and often this Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi has been drives them to fathom the depths of thought in the translated by his daughter, Arundhati quest for truth. Rarely does religion explain the Khandkar, who was formerly Professor of how and why. These have become the Philosophy at S.I.E.S. College, University of preoccupations of people in secular fields. With a Mumbai, India. He passed away many decades sense of self-reliance and self-confidence guiding ago but his contribution in building up the him, man has dropped the earlier props of religion. philosophical base of Radical Humanism has In India too, the social order was seen as been no less. Roy acknowledged it in his life time embodying moral values.” and the followers of the philosophy continue to do so. I had requested Ms. Khandkar to translate her father’s major works from to Marathi to English Buddhist Doctrines of An-atman and Transience: for the benefit of the contemporary readers of RH. We know from Tripitaka- Three basketful And to our pleasant surprise she informed that Collection of Buddha’s Thoughts that Buddha had there is already the above mentioned book in enunciated a completely different doctrine from the English done by her. It is being serialised in The one implied in the idea: ‘The soul is the Radical Humanist June 2010 onwards. She has fundamental elementary cause behind the changing also promised to send us in English, gradually, view of the universe. The universe itself is unchanging, indivisible, eternal, omnipresent and more of his Marathi literature. Laxmanshastri wrote this essay with the title self-existent. Effect and cause being one and the Materialism or Atheism in 1941. How meaningful same, the whole universe itself is the soul. and necessary it is, even now, 70 years later, can be Formatted by the soul, the universe is eternal.’ understood by the following paragraph given on Buddhist doctrine takes a totally different path as follows. Each and every real thing, whatsoever, is the cover page of the book. —Rekha Saraswat]
2
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
transient and comfortably atomistic. Effect is born only after the cause has perished. The universe is a series of successive annihilations. Effect replaces cause as it expires each and every moment. The effect becomes the cause of the birth of the next moment. Effect is composed of many things acting in cooperation. Therefore, the doctrine of Upanishads, ‘The causal substance of the universe is non-transformational, constant and the one and the same thing.’ is unacceptable! Buddha concludes that there is no soul because it is impossible to maintain the distinctive features of the soul, such as omnipresence, invariance and permanence as a real attribute. The soul inside the body is a collective result like a chariot, a collective of many constituent parts. The doctrinal enunciation that there exists inside a living body, a soul constant and indivisible, is only an illusion. This very illusion of eternal soul produces greed and lust and creates the bondage of sorrow in life here on the earth. Without rejecting the doctrine of the soul, lust does not vanish. Without the refutation of the very idea of the soul, sorrow does not end either. In this way, Buddha formulated the theory of object transience or the doctrine of momentariness completely different and opposite to the philosophy of object permanency, causally responsible for the universe.
Paradoxically, the Buddhist philosophy accepts the doctrine of rebirth. Buddha’s rejection of the doctrine of eternal soul is apparently inconsistent with the Upanishadic rebirth philosophy. As a result, eminent historicists are caught up in utter confusion. It is, however, possible to avoid somewhat, somehow, this inconsistency in the following manner. Buddha’s an-atman doctrine rejects the soul as the constant, fundamental and omnipresent cause of the universe. We, however, can say that Buddha does accept an animate self, existing in a flow-form, becoming a collective and living in continuous change. That living self may perhaps experience rebirth! Revolt by Charvaka At the same time of Buddha or much before, there arose a pure heterodoxy, a philosophy that denied the existence of the soul. That was the materialism of Charvaka. Soul or sentience is the characteristic
3
of the body. There is no such thing as an immortal sentiency of the self! When the body is dead so is the spirit or the soul. Therefore, in the absence of the independent soul, concepts such as rebirth, heaven, perdition, or moksha are false. The life here on earth is the only real life; the life in the other world is a mirage. For the purpose of putting down this materialistic and heretic rebellion of Charvaka, the champions of religion, forced his purely rational books vanish into oblivion. His tradition vanished long ago in antiquity. We do, however, find opportunities to read the formulation of his pure materialism as one side of an argument in the Upanishads or in the religious books of the Darshana philosophers. Charvaka rejects totally either god or rebirth. According to him, for conducting successfully human business, institution of religion is not needed. This philosophy had enunciated the doctrine which stated that under the guidance of sciences such as economics and politics alone, the organisation of social institutions can run smoothly. Charvaka asserted, “Sensory knowledge alone, being useful for conducting life is true. Even inference is not a definite proof. Its validity is only in the form of probability. One must always be cautious about the validity of knowledge. Scriptures under the disguise of truth, disseminate only falsehood.’ Jain and Vaisheshika Philosophies: Simultaneously with the non-spiritual and materialistic philosophical movement arose independently, another intellectual movement. That movement developed as Vaisheshika and Jain philosophies. They postulated that the elemental substance of the universe is neither eternal as the Upanishads say nor momentary as the Buddhists say. The causal basic substance of the universe is twofold. It is permanent and impermanent or continuous and discontinuous. - An astute reader will realise here that the Jains and the Vaisheshikas were the earliest founders of the theory of probability. Substance is as much in spiritual form as in corporeal form! In this way the
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
Vaisheshikas and the Jains created the pluralistic philosophy. It is true, however, that the Jain philosophy neither experienced a strong evolution, nor gathered a large following. Special features of Vaisheshika Darshana: Vaisheshika philosophy, the philosophy of seven-category predicables, did assume an effective role in metaphysics, a subdivision in the field of philosophy. They were the first to postulate the atomic doctrine. Their atomic doctrine made an impression from the very beginning, upon the Buddhist and Jainist philosophies. From the point of view of the Vaisheshika philosophy, subatomic structures geometrically point like infinite and eternal are the foundation of the visible universe. Combination of these subatomic structures creates the visible universe. The knowledge of this diverse world cannot be obtained without postulating the attributes of objects such as identity and specificity. Specificity of distinct features of objects is as important as their characteristic identity. Kanada, the founder of the Vaisheshika philosophy gave importance to the object related distinctions meaning the fundamental specific differences. This theory came to be known as the Vaisheshika philosophy of categorical predicables. The appearance of the universe is not only apparent or external. The distinctiveness has permeated deep into its elemental nature. The specific characteristic features residing in the elemental form as the cause truly produce different effects. In this manner, the Rishi Kanada enunciated a philosophy opposite to that of the Upanishads. The original causal objects of the universe are constant, meaning eternal, however, their effects are transient. The Vaisheshikas made two classes of these constant fundamental causes, 1) Atomic substances and 2) Omnipresent substances sky, direction, time and soul. Atomism is the first special feature of the Kanada philosophy. Its second exceptionally distinctive feature, however, is the doctrine of the categories of the predicables. The second feature is a
SEPTEMBER 2012
revolutionary conceptual entry into the philosophical systems of India. The science of grammar began evolving during the era of Upanishads. The theoretical reflections of the science of the world and grew sentence also deeper. Taking this into account, Kanada realised the value of the classification of the words according to their significance. For the purpose of understanding the object such as the universe Kanada looked inside the core of the language because the essence of human experience, the field of knowledge, the rules of reasoning, and the general structure of knowledge are founded verily in the principles of human language. Kanada decided that one should be able to unravel the significance of each distinct experience through reflection of the categories or meanings of terms. He enunciated three classes of terms: 1) Substance denotative, 2) Attribute denotative and 3) Function denotative. Each of these classes are subdivided into two subclasses each, such as x) commonality and y) differentiability. A sentence is used in Vaisheshika system to suggest the unbreakable relation between these two. The system of categories in Vaisheshika is thus composed of six, in total. These categories of predicables are 1) substance, 2) attribute, 3) motion, 4) commonality, 5) differentiability, and 6) intimate union, non-existence as the seventh category was added to the Vaisheshika Darshana, much later by the scholars. A subtle analysis of the category of non-existence has been given in the book of aphorisms by Kanada. The category of non-existence, however, has not been described as a separate category, counting it as the seventh. The doctrinal enunciation of the category of non-existence is central to the thought systems in the Indian philosophy and logic therein. In the Navyanyaya, the novel-logic of India, one finds a considerable celebration of the discovery of the principle of nonexistence. A detailed and refined interpretation of the concept of non-existence, however, does not seem to be available anywhere in Western philosophy unlike that in Indian philosophy. 4
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Gautama’s Science of Proof: The science of debate began to evolve along with the separate divisions of Indian knowledge such as medicine, astronomy, politics, religious law and others. The Indian logic, however, developed only as a sister discipline to the Vaisheshika Darshana. However, it is Gautama, who established the Indian science of logic, the Nyaya Darshana as a separate and independent philosophical system. Problems in all the sciences and philosophies were assumed by Gautama as the constituent questions in epistemology or in the science of proof. Gautama’s discovery of unraveling all the intricacies of the philosophical issues from the point of view of the science of proof, has influenced gradually all the Bharatiya Darshanas. Pursuit of the science of logic led to the independent development of the proof system of both the Buddhists and the Jains. Thinking of the universe as an object of study influences also the proof system and the science of logic. The proof system and logic evolve and change conformably with the new developments in the objective view point of the universe. This is the reason for the rise of various different proof systems in the philosophical branches such as Sankhya, Vedanta, and Purvameemansa. These came into existence only after the birth of the Nyaya Darshana of Gautama. As a result of the separate growth of the proof system and the science of logic, all the Indian philosophies were enriched with outstanding reorganisation and rational design. Mystic experience or revelation was also forced to search its own place in the logical structure of the same philosophical systems. From a broad point of view, even the religious metaphysical systems of Shankaracharya, Ramanuja, Madhva and others, evolved finding the utmost satisfaction in the same logical design. Rational thinking seems to have taken deep roots in the Indian philosophy. Mathematical knowledge, however, does not seem to have had any influence on the Bharatiya proof system. It is in itself a surprise, because India is the
5
original land of the science of algebra. Arithmetics evolved systematically first only in India. Even then the development of mathematics could not become the subject of Indian logic. Mathematical knowledge, however, did become eventually the central issue in the Western logic. Intellectual Culture based upon Freedom of Thought: Intellectual culture based upon the freedom of thought is truly the ancient heritage of Indian philosophy. As a consequence, there emerged a completely materialistic Sankhya philosophy prior to the beginning of the Brahmasutras. Historical evidence is available to show that the very environment of freedom of thought had led to the rise of materialistic science of logic in India, much earlier, prior to logic of Gautama. - Most of the English readers are expected to be familiar with the Aristotelian three member syllogism such as 1) All men are mortal 2) Socrates is a man 3) Therefore, Socrates is mortal. For those unfamiliar with the Indian logic, here is, for instance, Gautama’s syllogism which has 5 members, a requirement in Indian philosophical thought. 1) Proposition to be proved: The Mountain is on fire. (Pratidnya) Parvatha vahnimaan Asti 2) Reason: Because it is up in smoke. (Hetu) Dhumaat 3) An example: Wherever there is smoke, there is fire, example: kitchen. (Udaharana) Yatra yatra dhumaha, tatra tatra vahnihi, yatha mahaanasaha 4) Special case application: This Mountain displays similar smoke. (Upanayana) Tadrushaha, dhumavaan ayam parvataha vartate 5) Deduction: Therefore, this mountain is on fire. (Nigamana) Ataha parvataha ayam vahniman Asti In the treatise of Purvameemamsa-Enlightening Aphorisms, Kumarilabhatta has said that, ‘Even
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
amongst the faithful followers of the Vedic religion, the founders of the analytical system of the rituals of religion, the Purvameemamsakas and the materialistic Purvameemamsa Darshana had begun growing.’ All the subdivisions of the materialistic Darshanas mentioned above, have vanished in the course of time. One important sign, however, of rationalism and freedom of thought seems to have survived. That sign is Charvaka’s Atheism. Besides Charvaka’s atheism, Sankhya Darshana, Purvameemansa, Vaisheshika Darshana, Jaina Darshana and Buddha Darshana also do not accept god. There exists a large treasure of India’s philosophy.
SEPTEMBER 2012
By delving deep into it, it is possible to find lasting thoughts and inspirational principles. A considerable amount of raw material is stored therein about the subjects such as ethics, psychology, logic and epistemology. A movement for resurgence of the Bharatiya knowledge systems seems to have made a beginning in recent times. If this work is done with the wrong sense of possessiveness, without rational point of view, our intellectual power will suffer under the burden of the old worn-out concepts. Blind faith and mysticism will harm the pursuit. We must exert caution in this matter. Past often does not offer inspiration, it does however teach a lesson! Book concluded.
Letter to the Editor: Dear Editor, I read your editorial - I am a woman, so what? on the RG website. What a beautiful piece of work! The editorial resonated very deeply with me. I think it encapsulates the mental struggles of my childhood and youth. My mother who is a strong person but one of this world brought up my sister and me to be independent so that we could learn to live life without having to be dependent on anyone else. But at the same time she is also very traditional, in that she wanted us to be settled (in Indian terms, of course, that means being married and having children). Of the two of us, my sister has followed the path my mother had envisioned for us. For me I know she supports my wish to make my own unique way through life. I think that though she will never vocalise this, she is very proud of the fact that I don't have to answer to anybody but myself. But I know she worries about me a lot. I think this a quandary all mothers have to face. Indu Pillai London, U.K.
