Proceedings Journal from the 5th Annual International Conference of the Yale European Studies Graduate Students at Yale University on May 8-9, 2024
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CONFERENCE PROGRAM CONFERENCE PROGRAM
KEYNOTE SPEAKER KEYNOTE SPEAKER
PARTICIPANTS PARTICIPANTS
PANEL I INTERNATIONAL SECURITY: PANEL I INTERNATIONAL SECURITY: OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES
PANEL II PANEL II AUTHORITARIANISM IN ACTION: AUTHORITARIANISM IN ACTION: TOOLS AND TACTICS TOOLS AND TACTICS 74 94
PANEL III PANEL III SOVIET AND IMPERIAL HISTORIES SOVIET AND IMPERIAL HISTORIES IN GEORGIAN, SIBERIAN, AND INDIAN LANDS IN GEORGIAN, SIBERIAN, AND INDIAN LANDS
PANEL IV PANEL IV RELATIONAL COEXISTANCE IN THE RELATIONAL COEXISTANCE IN THE BORDERLANDS OF EUROPE BORDERLANDS OF EUROPE 113 5 1 OVERVIEW OVERVIEW 6 22
C O N T E N T S C O N T E N T S T A B L E O F
PANEL VIII PANEL VIII ESCAPING HORIZONS: UNEXPECTED ESCAPING HORIZONS: UNEXPECTED SPACES IN NOVEL PLACES SPACES IN NOVEL PLACES 131 153 YALE EUROPEAN & EURASIAN STUDIES GRADUATE STUDENT CONFERENCE | 2024 2
PANEL V PANEL V (RE)INVENTED SPACES, ANXIETIES, (RE)INVENTED SPACES, ANXIETIES, AND MEMORY IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA AND MEMORY IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
PANEL VI PANEL VI EUROPEAN UNION: ENLARGEMENT, EUROPEAN UNION: ENLARGEMENT, MIGRATION, AND CRITICAL BELONGING MIGRATION, AND CRITICAL BELONGING
PANEL VII PANEL VII REIMAGINED EUROPEAN/EURASIAN REIMAGINED EUROPEAN/EURASIAN CANONS CANONS
Jean Monnet Professor of European Union Law, HEC Paris
“HowtoMakeEuropeaPeople’sProject?”
After70yearsofunprecedentedsocioeconomicintegration,theEUcontinuestoevolve throughprocessesthatlargelymarginalizecitizens’input.Itremainsvirtuallyimpossible foranEUcitizen–nottomentionitsresidents–toexpresstheirdesireforachangein the Union’s direction and hold its institutions accountable Yet the question of how wouldtheUnionlooklikeifithadputcitizensatitscentrenotmarginsremainsnotonly unansweredbutalsounimagined.
Asover400millionsvotersarecalledupontovoteinthenextEUparliamentelections in June, this public lecture offers a critical yet constructive analysis of the structural conditionspreventingtheEUfromdemocratizing,rangingfromtheabsenceofbotha sphere.Itfinallysuggests heEUaswellcitizensfrom nion.
Alberto Alemanno is the Jean Monnet Professor of European Union Law at HEC Paris and visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges. One of the leading voices on Europe’s democratization, Alberto’s research has been centered on how the law may be used to counter social, health, economic, and political disparities of access within society Alberto is also permanent visiting professor at the University of Tokyo School of Public Policy Due to his commitment to bridge the gap between academic research and policy action, Alberto has established The Good Lobby, a nonprofit whose mission is to equalize access to power, by enhancing the advocacy capacity of civil society. Due to his public interest work, he was recognized Young Global Leader by the World Economic Forum, Ashoka fellow, Social Innovation Thought Leader by the Schwab Foundation and one of the top 40 influencers in Europe by Politico
Alberto is a regular contributor to Le Monde, The Guardian, Politico Europe, Bloomberg, and Euronews His first trade book, ‘Lobbying for Change: Find Your Voice to Create a Better Society’, provides a conceptual and do-it-yourself guide enabling ordinary citizens to speak up and inform policy decisions at local, national and international level
Originally from Italy, Alberto is a graduate of Harvard Law School, the College of Europe and holds a PhD in International Law and Economics from Bocconi University. He lives in Bilbao with his three daughters.
Participants by Panels
PANEL I International Security: Opportunities and Challenges
PANEL I International Security: Opportunities and Challenges
Chair: Oliver Wolyniec
Oliver Wolyniec is a current M.A. student in the European and Russian Studies program at Yale. He grew up in Minnesota and earned his B.A. in nternational relations and Russian from Carleton College in 2019 In his unior year, Oliver spent the spring term at Moscow State University on a tudy abroad program After graduation, he spent several months studying Russian in Nizhny Novgorod through the Critical Language Scholarship CLS) program before joining the Peace Corps in Montenegro as an English anguage teacher. His time in the Balkans was cut short by the onset of the oronavirus pandemic in March 2020
Oliver began work at Eurasia Foundation (EF) in Washington, DC in ebruary 2021 and assisted with the organization’s U.S.-Russia Social Expertise Exchange (SEE) program, connecting civil society and media ctors through joint projects in both countries. He also helped oversee EF’s Young Professionals Network (YPN), which brings together yearly cohorts f early-career professionals and graduate students in the DC area focusing n Russia, East Europe, and/or Eurasia for monthly events with prominent xperts in the field and networking opportunities He spent the summer of 2023 in Almaty, Kazakhstan diving back into Russian language study. At Yale, Oliver is focusing on the role of civil society in conflict prevention and peacebuilding efforts in Russia, East Europe, and Eurasia. He is especially interested in the ongoing war in Ukraine, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and resurgent ethnic nationalism in the Balkans
Katherine Trauger
ne Trauger is an MA Candidate in International Relations at Johns s University’s School of Advanced International Studies in gton, D.C. She graduated with honors from the University of Oxford MSc in Russian and East European Studies and Rowan University al BAs in History and Political Science At Oxford, she was an Oxford Ganjavi Centre Scholar for Central Asian Studies and has ed extensive research and fieldwork in the region, later consulting Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs at the U.S. Department of She currently works on the Transnational Threats Project at the or Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C.
of Stability”: Foreign Aid, Gender Development, and State y”
PANEL I International Security: Opportunities and Challenges PANEL I International Security: Opportunities and Challenges
Janani Mohan
Janani Mohan is pursuing a PhD in Politics and International Studies at the University of Cambridge, researching European nuclear & clean energy frameworks. She is a policy analyst with a background in technology, development, and security policy for leading think tanks, government, and international organizations. She holds a Masters in International Policy from Stanford University and Bachelors in Political Science from the University of California, Berkeley Her experiences include collaborating with the United Nations Innovation Cell to monitor open-source information from the War in Ukraine, consulting with the United Nations Development Programme in South Africa to increase technology access for marginalized youth, supporting the U.S. Department of State on nuclear nonproliferation initiatives, and researching at Stanford University on human rights institutions in Southeast Asia Janani is also an avid researcher and author, publishing with organizations like the Stimson Center, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, and Smithsonian Institution She has represented her research at international conferences including at the International Atomic Energy Agency in Austria, Nehru Memorial Museum in India, and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in the U.S. Beyond her diverse policy interests, she co-founded a nonprofit that provided free career development and mental health mentorship virtually in over 35 countries during the COVID-19 pandemic In her personal time, she enjoys exploring the world around her, learning new languages, and spending time with her dog, Rishi To connect with her, visit www.linkedin.com/in/justjanani
“Divergent Security Doctrines of Former Nuclear Weapons States in the Post-Soviet Bloc”
Alexandra Tsarvulanova
Alexandra Tsarvulanova is a young Russian international security researcher. In 2020, she graduated from the joint undergraduate program conducted by the Higher School of Economics and the London School o Economics and Political Science with a specialization in Internationa Relations She worked in the human rights sector in Russia and has vas experience in research and managing political and academic rights violations, suffrage, and transparency, knowing the specifics of the Russian political environment. Since September 2023, Alexandra is pursuing her Master of Science degree in Strategic Studies at the University of Aberdeen Scotland. Her major academic and professional interests include Russian foreign and domestic politics, international security, non-recognized states and non-state actors Her bachelor’s thesis was dedicated to the problem o human rights violations in non-recognised states
“Broken Freezer: Why Conflicts in Post-Soviet Space Become Actual Again after Russia's Invasion of Ukraine”
Chair: Dasha Maliauskaya
Maliauskaya, originally from Navahrudak, Belarus, is currently a M A in European and Russian Studies at Yale Forging ahead a dedicated scholar and human rights advocate, her diverse c journey includes a B.A. in Political Science from Trinity College nd a study abroad at Oxford University (2020).
her studies at Yale, she completed a year-long fellowship with a sed NGO, overseeing efforts related to flagship reports on Europe asia She also contributed to advocacy and development initiatives ut several of her internships at various think tanks and NGOs. by an insatiable curiosity about the theoretical dimensions of rianism and social movements in Eurasia, Darya’s research has blication in various blogs and the Inquiries Journal At Yale, Dasha urther her theoretical understanding of domestic and international regional transitions, with a specific focus on Russia and Eastern
Emil Kamalov
mil Kamalov is a PhD candidate at the European University Institute in lorence, specializing in political behavior, repressions, violence, and Russian emigration. He cofounded and co-leads two survey projects: OutRush, a panel survey of war-induced Russian migrants who left Russia om 2022 onwards, and ViolenceMonitor (a series of surveys focusing on ntimate partner violence in Russia) Website: www emilkamalov com mail: emil.kamalov@eui.eu.