6
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Guests’ Section:
A Tribute to my father, Laxmanshastri Joshi —by Arundhati Khandkar
two days we all were tense and Those bewildered as Aba – my father was not in the town. He was away in Calcutta to attend the annual convention of the Radical Democratic Party, in the last week of Jan, 1948, when the news of Gandhiji’s assassination reached us in Wai, a certain section of the society started torching the houses of the Brahmin families. We children could see from the windows of the school, huge red and orange flames leaping towards the sky and it was darkening by the thick cloud of smoke. The school was later abruptly closed when we waited for Aba. Aba returned home, calm, and cool and all of us felt relaxed. He assured us that he knew well that nothing untoward would happen to our home as all the people knew of his close association with Gandhi. He said further that it was the magic spell that was going to protect our home. Aba used to travel often and we children got used to his frequent absence from home. It was his commitment to religious reforms in the beginning, later his role as a principal adviser to M. Gandhi when he launched the campaign against untouchability that needed him to visit different people at different places. Aba’s 26 volume of project of Dharmakosh, his long affair with Marxism and M.N. Roy as well as his engagement with Marathi Vishwakosh (Encyclopedia in Marathi) kept him away. But every time he returned there was a beaming, smile on his face and in his bag with lot of sweets and fruits and books for us. He appeared to us just like a Santa Claus. Back at home his evenings were carved out for us children. After we recited our tables ritually, it was a story session. We used to sit around him and listen to the stories of heroes and villains from different lands and distant cultures. He amused us as he was a compelling storyteller.
7
He entertained his visitors in his study room where there were quite a few cupboards full of books, I without any inhibition, picked up any book, any magazine. There was one rotating book rack on which were stacked heavy books. I often looked into the volumes on European paintings. There were beautiful nude drawings therein still he never said ‘don’t take those books, they are not meant for children’. He did not ever ask me about how I was doing in school, or what my performance was like. Even when I took my progress book to him for signing he just put his signature on the dotted line. while I was studying for philosophy honours course in Pune University, I found Kant’s transcendental method and a priori concepts of space and time difficult. I approached him and he made it so easy that I felt at the top of the world. I recall the day when I did not reach the examination hall because I had noted the timetable wrongly, I missed the paper at my master’s examination which amounted to losing the entire academic year. I was married at that time and had not joined my husband as I had to complete my final year. Such a mistake on my part filled me with remorse and guilt. Aba came from Wai to pick me up. He showed me the list of books of the Sahitya Academy, to be translated and asked me if I was interested in such a task. I picked up Mahiavelli’s The Prince for translation and then he brought quite a few books on political-science for me to read so as to do a good translation job. When the work was finished after a few months he went through it carefully before submitting it to the office of the Sahitya Academy, New Delhi. Without saying it in so many words he enabled me to convert that year into a very fruitful one. It was about a few months later I visited Wai in the month of Savan. The garden was in full bloom. Aba got an idea suddenly of celebrating mangalagaur the ritual worship to be performed by the newly married girls. He collected a large variety of jasmine flowers, magnolia, parijat and coloured hibiscus. He decorated a portion of the hall with fresh fragrant flowers and enjoyed every bit of the
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
ceremony. Though such an erudite scholar yet Aba was surprisingly very sentimental while it came to family. My second son was born fourteen years after my elder one. I was about to quit my job when he and my mother tried to reason with me, He said, ‘Look Suman, we want to take care of your child. Your baby will grow and enter the school in three years time, so it is not wise to sacrifice your career’. They brought up my son Ajay, informing me on phone, from time to time about his progress, his vocabulary, his likes and dislikes etc. I lost my husband all of a sudden on Republic Day in 1983. Aba stayed with me for a month for taking care of me, helping me to come to terms with the huge tragedy in my life. He noticed me on one occasion sitting on my bed and sobbing in the middle of the night, immediately he pulled the chair near my bed and said, ‘Suman, collect yourself, I understand your grief. Now listen to me, write in your diary every-thing that crosses your mind, all your thoughts and feelings. Great literature is born from such intense experiences’. He was playing a double role that of my mother as well as his own. My mother had passed away untimely and suddenly way back in 1978 at the age of 64. That had shattered him. I never wanted to see him
SEPTEMBER 2012
collapse again. I thereafter announced to him that I was going to attend the course of Vipashyana of Goenka at Igatpuri, to attain some peace. He smilingly said, ‘Even if you go to the Himalayas that will not guarantee the peace you are seeking. Peace has to come from within.’ I changed my plan, thereafter. When in Mumbai, he always stayed at my place. He managed his breakfast of toast and milk and fruits. He waited for me to come from college to prepare our lunch. As I got down to simple cooking, he would follow me to the kitchen, and observe how I went about the cooking. He once exclaimed. ‘I had told your mother to impart a few preliminary lessons to me in cooking but she did not do it’. At the age of ninety, I was amazed to see him deliver three lectures on Shankaracharya, on three consecutive evenings. The elite of Mumbai attended those lectures and enjoyed his fluent exposition laced with humour. What an extraordinary father I was lucky to have! My humble tribute to such a great father is to translate his important works into English so that they reach a larger panorama of reading public. Thus, I shall be able to perpetuate his memory.
Letter to the Editor: Dear Madam, With immense regard and appreciation, I salute you for putting forth your article, I am a woman: So what? It’s both ecstatic and sad that almost every woman in our country can relate with your article. Ecstatic because, the way you embellished the thought with your wonderful words, it seemed like it came right from every woman’s heart. And sad because we, the women of India, have to face such misery, where neither a woman is free to live the way she likes, nor is she safe in any which way she lives. The mounting amount of atrocities on women has put this beautifully gender in a state of confusion, where living itself is a challenge and living with dignity is a greater challenge. While you as a liberated woman had the guts to raise your voice and ask, ‘I am a woman: So what?’ There are women across the country you may pity their own existence and ask, ‘Why am I a woman’ and nothing can be more shameful when the most beautiful creation on Earth, who has the power to give birth, begins to question her own existence. Namita S Kalla Jaipur, Rajasthan
8
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Reflections from the U.S. [Mr. Uday Dandavate studies people, cultures and trends worldwide and uses the understanding gained from such studies to inspire people centered innovation strategies. Uday Dandavate Uday Dandavate heads up a design research consulting firm called SonicRim. He frequently writes and speaks on topics related to people centered design and innovation in international journals and conferences. uday@sonicrim.com]
India’s Tryst with Destiny important dates in the month of Three August hold a special place in my memory. August 1st is the anniversary of the death of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, whose famous proclamation, “Swaraj (self rule) is my birthright and I will achieve it,” inspired the nation with an indigenous vision for the development of India. Mahatma Gandhi articulated the concept of Swaraj in his thesis, Hind Swaraj, "Independence begins at the bottom . . . A society must be built where every village has to be self-sustained and capable of managing its own affairs . . . It will be trained and prepared to perish in the attempt to defend itself against any onslaught from without . . . This does not exclude dependence on and willing help from neighbours or from the world. It will be a free and voluntary play of mutual forces. In this structure composed of innumerable villages, there will be ever-widening, never-ascending circles. Growth will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom, but it will be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual. Therefore the outermost circumference will not wield power to crush the inner circle, but will give strength to all within and derive its own strength from it.”
9
Gandhi believed that the overall impact of the state on the people is harmful. He called the state a “soulless machine” which, ultimately, does the greatest harm to mankind. It was for this that he developed the two-pronged strategy of resistance (to the state) and reconstruction (through voluntary and participatory social action). Gandhi’s ideas on Swaraj were greatly influenced by Lokmanya Tilak, who he considered his guru. The dream of Swaraj remains unattained even 65 years after independence. Another significant day in the month of August is August 9th – August Kranti Divas. For several decades every year citizens of Mumbai participated in a silent procession from the statue of Lok Manya Bal Gangadhar Tilak standing tall in the sands of Girgaum Chowpati, to the August Kranti Maidan, where on August 9th 1942 Mahatma Gandhi gave a call to the British rulers to “Quit India”. The marchers would hold up placards carrying portraits of freedom fighters drawn by artist V.N. Okay. Upon reaching August Kranti Maidan, the marchers would disperse without making any speeches. It was a moment to remember the sacrifices of the freedom fighters that brought us independence. Even today I have fond memories of the solemn atmosphere that surrounded the event. Six days after August 9th India celebrates its Independence Day. On this day every year, the Prime Minister emulates the ritual started by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru 65 years ago by unfurling the Indian flag at the ramparts of the Red Fort in Delhi. The video clips of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s famous, “At the stroke of midnight when the world sleeps, India awakes,” are played on television sets to remind the nation of India’s tryst with destiny. With the passing years, as I watch corruption creep into the political system and the nation’s resources are stacked away in Swiss bank accounts of self-serving ministers, the ritual at the Red Fort increasingly appears hollow. A documentary film, “Yeh Kaisi Azadi hai” (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H1T5aYzYxo U) directed by Pravin Misra, vividly articulates the
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
frustrations of millions of marginalized Indians who find their dream of Swaraj slipping away. India’s tryst with destiny has now turned into India’s tryst with Nehru dynasty. India’s hope for Swaraj is sailing through rough waters. As I watched Anna Hazare leading a cry of “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” at the Jantar Mantar in New Delhi last week on TV, I started thinking about the contrast between my positive emotions on August 1st and the 9th and a sense of frustration I experience on August 15th. I started missing the solemn atmosphere of August 9th from decades ago. I was overcome by a sense of concern for the anti-corruption movement, which seems to be caught in the storm; a movement that left the shores to a great aplomb is now struggling to stabilize and set its direction. I felt concerned because I am one of those who stood on the shore and cheered the Team Anna crew as they sailed into the waters. Just as the Spanish explorer Christopher Columbus’ voyage in search of the East Indies took him to the Americas, I have always hoped that the current anti-corruption movement would ultimately find a shore that would open up a new land of opportunities for those of us who believe in their mission. Those of us who cheered the Mission Anna want it to succeed because the mood of an average Indian today is closer to the spirit of August 9th than in the ritualistic celebratory mood of August 15th. For many of the movement supporters who draw excitement from the images of protests on the television sets, the anti-corruption movement may appear like a Bollywood movie plot with a guaranteed happy ending. However, for seasoned political activists there is a real reason to be concerned about the perceived focus of the current movement on theatrics over disciplined action and on media manipulation over cadre building. There is a need for consolidating the anti-corruption sentiment and translating it into an organized network of informed and inspired citizens. Bringing clarity to an alternative vision of modern India will alone help bring about necessary
reforms in the Indian political system. In his recent article, Shri Pannalal Surana, Chairman of the Parliamentary board of The Socialist Party of India, has succinctly pointed out the true “reform” India needs – not the one championed by the agents of Global Corporations – but by social reformers such as Jyotiba Phule, Tilak, and Agarkar. I notice that Arvind Kejriwal often refers to the “Total Revolution” that Jayprakashji dreamt about. I have also heard Anna Hazare refer to Jayprakashji and Gandhiji as his inspiration. I hope and trust that the facilitators of the current anti-corruption movement will clarify to their followers the true meaning of the total revolution that Jayprakashji envisioned or the reforms that Pannalal Surana refers to in his article. Now that they have chosen the path of entering the political process, there is a need for the leaders of this movement to rise above slogan mongering and dedicate time to building a sustainable organization by aligning itself with people of integrity and ideas for innovative ways of building a modern society of responsible citizens. The concept of Swaraj will serve as the template for developing a manifesto for the new political platform. I am aware that the concern I have for the sustainability of the current movement is shared by many other friends who feel disappointed by team Anna’s ambivalence on defining a clear ideological framework. Some of our friends are disappointed at Team Anna’s decision to establish a new political platform; they would rather want the movement to remain a grass-root-level watchdog and stay clear of the corrupting influence of the electoral process. It is important to remember that, despite his views on the limitations of the state, even Gandhi thought it necessary to evolve a mechanism to achieve the twin objectives of empowering the people and “empowering” the state. Veteran Leader Late S.M. Joshi often referred to electoral politics as a “Coal Mine”. He would say, “It is important to get into the coal mine to harness the energy, but then one is bound to stain one’s clothes. This is where people like me are needed. My job is to remain in the coal
10
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
mine and send my colleagues to the cleaners when they are tainted by the corrupting forces of electoral politics”. Though it is not clear yet whether Team Anna envisions formation of a new party, alignment of likeminded parties, or poaching talent from existing parties, it is clear that the support the movement has received amongst masses is significant. Today, misplaced development agenda has already pushed the poor and the marginalized sections of the society outside the ambit of India’s “tryst with destiny”. There is a growing resentment amongst people in the decline of public institutions and rampant corruption at every level of interface with the government. Anger and violence is growing amidst the poorer and marginalized sections of India. It won’t be long before Naxalism crosses the relatively insulated doorsteps of urban India. The current atmosphere provides a perfect opportunity to educate masses about what it will take to undertake sustainable political reforms. New vision for political reforms must rise above anthropocentric view. Problems of inequality, poverty, and international conflicts today stem from human’s greed of consuming natural resources. A market-centric model of development has been largely responsible for unleashing human greed for consumption. Rapid urbanization and increased pace of life has benumbed people from using human-scale capacities and sensitivities endowed in us by nature, and has turned us into slaves of technologies. It is necessary to restore the ecological balance and alter our behaviours in a manner that allows humanity to survive in harmony with nature’s principles. On India’s Independence Day, I hope that those of us who believe in social justice and humanity’s responsibility in preserving ecological balance harness our current anger against corruption and translate that into a new vision for Swaraj. People of India have lost faith in the Congress party and the BJP, and are looking for an alternative political
11
platform. Anna Hazare has announced that he will not contest elections but will travel around India to awaken the youth around a new purpose. I hope that Indian youth will rise above the sense of resigned acceptance of corruption in daily life, and contribute their energy and ideas for developing a new model of Hind Swaraj. I hope that India can serve as an example to the rest of the world in redefining a new framework for progress. We need to shift the measures of progress from achieving efficiency, productivity, and speed to enabling equity, justice, and creativity. We need to shift our focus from consumption to preservation (of natural resources) and from conflict to collaboration. While maintaining a balanced perspective on human craving for personal gratification, it is important to cultivate in our children respect for social justice and responsibility. We need to build tools that match the skills, capacities, and imagination of different sections of the society. Anna Hazare will serve the country well if he embarks on a Pad Yatra and galvanizes the imagination and energies of the youth, who are eager to participate in the political process. Unlike many of our friends who feel sceptical of the anti-corruption movement or have misgivings about the secular credentials of some of the members of the Team Anna, I still harbour a hope that Anna will facilitate creation of a new dream for India through a participatory process. He may not have the erudition of Bhimrao Ambedkar, the clarity of Ram Manohar Lohia, or the organizational discipline of Jayprakash Narayan, yet he has empathy for the marginalized people of India, and masses hold him in high esteem. In the eyes of the average Indian, Anna Hazare stands taller than any other political leader today. Anna has the opportunity to respond to the respect he has earned in people’s minds by attracting youth to a new platform for India’s development. India’s current mood for eradicating corruption from public life is a perfect opportunity for pursuing the dream of Swaraj in an organized fashion.
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Current Affairs’ Section:
K.S. Chalam [Prof K.S.Chalam is a former Member, Union Public Service Commission, New Delhi. He was Vice-Chancellor, Dravidian University, Kuppam, A.P. and earlier Prof of Economics at Andhra University. He was the first Director of Swamy Ramanand Tirtha Rural Institute, Bhoodan Pochampally during 1997-98. He is known as the pioneer of the Academic Staff College Scheme in the country as the scheme was strengthened by UGC on the basis of his experiments in 1985. He became the first founder director of the Academic Staff College at Andhra University in 1987. He was actively involved in the teachers’ movement, secular and rationalist activities and served as the National Secretary, Amnesty International during 1984-85.chalamkurmana@gmail.com]
Performance of Public Sector and Disinvestment sector enterprises or economic Public activity of government is considered as an investment in the security of people of a nation. In all modern economies including the pure capitalist systems, public sector exists at least to maintain public utilities and in many a country to provide necessary economic and technological guidance to the private sector by the state. However, the neo-classical theories in 1980s described the public sector as a drain on the economy as most of them were considered in pure
economic terms as loss making units. They were also considered by some economists as the sources that promote rent seekers. One of the important arguments advanced by these scholars and their supporters for the withdrawal of the state or what was called at that time as the ‘non-communist withering away of state’ was to avoid economic drain owing to public enterprises. They have also developed indicators including efficiency, productivity, profitability etc, to prove that they are useless and better to abandon them as soon as possible. Now the situation seemed to have changed after gaining experience with the Western models for two decades. We can now discuss about the need for the existence of the public sector on the basis of the parameters developed by experts (risking the adversaries to label me as a public sector fundamentalist) to show that the public enterprises are the life blood of the developing countries like India. The history of public enterprises in India dates back to Chanuka’s description about the regulatory authorities to control public works. It is said that even artisan guilds were entrusted with supervisory fuctions by the state and the British mercantilist inroads in to India was facilitated by the crown. Therefore, state or government enterprises have always been there as a part of state activity. There was serious discussion on the role of public sector in the independent country by freedom fighters including those who were business men as part of Bombay plan. Radical thinkers and others under the leadership of Tarkunde have prepared the People’s plan that emphasized on the role of government to bring industrialization. The role of thinkers like Ram Manohar Lohia, Jawahar Lal Nehru and others in the socialist group of the Congress party were also providing ideological arguments in favor of public sector while B.R. Ambedkar has submitted a memorandum demanding eminent position to public sector to achieve state socialism. Thus, there was sufficient ground for the development and expansion of public sector till the 1991 neo-colonial policies were implemented
12
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
where this sector was given a tepid treatment. The economic history of India would show how public enterprises were established by the British during famines to aid and help the victims. The industrial policy of the independent government particularly Jawahar Lal Nehrus’ 1948 policy was a land mark for igniting the spirit of industrialization and modernization in a newly independent country. The congress party has gone a step further in passing a resolution in their Awadi congress to initiate Socialism through the implementation of industrial policy of 1956 with commanding heights prearranged to public sector. There were only 5 PSEs in 1951 and the number has reached 244 by 1990. But, the reforms introduced by PV NarasimhaRaos’ government have weakened the PSEs and private investment was allowed with sky as the limit to achieve a turnaround in the economy. The left parties and some congress men have expressed apprehensions the way the economy was made private oriented. But, the philosophy of neo liberalism seemed to have guided the privatization of existing public sector units and disinvestment of minority stakes in some public sector units including the Navaratnas began in 1992. There seem to be a rethinking on the need for public enterprises in India. The Prime Minister in his address to the conference of chief executives of public enterprises in March 2007 has said that “the revitalization of our public sector is an integral part of our strategy of promoting “inclusive growth”. We regard the public sector truly as an important source of R&D in our industrial sector”. Thus, the indicators that were used to make the PSEs as scapegoats have turned upside down to prove that almost all the PSE units are not only making profits, but substantially contributing to the revenue of the government through taxes and surpluses. For instance, out of 231 PSEs in 2001 around 100 units were making marginal losses but, the overall profit of all PSEs was estimated to be Rs 38233 crores and realized profits after paying all taxes, payments etc came to Rs 17903 crores. The 13
situation has substantially changed by 2010-2011 when only 220 units were left and employed a capital investment of Rs 949499 crores and obtained an overall profit of Rs 22763 crores. The contribution to the exchequer through taxes was Rs 45303 crores and realized profit of Rs 51002 crores. The loss making units have come down to around 60 in sectors that is crucial for the society and economy. The evaluation of public enterprises by the financial ratios created by Business managers does not take in account how the prices of the PSE are determined. The prices of most of the units including the Oil companies till recently are guided by the administered prices. The administered prices are calculated taking in to consideration several issues including the welfare of the people. For instance, the price of a life saving drug manufactured in a PSE as compared to a private company is not based solely only on the unit costs. It is necessary to look at the economics of PSEs where high depreciation cost that includes not only plant and machinery but also social overhead capital as per norms are invested that makes the margins lower compared to private units. R. Nagraj has found in one of his studies that over the last 40 years, public sector prices never exceeded the overall price level and in 2003-4, the relative price stood just 83 percent of what it was in 1960-61. It means the public sector prices are growing slower than the overall price levels of the economy as a whole. If the implicit subsidies are taken in to consideration in the calculation of inflation, the role of the public goods and services to the society will be known as substantial. Further, some of the PSEs are the ones that were making losses in the private sector and got in to the government sector to provide social protection to the workers, as a model employer etc. For instance, the nationalization of National Textiles comes under this category. The international economic experience has provided several lessons to our policy makers. Generally, the regulatory bodies like RBI are given the credit for the stability of the Indian economy
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
during the economic crisis of 2008. But, the role played by the PSEs that have substantially contributed to the GDP, trade and industrial peace is not taken in to consideration for such an estimate. It is true that the autonomy given to the PSEs and the fact that the international exposure and strategic advantage of being technologically advanced in the manufacturing sector have given advantage to our PSEs. Yet, the government has introduced a policy called Disinvestment of public sector units in 1992 and is institutionalized with a separate Department of Disinvestment now. If we look at the controversies that are encircled in some of the important privatization bids like BALCO, VSNL. Centaur hotel and 17 other hotels of Tourism Corporation etc, the intentions would be clear. Despite of the disagreement on the method, the successive governments have gone ahead with disinvestment in all the PSEs particularly in the
Maharatnas like ONGC .It is found that out of the total disinvestment of Rs 82199 crores as on 2011-12, the total amount during the first 15 years was Rs 47832 crores making the remaining amount in just six years notwithstanding the protest from Left parties and others. Interestingly, the privatization was facilitated by the Apex court in a land mark judgment in BALCO case in December 2001. It is said ,”thus apart from the fact that the policy of disinvestment cannot be questioned as such, the facts here in show that fair, just and equitable procedure has been followed in carrying out their disinvestment”. The public memory is very short and some critiques know how this judgment and the subsequent developments in privatization made the owner of BALCO developing as a giant in a short period to articulate policies of the government that have created tensions in central India, Odisha etc.
Letter to the Editor: Dear Editor, Your editorial brings out very beautifully the actual, true and current status of women in today’s society. There exists a hypocritical kind of freedom of expression for women folk in Indian society today. There is freedom to be like a cosmopolitan female, yet the originally “Indian” version of a girl child is always given preference because the concept of “good” and “bad” has been seeped into the subconscious of human beings historically. The plight of woman has always been a problem because of the way it has been taken, perceived, and interpreted by society at large. Women have been seen quite differently from men, which is right and correct in the sense of them being actually a different variety of human beings with a varied sense and sensibility from that of men. There is no problem in labelling men and women with clichés of identity and identification. The trouble arises when these labels are taken too far and people begin to judge, sense and control the sentience of a human being on the basis of these names and labels. It has always been a free world apart from the mental torment and trauma of surface-level analysing and re-analysing that happens in one’s own mind because of the perpetration of clichés and baselines which may or may not work in today’s date for humanity on the whole. —Mallika Saraswat, London, U.K.
14
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
IRI/IRHA Members’ Section:
Jawaharlal Jasthi
[Mr. Jawahar Lal Jasthi has been associated with the Radical Humanist and the Rationalist Movement since his college days through his uncle, late Mr. Jagannatham and his father-in-law, late Mr. K. Radhakrishnamurty (who had contested the first General Elections under the Radical Democratic Party banner). Mr Jasthi has contributed articles in Telugu and English. His one unpublished book Oh My God is based on the futile search for God in the annals of science.]