Can Migrant Organizations Evade the Long Arm of Autocrats? A Conjoint Experiment on Donation Preferences Among Russian Exiles”
Ivetta Sergeeva
Ivetta Sergeeva is a PhD candidate at the European University Institute in Florence She specializes in political behavior, civil society, and Russian emigration She is a cofounder and co-principal investigator of OutRush and ViolenceMonitor (a series of surveys on intimate partner violence in Russia). She also has eight years of experience supervising projects in civil society and human rights organizations in Russia. Website: www ivettasergeeva com Email: ivetta sergeeva@eui eu
PANEL II Authoritarianism in Action: Tools and Tactics
Tsimafei Malakhouski
His research explores the interplay between technology and repression in authoritarian regimes. He also works as a program manager at a Belarusian NGO in exile, focusing on leveraging technologies to promote civic engagement in Belarus.
“Digitalisation of Authoritarianism in Belarus: Blending Online Surveillance with Offline Repression”
Alejandro Martín Rodríguez
Alejandro Martín Rodríguez is a Belfer Young Leader Fellow and a Master in Public Policy (MPP) candidate at Harvard Kennedy School (HKS). Prior to coming to HKS, Alejandro worked on conflict analysis and mediation at the European External Action Service in Brussels and on environmental advocacy at the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi Most recently, he worked as a Kenneth I Juster Fellow at the Executive Office of Secretary-General António Guterres on issues related to the rule of law, climate justice, and human rights
“Kyrgyz Civic Resilience: Navigating Challenges During Japarov's Leadership and Russia's Invasion of Ukraine”
Vladyslav Wallace
Vladyslav Wallace is a Belfer Young Leader Student Fellow and a Master in Public Policy (MPP) candidate at the Harvard Kennedy School, where he currently serves as the Chair of the Ukraine Caucus. He is also a Thomas R. Pickering Graduate Fellow and will be appointed to the U.S. Foreign Service upon graduation His research interests include human rights, democracy, and LGBT issues particularly as they relate to Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia
PANEL III Soviet and Imperial Histories in Georgian, Siberian, and Indian Lands
Co-Chair: Nazerke Mukhlissova
Nazerke Mukhlissova is a graduating European and Russian studies M A student at Yale University, with a focus on the political history of the Soviet Union, Eastern European, and Central Asian states. Particularly, she is interested in memory politics, intellectual history, nation, and tradition building. Nazerke was born and raised in Kazakhstan, where she received a Bachelor’s degree at Nazarbayev University with a double major in History and Political Science Prior to coming to Yale, she was involved with many research projects focusing on the behavior and policymaking of Central Asian states, as well as regional integration Her undergraduate thesis, “The ‘Great Steppe’ Narrative: origins, politics, and Aspirations of Eternal Kazakhstan,” explored how Kazakhstan, as a newly independent country, created a state ideology instrumentalizing Eurasian Steppe with an attempt to distance and differentiate itself from the Soviet past Her Master’s thesis explores the construction of Early Soviet Republics in the period 1916-1936 Nazerke was accepted to Yale’s Ph D history program, starting in August of 2024.
Co-Chair: Maggie Lindrooth
Maggie is graduating from the M.A. program in European and Russian Studies, where she recently completed a master’s thesis entitled “‘Genghis Khan had this song in his playlist’: Constructing Mongolian Identity through Viral Musical Success ” This thesis explores how globally successful Mongolian metal band the HU perform their country’s history and culture constructing a version of Mongolian masculinity for their foreign audience that is both rooted in pre-socialist Mongolian traditions, and directly responding to post-socialist socioeconomic and geopolitical instability in Mongolia.
Before coming to Yale, Maggie earned her bachelor’s in Russian from Temple University in 2016, worked in nonprofit grant writing and communications for the better part of six years, and completed a Fulbright English Teaching Assistantship in Mongolia. During her graduate studies, her research has primarily focused on the post-socialist experience in Mongolia and Central Asia. She is particularly interested in national identity, decoloniality and Indigeneity in the former Soviet space, multinational panMongolism, and broader themes of memory, power, violence, and “the Other” in post-socialist, late liberal capitalism After completing her master’s degree, she hopes to pursue a PhD in sociocultural anthropology.
“The Cost of Progress: Soviet Modernization as Colonial Violence in The Chukchi Bible”
PANEL III Soviet and Imperial Histories in Georgian, Siberian, and Indian Lands
Jacob Link
Jacob Link is a current M A student in Yale University’s European Russian Studies program. Born and raised in Texas, Jacob received B.A. from Harvard University in 2019, concentrating in history with secondary concentration in Russian studies. During his time as undergraduate, he studied abroad at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi St University and served as a policy stagiaire for the ALDE political group the European Parliament
After graduation, Jacob joined Biden for President as a field organiz working primaries and caucuses across half a dozen states bef becoming a regional organizing director for the Texas Democratic Pa Most recently, he served as a director at Laurel Strategies, a strate communications firm based in Washington, D C , where he suppor external communications, media relations, and project management effo for clients across a number of private and civil society sectors At Y Jacob is interested in studying the formation and ideological manifestations of group identity in Eurasia and the Caucasus.
“Telegraphed Intentions: A Methodological Outline of Network Analysis Applications to Bolshevik Communication Networks in the South Caucasus, 1920-1921”
John Webley
John Webley is a joint PhD candidate in Slavic Languages and L and History of Art. His dissertation, “Ink, Paint, and Blood: India Great Game in Russian Culture”, is a transmedial examination of engagement with Britain and India during the 19th-century, which r the role of literature, material culture, and art in imagining the s “Great Game ” John holds a BA in Russian and Art History from Lawrence College and an MA from Columbia in Art History, where his thesis on the representation of jewelry in Franz Xaver Winte royal portraits. Prior to enrolling at Yale, John worked as a C Associate at the Dahesh Museum of Art, where he assisted in cat their permanent collection of Academic art. John was a 2019 recipie Kathryn Davis Fellowship for Peace at Middlebury College and in was awarded a Yale Graduate Impact Fellowship to assist the dep of European Paintings at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in review collection of Ukrainian and Russian art. More recently, he has rece Society of Historians of Eastern European, Eurasian and Russian Architecture’s Graduate Scholar Research Grant as well as funding MacMillan Center to support his dissertation research in London, Pa Delhi, and Helsinki
“Unnatural Borders: Russian Zoologists at the Edges of India”
GRADUATE STUDENT CONFERENCE | 2024
PANEL IV Relational Coexistance in the Borderlands of Europe
Chair: Vita Raskeviciute
Vita Raskeviciute is currently pursuing an MA in European and Russian Studies at Yale University Born and raised in Lithuania, her interests converge at the crossroads of democratization and the formation of national identity within the post-Soviet landscape. Vita obtained her B.A. in International Relations and Russian and East European Studies from the University of Pennsylvania
Her Senior Thesis, titled “Hybrid Warfare of Coercive Migration: Political Calculus of Turkey and Belarus,” was awarded the Norman D Palmer Prize for the Best Senior Thesis in International Relations. This research project delved into the conditions propelling illiberal regimes to utilize migration as a coercive tool, and how these regimes glean insights from each other’s hybrid warfare tactics
As a Wolf Humanities Undergraduate Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania, Vita also worked on a research project named “On the Brink of Independence: Public Opinion of What It Means to Be Lithuanian.” By drawing from a collection of more than a hundred letters addressed to the Lithuanian Reformation Movement in the late 1980s, this project reconstructed the prevailing national ethos that Lithuanians shared just before their country’s independence from the Soviet Union became a certainty
During the past summer, Vita completed a traineeship at the European Parliament. Her involvement with the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries examining their political and civil society trajectories along with their prospects of European integration has stoked her eagerness to delve deeper into the divergent outcomes of democratization within the region She is keen to uncover the factors contributing to these discrepancies at Yale. Furthermore, her interest lies in investigating how societies in the post-Soviet sphere forge a consensus on their countries’ political trajectories, as well as understanding how national myths, symbols, and collective memory can serve as multidirectional tools to either drive or reverse democratic backsliding
“Mnemonic Civil War between the Last Citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania”
PANEL IV Relational Coexistance in the Borderlands of Europe
Wiktor Babinski
Wiktor Babinski is a graduate student in History, specializing in global, a well as Russian and East European history. He is interested in th emergence of the post-Cold War international order in Europe and th themes of empire and imperialism within Europe and Eurasia.