Proportional Representation of the demands of ‘India Against OneCorruption’ movement was reform of election law. Their main demand was for a right to recall the representative if he fails to reflect the opinion of the constituency. It was a limited demand and at the same time fraught with its own practical difficulties. The main reason for the failure of our election system is the many defects and drawbacks within the law and rules framed thereunder. Even when the defects are glaringly visible, there is no effort to get them rectified. Neither the party in power nor those in opposition think on those lines. Usually, the wrong provision will give some advantage to those who are in power. The opposition parties try to retain it so that they too can take advantage of it as and when they come to power. That is why legislations like the Lokpal will never see the light of the day. 15
Political parties are the main agencies that contest elections and they have least accountability. They are legally entitled to collect funds, but how they collect and how they spend is not subjected to real scrutiny. Contributions to political parties are treated on par with charitable contributions. Are the political parties charitable organizations? In fact, they are the most aggressive and recalcitrant organizations. Big industrial houses establish charitable trusts through which political contributions are made. Is politics a charitable activity? The parties do not pay any tax because what they receive is not considered income. The only condition applicable to them is that they get the accounts audited once in a year by an independent auditor. According to those accounts, the income of the Congress party for the year 2009-2010 was Rs.529.97 crores and that of Bharatiya Janata Party, Rs.251.74 crores. Depending on the elections faced during the year, the figures do not appear to be credible. Those who contribute to political parties can claim tax exemptions. Nobody will open the black box just to get tax benefits. That amount will be out of account – both for the donor and recipient. It goes without entry in any account. There is no condition that others should not spend on behalf of the party or the candidate. Thus in every election crores of rupees are spent unaccounted. According to the regulations, the expenditure of a contestant for an assembly seat cannot exceed Rs. 25 lakhs and that for a parliament seat Rs. 40 lakhs. In practice it is an open secret that this expenditure is reaching multiples of crores and the regulators are not in a position to prevent it in spite of their best efforts. Before every election there are reports that crores of rupees are caught by the police from the vehicles of political activists but there is no report on what happens to that amount. After an inquiry under the Right To Information (RTI) Act, it was stated that most of the amount was returned to those from whom it was caught as they proved that it was for a legitimate purpose. How strange! If it was for legal
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
purpose, why was it not transferred through legal channels? Can you transfer money thrust in gunny bags like any other commodity? Is it not forbidden under the Income Tax Act (ITA)? It is not a surprise that the efforts have no effect. If the contestants concentrate on the expenditure incurred by the opponents, it is not at all difficult to gather evidence of such expenditure as it is so open. The pity is none of them resort to it as all of them concentrate on breaking the law as it confirms their capacity and efficiency. In the earlier elections there were cases in which the election of particular candidates were declared invalid based on the proof of excessive expenditure submitted by the opponent to election commission. There were cases where elections were declared invalid based on proof of invoking religious sentiments. But, now-a-days there are no such qualms and no holds barred. Now there are some parties like Lok Satta in Andhra Pradesh, who claim to be ethical and so do not have the capacity or will to spend an amount exceeding the prescribed limits. They could as well concentrate on collecting evidence of expenditure by the opponents and submit to regulators. It would be a great service to the election process. There are two reasons for this tendency to break the rules – one is that the elections have become personal responsibility of the contestants even if they contest in the name of a party. In fact, parties tend to select candidates based on their capacity to spend. The second reason is that the contest is confined to a prescribed area, the constituency, which consists of heterogeneous group of voters whom he has to woo to win. By hook or crook, to win is the aim. Once in ten years, census is taken and the boundaries of constituencies are redrawn. The number of seats in the legislatures is fixed, but the population increases every day. The increase is not uniform in all constituencies. To keep the number of members in the legislature constant, it is necessary to increase the number of voters in each constituency equitably. For that purpose, the
boundaries of constituencies are redrawn. Influence will be brought on the authorities to ensure that the boundary covers favorable villages. Because of that the geographical boundaries of constituencies take bizarre forms. The result of election depends on the concentration of the voters of particular hue within the constituency. A community or party that has substantial members would not get its representatives in the legislature if its members are distributed thin. Moreover, there is less to choose between the various parties as there appears no difference between their manifestos and plans. There is nothing like a philosophy for them. To get elected is the only aim that sanctifies everything. They make improbable promises. Voters naturally take other factors into consideration and vote. One way of overcoming these difficulties, at least to some extent, is to adopt proportional representation. In this system each party submits its manifesto to the electorate based on which the voter would be able to choose. Even in this system, the number of seats in the legislature is fixed. But, there is no division of the state into constituencies. The entire state or country is one constituency for the purpose of elections. Along with the manifesto each party will issue a list of names who will be the representatives on behalf of the party in the legislature, if elected. But how many of them will become members will depend on the proportion of votes secured by the party in the election. If the party gets 30% of the votes polled, it will get 30% of the seats in the legislature. The top 30 out of the list will be the members. If the party happens to be the majority party, the first named in the list will be the chief minister or prime minister as the case may be. For example, elections in Israel are held on the basis of proportional representation. There are 120 seats in the Knesset, their parliament. If a party gets 30% of the total valid votes polled, it will get 36 seats in the Knesset. The top 36 members in their list will become members in the legislature. They
16
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
do not represent a particular area or constituency. They represent the party as people voted based on the manifesto of the party. The individual names may carry weight, but it is secondary. The parties must be careful to select people with good reputation to get more votes. Even under the present system, in spite of members representing a particular constituency, they go by the dictates of the party on any issue. At times it may be not in line with the opinion of the constituency. That is why the demand for recall has come. If the party gets only 2% votes, they get one seat in the Knesset. The parties that get less than that are ignored as fractional members cannot be allotted. Even when a party gets higher percentage of votes and becomes a major party, there is no guarantee that it will form government. It is possible that the other parties may join hands to get majority in the house. The right to form government depends on the majority in the legislature. One party may get 40% votes and another party 35%. The party that got 16% votes may join hands with the 35% party to make 51% and get the right to form government overlooking the party that got 40%. A coalition government comes into existence. It happened many times in Israel. Even the present government is a coalition government. As the members do not represent any area or constituency, parochialism is avoided. In the constituency election, the votes cast for the defeated candidate are of no consequence. A community or a party may not get any representation even if they are in substantial number over the country. But in the case of proportional representation, such injustice is avoided. Wherever they are, they get counted and have effect. Even in Israel, there are second class citizens – the Palestinians settled within the area of Israel. Initially they did not have voting rights. Later, they were given rights with restrictions. These restrictions are getting relaxed over time. Even then they are not equals with Jewish citizens. They are
17
now allowed to form party and contest elections. The proportional system allows them to get members into the Knesset which would not have been possible if elections are held on constituency basis. Similar was the case with some constituencies in the United States. Coloured citizens objected to redrawn boundaries of certain constituencies as they will result in depriving the opportunity of getting their representatives in the redrawn constituency. The community was in majority in one constituency which was disturbed in such a way that in both the constituencies they become minorities. In India, there is always a complaint from backward classes that they are not able to get proper representation in the legislatures in spite of them being in overall majority in the country. To overcome that drawback, they demand reservation of some constituencies for them. Instead of that, if they demand for proportional representation taking the state or the country as one constituency, they are likely to get more representation, perhaps commensurate with their numbers. This will be possible only if they stand united, which appears a dream in the present situation. There could be one objection. Israel is a small country which is not divided into states. That is why they could conduct elections on proportional basis taking the entire country as one unit. But it may be difficult for a country like India, vast in area and huge in voter number. Having accustomed to one system for more than half a century, it will be difficult to adapt to another system midway. There will be natural lethargy to move over. But it need not be impossible. If there is a will, there will be a way. It needs amendment to the constitution, which we have done more than a hundred times within 50 years. Proportional representation may not be a panacea for all the ills of the present system. But we are competent to find ways and means to circumvent or undermine any system, whatever it is. More than anything, integrity and sincerity of purpose are essential to make anything succeed.
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Gautam Thakar [Gautam Thaker is General Secretary of IRHA
and PUCL Gujara units. His contact address is 4, Sanmitra Society, Opp. Malav Talav, Jivraj Park, Ahmedabad – 380 051. Mob: 09825382556]
Anna in deep water! to offer new alternative for Proposition changing the system not possible Non-political agitation of Anna Hazare will now take on a political hue. Anna team is hopeful that street fight will now be fought on the floor of the Parliament. V.K. Singh, former Chief of Army endorsed this fact by recollecting the poem written by Dinkar that singhasan khali karo, Janata aati hai i.e. ‘Vacate the seat of power, the public comes.’ In fact, situation is quite the reverse. Since Anna has disbanded his team, it can be said that tragic and unexpected end of prevalent situation of the agitation has been brought about by his team members themselves. Taking into account the incidents occurred during the entire agitation, it can be said that moral strength of fasting has degenerated into complete extinction or annihilation. In the democratic system of rule, strategy and tactics of fasting and other forms of pressures do not last for a long time. He should have kept in mind that there is a Parliamentary democracy in India and for enactment of law, there is a need for majority strength. The tendency to violate the rules, regulations and laws in order to prove their point of view and to convince about
one’s stand point is deplorable. End of obstinacy or stubbornness can never be otherwise. Agitation had to be abandoned due to very poor response and support at Delhi and Mumbai as also due to lack of support from public at large. Lack of co-ordination in Anna team, thoughtless and rampant speeches and utterances, public statements and lastly due to lack of confidence, it turned out to be its own enemy. At the climax was the demand from the agitating team, in the year 2011, that the Government ought to induct members of the Civil Society for passage of the Bill. Thus, the 16 months long agitation launched since then until August 2012, which aroused so many hopes of amelioration, came to an untimely end. This is the irony of the fate. For complete debacle of this, none other than the members of Anna team and its leadership is solely responsible. Anna’s social agitation had leaned into political direction. What will be the political face of the socially awakened people’s movement? To confront against difficulties and evils of politics as well as money and muscle power appears to be very tough, if not impossible at the moment. Especially in view of the rampant utterances against other political parties by Kejariwal, including MPs, which political party will lend support to them, is a question. Since he has targeted against all the parties and has spoilt relations, entry of Anna in political field will be just like committing suicide. Being an enthusiastic and ardent supporter of Anna agitation, he was invited by us to Ahmedabad in the year 2011 and was briefed about the situation actually prevalent in Gujarat. Thereafter, citizens concerned about interests and wellbeing of Gujarat had written a letter to him that an Umbrella organization consisting of different groups, public and civil organizations waging battles in the different fields should be formed. In this, labour unions, representatives of NGOs, activists in different fields, unemployed, poor people, students, labourers and intellectuals should be associated to form a strong united team. This had happened during the JP Movement way back in
18
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
1974 and it had met with success. When you are spearheading your agitation on a larger scale, then you must take cognizance of viewpoints of others also. Anna team did not do so in the year 2011 and hence its agitation came to a dramatic and negative end now. There was no need at all to plunge into political battle field without taking into confidence the supporters and followers of entire Anna agitation launched throughout the nation. It was necessary to think whether by formation of Anna Party, aim of the agitation would be successful or not. Is it possible that with the use of the Party, social transformation shall take place? Anna Team has thoughtlessly taken blind-folded jump. Has any party in India, functioned on its ideals and principles? Then how Party-Anna will survive, time alone will tell. When Party-Anna will form a political outfit on the basis of any of the political ideology and shall field its candidates then what replies will it give to the core issues such as Kashmir issue, development, economy, Naxalism
etc.? This is because, at present, there is a strong controversy and many differences within Team Anna. When Party Anna will today talk about corruption, black money and alternative political system, what political solutions would they suggest for dealing with these issues? Political party can never be the only solution for social transformation. If Team Anna really thinks that rights should be conferred to Gram-Sabhas for eradication of corruption from the country and to make the State to play the role of a servant, then it should function as ‘Anna Agitation-Mass Movement’ instead of Party Anna. This is not possible merely by electing a handful of Members of Parliament or by taking out self-rule rallies. In order to bring about transformation of the system by awakening people about values and ideals, it should launch agitation of public awareness and people’s education instead of floating a political party. In our opinion there is no simple or ordinary solution for this, except by an ideological revolution – a revolution of thought.
Please register yourself on the RH Website http://www.theradicalhumanist.com ¨Please log in to it to give your comments on the articles and humanist news which are uploaded from the world over on the Website almost daily. ¨You may also send in news and write-ups from your part of the land for uploading on the Website. ¨Please send in your views and participate on the topics of debate given in the debate section. You yourself may also begin a debate on any topic of your choice in this section. ¨Please suggest themes for the coming issues of The Radical Humanist, discuss them in the Themes Section of the Website; the content of which may be later published in the RH journal. ¨It is your own inter-active portal formed with a purpose of social interaction amongst all Radical Humanists as well as Rationalists and Humanists from different forums also. ¨Do make it a practice to click on the RH Website http://www.theradicalhumanist.com URL daily, ceremoniously. ¨Please utilise the RH Website to come closer for the common cause of ushering in a renaissance in our country.
—Rekha Saraswat, (Editor & Administrator RH Website)
19
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Jayanti Patel [This is the updated English version of Prof. Jayanti Patel’s Guajarati article Narendra Modi Ek Mulyankan published in Nayamarg –Guajarati fortnightly- dated 16-12-’11, later carried in two other Guajarati magazines.]