In his doctoral dissertation, Wiktor will write about the transformation o Polish grand strategy towards Eastern Europe that happened in the wake o the revolutions of 1989, but whose roots reach into the early 20th century Tracing Polish thinkers and statesmen of the interwar and Cold War eras he seeks the origins of Polish anti-imperialist thinking that became th foundation of foreign policy thinking in the “Solidarity” movement, whic subsequently came to power in Warsaw in 1989. Thus, he hopes to explai how Poland after 1989 shifted away from centuries of imperialism an nationalism and helped create a stable international order in Central an Eastern Europe, integrated with NATO and the European Union
Wiktor graduated with First Class honors in International Relations from the London School of Economics. He used to work at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University as a Senior Researcher to Dr Niall Ferguson, assisting in research for the second volume of the biography of former US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger He was also an assistant and creative writer to the former President of Poland, leader of the “Solidarity” movement and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Lech Wałęsa.
Apart from his doctoral research, Wiktor is interested in global affairs and geopolitics, especially those of Europe and Eurasia; US foreign policy; Cold War history and politics He travelled extensively in Eastern Europe, Russia, Mongolia, and China, among others His writing on politics and global affairs appeared in POLITICO, Newsweek, The National Interest, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists and American Purpose, among others.
“The Odyssey of Francis Majewski: Exile, identity and national reconciliation through the eyes of a 20th century Pole”
PANEL IV Relational Coexistance in the Borderlands of Europe
Olga Petrova
Olga Petrova is a fourth-year PhD Candidate in Comparative History at Central European University (CEU). In her dissertation, she examines the development of Ukrainian and Jewish national ideas, their interaction prior to 1917, and the practical implementation of Ukrainian-Jewish rapprochement during the revolutionary period of 1917- 1920 Olga holds an undergraduate degree in English, Literature, and History from the Horlivka Institute for Foreign Languages (Ukraine) and an MA in Comparative History specializing in Jewish Studies from CEU. Her MA thesis focused on the Jewish Question in the Ukrainian press during the Directory’s period of the Ukrainian Revolution (1919-1920) Olga is interested in such topics as Ukrainian-Jewish relations, nationalism and revolution, territorial/nonterritorial autonomy, and the Zionist movement in Ukraine.
“The Meanings of the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920: Whose Revolution? Whose Autonomy?”
Vesta Svendsen
Belarus and raised between Brest, Belarus and New Orleans, a, Vesta Svendsen is currently completing her Master’s thesis at University in Holocaust and Genocide Studies and is continuing to doctorate at Brown University this fall. Tracing the urbicide of Brest the erasure of polyphonic populations in 1937-1943, her master’s s shaped by research conducted as a 2023 Summer Graduate Research Fellow at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum hington D C Vesta also conducts Russian-language Holocaust interviews for the USC Shoah Visual History Archive, often relying mproving Yiddish skills as well as heritage Polish, Belarusian, and Ukrainian. She obtained her undergraduate degree from Tulane University in Russian Studies.
“The Fortress: Urbicide and Mythology in Brest, Belarus”
GRADUATE STUDENT CONFERENCE | 2024
PANEL V (Re)Invented Spaces, Anxieties, and Memory in Putin’s Russia
Chair: Tanya Kotelnykova
Tanya Kotelnykova is currently pursuing an MA in Russian, East European, & Eurasian Studies at Yale University. She holds an M.A. in Human Rights from Columbia University and a B.A. in Law from Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv Tanya’s journey began when she was displaced from her home in Eastern Ukraine in 2014 due to the Donbas occupation In 2022, she was in Kyiv during the city’s encirclement by Russian forces and witnessed the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Tanya is the founder of Brave Generation, a non-profit organization based in NYC, dedicated to uniting and empowering young Ukrainians for post-war reconstruction She founded Brave Generation with just $10 in October 2022, shortly after arriving in NYC with a scholarship intended for displaced students. Today, Brave Generation has connected 153 young Ukrainians with Columbia University students. Out of the 44 young Ukrainians who applied to U.S. colleges in 2023, an impressive 37 have been awarded scholarships at institutions such as Columbia, Harvard, Bard College, LSE, and others These scholarships have provided them with the opportunity to pursue their education away from the war zone Additionally, the organization has provided essential psychological support to 103 youth affected by war, covered TOEFL exam expenses for 60 individuals, and offered English test preparation to 36 students, empowering more young people to apply to universities for the upcoming fall semester.
Additionally, Tanya serves as a project coordinator at the Boris Nemtsov Foundation for Freedom, where her role involves enhancing democracy promotion workshops, and the Nemtsov forum as well as overseeing the management of the scholarships related to Ukrainian students. Also, Tanya manages the “Ideas for Russia” project, exploring Russia in the era of nontransparency and isolation.
Oliver Banatvala is a third year PhD student at UCL SSEES, where he also completed an MRes in East European Studies His research is concerned with the everyday urban geopolitics of Russia’s war on Ukraine; in particular, his thesis examines the transformation that shopping malls have undergone since the full-scale invasion in order to understand the everyday urban experience of war.
“Wartime malleability: the shopping mall as public zphere since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine”
PANEL V (Re)Invented Spaces, Anxieties, and Memory in Putin’s Russia
Przemysław Dałek
PhD Researcher at the University of Warsaw, writing thesis on The Problem of ‘Common Neighborhood’ in Sino-Russian Relations in Central Asia. Visiting Scholar at the George Washington University, researching the sources of Russian foreign policy toward Central Asia Early Stage Researcher in the EU Horizon 2020 project Disputed Territories and Memory where he investigates conflicts in post-Soviet space Observer in OSCE ODIHR election observation missions in countries of Central Asia.
“Between Hegemony and Anxiety: Understanding the Complexities of Russian Foreign Policy toward Neighboring Countries”
Anna Linetskaya
Anna Linetskaya is a PhD student in the Comparative Literature and Literary Theory program at the University of Pennsylvania Her current research interest centers around Russophone cultural heritage and the role it plays in the construction of "Russianness" at the Far East frontier; contemporary memory practices involving early 20th-century Russian Futurists is her most recent fascination.
“Dreaming of David Burliuk: Regional Culture Production and Memory Practice in Putin’s Russia”
PANEL VI European Union: Enlargement, Migration, and Critical Belonging
Chair: Gesine Weber
Gesine is a PhD candidate at the Defence Studies Department at K College London Her research interests include the EU’s Common Sec and Defence Policy (CSDP), EU missions and military cooperation, Ger and French security and defence policy, as well as questions of global o in a broader sense, especially with regard to the EU’s role in internat security.
In her role as a Program Assistant at the Paris Office of the Ger Marshall Fund of the US, Gesine works on European security and defe and transatlantic relations She holds an MA in European Affairs distinction from SciencesPo Paris, an MA in Political Science from F Universität Berlin, and completed her undergraduate studies at University of Freiburg and Institut d’Etudes Politiques Aix-en-Provence. studies were supported by the German Friedrich-Ebert-Foundation and French-German University (DFH/UFA)
Prior to joining the DSD, Gesine was granted a fellowship for Chinese language studies at the Beijing Foreign Studies University and professional development in China by the German Academic Exchange Service. An advanced Mandarin speaker, she is highly interested in the EU’s relations with China and China in international security and global order
Florian Dirmayer
Florian, an MPP candidate and Fulbright student at Harvard Kennedy School, focuses on transforming global governance structures to advance just foreign policy for vulnerable communities Previously, he served as a Schuman Trainee at the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the European Parliament, shaping key initiatives including NDICI-Global Europe and the Ukraine Facility. At the International Organization for Migration's (IOM) MENA office in Cairo, he focused on skills mobility partnerships between North African, European, and Gulf countries. Prior to this, he interned at the Austrian embassy in Washington, DC Florian holds a bachelor’s degree in philosophy, politics, and economics from Stockholm University and Paris Lodron University of Salzburg.
“Can the Externalization of Migration Policy Work? Assessing Legal and Political Realities for a New EU-Türkiye Statement”
PANEL VI European Union:
Enlargement, Migration, and Critical Belonging
Murad Gafarov
My research examines the decision-making process surrounding EU enlargement with a specific focus on the accession of countries in the Mediterranean and Central and Eastern European regions. My work interrogates some of the common assumptions about EU's commitment to its priorities, and puts forward an original framework to better understand enlargement I got my Master's in Political Science from the University of Houston in 2019 Currently, I am a PhD candidate at the University of Florida My general interests include history of European integration, 20th century political thought, and the notion of political responsibility.
“European Union Enlargement and the Issue of Belonging”
Alina Nychyk
r Alina Nychyk is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the European Politics esearch Group at ETH Zurich Alina Nychyk gained her PhD in Politics at e University of Manchester in 2022. She has Bachelor Degree in ternational Economics from Kyiv National Economic University and aster Degree in International Economic Relations from Wroclaw University Economics Alina was an exchange student at Gazi University in Ankara, Goethe University in Frankfurt on Main, and at Maastricht University lina worked in international companies, NGOs and European institutions lina is also a social activist and now, she is a member of the Professional overnment of Ukraine and the Young Security Conference.
War and Enlargement: Why Ukraine Became an EU Candidate Country”
PANEL VII Reimagined European/Eurasian Canons Panel
Chair: Wenbin Gao
My current work focuses on the establishment of “Renaissance Studies” as a field in Italy and England. This work is mainly based on in-depth archival research and is moving in the direction of less-studied intersectional areas between literary history and fields such as economic history and diplomatic history.
“The Good Old Days? Foreign-language Teaching at the Scuola Normale and What It Implies about the History of Comparative Literature”
Pieter De Corte
Pieter De Corte is a Postdoctoral Researcher at Yale University After studying law and philosophy in Belgium, he received his PhD in philosophy from the University of Louvain and Sorbonne University in 2023. Entitled “Nietzsche, Europe and great politics”, his doctoral thesis is devoted to the philosophy of culture and political thought of Friedrich Nietzsche, and examines his vision for the future of Europe. He is the co-editor of Nietzsche et l’Europe (Louvain University Press, 2023) and is working to turn his PhD dissertation into a monograph During his postdoctoral stay at Yale University, he will be working on his research in political philosophy, legal theory and the history of ideas.
“Nietzsche’s Russian Enigma: Barbarism, Empire and the Promise of the Third Rome”
Hannah Morand
Hannah Morand is a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Yale. For her MA thesis at the Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, University of Toronto, she studied the symbolic, social and temporal overlap between the eighteen-century style of architecture referred to as Revolutionary Architecture and the French Revolution Particular attention was given to Claude Nicolas Ledoux’s pre-Revolutionary vision for an ideal industrial city in Franche Comté. This interest has led to her current focus on the Royal patronage given to manufactures and commercial companies in the late Ancien régime. Her research has been supported by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.
“Louis XIV in the Eighteenth-Century Court of Public Opinion”
PANEL VII Reimagined European/Eurasian Canons Panel
Dan Nguyen
Dan Nguyen is a PhD Candidate in the Department of East Asian Languages & Culture at Columbia University. His dissertation project is ocused on the intellectual history of dynastic transition and politico-cultural egitimation in the early Nguyen dynasty.
“Confucianized Cartesianism in Colonial Vietnam”
PANEL VIII Escaping Horizons: Unexpected Spaces in Novel Places
Chair: Anna Tropnikova
Anna (Ania) is a doctoral student in Slavic Languages and Literatures and Film and Media Studies at Yale University She holds two Bachelors of Arts from The University of Chicago Working in the negative spaces of media’s national narratives, Ania strives to expose issues of historical omission and ideological neglect in areas claimed by national conflicts of interest. At Yale, she’s endeavored to expand the spatial scope of Slavic studies, seeking to challenge Russia’s own Eurocentricism by interrogating the discourse around the contours of its national body Her current publications include an upcoming work on imperial Russian animation’s posthumanist potentials and another in an edited volume on contemporary Russophone documentary, the latter centering on bodily and female resistance to regime in Ukraine and Russia. Her artistic practice and commissions don’t ever let her stray too far from an allegiance to formal analysis – most recently, her animation was featured in Counterclock, a literary arts journal.
“Transience in Screen Space: Body as Corridor in Valeska Grisebach’s WESTERN”
Asher Maria
Asher Maria (he/they) is a first-year Ph.D. student in Comparative Literature & Literary Theory and 2023-2024 Vartan Gregorian Humanities Graduate Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania As a comparativist, Asher is primarily interested in decolonial research at the intersection of Baltic, Lusophone, and Slavic studies. His planned dissertation looks at the how the literature of Lithuanian, Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian migrants in Brazil reflects these communities’ role in the development of Brazilian national identity ”
“NOVA LITUANIA and the Possibility of Ironic Colonialism”
PANEL VIII Escaping Horizons: Unexpected Spaces in Novel Places
Xianda Huang
Xianda Huang is a second-year master's student in the Council of East Asian Studies at Yale University. He earned a B.A. in Economics and a minor in Chinese Literature in 2022 from Vanderbilt University. His research focuses on political and cultural history in modern China and East Asia, with a focus on the history of music in twentieth century China and its intersections with state politics His M A thesis titled “When Will You Come Back?: A History of Cultural Opening in China through the Music of Teresa Teng, 1978-1995 ” Currently, Xianda is working on a research project that examines the transformative role of Sino-Soviet Music Exchanges in the 1950s. In 2023-2024, he is a graduate fellow in the Yale European Studies Council and the student representative of the East Asian Studies program at Yale.
“Shall we Listen to the Big Brother?: Exploring the Chinese Encounter with Soviet Music in the 1950s and 1960s”
Marjana Krajač
Marjana Krajač (Zagreb, Croatia) is a dance studies scholar, choreographer, choreographic researcher, and a Ph D candidate in Dance Studies at The Ohio State University Her research focuses on the intersection of modernism, postmodernism, and contemporaneity in dance, with an emphasis on site, space, environment, text, media, and process. Her research examines the concept of dance and its experiment in relation to spatial histories, built environments, and the discourse of space. She has received several awards for her choreographic work that examines symptoms, consequences, and temporalities of form She has published in the International Journal of Performance Arts and Digital Media, Body, Space & Technology Journal, Performing Arts Journal Frakcija, Journal for Dance Inquiry Movements, and Movement Research Performance Journal, among others. Her areas of expertise encompass dance history and dance theory, experimental performance in Central and Eastern Europe, architecture and urbanism, continental philosophy, critical theory, and film and media studies
“Unfolding Spaces: Avant-Garde Horizons, Experimental Choreography, and Politics of Space in Milana Broš and Dubravko Detoni’s ‘La voix du silence’ at the 1973 Music Biennale Zagreb”
YALE EUROPEAN & EURASIAN STUDIES GRADUATE STUDENT CONFERENCE |
Papers by Panels
PANEL I: International Security: Opportunities and Challenges PANEL I: International Security: Opportunities and Challenges
Chair: Chair: Oliver Wolyniec Oliver Wolyniec (Yale University) (Yale University)
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Dr. Olena Lennon, Dr. Olena Lennon, Practitioner In Residence of National Security, University Practitioner In Residence of National Security, University of New Haven of New Haven
Janani Mohan Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) (University of Cambridge)
Katherine Anna Trauger Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) (Johns Hopkins University)
Alexandra Tsarvulanova Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen (Scotland) (University of Aberdeen (Scotland)
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES FORMER WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
On 24 February 2022 the day that Russia invaded Ukraine President Vladimir Putin stated that Russia
On 24 February 2022 the day that Russia invaded Ukraine President Vladimir Putin stated that Russia was “one of the most powerful nuclear states” and that any direct attacks or hindrance of Russian efforts was “one of the powerful nuclear states” and that any direct attacks or hindrance of Russian efforts would lead to a response “never seen” before (1) would lead a “never seen” before (1). This rhetoric laid the foundation for subsequent nuclear This rhetoric laid the foundation for subsequent nuclear escalation, notably including threats to utilize tactical nuclear weapons over Western intervention in notably including threats to utilize tactical nuclear weapons over Western intervention in Ukraine and the stationing of Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus (2). and the stationing of Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus (2) Such posturing positioned both Such posturing positioned both Ukraine and Belarus at the center of conversations on nuclear proliferation. However, this was not the first Ukraine and Belarus at the center of conversations on nuclear proliferation. However, this was not the first time that these post-Soviet countries had played a role in strategic stability. time that these post-Soviet countries had played a role in strategic stability.