Narendra Modi: An Evaluation Beginning: Narendra Modi was attracted by the ideology and activities of the RSS from the teenage. He dedicated his life to RSS and abandoned his family and wife. In course of time, he established his position amongst the youth and the workers of the RSS. He joined post- graduate studies to improve his credentials. He joined the post-graduate School of Social Science (SAMAJVIDYABHAVAN) of Gujarat University, as a student of Political Science. He came in my contact as I was a teacher there. During NAVANIRMAN movement and, when I was the coordinator of the election campaign of Janata Front candidate Bhimabhai Rathod from DASADA constituency, he used his influence with RSS workers to help that campaign. During Indira-Emergency he went underground, grew beard, to appear like a SARDARJI. Ideology: During emergency he used to visit my place. It was clear that Narendra and his party hold the inheritance and attitudes of Nazism/Fascism. It is believed that if they declare emergency they would not jail their opponents but finish them in every way. Narendra, his party and RSS subscribe to a particular ideology whose basis is aggressive
Hindu nationalism. This type of ideology gives more importance to power and dominance than human values. They try to capture power by instigating people’s feelings. They acquire enthusiastic support by fomenting communal hatred. They reject human, rational or scientific approach. Further, by advocating a return to the illusory mythical image of an ancient golden age. They built up a powerful organization of ideologically committed youth, emphasizing loyalty. When required they can come in the streets and create an atmosphere of terror. Craving for Power: Craving for power is the greatest motivating force. A person aiming to capture power holds no bar. To achieve his goals he takes help of any person, organization, norms, values etcetera, and utilizes them. For his personal goal, but, as soon as they are not needed or found obstructive, he does not hesitate or feel ashamed in abandoning them or removing them like a chewed bone. His only aim and value is power. This type of unfettering endeavor to acquire power is evident in Narendra. He wants to get power by any means – using SAM, DAM, BHED and DANDA. (Persuasion, Money, Divisive methods and Force.) Removal of Obstructions: In the initial stage, Narendra, utilizing his position in the RSS, tried to establish himself in Gujarat and his ascendency in the BJP government of Keshubhai. Upset by his activity the party (BJP) exiled him from Gujarat to Delhi. In Delhi he solicited the good offices of one influential Guajarati, who had access to Advani, and got the permission to return to Gujarat. (Keshubhai has revealed that, he threatened Advani to go to fast unto death before his house if he is not given the permission to go to Gujarat) As soon as he got entry into Gujarat, he started his game. He started forming a group of his supporters and marginalizing those who were not helpful or obstructive to his plan. By removing Keshubhai, Suresh Mehta, Kashiram Rana and such other
20
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
veteran leaders he cleared his path. He, also, tried to create a feeling that he is a loyal follower of Advani by supporting him in election and his RATHYATRA. At this stage he acted as if he is the protégée of Advani but now he is trying to belittle Advani, cut him to size, as he seems to be one hurdle in his goal to become the prime minister of India. Manipulation: All the gates were now open for him as he enthroned himself and removed the veteran leaders of RSS-Jansangh-BJP. As he ascended in the power grid he started avoiding the common workers, who had helped and supported him, as their utility was over. Now he needed followers, who did not know the earlier Narendra and treat him as equal, but would be daunted by him. He wanted pigmies, who would be his sycophants, yes-men, accept his words, working according to his wish, would not be a challenge to his power. And, such people are available in dimes a dozen. ‘Neither Eat nor Allow to Eat’: When he came to power, he declared that I will ‘Neither eat nor allow to eat’. At this time there was no constraint to go on fasting programme, this was a promise for non-corrupt governance. After becoming the chief minister he got the opportunity to establish his control over bureaucracy, police and other officers. He acquired the power to take decisions which may be beneficial to his supporters or obtain more supporters. During some investigations it is revealed that some of his ministers or officers systematically collected tributes (KHANDANI). There are officers in bureaucracy and police who try to please men in power for their own benefits as well as, wedded to the ideology of ruling power, in this case communalism. In the earlier period Narendra created an impression by his simplicity and honesty. But if you look at his new sense of dress and makeover, his life style does not match with the life style of old Narendra. Further, his ministers, administrators
21
and police officers are accused of corruption and he himself is accused of giving benefits to some business houses. Recently Narendra has launched a campaign for donation (DHANDAN) to collect funds for coming assembly elections expenditure. It is alleged that some unscrupulous means are used to collect money for this fund. Misuse of Rhetoric: Narendra is a good orator. He is skilled in rhetoric. He knows how to play with words and use them effectively. He has the dexterity for populist lectures. He possess the skill to instigate the feelings of jealousy, prejudices and the sense of self-pride (ASMITA) prevalent in the masses. With the crafty use of rhetoric he plays the game of avoiding uncomfortable questions or problems and distracting people’s mind. Also, after getting power he got the opportunity to utilize government propaganda machinery and funds to build his charisma. Frequently, numbers of advertisements are issued on various occasions in newspapers and magazines praising Gujarat government and his efforts or announcing some projects or benefits to this or that group. In these advertisements his photo is always larger than anyone else’s. He has acquired the leeway to control his supporters as well as opponents by using the intelligence services. Utilizing these capabilities, he has tried to erode the legitimacy of supporters of communal harmony, intellectuals, secularists, rationalist, humanists and liberals by branding them as enemy of Gujarat, opponents of Hindus and supporters of appeasement. Due to this strategy the growth of liberal and rational forces have received a setback In this atmosphere the attitudes necessary for nation building like communal harmony and secularism are at receiving end. It seems that Narendra is trying to push back Gujarat in the era of the seventeenth century ethos. Reign of Terror: Depicting Jews as villains, Hitler provided an easy target and a sucking stick (a pacifier) to the German
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
people. Similarly, by depicting Muslims as villains Narendra has given a sucking stick to the people of Gujarat. He got an opportunity to spread the atmosphere of hatred towards Muslims and allowing their killing in 2002 (post-Godhara) riots in the wake of the arson of the coach of Sabarmati Express, carrying the KARSEVAKS. Similarly, he is accused of resorting to the killings of Muslims or other obstreperous persons under the guise of encounters. He was accused by the father of Haren Pandya, one of his colleague and a rival. Further, number of cases has come to light where persons, agitating against some of his minister’s corruption, by means of public interest litigation and/or right to information, are attacked or murdered. It seems that by the tactic of spreading the atmosphere of fear and terror, a technique of silencing the critics is implemented. Also, Hindu oriented organizations related to his party try to deter the rationalist and protagonist of scientific temperament against superstition, blind faith and miracle mongers. It seems that he has tried to produce an environment of terror in Gujarat. It is a blessing that the central government is not under his power and he has no control over military. Also, there are still some spirited individuals and voluntary organizations in Gujarat, freedom of press, some fearless officers and free judiciary who are committed to the values of democracy. This provides some curbs on his autocratic rule, and hope for the survival of freedom and democracy here. Image: Narendra has succeeded in creating a true or false, good or bad image of himself within his party and/or other parties and people. It is necessary to understand this impression or image of, or a myth regarding Narendra. (Psycho-socio-political analyst like Dr. Ashish Nandi, who has interviewed him, could give a more penetrating appraisal of Narendra.) He is a good orator and organizer which are helpful in winning elections. Actually, his campaign in some areas failed and one leader of NDA,
Nitishkumar of Bihar, opposed against the BJP’s plan of sending him to Bihar for election campaign. Before giving him the certificate of an efficient administrator it is necessary to answer that, for whose benefit that efficiency is applied –whether in the interest of people, his party, his supporters, a few capitalists? He is expert in finding the pulse of the people. Actually, all populist leaders have this capacity. Without providing any concrete benefits to the people they are proficient in making statements which would please them, excite their feelings and satisfy their pride. They desist from giving bitter pills to the people even if necessary for progress. They are not interested in the advancement of the people but intend to take advantage of their feelings. He advocates aggressive Hinduism to attract majority Hindu votes as well as remaining faithful to the legacy of RSS. He supports the approach of considering Muslims as second class citizens, enemy of India, violent and terrorist. However, now, as he is aiming to be a national leader and also to get Muslim votes, he is trying to entice them. The fast undertaken in the name of SADBHAVNA mission is an example of such gimmicks and tactics. (These seven star fasts where organized at various places and crores of rupees from government funds were spent for propaganda, luxurious arrangements etc.). Also, now he has started talking in the name of billions of Hindustanis (not Indians) instead of five crore Guajaratis. This shows that as an adept politician, he can change direction according to wind, or pretend to have changed and produce an illusion. Along with these SADBHAVNA fasts, by skillfully using the propaganda machinery, he projected himself as the future prime minister of India. Albeit, this has resulted in displeasing other aspirants including the RATHYATRA fame Advani, known as minister in waiting. The NDA leaders were placed in embarrassing situation while explain their position in this context.
22
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Narendra has tried to fashion an impression that he has the capability to curb terrorism in Gujarat and the whole nation. His rush to Mumbai during terrorist attack, to declare compensation for the killed policemen – which was rejected, to encourage encounters in Gujarat, make statements about Kashmir, Pakistan and estranged Indians in the other nations, are part thereof. Narendra exhibits traits of an authoritarian personality and paranoia related with it. He does not tolerate opposition or rivals like a paranoid person he might believe that his person and position is in danger. That may be the reason for his manipulation to remove any rival who may challenge his supremacy. Also, number of commandos for his protection and elaborate security during his travel or public appearances suggests that he is obsessed by fear. This set of mind may result in a disproportionate response to a critical situation. He smart enough to understand that by simply promoting communalism, riots, encounters and the politics of hatred he cannot be a national leader. Hence he has tried to project himself as the pioneer and promoter of the development in Gujarat. He has tried to create an illusion that the NARMADA project, industrialization of Gujarat, coming of various industries to Gujarat is due to his efforts. First, no large project or industrial development is achieved in five-ten years. (Rome was not built in a day.) Work on NARMADA project was going on since two-three decades and so many areas and villages in Gujarat are waiting for water. Second, industrial development requires an infrastructure which is the contribution of many public and private sector efforts during the whole century. No one leader or party can claim it as their sole achievement. (And, still, Gujarat is number ten, even behind Bihar, on the list of rate of growth). Getting promises for intentions to establish industries in Gujarat by organizing expensive fairs, conferences, meetings and
23
conventions has not proved successful as hardly ten percent of promises have been realized. Third, on the other hand, some favoured industrialists are given lakhs of hectares of land at very-very low price. Unrestrained and illegal mining is pursued by his collaborators. A few people have become wealthy by grabbing pastures, farmland, underground wealth and polluting the environment. This is not development. One of his party member and MLA, Dr. Kanubhai Kalsaria is spear heading a movement against such gift of land to one industrialist. (He also fought PANCHAYAT elections in this area, floating his own candidates against the BJP and they won. He has also declared to oppose Narendra in the coming elections. Also, ref: article, Farmers’ Survival March, by Indukumar Jani in RH of June 2011, no. 495) The question is: whose development ….His his teammates, his collaborators a few capitalists or the people? Some people amassing wealth by sacrifice of pastures, fertile farmland, minerals and environment, by mortgaging the future of the coming generations is not development for progress but the devilish face of worst form of capitalism. Need for Vigilance: From this analysis it could be seen that how potent a danger Narendra poses against democratic system and values. Actually, his style reminds one of Hitler, a nightmare for Germany and the world. Narendra also exhibits frugality, lust for power, amoral manipulation, rhetoric, populist exhortations, communal instigation (in case of Hitler Jews), propaganda machinery for misinformation, method of eliminating rivals and opponents, terrorize people by the use of special voluntary force (in case of Hitler Nazi SS), etc., similar to Hitler. A person having this type of mental frame is not conducive to egalitarian social or economic system and progressive, democratic, liberal, secular, rational or scientific attitude or approach. Let us remember: ‘eternal vigilance is the price of freedom.’
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
N.D. Pancholi [Advocate N.D. Pancholi is the Secretary of
Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, Delhi Unit and the Secretary of Indian Renaissance Institute, New Delhi. He has been on a crusade in fighting cases for the civil liberties and human rights of the minorities and the weaker sections of the society in the High Court and the Supreme Court.]
Waging War: The Case of Seema Azad Azad, Secretary of the PUCL (UP), Seema along with her husband Vishwa Vijay, was arrested on 6 February 2010, according to the prosecution case, at Allahabad railway station. The charge was that they were active members of the Indian Communist Party (Maoist), which is a banned organization, and that they were actively involved in its activities. As a proof of their involvement, the prosecution claimed to have recovered a lot of Maoist literature from them. However, there was no evidence of their involvement in any offensive action, violent or non-violent. They were charged under Sections 121, 121-A and 120-B of the Indian Penal Code, in short IPC, and various sections of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, in short UAPA. They were convicted under Sections 121 and 121-A IPC, and Sections 13/18/20/38/39 of the UAPA. Both were sentenced to life imprisonment under Section 121 IPC and rigorous imprisonments ranging from five to ten years under other sections. It is a welcome development that the Allahabad High Court has granted them bail.
This article is mainly concerned with Sections 121 and 121-A IPC. Section 121 relates to the offence of ‘waging of war’ against the Government of India and 121-A is about conspiring to commit the offence of waging war or conspiring to overawe by means of criminal force or the show of criminal force the central government or a state government. Section 121 is the most serious offence in the Indian Penal Code and provides for stringent punishment, i.e., death or life imprisonment. The Supreme Court, in the Parliament Attack Case (2005 Crl.L.J.3950: State of NCT of Delhi vs. Navjyot Sandhu), discussed what constitutes ‘waging of war’ against the state and held that the intention and purpose of ‘war-like operations directed against the Governmental machinery’ were important criteria and that purpose must be achieved by the use of force and arms. The most important thing is that the accused must participate in the ‘war-like’ operations in order to attract the charge of ‘waging war’. Given this interpretation of the Apex court, it was not correct to charge Seema and her husband with the offence of waging war because there was no allegation that they had participated in any war-like operation against the Indian Government. Similarly, there was no evidence that they were part of any conspiracy to wage war against the Government of India and therefore there was no question of charging them under section 121-A. They should have been discharged at the initial state of these two charges, including charges under UAPA. But, shockingly, not only were they charged, they were even convicted, and sentenced to life imprisonment under Section 121 IPC and to ten years u/s 121-A. The anguish of the present writer is that some members of our judiciary, in free India, are using Sections 121 and 121-A IPC to punish large numbers of innocents in a manner that even the British would not have done when we were under foreign rule. The most celebrated case in the British period relating to conspiracy to wage war was that of M.N. Roy, I.E., Manabendra Nath Roy V.