With the collapse of the USSR in 1991, four newly-formed countries received nuclear weapons stationed
With the collapse of the USSR in 1991, four newly-formed countries received nuclear weapons stationed within their territories: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan (3). their Russia, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan (3). While Russia adopted the former While Russia the former USSR’s status within the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) as a Nuclear-Weapon State (NWS), the status within the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) as a Nuclear-Weapon State (NWS), the other three states signed the Lisbon Protocol in 1992, agreeing to join the NPT as Non-Nuclear-Weapon other three states signed the Lisbon Protocol in 1992, agreeing to join the NPT as Non-Nuclear-Weapon States (NNWS) (4). This initiated a denuclearization process that lasted until 1996 and involved the States (NNWS) (4). This initiated a denuclearization process that lasted until 1996 and involved the transfer of more than 6,000 strategic and tactical nuclear weapons to Russia transfer of more than 6,000 strategic and tactical nuclear weapons to Russia. In exchange for In exchange for denuclearization, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan joined the START I Treaty, where the United States denuclearization, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan joined the START I Treaty, where the United States and Russia agreed to limits on their nuclear arsenals (5). Russia agreed to limits on their nuclear arsenals (5). The three states also received security guarantees The three states also received guarantees via separate but similar agreements under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, where Russia, the United via separate but similar agreements under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, where Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States agreed to respect their territorial and political sovereignty (6). Kingdom, and the United States agreed to respect their territorial and political sovereignty (6)
1 Anna Clara Arndt and Liviu Horovitz “Nuclear rhetoric and escalation management in Russia’s war against Ukraine: A Chronology.” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
1 Clara Arndt and Liviu Horovitz “Nuclear rhetoric and management in war against Ukraine: Chronology.” Politik September 2022 https://www swp-berlin org/publications/products/arbeitspapiere/Arndt-Horovitz Working-Paper Nuclear rhetoric and escalation management in Ru September 2022 https://www swp-berlin Working-Paper and Ru ssia s war against Ukraine pdf s against Ukraine pdf
2 2 Ibid Ibid
3 3 Andrei Zagorski “Post-Soviet Nuclear Proliferation Risks.” Andrei Zagorski “Post-Soviet Nuclear Proliferation Risks.” Security Dialogue 23, Security 23, no 3 (1992): 27–39 https://www jstor org/stable/44471404. 4 “Protocol to the Treaty Between no 3 (1992): 27–39 https://www jstor 4 “Protocol to the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms.” U.S. Department of State. May 1992 United States America and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction and of U.S. of State. 1992 https://2009-2017 state gov/documents/organization/27389.pdf
4 4 Kingston Reif “The Lisbon Protocol At a Glance ” Arms Control Association. December 2020. https://www.armscontrol.org/node/3289 Reif “The Lisbon Protocol At a Glance Control December 2020. https://www.armscontrol.org/node/3289
5 5 “Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms.” As published by “Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms.” As published by Nuclear Threat Initiative July 1991 https://media nti org/documents/start 1 treaty.pdf Nuclear Threat Initiative July 1991 nti org/documents/start treaty.pdf
6 6 “Memorandum on security assurances in connection with Ukraine’s accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.” United Nations Treaties. December security to the on Non-Proliferation Treaties. 1999 https://treaties un org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%203007/Part/volume-3007-I-52241.pdf
1999 un org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%203007/Part/volume-3007-I-52241.pdf
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
However, since the 1990s, the internalization of the various security agreements as well as the practical
However, since the 1990s, the internalization of various security agreements as as the practical impact on modern-day nuclear doctrines in Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan have significantly varied. impact on modern-day nuclear doctrines in Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan have varied. While Ukraine’s current nuclear doctrine focuses on its need for nuclear guarantees, Belarus’s involves While Ukraine’s current nuclear doctrine focuses on its need for nuclear guarantees, Belarus’s involves nuclear deterrence posturing and Kazakhstan’s advocating for nonproliferation. The differences suggest nuclear deterrence posturing and Kazakhstan’s advocating for nonproliferation. The differences suggest that post-Soviet nuclear legacies are constantly evolving, influencing their potential impact on broader that post-Soviet nuclear legacies are constantly evolving, influencing their potential impact on broader geopolitical issues This paper thus argues that the nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan geopolitical issues. This paper thus argues that the nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan have a varying, yet moderate impact on strategic stability due to their derivation from evolving nuclear a varying, impact on strategic stability due derivation from evolving nuclear legacies. The paper offers a discussion on the country-specific nuclear doctrines, before analyzing their legacies The paper offers a discussion on the country-specific nuclear doctrines, before analyzing their impact on stability. impact on stability
Current Nuclear Doctrines in Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan
Current Nuclear Doctrines in Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan
Ukraine’s Quest for Nuclear Guarantees
Ukraine’s Quest for Nuclear Guarantees
To begin with, Ukraine’s nuclear doctrine is categorized by three eras: security guarantees, uncertainty,
To begin with, Ukraine’s nuclear doctrine is categorized by three eras: security guarantees, uncertainty, and most recently its interest in nuclear guarantees. Following its independence in 1991, Ukraine and most recently its interest in nuclear guarantees Following its independence in 1991, Ukraine focused on the security guarantees from its denuclearization process. Specifically, Russia had agreed in focused on the security guarantees from its denuclearization process. Specifically, Russia had agreed in the Budapest Memorandum to not attack Ukraine unless acting “in self-defense” or in accordance with the the Budapest Memorandum to not attack Ukraine unless acting “in self-defense” or in accordance with the United Nations Charter (7) Ukraine thus had a minimal nuclear security mindset, primarily demarcated by United Nations Charter (7). Ukraine thus had a minimal nuclear mindset, primarily demarcated by concerns over gradually increasing Russian aggression. This shifted in 2014 with the Russian annexation concerns over gradually increasing Russian in 2014 with the Russian annexation of Crimea, which raised new worries over the strength of the memorandum’s security guarantees. While of Crimea, which raised new worries over the strength of the memorandum’s security guarantees While Russia directly violated the memorandum, the United States reneged on its unofficial promises to Ukraine Russia directly violated the memorandum, the United States reneged on its unofficial promises to Ukraine that it would respond in the event of Russian aggression (8). that it would respond in the event of Russian aggression (8). The 2014 annexation therefore began a The 2014 annexation therefore began a second era characterized by nuclear uncertainty, where the extent of nuclear security and territorial second characterized by nuclear uncertainty, where the extent of nuclear security and territorial integrity risks were unknown Some of this uncertainty ended with the start of the War in Ukraine in 2022. integrity risks were unknown. Some of this uncertainty ended with the start of the War in Ukraine in 2022.
As Russian actions directly fueled nuclear escalation and engaged in unconstrained territorial violations, As Russian actions directly fueled nuclear escalation and engaged in unconstrained violations, the Budapest Memorandum de-facto ended, arguably leading to Ukraine’s third era (9). the Budapest Memorandum de-facto ended, arguably leading to Ukraine’s third era (9)
Ukraine’s doctrine today appears to rely on nuclear umbrella guarantees to respond to Russia’s Ukraine’s doctrine today appears to rely on nuclear umbrella guarantees to respond to Russia’s increasingly forward-positioned nuclear strategy. The War in Ukraine exacerbated Russian concerns over increasingly forward-positioned nuclear strategy. The War Ukraine exacerbated Russian concerns over the ability of its conventional forces to win a war, increasing its strategic reliance on nuclear weapons as a the ability of its conventional forces to win war, increasing its strategic reliance on nuclear weapons as a deterrent (10). In response, Ukraine’s emerging nuclear doctrine is thus framed in two contexts: first, the deterrent (10). In response, Ukraine’s emerging nuclear doctrine is thus framed in two contexts: first, the importance of formalized nuclear guarantees to prevent Russian aggression and second, consideration of importance of formalized nuclear guarantees to prevent Russian aggression and second, consideration of
7 Ibid 7 Ibid
8 8 Steven Pifer “Why care about Ukraine and the Budapest Memorandum.” Brookings Institution December 2019 https://www.brookings.edu/articles/why-care-about-ukraine-and- Steven Pifer “Why care about Ukraine and the Budapest Memorandum.” Brookings Institution December 2019 https://www.brookings.edu/articles/why-care-about-ukraine-andtthe-budapest-memorandum/ he-budapest-memorandum/
9 9
Denys Karlovskyi “Post-war Ukraine: Budapest Memorandum 2.0 will not do.” European Leadership Network December 2023 Denys “Post-war Memorandum do.” Network https://www europeanleadershipnetwork org/commentary/post-war-ukraine-budapest-memorandum-2-0-will-not-do/ https://www europeanleadershipnetwork org/commentary/post-war-ukraine-budapest-memorandum-2-0-will-not-do/
10 Mark Trevelyan “Ukraine war drives shift in Russian nuclear thinking - study.” Reuters January 2024 https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/ukraine-war-drives-shift-russian- 10 Mark Trevelyan “Ukraine war drives shift in Russian nuclear thinking study.” Reuters January 2024 https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/ukraine-war-drives-shift-russiannuclear-thinking-study-2024-01-22/
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
whether Ukraine made a mistake in denuclearization. This first context understands the failure points of Ukraine made a mistake in denuclearization. This first context understands the failure of the Budapest Memorandum and establishes Ukraine’s current interest in joining NATO, which has a the Budapest Memorandum and establishes Ukraine’s current interest in joining NATO, which has a formal nuclear deterrence policy for its member states (11). formal nuclear deterrence policy for its member states (11) The second context acknowledges Ukraine’s The second context acknowledges Ukraine’s critical need for a nuclear guarantee which, if an external body like NATO cannot provide, might lead to critical need for a nuclear guarantee which, if an external body like NATO cannot provide, might lead to domestic proliferation (12) Ukraine’s current consideration of re-nuclearization is thus typically framed domestic proliferation (12). Ukraine’s current consideration of re-nuclearization is thus typically framed to pressure NATO and the United States to provide nuclear guarantees (13) pressure NATO and the United States to provide nuclear (13).
Belarus’s Deterrence Posturing
Belarus’s Nuclear Deterrence Posturing
By contrast, Belarus’s nuclear doctrine involves increasingly proactive nuclear posturing. Following its By contrast, Belarus’s nuclear doctrine involves increasingly proactive nuclear posturing. Following its independence, Russia and Belarus launched an integration process that led to the 1999 establishment of a independence, Russia and Belarus launched an integration process that led to the 1999 establishment of a Union State between the two countries as a “single economic space,” with “coordinated foreign and Union State between the a “single space,” with “coordinated foreign and defense policy.” (14) This suggested that Belarus had an unofficial nuclear guarantee from Russia, while defense policy.” (14) This suggested that had an unofficial nuclear guarantee from Russia, while maintaining its own status as a NNWS (15). maintaining its own status as a NNWS (15) However, the “union state” concept was only loosely applied However, the union state” concept was only loosely applied and Belarus notably maintained a neutral position during the 2014 annexation of Crimea (16). This and Belarus notably maintained a neutral position during the 2014 annexation of Crimea (16) This independence ended in 2020 when Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko accepted monetary aid independence ended in 2020 when Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko accepted monetary aid from Russia to squash mass protests against his regime (17) (18) In exchange, Belarus began to more from Russia to squash mass protests against his regime (17) (18). In exchange, Belarus began more actively align itself with Russia, increasing its economic dependence and overall support Closer relations actively align itself with Russia, increasing its economic dependence and overall support. Closer relations situated Belarus to aid Russia during the War in Ukraine, suggesting once again that the Russian nuclear Belarus Russia during the War in once again that Russian nuclear umbrella might extend to it (19). This was confirmed in March 2023 when Russia announced that it would umbrella might extend to it (19) This was confirmed in March 2023 when Russia announced that it would station tactical nuclear weapons in the country (20). station tactical nuclear weapons in the country (20)
Since then, Belarus has adopted a nuclear doctrine based on its own interests in deploying these weapons, Since then, Belarus has adopted a nuclear doctrine based on its own interests deploying these weapons, although Russia alleges that it maintains control(21). In 2023, Belarus created an updated National although Russia alleges that maintains control(21). In 2023, Belarus created an updated National
11 Andrew Kramer and Dan Bilefsky “Ukraine submits an application to join NATO with big hurdles ahead.” New York Times September 2022
11 Andrew Kramer and Dan Bilefsky “Ukraine submits an to join NATO with big hurdles ahead.” New York Times 2022 https://www nytimes com/2022/09/30/world/europe/ukraine-nato-zelensky.html; “NATO Nuclear Deterrence.” NATO February 2020 nytimes “NATO Nuclear NATO February https://www nato int/nato static fl2014/assets/pdf/2020/2/pdf/200224-factsheet-nuclear-en.pdf int/nato static
12 Josh Rogin “Ukrainians want to know if NATO still wants them ” The Washington Post February 2024
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/02/23/ukraine-munich- Josh Rogin “Ukrainians want to know if still wants them The Washington Post February 2024 https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/02/23/ukraine-munichnato-membership/; “Ukraine may seek nuclear weapons if left out of NATO: Diplomat.” Al Jazeera April 2021 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/16/ukraine-may-seek- nato-membership/; “Ukraine may seek nuclear weapons if left out of NATO: Diplomat.” Al Jazeera April 2021 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/16/ukraine-may-seeknuclear-weapons-if-left-out-of-nato-diplomat
13 Ibid 13
14 “Treaty on the Establishment of the Union State ” United Nations Treaties December 1999
14 “Treaty on Establishment Union 1999
https://treaties un org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%202121/v2121.pdf https://treaties un org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%202121/v2121.pdf
15 “Russia Extends Nuclear Umbrella to Belarus ” Arms Control Association. March 2000. https://www armscontrol.org/node/2900
15 “Russia Extends Nuclear Umbrella to Belarus ” Arms Control Association. March 2000. https://www armscontrol.org/node/2900
16 Andrey Suzdaltsev "The crisis of the Union State of Belarus and Russia."
16 Suzdaltsev "The crisis of Union State of Mirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia 64 Mirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia 64, no 3 (2020): 56-67 , 3 (2020): 56-67 https://ras jes su/meimo/s013122270009009-0-1-en; Jonathan Masters “The Belarus-Russia Alliance: An Axis of Autocracy in Eastern Europe.” Council on Foreign Relations jes su/meimo/s013122270009009-0-1-en; Jonathan Masters Axis of Autocracy in Eastern Europe.” Council Foreign Relations September 2023 https://www cfr org/backgrounder/belarus-russia-alliance-axis-autocracy-eastern-europe September 2023 https://www cfr
17 Alla Leukavets "Russia’s game in Belarus: 2020 presidential elections as a checkmate for Lukashenka?." New Perspectives 29, no. 1 (2021):
17 Alla Leukavets "Russia’s game in Belarus: 2020 presidential elections as a checkmate for Lukashenka?." Perspectives 29, no. 1 (2021):
19 Jonathan Masters “The Belarus-Russia Alliance: An Axis of Autocracy in Eastern Europe.” Council on Foreign Relations September 2023
19 Jonathan “The Alliance: Axis of Autocracy in Eastern Council on Foreign September https://www cfr org/backgrounder/belarus-russia-alliance-axis-autocracy-eastern-europe
20 Hans Kristensen and Matt Korda “Russian Nuclear Weapons Deployment Plans in Belarus: Is There Visual Confirmation?” Federation of American Scientists June 2023 Hans Kristensen and Korda “Russian Nuclear Deployment Plans Belarus: Is There Visual Confirmation?” Federation of American June https://fas org/publication/russian-nuclear-weapons-deployment-plans-in-belarus-is-there-visual-confirmation/ https://fas org/publication/russian-nuclear-weapons-deployment-plans-in-belarus-is-there-visual-confirmation/
21 Lidia Kelly and Andrew Osborn “Belarus starts taking delivery of Russian nuclear weapons.” Reuters June 2023 https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/belarus-has-started- Lidia Kelly and Andrew Osborn “Belarus starts delivery of Russian nuclear Reuters June 2023 https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/belarus-has-startedttaking-delivery-russian-tactical-nuclear-weapons-president-2023-06-14/ aking-delivery-russian-tactical-nuclear-weapons-president-2023-06-14/
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
Security Concept and military doctrine. The former document mentions nuclear weapons in the context of Security Concept and doctrine. The former document nuclear weapons in context of concern over the growing interest of other countries in Europe in proliferation (22). The latter document, concern over the growing interest of other countries in Europe in proliferation (22) The latter document, which is yet to be released, discusses nuclear weapons for the first time in Belarus’s military doctrine and which is yet to be released, discusses nuclear weapons for the first time in Belarus’s military doctrine and is presumed to reference “preventive deterrence for potential adversaries from unleashing armed is presumed to reference “preventive deterrence for potential adversaries from unleashing armed aggression against the Republic of Belarus.” Interestingly, Belarus’s current nuclear doctrine, although aggression against the Republic of Belarus.” Interestingly, Belarus’s current nuclear doctrine, although still relying on Russian weapons, therefore attempts to distinguish its own authority over the weapons in still relying on Russian weapons, therefore attempts distinguish its own authority over the weapons in its territory. This proactiveness postures Belarus closer to a NWS, which contributes to international its territory. proactiveness postures Belarus closer a NWS, which contributes to international debate over whether stationing weapons in Belarus breaches its commitments under the NPT (23). debate over whether stationing weapons in Belarus breaches its commitments under the NPT (23)