24
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Emperor: A.I.R. 1933, Allahabad 498. This case makes very interesting reading and is also significant from the historical point of view in that it shows how Marxism and communism were sought to be introduced and how efforts were made to organize a communist party within India from 1920 onwards. Giving a brief history of the arrest of Roy, the judge of the Allahabad High Court. Mr.Thom J., stated in the judgment: ‘....The appellant Manabendra Nath Roy was tried in the Court of Session at Cawnpore on a charge under S. 121-A, Penal code. He was convicted by the Additional Sessions Judge and sentenced to transportation for 12 years. The charge preferred against him was that on or about 9th May 1923 and before and after, that is to say, from the beginning of 1921 to the end of 1924 he formed a conspiracy and conspired to deprive the King-Emperor of his Sovereignty of British India by means of violent revolution. The case for the prosecution against the appellant is that between the years 1921 and 1924, in co-operation with a number of other persons in India, the appellant who was in Europe, resolved to embark upon an attempt to introduce the doctrine of communism into India, the final objective of the conspirators being to set up a communist state in India, a state which would be controlled by the workers and peasants. The institution of such a communist regime was to be preceded by the violent overthrow of the existing constitution in India and the destruction of the sovereignty of the King-Emperor. The means by which the appellant and his fellow conspirators attempted to compass their aims was to unite into one organization the extremist elements in India, revolutionaries, terrorists, the left wing of congress, labour unions, etc. This organization was to be utilized for the purpose of promoting a revolution in which the masses of peasants and workers were to be the troops and chosen communists, the officers, the masses were to be won by promises to economic betterment; strikes were to be engineered and if possible riots and the like such as occurred at Chauri Chaura, 25
among the Mohplas and in the Punjab. Revolutionaries and terrorists were also to be enlisted by promises. With this aim in view, the appellant got in touch with his fellow conspirators in India, when exactly, is uncertain, but it is clear that the period of the conspiracy was from 1921 to 1924. During these years the appellant was acting in conjunction with his friends in India in endeavouring to prepare the way for the violent overthrow of the Government of India. He was unable to come himself to India where he feared arrest. It was therefore necessary that he should make use of the post to get in touch with his fellow conspirators and during the years 1921 to 1923 therefore numerous letters passed between the appellant and his fellow conspirators. This correspondence did not escape the vigilance of the Intelligence Service of the Government of India. Numerous letters from the appellant to his fellow conspirators and from his fellow conspirators to the appellant were intercepted, some were retained by the authorities, and others were copied or photographed and re-posted to the addressees. This evidence consisted of (a) letters from the appellant to his associates in India and letters from them to him. These are the original letters which were intercepted and retained or found in the possession of the appellant’s associates when they were arrested, (b) Copies of letters which were intercepted and either copied or photographed and re-posted, (c) Pamphlets, leaflets and other publications which accompanied the letters or were obtained from other sources.’ The judge referred to the many pamphlets, letters, articles, as well as issues of the periodical ‘The Vanguard of Indian Independence’, which Roy published from Europe. Such material was produced as evidence against Roy and many excerpts find a place in the judgment of the High Court. They make very interesting reading. To quote one from the judgment: ‘……The appellant (M.N. Roy) refers to the meeting of the Congress (a meeting of the Communist International) and states: “The Congress is well on the way. Delegates from almost
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
all the countries are here, even far off Java is not excepted…..I am in charge of the Eastern Section of the Congress, but ‘here is no Indian delegation…..We are having numerous preliminary conferences on the Eastern question which is one of the principal points of the Agenda. It is only here that one can get a true perspective not only on the working class movement in the West, but also on the revolutionary movement in the Eastern subject countries. It is too bad that our movement, which is the most powerful of the Colonial National Movements, should remain so isolated…. We were all very glad to know of the formation of the Socialist Labour Party ….. The question of forming a new party to assume the leadership of the Indian movement has been very much discussed here…. I take it for granted that the Socialist Labour Party of India understands the necessity of International affiliation and believes that the Communist International is the only revolutionary International body. Therefore I am sure that you will like to know the attitude of the Communist International towards the Indian movement at the present stage. In consonance with the point of view of the Communist International I make the following propositions about the role the Socialist Labour Party of India should play…..All Communists and Socialists should attempt to form a mass party embracing all the truly revolutionary element. In order that many available revolutionary elements are not frightened away by the name our party should have a “non offensive” name. We suggest “the Peoples Party”. Of course, the social basis of this party will be the workers and peasants and the political direction of the party should be in the hands of the Communists and Socialists who alone can be the custodians of the interests of the toiling masses. But in order that the Communists and Socialists are not isolated in small sects and can take active and leading part in the mass struggle determining its course and destinies by revolutionary and courageous leadership, a legal apparatus of our activities is needed. The Peoples Party will provide this legal apparatus. It is to be
anticipated that no powerful political party with a Communist name will be tolerated by the Government and the latter will be able to count upon the moral and even active support of the native bourgeoisie in prosecuting a Communist party. Hence the necessity of a dual organization – one legal and another illegal. The Communist nucleus should take a very active part in the formation of a mass party for revolutionary nationalist struggle….I have already written a pamphlet containing a popularized version of the programme we intend to put forward (This reference is to the pamphlet entitled What Do We Want).”’ The above case is called the Kanpur Conspiracy Case, and the other accused were Nalini Bhushan Das Gupta, Mohd. Shaukat Usmani, Muzaffar Ahmad and Sripat Amrit Dange. All were charged under Section 121-A, i.e., conspiracy to wage war, and were sentenced to four years of rigorous imprisonment on 20th May 1924. Roy was the principal accused but could not be arrested as he was away in Europe and actively engaged in various important tasks, being one of the important members of Presidium of the Communist International. However, later on he developed differences with the policy pursued by the Communist International which, according to him, was subordinating the interests of international communist movement to the interests of the Russian State. He returned to Indian in cognito in December 1930, knowing fully well that he would be arrested sooner or later. He was arrested in July 1931. During the trial Roy did not deny the mass of documentary evidence produced by the prosecution against him. He admitted to being the author of many documents. His main contention was that since ‘the British rule was established in India illegally by use of force, he and every Indian was entitled to throw the British out by the use of force.’ Roy and his colleagues had admitted and claimed that they had every right to indulge in conspiracy to throw the British rule out of India, still he and his colleagues were not charged by the
26
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
British under Section 121 IPC. i.e… ‘Waging of war against the King Emperor’. It is discreditable that in free India, Indian citizens are being charged with this serious offence even when there is not an iota of evidence. Another significant point is that under Section 121-A the colleagues of Roy were sentenced to only 4 years of imprisonment by the British while in free India life and death sentences are given for the asking, many times on the basis of doubtful evidence. Roy was sentenced to 12 years of transportation by the session judge on the ground that he was the leader of the accused and that the success of the conspiracy would have spelt disaster in India. But in appeal the High Court reduced the
sentence to 6 years on the ground that the sentence of 12 years was severe and that the chances of success of the conspiracy were nil. However, in comparison, our present rulers seem to be so much worried of the prospect that the mere possession of a literature judged as ‘offensive’ by them would shake the very foundation of the Indian State and thus, they consider sentencing the accused to life imprisonment the best guarantee to protect the State! (The ‘Kanpur Conspiracy Case’ was argued on behalf of M.N. Roy by Shri K.N. Katju, grandfather of Justice Markandey Katju, now Chairman, Press Council of India.)
Freedom and I I was born in a cage a golden cage! They tried to please me with myriad things dolls,kitchenware, accessories and reasoned.. ...it was necesssary,for i was a girl! As i grew older the cage grew stronger I fluttered my wings in rage but was tied harsh ..again it was necessary, for I was a girl! I was forced to follow their interests. It was they, and not 'ME', who decided what I shall be. ...The argument continued..it was neccasary for i was a girl! They showered on me everything they thought was necessary, ....but failed to give me my basic necessityMy Freedom! My freedom to life! My freedom to be! —Rajeshwaari Kalla, Class 7, St. Angela Sophiya School, Jaipur.
27
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Teacher’s & Research Scholar’s Section:
Ashish Saxena
MGNREGA at Work: Glimpses from Rural Uttar Pradesh MGNREGA: An Outline: In continuation of macro-schemes like Community Development Programme, Panchayati Raj, PMGSY and SGSY for rural development, The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) as a mega scheme for ‘Bharat Nirman’ was launched in 200 select districts on 2.2.2006 and was extended to 130 additional districts during 2007-08. All the remaining rural areas in the country have been covered under the Act w.e.f. 1.4.2008. MGNREGA is undoubtedly the most important productive employment programme in independent India. Mahatma Gandhi NREGA seeks to enhance the livelihood security of the households in rural areas of the country by providing at least 100 days of guaranteed wage employment in every financial year, especially in the lean season, to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work. Worksite facilities are to be provided by the implementing agency (Schedule 2(27) of the Act). These include: Safe drinking water; Shade for children and periods of rest for workers; First-aid Box for emergency treatment and minor injuries; Safety equipments and measures for health hazards connected with work. Its mission is to augment wage employment opportunities by providing
28
employment on demand and thereby extend a security net to the people and simultaneously create durable assets to alleviate some aspects of poverty and address the issue of development in the rural areas. The Ministry of Rural Development being the nodal Ministry for the implementation of MGNREGA is responsible for ensuring timely and adequate resource support to the States and to the Central Council. It has to undertake regular review, monitoring and evaluation of processes and outcomes. The Panchayats at district, intermediate and village levels are the principal authorities for planning and implementation of the Schemes made under this Act. Key stake holders are— wage seekers, Gram Sabha, PRIs specially the Gram Panchayats, Programme Officer at the block level, District programme Coordinator, State Governments and Ministry of Rural Development As a strategy, financial inclusion and convergence are the tools for empowering the grass root masses and integration with the mainstream development. Under financial inclusion, providing access to finance is a form of empowerment of the vulnerable groups. Financial inclusion denotes delivery of financial services at an affordable cost to the vast sections of the disadvantaged and low-income groups. The various financial services include credit, savings, insurance and payments and remittance facilities. Simultaneously, convergence in MGNREGA is perceived to be a process that brings together existing schemes and resources and not a new scheme with additional overheads and additional budgets. The basic premise of planning is decentralization and community participation, with a central role for the PRIs, specially Gram Sabha and Gram Panchayat. Convergence is expected to create value addition through resource and activity synergies as well as infusion of professional quality in planning and implementation. Guidelines for convergence of NREGS with different Schemes and specific programmes are ICAR, schemes of the Ministry of Forest & Environment, Schemes of the Ministry of Water Resources, PMGSY & SGSY
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
(Department of Rural Development), Watershed Development Programmes and Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries Department for convergence of NREGS and schemes of Ministry of Agriculture. Background: The discussions ahead are an outcome of first hand observations (‘usual disclaimer applies’) in 2011-12 in selected districts (anonymous) of Uttar Pradesh, having undergone the implementation of phase II and III of MGNREGA. As a critical analyst the scope of the article provides a broader framework about the functioning of the MGNREGA in the selected district, to identify the gaps and successful initiatives, if any, in the selected district. No doubt, the major questions have been: How successful have been the MGNREGA in poverty alleviation and employment generation in rural areas? What has been the impact of MGNREGA on wage rates and agriculture in rural areas? To what extent is the success or failure related to the level of participation of the beneficiaries and PRIs in the implementation through social audit? No doubt, the finding of the study, apart from administrative and policy efficacy, serves as an analytical model for convergence and financial inclusion of MGNREGA in the districts of Indian states in general and the districts of U.P. in particular. Statistics of MGNREGA in Uttar Pradesh: The MGNREGA was implemented in three phases in Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) covering 22 districts in phase-I, 17 districts in phase-II and 33 districts in phase-III. In all the number of registered households in phase-I was 6191060 with 6099786 job card issued. The number of households provided with employment was 3357689 with 136866876 persondays. In all the families provided 100 days of employment was 223639. In phase-II, the number of registered household was 3452281 with 3420873 job card issued. The number of households provided with employment was 1971896 with 79253629 persondays. In all the families provided 100 days of employment was 129434. In phase-III, the number of registered
household was 4705721 with 4609404 job card issued. The number of households provided with employment was 2782116 with 95413647 persondays. In all the families provided 100 days of employment was 116349. As per report of MoRD (2010), in Uttar Pradesh the minimum wages have increased from Rs. 58 to Rs. 100 (presently 120/-) after the implementation of MGNREGA. As per official website of MGNREGA (mgnrega.nic.in, MoRD) in the financial year 2008-09, number of households provided employment was 4336466 and number of persondays (in lakhs) has 2272.21 out of which 1216.90 were scheduled castes, 44.57 Scheduled tribes and 411.46 women. In 2009-10 numbers of households provided employment was 4088947 and number of persondays (in lakhs) has 2083.42 out of which 1124.77 were scheduled castes, 34.44 Scheduled tribes and 1495.50 women. In 2010-11, number of household registered were 14409785 with 20059154 persons registered. The total number of job card issued to the voluntary wage workers was 14195887. Around 8164833 household and 10372978 persons demanded employment out of which 6156921 households and 10361767 persons were offered employment accordingly. In all, 469420 families completed 100 days of work. If we see the cumulative number of households issued job cards, one finds the total of 14195887 households out of which 4374370 were the scheduled castes and 163180 were scheduled tribes. Accordingly, the cumulative persondays generated includes the total of 311434617 out of which 100062703 were scheduled castes, 4503621 were scheduled tribes and 47353934 were women in 2010-11. However in the year 2011-12, if we see the cumulative number of households issued job cards, one finds the total of 14486945 households out of which 4451049 were the scheduled castes and 163786 were scheduled tribes. Accordingly, the cumulative persondays generated includes the total of 244847211 out of which 77495924 were scheduled castes, 3047653 were scheduled tribes and 42265003 were women. In terms of asset
29
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