Kazakhstan’s nuclear doctrine is the only one that remains entirely focused on nonproliferation, perhaps Kazakhstan’s nuclear doctrine the only one that remains entirely focused on nonproliferation, perhaps assisted by its position in the Central Asia Nuclear-Free Zone (24). by its position in Central Asia Nuclear-Free Zone (24). Since independence, Kazakhstan’s Since independence, Kazakhstan’s nuclear doctrine has primarily involved the aftermath of nuclear testing, as it served as one of the Soviet nuclear doctrine has primarily involved the aftermath of nuclear testing, as it served as one of the Soviet Union’s major test sites (25). Union’s major test sites (25) Not only did the United States assist Kazakhstan with removing enriched Not only did the United States assist Kazakhstan with removing enriched materials and sealing test sites in the decades following independence, but Kazakhstan also initiated a materials and sealing test sites in the decades following independence, but Kazakhstan also initiated a United Nations General Assembly resolution in 2010 to call for an International Day Against Nuclear United General Assembly resolution in 2010 to call for an International Day Against Nuclear Tests (26) Tests (26). This focus on testing has entrenched Kazakhstan’s nuclear doctrine in nonproliferation. As This focus on has entrenched Kazakhstan’s nuclear doctrine in nonproliferation. As opposed to Ukraine and Belarus, Kazakhstan is thus neither considering nuclear proliferation nor currently to Ukraine and Belarus, Kazakhstan is thus neither considering nuclear nor currently concerned about its nuclear umbrella. concerned about its nuclear umbrella
Impact of Nuclear Doctrines on Strategic Stability
Impact of Nuclear Doctrines on Strategic Stability
The nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan provide useful implications for the impact of
The nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan provide useful implications for the of such doctrines on strategic stability. The variations in these doctrines are explained by their basis in such doctrines on strategic stability. The variations in these doctrines are explained by basis in evolving nuclear legacies. “Nuclear legacy” is often discussed in academic literature in the context of evolving nuclear legacies “Nuclear legacy” is often discussed in academic literature in the context of Post-Soviet countries, referring to the modern-day security policies that result from Soviet-era nuclear Post-Soviet countries, referring to the modern-day security policies that result from Soviet-era nuclear policy (27). This paper applies a broader definition: the impact of developing, posturing, stationing, policy (27). This paper applies a broader definition: the impact of developing, posturing, stationing, testing, or deploying nuclear weapons within or by a state on its current security policies. Based on this testing, or deploying nuclear weapons within or by a on its current security policies. Based on this
22 Mariya Knight and Chris Lau “Belarus adopts new military doctrine involving nuclear weapons.” CNN January 2024 https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/19/europe/belarus-adopts-
22 Mariya Knight and Chris Lau “Belarus new military involving nuclear weapons.” CNN January 2024 https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/19/europe/belarus-adoptsdoctrine-involving-nuclear-weapons-intl-hnk/index html html
23 “Deployment of Nuclear Weapons to Belarus Debated in First Committee, as Delegates Rethink Global Security.” United Nations Treaties October 2023 “Deployment of Nuclear Weapons to Committee, as Rethink Global Security.” United Nations Treaties https://press un org/en/2023/gadis3712 doc htm https://press un org/en/2023/gadis3712 doc htm
24 Maximilian Hess “Russia is Down, But Not Out, in Central Asia.” Foreign Policy Research Institute. February 2023
24 Maximilian Hess “Russia is Down, But Not Out, in Central Asia.” Foreign Policy Research Institute. February 2023 https://www fpri org/article/2023/02/russia-is-down-but-not-out-in-central-asia/; “Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty.” United Nations Platform for Nuclear-Weapon- fpri org/article/2023/02/russia-is-down-but-not-out-in-central-asia/; “Central Zone Nations Platform for Nuclear-WeaponFree Zones https://www un org/nwfz/content/treaty-nuclear-weapon-free-zone-central-asia https://www un
27 Niall Michelsen "The Nuclear Legacy of the Soviet Union."
27 Niall Michelsen "The Nuclear Legacy of the Soviet Union." Southeastern Political Review 23 Southeastern Political Review 23, no 4 (1995): 581-597 https://onlinelibrary wiley com/doi/10.1111/j.1747- , no 581-597 wiley com/doi/10.1111/j.17471346 1995 tb00077 x 1346 1995 x
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge) definition, the nuclear legacies of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan initially derived from nuclear the legacies of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan initially derived from nuclear weapons at independence, followed by voluntary relinquishment of these weapons in trade for security weapons at independence, followed by voluntary relinquishment of these weapons in trade for security guarantees. However, from this common starting point, the legacies then diverged with Ukraine guarantees However, from this common starting point, the legacies then diverged with Ukraine experiencing nuclear threats, Belarus receiving a nuclear umbrella and stationed weapons, and Kazakhstan experiencing nuclear threats, Belarus receiving a nuclear umbrella and stationed weapons, and Kazakhstan facing the aftermath of testing This suggests that nuclear legacies are not definable from a stationary facing the aftermath of testing. This suggests that nuclear legacies definable from a stationary point in time, but are rather evolving concepts that change based on geopolitical factors in but are rather evolving concepts that change based on geopolitical factors.
Understanding nuclear legacies as evolving underscores the divergent impact of these three countries’ Understanding nuclear legacies as evolving underscores the divergent impact of these three countries’ nuclear doctrines on global strategic stability, or on maintaining limited incentives for deploying nuclear nuclear doctrines on global strategic stability, or on maintaining limited incentives for deploying nuclear weapons (28). Such stability is especially vulnerable to dependencies on nuclear weapons in security weapons (28). Such stability is especially vulnerable to dependencies on nuclear weapons in security strategy Specifically, current doctrines that increase the need for nuclear guarantees or that proliferate strategy. Specifically, current doctrines that increase the need for nuclear guarantees or that proliferate nuclear weapons expand the reliance of security strategy on such weapons, and this in turn encourages nuclear weapons expand the reliance of security strategy on such weapons, and this in turn encourages further proliferation (29). Unpredictability also reduces the likelihood of disarmament, as countries cannot proliferation (29). Unpredictability also likelihood of disarmament, as countries cannot predict associated long-term risks or their potential future need for nuclear weapons (30). As nuclear predict associated long-term risks or their potential future need for nuclear weapons (30) As nuclear doctrines diverge further, these vulnerabilities in strategic stability may increase, because maintaining doctrines diverge further, these vulnerabilities in strategic stability may increase, because maintaining stability is difficult in a progressively unpredictable and variable environment. stability is difficult in a progressively unpredictable and variable environment.