created in 2009-10, one finds 168099 works completed out of which 52242 cases were of rural connectivity, 6886 cases of flood controls, 25168 cases of water conservation and harvesting and 22766 cases of land development. I) MGNREGA and Financial Inclusion: A Critique: It is found that main banks serving in the districts are: SBI, Allahabad bank, Bank of Baroda;, United Bank of India, Kisan Gramin bank, Kashi Gomti Samyut Gramin Bank; Bank officials were of the opinion that there is shortage of staff to handle the MGNREGA beneficiaries, most of whom are not equipped with the functioning of banking system. Although, new counter have to be opened due to the rush of MGNREGA beneficiaries which affects the other routine works of the banks; The officials were of the opinion that financial inclusion is at the level of opening of accounts only as the beneficiaries could not develop the saving habit; They were of the opinion that for opening an account of the beneficiaries, Pradhan or Rozgar-Sewak comes with the job-card holders; The bankers were of the opinion that the women accounts are on papers; they are not financially empowered enough to operate account; In general the officials were of the opinion that handling MGNREGA is not economically viable for the banks; Beneficiaries in rural areas were of the opinion that there are problems in the banks but since it is near to the urban area so people are learning fast about the banking system. Opening the account, long queue and late payment are the major problems; Beneficiaries were of the opinion that the banks want 1000/- as the security money but they withdraw whole amount in the same day when the payment is deposited. a) Views and Suggestions by District/Block/Panchayat Officials: The study indicates that around 60% to 70% of the respondents belong to the BPL list while 30% to 40% beneficiaries are not in the BPL list; A common view about the implementation of MGNREGA was the shortage of staff (efficient staff too) to implement the scheme from district
level to Panchayat level. Many a time officials have heavy work-load due to the scheme; Officials were of the view that there is lack of administrative, decisive and financial power to the APOs at block level. They asked to decentralize the power to the block level authorities too; Officials were of the view that there is no MGNREGA cell in district. There is need of autonomous MGNREGA cell at the district/block level having certain technical officials to look the scheme; the officials were of the opinion that during convergence there is non-cooperation among the various departments which create problems in the smooth functioning of the scheme. b) Views of MGNREGA beneficiaries: There is no specific training and awareness generation regarding the NREGA scheme; generally, beneficiaries are not having the job-card, most of the time it is with Rozgar-Sewak; Ward members of the G.P. and some beneficiaries say that Panchayat Secretary and Rozgar Sewak are corrupt. Complaints regarding the delayed or non-payments of wages to the labors are seen especially against the Pradhan. It is also revealed that some beneficiaries have job-card but they are not getting any job. They say that the work is provided to the near and dear of the Pradhan, Secretary and Rozgar Sewak. Sometimes we do not know that who is working and who is getting the wages; many beneficiaries were of the opinion that wage of Rs. 120/- per day are not provided to them. They hardly get Rs. 40-50.; Generally 100 day’s man-days are not completed. There are very few cases of the completion of 100 days. c) Good Practices and Initiatives: It is good to know that ATM service has been also provided by the PNB and Bank of India to few literate beneficiaries; this scheme has generated awareness about banking system among the villagers. Not only the number of account holders in the village has increased but it has led to there frequent visits to the banks; To open account of the job-card holders, Banks have initiated camp in the remote areas; As the people are getting wage in the scheme, some of
30
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
them have begun small businesses with the help of loan from SHGs; Bank provides loan facility to the MGNREGA beneficiaries with due recommendation and forwarded through proper channel. Government owns their security and later government is waiving of the loans of these peoples after every 5 years or so; Door to door banking is in the process of future plan; SC/ST people have been empowered economically due to this scheme because they are form labor section and now they are getting job in their own village and also getting a definite payment for their work so they are comparatively in better condition; Especially few tribes and lower castes have become aware and are been freed from bonded labour and slavery system. II) MGNREGA and Convergence: A Critique: Confusion of work and fund is seen during the convergence. Even there is problem in verification of the muster roll. It is suggested that new muster roll should not be issued or submitted by the convergence department until and unless the previous payment is clear; Generally 100 day’s man-days are not completed. There are very rare cases of the completion of 100 days. In general, most of the beneficiaries have got the job of 30-40 days only; Non beneficiaries are of the opinion that factionalism emerges during the time of assignment of MGNREGA work; Social audit is the backbone of the effective monitoring of any programme. The MGNREGA involving different level of actors requires periodic auditing of the planning, procedures and financial expenditures. The study reflects the gross absence of any form of social audit concerning MGNREGA work. It indicates the lack of seriousness towards effective implementation of the programme; 1.One significant finding is that the water level in the area has increased owing to water conservation; Forest department has done pit-digging, plantation and irrigation in the field of social sector. Besides this forest department has developed fire-line, forest-pathway, waterfall, grass-cutting, nursery through MGNREGA; regarding convergence scheme, sericulture department has done well in 31
this district. The department also promoted plantation and other works with the help of MGNREGA labors. 2.It is traced that most of the time the MGNREGA work is provided during peak days of cropping rather than lean season. That is why there becomes scarcity of agricultural labors and the workers in NREGA asks huge amount as wages so sometimes the middle level farmers who are unable to pay wages are not in a position to perform their seasonal agriculture accordingly. 3.Secretary/ Technical Assistant and Rozgar Sewak were of the opinion that the ratio of 60:40 is a big hurdle in carrying works, it should be removed and this will help in the progress of the village but another viewpoint suggests that the removal of this ratio will invite contractors and may lead to more corruption. 4.The general impression regarding facilities near work sites opined that only the facility of drinking water was available at the work site. Few were of the view that basic medical aid is available near the work site. However, majority of the respondents denied the presence of crèche near the work site for women workers. 5.According to the district officials, the implementation of the scheme is satisfactory. The other department with which the convergence has been done is Micro-Irrigation, Irrigation, Land development, water-resource, water-conservation, PWD, Sericulture and forest department etc. The best convergence was observed in Micro-Irrigation, Irrigation, Land-development, Water-conservation, and especially Sericulture have performed very well. 6.In general, the MGNREGA work has enhanced the overall development of rural areas in terms of land development, water conservation, rural connectivity, water reservoirs, plantation, sericulture etc. 7.Against the decentralization of planning, implementation and utilization of funds for development work, the block level officials were of
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
the opinion that the requisition of work and fund should flow via block level and not directly to Gram Panchayat. It reflects their dissatisfaction against the decentralization of work and fund flow. 8.MGNREGA involves employment of workers for development. It is found that in most of the cases the full utilization of manpower is lacking. Even the workers also don’t perform their best. Thus there is a need to look into the under-utilization of manpower seriously. 9.MGNREGA being a community based programme has implications on the village life. As observed from the study, social interaction among the caste has marginally improved in the public spaces. Even the water access, access to basic resources has marginally improved. One definitely finds significant increase in the public interaction, employment and poverty reduction. It has further led to better education and public participation. Suggestions and recommendations: 1. Provide dedicated bank staff, outsource some work; Regular checking and verification of bank/post office accounts – wages transferred, who withdraws and punishing the wrong doers; Make regular VMC meetings and record the proceedings; Institutionalize the system of conducting social audits and make their reports public. Make expenditure on social audits eligible for inclusion in administrative expenses; Mobile ATM van can be asked for quick withdrawal of money. 2.To facilitate workers to exercise their rights to apply for work and receive dated receipts; and to capture authentic attendance on worksites bio-metric based ICT applications are to be introduced. Enabling real- time capture of Mahatma Gandhi NREGA processes as registration, work application, issue of dated receipt, work allocation, work-site attendance and measurement with GPS coordinates, wage payments, would reduce discrimination in
awarding work, fake muster rolls, ghost workers, measurement and payment delays. 3.Inclusion of some civil society representatives, district collectors, district level panchayat presidents, media representatives etc. in the planning process is essential so that diverse stakeholder concerns are expressed and incorporated. The meetings of the NREGS State committee must happen on a fixed periodicity, so that such committees do not remain as a mere formality or a clearing house for policy decisions proposed by the executives. 4.Social audit is the backbone of the effective monitoring of any programme. The MGNREGA involving different level of actors requires periodic auditing of the planning, procedures and financial expenditures. The study reflects the gross absence of any form of social audit concerning MGNREGA work. 5.While lack of manpower and connectivity continues to be main problems in achieving this objective, the whole-hearted commitment by the state and project functionaries can make tremendous difference in making this happen. The urgent mission is outsourcing some work and creation of a fair and authentic MIS system, which is tamper-proof and accessible to all. 6.In sum, there may be a need to shift from project mode to a sustainable accomplishment mode and towards sustainable livelihood. Lack of political will was reflected in awareness creation as well. There are no instances of unemployment allowance payment from the state till date. It was also observed that awareness level was very low and most of the people did not even know about such provisions in the Act. [Dr.Ashish Saxena presently teaches at Department of Sociology, Central University of Allahabad. He has significant publications on the issues related to Agrarian, Subaltern and Development studies. ashish.ju@gmail.com]
32
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Humanist News Section: I
Indian Renaissance Institute Meeting on the philosophy of Radical Humanism: A meeting was held on behalf of the Indian Renaissance Institute on 18th August 2012 at Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi to discuss the philosophy of ‘Radical Humanism’. Shri B.D. Sharma, President, Indian Renaissance Institute, spoke on “Communism and New Humanism”. He briefly described various developments in the practice of Communism and opined that Communism has failed to achieve the desired results. Instead of leading to the rule of proletariat, it led to the establishment of the dictatorship of a clique which resulted in severe violations of human rights and brought suffering and killings of large number of people. The philosophy of New Humanism evolved by M.N. Roy was the result of his vast experience as a militant, a revolutionary and a communist. This philosophy placed ‘man’ ‘i.e. the ‘individual’ as the measure of all progress. Shri Vinod Jain, President, Indian Radical Humanist Association, spoke on the subject “Animinism, polytheism, monotheism, humanism”. Shri Jain elaborately traced the history of evolution of matter from the very beginning and rise of mankind from pre-historic age to the present stage. He narrated the development of various faiths from polytheism to monotheism and how the discoveries and inventions in the field of reason and science led to the development of humanist philosophy. Dr. K. Premanathan, Assistant Professor, English Department, University of Delhi, writer of 29 books, spoke on ‘Marxism and present crises’. He elaborated on the salient features of 33
Marxism and said that in spite of its criticism Marxism provided solutions to the various ills of the present society. He said he was a confirmed Marxist but still he disagreed with some its hypothesis. He said that emphasis of Marx on the role of proletariat as leaders of the desired revolution was wrong and in fact the real role ought to been given to the agrarian workers and farmers. Shri Mahipal Singh, General Secretary, PUCL, spoke on ‘Relevance of Radical Humanism in today’s context’. He said that the ‘Radical Humanist Philosophy’ propounded by M.N. Roy was very relevant in the present context. He drew attention to the present deteriorating political, social and economic situation leading to increasing corruption in various institutions and political practices. Power-politics, as stated by M.N. Roy, was one of the main causes of all corruption. The People’s Movements like Anna Hazarre’s were the genuine reflection of the resentment of the people in the present situation. The desire of the people is for an alternative political practice which could root out prevailing corruption and such movements like that of Anna Hazzare ought to be given a chance to bring out desired results. Dr Jugal Kishore, Prof. Community Medicine, Maulana Azad Medical College, who is very active in the campaigns against blind faith and superstitions, stated that the persons who believe in scientific outlook and reason and who are not guided by religious faiths, are very few and there is need for such people to come together and unite for the propagation of their views for the betterment of mankind. A lively discussion followed in which prominent members participated. Some of the names who were present are Shri Gautam Thaker from Ahmedabad, Ms.Malathi Maithri, prominent activist in anti-nuclear movement, especially at Koondakulam in Tamilnadu, Mohd. Amir Khan (victimized and falsely implicated in 21 bomb blast cases; and as a result who underwent 14 years of imprisonment), Krishan Kumar Gogna, Ms.
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
Bhavana Sharma of ANHAD, Bhabani Dixit, Managing Editor, World Focus, Prof. M.K. Das, Dr. Dipavali Sen, Associate Professor, Sri Guru Govind Singh College of Commerce, Ms. Alka, and Advocates Mr. A.K. Roy and Mr. Ghanshayam Singh. —Report sent by N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, IRI
II
Assam Report by V.K. Tripathi, IIT Delhi Friends, Few hours ago I have returned from Assam. I visited the disturbed areas. My report is attached. The divide between communities is deep but it must be overcome. RSS, VHP and BJP are trying to create a permanent animosity by wrongly charging so called Bangladeshis for the violence. Their designs must be foiled. — Bringing Bangladeshi Angle to Assamese Ethnic Conflict is Disservice to the Nation The ethnic violence between Bodos and Muslims in Bodo territorial region of Assam is a national calamity. It has taken a toll of 65 innocent lives (besides the scores of people missing) and rendered 4 lakh homeless. The first priority of sane polity and responsible government is to restore the trust between the warring groups, Bodos and Muslims, without the slightest of ill will against any of the communities and isolate miscreants from the masses. Muslims are poorer, have lost more lives and fled in larger numbers (up to 80%) but Bodos are no economic elite. The creation of Bodo Territorial Council (covering 4 districts – Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baxa and Udalguri) by the Centre in 2003, has given a section of them an upper hand but masses of both the communities are in hardships. I spent three days (August 3 to 5) in the area, visited
relief camps – 2 Bodo camps in Kokrajhar (with 560 and 1500 people), 1 Muslim camp in Kashipara (960 people), 1 Muslim camp in Dhubri (360 people) and 3 Muslim camps in Bilasipara (2000, 2500 and 3500 people), visited a Muslim village Bhadyagudi, a mixed Bodo-Muslim village Bhatipara and met a cross-section of people. I also met Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Kokrajhar Mr. Jayant Narlikar, DC of Dhubri Mr. Kumud Kalita and Principal, Vice Principal and Librarian of Bhola Nath College, Dhubri. I saw no trace of Bagladeshi offensive in the conflict, so systematically and vigorously orchestrated by BJP and VHP, led by L.K. Advani, Tarun Vijay and Praveen Togadia. They are playing with the lives of people and poisoning atmosphere for future. Bangladeshi is more of an abuse to humiliate Muslims who are native Indians. There may be a few percent Bangladeshis (as a Rajvanshi ex-serviceman in rural Kokrajhar put it at 10%), but even these, in all likelihood are labourers and labourers are no exploiters but an exploited lot. They need to be treated with dignity. All countries have legal and illegal migrants. USA has a very significant percentage of illegal Mexicans. But who engages them and benefits from their hard work?”- the business class, for cheap labour. USA is immensely more powerful than us but it could not force the Mexicans out. India has limited resources and can’t afford to sustain work force from neighbouring countries, hence legal ways, commensurate with workers’ dignity, must be employed to identify and deport them and to stop their migration (if at all there is any loop hole). As far as the language of Muslims in the area is concerned, there is strong historical reason for it. Kokrajhar district borders with West Bengal and Dhubri with Bangladesh. 100-150 years ago British tea planters brought labourers from Bengal where Muslims were a predominant landless work force. Thus they speak Bengali. One more observation. In 1971 India welcomed lakhs of Hindu-Muslim refugees as a part of strategy on Bangladesh. Many of them overstayed.
34
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
The current conflict developed as a chain event. Miscreants killed two Muslims on July 6. On July 19, a prominent Muslim suffered bullet injuries and a mob killed 4 Bodos, Subsequently sporadic killings of Muslims and display of fire power by Bodo elements, created a frightening atmosphere, forcing people to flee their homes. In Muslim dominated areas Bodos were made to flee. Once people fled, many of their homes were looted and put on fire. Most camps, having over 2.5 lakh Muslim refugees, are located in Dhubri district. This district with 80% Muslim population suffered no loss of life Bodos from six villages had to flee to Kokrajhar. Bodo insurgents have carried a long drawn violent struggle for separate Bodoland. In 2003 Center created BTAD (Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Districts) giving substantial authority to Bodos (about 35 seats in the 40 member BTC Council). This created a wedge between them and other communities (Muslims, Santhals and Rajvanshis) who have a much larger share in population. Many insurgent groups surrendered their arms but some still have them. Disarming them is a major responsibility of the state. All relief camps are facing severe hardships. The Muslim camps look even more dejected and worried, besides being poorer. On August 5 as I was sitting with people in a camp in Bilasipara when Roja Aftar time arrived, I noted that they had only one bucket of dates and biscuit packets for aftaar for 2000 people. On behalf of Sadbhav Mission I offered them 1000 rupees to purchase additional dates. Same was the scene in another camp. At night often there is load shedding for several hours and these camps plunge into darkness besides exposing them to mosquito bite. People cook their own food from the ration (rice, pulses and oil) provided by the government and vegetables provided by local support or NGOs. In most places people of all the communities are coming forward to extend support. Despite heavy odds people are at peace. I wish they had a creative engagement. They could be given some training or 35
exposure in relevant trades. Students can be given tutorial sessions, game sessions or could go for jogging. Mine was a short visit that began with my arrival in Guwahati at 7 AM. From the airport I took bus to train station. At 9:45 I took North East Express and got down at Kokrajhar at 1:20 PM. I walked through the city and then took a tempo to Kashipara (8 km away). I visited a Muslim camp and walked 3 km to visit two villages. At 8 PM I met the DC. By that time curfew had started hence I stayed in the circuit house in a awesome room for Rs. 130. Next morning (August 4) at 7 AM, I walked to Bodo camp Swrang M.E. High School. People were nice. Some got annoyed when I mentioned Nellie massacre. From there I took tempo, minibus and bus to reach Dhubri by 12 noon. I walked to a relief camp and talked to people for one hour. This interaction was heartening. From there I went to Bholanath College. At 3:15 PM I met the DC and then left for Bilasipara. During 5 to 8:15 PM I visited 3 camps. Then took shelter in ABI hotel (for Rs. 250). It gave me the feeling of hardships faced by camp people as there was no light and mosquitoes were in abundance. At 6 AM on August 5 I left for Kashipara and from there to Kokrajhar. I visited the Commerce College Bodo camp. People treated me with warmth and showed appreciation for peace efforts. At 12 noon I took Kamrup express to Guwahati. After reaching there I called some friends and left for the airport en route to Delhi. Vipin Tripathi, posted this report on August 6, 2012 III
Birthday of "The Great Agnostic" Robert Green Ingersoll celebrated: Back before blogs, opinion-based news programs, talk radio, and even amplified sound, the American
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
public gathered by the thousands to listen to professional orators calling out their opinions from train platforms, outdoor stages, and the steps of city hall. Oratory was wildly popular in the 1800s, and there was no lecturer more popular than Robert Green Ingersoll, a.k.a., "The Great Agnostic." Ingersoll continually championed science, reason, and secular values in the public square. He was an early popularizer of Charles Darwin and a tireless advocate for women's rights, racial equality, and birth control decades before others would pick up the cause. He often poked fun at religious belief, and he defied the religious conservatives of his day by championing secular humanist values. Ingersoll's work and his words are highly relevant to our day, too, so the Center for Inquiry and its sister organization, the Council for Secular Humanism, work to bring his wisdom and insights to a broader audience. — Learn more about Robert Green Ingersoll — Discover the Robert Green Ingersoll Birthplace Museum in Dresden, New York Read about the CFI staff field trip to the museum Watch a video about Ingersoll produced by the Council for Secular Humanism Visit the Freethought Trail in West-Central New
York Explore the full texts of Ingersoll's complete works Ponder some of Ingersoll's most popular sayings and wonder why it took you so long to find this awesome writer! More here! Read this neat article about Ingersoll's life and influence in Washington Steal this awesome image from the CFI On Campus Facebook page (and don't forget to "Like" the page while you're there!) Watch the finalists from CFI-DC's Ingersoll Oratory Contest. Enjoy an online walking tour of Ingersoll's Washington, D.C. Check out this Point of Inquiry episode about Ingersoll In Indiana? Head to the Circle in Indianapolis Sunday, August 12, to hear one of Ingersoll's most moving speeches, recited by Tom Flynn, the director of the Robert Green Ingersoll Birthplace Museum! Note: You may check out on all these details on the following URLs: http://www.secularhumanism.org/ http://www.secularhumanism.org/index.php?se ction=ingersoll&page=museum
36
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
IV
Humanist Gore Vidal is no more Gore Vidal, a prolific and provocative author and longtime laureate of the International Academy of Humanism, has died at the age of eighty-six. Over his long career, Vidal produced twenty-five novels, two memoirs, several volumes of essays, plays, screenplays, and television dramas. He also acted and ran for Congress twice. He expressed hostility to religion, especially Christianity, almost from the beginning; some of his most noteworthy works in this regard were published in 1992—the essay “Monotheism and Its Discontents” and the novelLive From Golgotha: The Gospel According to Gore Vidal, a spoof of the New Testament. “Gore Vidal has been an inspirational figure to a great many people, myself included. Of course he will be remembered for being urbane, fiendishly talented, and terrifyingly witty. But, more than this, he was principled, honest, and courageous,” said Stephen Law, secretary of the Academy, which was established by the Council for Secular Humanism in 1980 to honor distinguished humanists. News Source: — CFI, U.S.A. http://www.centerforinquiry.net/news/cfi_mou rns_gore_vidal/
The following books of M.N. Roy may now read and downloaded from the RH Web portal: www.theradicalhumanist.com 'Revolution and Counter-Revolution in China'; 'Science and Philosophy'; 'Memoirs'; 'India's Message: Fragments of a Prisoner's Diary'; 'Materialism'; 'M.N. Roy: Philosopher Revolutionary'; 'Reason, Romanticism and Revolution' Volume I & II; 'New Orientation'; 'New Humanism'; The Russian Revolution and the Tragedy of Communism'; 'Politics, Power & Parties'; 'Men I Met'; 'Historical Role of Islam' and 'From the Communist Manifesto to Radical Humanism'.
37
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
38
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012 —SUBSCRIPTION RATES—
In SAARC Countries: For one year-Rs. 200.00 For two years-Rs. 350.00 For three years-Rs. 500.00 Life subscription-Rs. 2000.00 (Life subscription is only for individual subscribers and not for institutions.) Cheques should be in favor of The Radical Humanist. For outstation cheques: Please add Rs. 25.00 to the total. In other Countries: Annual subscription (Air Mail) $ 100.00; GBP 75.00 Note: Direct transfer of subscription amount from abroad may be sent to: SWIFT CODE Number CNRBINBBAMHB in the Current Account Number 0349201821034 at Canara Bank, Maharani Bagh, New Delhi, 1100014, India. Cheques and money transfer details from abroad may be sent to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Treasurer), Chamber No. 111, (Near Post Office) Supreme Court of India, New Delhi-110001, Ph. (Chamber) 91-11-23782836, (Res.) 91-11-22712434, (Mobile) 09811944600 SUBSCRIPTION FORM The Manager, The Radical Humanist
C/o Mr. Narottam Vyas (Treasurer) Chamber No. 111, (Near Post Office) Supreme Court of India, Delhi-110001 Dear Sir, I/We wish to be enrolled as subscriber/s for The Radical Humanist for a period of one year/two years/three years/life. Name........................................................................................................... Address........................................................................................................
Phone No..................................................................................................... E-mail......................................................................................................... Thanking you. Yours faithfully,
39
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
A club named ‘M.N. ROY’ in Mexico (Built
in the house where Roy lived)
By Ludwig Godefroy & Emmanuel Picault (News Source: on line Surface Magazine) From the street, M.N. Roy, a recently completed 2,100-square-foot club in Mexico City’s Roma neighborhood, looks like a crumbling, ramshackle house. A fitting tribute, perhaps, to its namesake, Manabendra Nath Roy, who as a left-wing Indian revolutionary founded the Mexican Communist Party within the building’s walls 100 years ago. Enter the space these days, and the design is quite a surprise—what one of its architects, the France-born, Mexico-based Ludwig Godefroy, describes as “transgressive.” Says Godefroy: “When you’re right in front of the house, you’re like, ‘Am I sure this is where I was invited?’ But then you go inside and you understand.” Designed by Godefroy and fellow expat (and now Mexican citizen) Emmanuel Picault, the club, which inhabits a rustic, stripped-down, Mexican-vernacular aesthetic, is meant to be a spirited ode to the country the two architects call home. Made from simple, locally sourced materials—pine (as seen above), black-pigmented concrete, volcanic stone, copper sheets—the space is “like a Mayan or Aztec temple,” says Picault, who in 2007 designed Reves, a bar in the nearby Polanco neighborhood. “We’re two French guys working in Mexico, so you might assume our clients want something of Paris or of Europe,” he says. “We prefer to use the possibilities of Mexico. Maybe that’s why the place looks so playful and dramatic.” News URL: http://www.surfacemag.com/blog/interiors/197-mn-roy-by-ludwig-godefroy-andemmanuel-picault/ 10.27.11 Interiors | By Spencer Bailey News URL sent to the RH by Innaiah Narisetti (Pictures of the club on the next page) 40
THE RADICAL HUMANIST
SEPTEMBER 2012
INSIDE PICTURES OF ‘M.N. ROY CLUB’ (BUILT IN ROY’S NAME THE HOUSE WHERE HE LIVED IN MEXICO)
Post Office Regd. No. Meerut-146-2012-2014 RNI No. 43049/85 at H.P.O. Meerut Cantt. to be posted on 2nd. of every month RENAISSANCE PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED 15, Bankim Chatterjee Street (2nd floor), Kolkata: 700 073, Mobile: 9831261725 NEW FROM RENAISSANCE By SIBNARAYAN RAY Between Renaissance and Revolution-Selected Essays: Vol. I- H.C.350.00 In Freedom’s Quest: A Study of the Life and Works of M.N. Roy: Vol.Ill H.C.250.00 Against the Current - H.C.350.00 By M.N. ROY Science and Superstition - H.C.125.00 AWAITED OUTSTANDING PUBLICATIONS By RABINDRANATH TAGORE & M.N. ROY Nationalism - H.C.150.00 By M.N. ROY The Intellectual Roots of Modern Civilization - H.C.150.00 The Russian Revolution - P.B.140.00 The Tragedy of Communism - H.C.180.00 From the Communist Manifesto - P.B.100.00 To Radical Humanism - H.C.140.00 Humanism, Revivalism and the Indian Heritage - P.B. 140.00 By SIVANATH SASTRI A History of The Renaissance in Bengal —Ramtanu Lahiri: Brahman & Reformer H.C.180.00 By SIBNARAYAN RAY Gandhi, Gandhism and Our Times (Edited) - H.C.200.00 The Mask and The Face (Jointly Edited with Marian Maddern) - H.C.200.00 Sane Voices for a Disoriented Generation (Edited) - P.B. 140.00 From the Broken Nest to Visvabharati - P.B.120.00 The Spirit of the Renaissance - P.B.150.00 Ripeness is All - P.B. 125.00 By ELLEN ROY From the Absurdity to Creative Rationalism - P.B. 90.00 By V. M. TARKUNDE Voice of A Great Sentinel - H.C.175.00 By SWARAJ SENGUPTA Reflections - H.C 150.00 Science, Society and Secular Humanism - H.C. 125.00 By DEBALINA BANDOPADHYAY The Woman-Question and Victorian Novel - H.C. 150.00
Published and printed by Mr. N.D. Pancholi on behalf of Indian Renaissance Institute at S-1 Plot 617 Shalimar Garden Extension I, Sahibabad, Ghaziabad-201005 Printed by Nageen Prakashan Pvt. Ltd., W. K. Road, Meerut, 250002 Editor-Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001