With regards to Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, their divergent nuclear doctrines thus unevenly affect With regards Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, their divergent nuclear doctrines thus unevenly affect global strategic stability. Responses in the first two countries demonstrate the escalatory effect of their strategic Responses in the first two countries demonstrate escalatory effect of their nuclear doctrines. As Ukraine’s doctrine shifted from uncertainty to a keen interest in nuclear guarantees nuclear doctrines As Ukraine’s doctrine shifted from uncertainty to a keen interest in nuclear guarantees due to Russia’s attacks, this validated the importance of nuclear umbrellas to NNWS security (31). due to Russia’s attacks, this validated the importance of nuclear umbrellas to NNWS security (31) Meanwhile, Belarus’s nuclear posturing directly raised concerns of proliferation by blurring the lines Meanwhile, Belarus’s nuclear posturing directly raised concerns of proliferation by blurring the lines between NNWS with stationed nuclear weapons and NWS, and opened a pathway for other NNWS to between NNWS with stationed nuclear weapons and NWS, and opened a pathway for other NNWS to similarly make use of nuclear weapons (32) By contrast to these countries, Kazakhstan’s doctrine similarly make use of nuclear weapons (32). By contrast these countries, Kazakhstan’s doctrine arguably has a positive, albeit limited impact on stability based on its interest in nonproliferation (33). arguably a positive, albeit limited impact on based on its interest in nonproliferation (33). This contrast demonstrates how variations in nuclear legacies create divergent nuclear doctrines with This contrast demonstrates how variations in nuclear legacies create nuclear doctrines with unique impacts on strategic stability. unique impacts on strategic stability
28 Dmitri Trenin “Strategic Stability in the Changing World.” Carnegie Moscow Center March 2019 https://justice4allandall4justice.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/3-
15 Trenin StrategicStability pdf
28 Dmitri “Strategic Stability the Changing World.” Carnegie Moscow Center March 2019 https://justice4allandall4justice.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/315 Trenin StrategicStability pdf
29 See, for e g : George Schultz et al “Toward a World Without Nuclear Weapons.” Nuclear Threat Initiative. 2007-2011. https://media.nti.org/pdfs/NSP op-eds final .pdf
29 See, for e George Schultz et al “Toward Without Nuclear Weapons.” Initiative. 2007-2011. op-eds .pdf
30 See, for e g : Robert Einhorn “Will Russia’s War on Ukraine Spur Nuclear Proliferation.” Arms Control Association October 2022 https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2022- See, for e Robert “Will Russia’s War on Spur Nuclear Arms Control October https://www.armscontrol.org/act/202210/features/russias-war-ukraine-spur-nuclear-proliferation 32 Dmitri Trenin “Strategic Stability in the Changing World.” Carnegie Moscow Center March 2019 32 Dmitri Trenin “Strategic in Changing World.” Carnegie Moscow Center March https://justice4allandall4justice com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/3-15 Trenin StrategicStability.pdf https://justice4allandall4justice com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/3-15 Trenin StrategicStability.pdf
31 31 Multiple NNWS became increasingly interested in nuclear umbrellas following Russia’s invasion Ukraine’s own interest in nuclear guarantees, although a strategic necessity, NNWS became increasingly interested in nuclear umbrellas following Russia’s invasion Ukraine’s own interest in nuclear guarantees, although a strategic necessity, validates the importance of a nuclear umbrella See, for e g.: Anne Kaurenan “NATO's nuclear deterrent must be real for Finland, says new president.” Reuters March 2024 validates importance of a umbrella See, for e g.: Anne Kaurenan “NATO's nuclear must for Finland, says president.” March
32 “Deployment of Nuclear Weapons to Belarus Debated in First Committee, as Delegates Rethink Global Security.” United Nations Treaties October 2023 “Deployment of Nuclear Weapons to Belarus Debated Committee, as Delegates Rethink Global Security.” United Nations Treaties October
https://press un org/en/2023/gadis3712 doc htm
https://press un org/en/2023/gadis3712 doc htm
33 33 Emmanuelle Maitre “Kazakhstan’s nuclear policy: an efficient niche diplomacy?” Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique July 2018 Emmanuelle Maitre “Kazakhstan’s nuclear policy: an efficient niche diplomacy?” Fondation la Recherche Strategique July 2018
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DIVERGENT SECURITY DOCTRINES OF FORMER NUCLEAR WEAPONS
STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC STATES IN THE POST-SOVIET BLOC
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
Janani Mohan (University of Cambridge)
The noted linkage between nuclear legacy, doctrine, and stability is important as it provides the
The noted linkage between legacy, doctrine, and stability is important as it provides the foundation for a framework to understand relevant strategy. As the War in Ukraine continues, future foundation for a framework to understand relevant strategy. As the War in Ukraine continues, future research on the changes in these doctrines, as well as on the nuclear doctrines of other countries that have research on the changes in these doctrines, as well as on the nuclear doctrines of other countries that have denuclearized, might further illuminate this framework. In addition, questions about the benefits of denuclearized, might further illuminate this framework. addition, questions about the benefits of denuclearization will only become increasingly critical to understand alongside the rise in nuclear denuclearization will only become increasingly critical to understand alongside the nuclear escalation around the world The nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan—and their escalation around the world. The nuclear doctrines of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan—and their moderate impact on strategic stability thus provide important real-world case studies for understanding moderate impact on strategic stability thus provide real-world case studies for understanding and countering the long-term consequences of nuclear proliferation. and countering the long-term consequences of nuclear proliferation.
OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND
“ISLAND
Introduction Introduction
SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE IN UZBEKISTAN
STATE
Katherine Anna Trauger (
Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins
University) Johns Hopkins University)
Gender equality in Uzbekistan remains low despite three decades of social, political, and economic
Gender equality in Uzbekistan remains low despite three decades of social, political, and economic transformation (1). The United Nations’ Gender Inequality Index ranked Uzbekistan 106th out of 189 transformation (1). The United Nations’ Gender Inequality Index ranked Uzbekistan 106th out of 189 countries in 2022 (2) At the same time, foreign development aid to Uzbekistan has been steady, and at a countries in 2022 (2). At the same time, foreign development aid Uzbekistan has been steady, and a higher rate than any of its four Central Asian counterparts The United States Agency for International higher rate than any of its four Central Asian counterparts. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has been the largest Western donor of foreign development aid to Uzbekistan Development (USAID) been the largest Western donor foreign development to Uzbekistan since 1993, and gender development has been an explicit goal of USAID in Uzbekistan since the turn of since 1993, and gender development has been an explicit goal of USAID in Uzbekistan since the turn of the century. If USAID development aid to Uzbekistan has been consistent over the years, why is gender the century If USAID development aid to Uzbekistan has been consistent over the years, why is gender equality in Uzbekistan still regressing? equality in Uzbekistan still regressing?
This paper examines how USAID development aid has failed to positively affect gender development in This paper how USAID development aid has failed positively affect gender development in Uzbekistan from 2001 to 2020. I find that gender development aid has only targeted politically low-cost from to 2020. I find that gender development aid only politically low-cost development sectors. Based on this finding, I examine the geopolitical circumstances of the U.S.-Uzbek development sectors Based on this finding, I examine the geopolitical circumstances of the U.S.-Uzbek relationship over the two decades in question and how the domestic political situation of Uzbekistan and relationship over the two decades in question and how the domestic political situation of Uzbekistan and the regional security interests of the U.S. may have affected aid programming. I find that the question of the regional security interests of the U.S. may have affected aid programming. I find that the question of gender development in Uzbekistan sits within the development-security nexus, whereby state security is gender development Uzbekistan sits within the development-security nexus, whereby state security is regarded as a higher priority and is therefore pursued at the cost of development (3) regarded as a higher and therefore pursued at the cost of development (3).
1 Danielle Kane and Ksenia Gorbenko, “Colonial Legacy and Gender Inequality in Uzbekistan,”
1 Danielle Kane and Ksenia Gorbenko, “Colonial Legacy and Gender Inequality in Uzbekistan,” Current Sociology 64 Current Sociology 64, no 5, (2016): 718-735 , no 5, (2016): 718-735
2 “Gender Inequality Index,” United Nations, https://hdr.undp.org/data-center/thematic-composite-indices/genderinequality-index#/indicies/GII
2 “Gender Inequality Index,” United Nations,
3 For more on the development-security nexus, see Maria Stern and Joakim Öjenda, “Mapping the 3 on the development-security see Maria Stern Joakim Öjenda, the Security–Development Nexus: Conflict, Complexity, Cacophony, Convergence?,” Nexus: Conflict, Complexity, Convergence?,” Security Dialogue 41 Dialogue 41, no 1, (2010): 5-29 , 1, (2010): 5-29
“ISLAND OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University)
Research Design Research Design
This paper responds to a call put out by Julia Bader and Jorg Faust who argue that aid-effectiveness
This paper responds to a call put out by Julia Bader and Jorg Faust who argue that aid-effectiveness studies should emphasize analyzing the domestic incentives of authoritarian governments (4). To do so, I studies should emphasize analyzing the domestic incentives of authoritarian governments (4). To do so, I employ a mixed-methods approach The first section uses quantitative analysis to examine the relationship employ a mixed-methods approach. The first section uses quantitative analysis to examine the relationship between USAID aid allocation to gender development projects (5) The second section focuses on between USAID aid allocation to gender development projects (5). The second section focuses on historiographical materials, international development reports, and U.S. government documents to historiographical international development reports, and U.S. government to elucidate the transactional relationship between the U.S. and Uzbekistan in the post-9/11 international elucidate the transactional relationship between the U.S and Uzbekistan in the post-9/11 international climate. I conclude with brief remarks on the present state of gender development in Uzbekistan and climate I conclude with brief remarks on the present state of gender development in Uzbekistan and possible directions of future U.S. policy in the region. possible directions of future U.S. policy in the region.
USAID, Foreign Assistance, and Gender Development
USAID, Foreign Assistance, and Gender Development
Aid Breakdown Breakdown
Figure 1 presents the net amount of aid given to Uzbekistan from 2001 to 2020 separated by development
Figure 1 presents the net of aid given to Uzbekistan from 2001 to 2020 separated by development sector gender development aid, economic aid minus gender development, and military aid (6) sector gender development aid, economic aid minus gender development, and military aid (6).
4
Julia Bader and Jörg Faust, “Foreign Aid, Democratization, and Autocratic Survival,” International Studies Review, 16 no. 4, (2014): 575-595
4 Julia Bader and Jörg Faust, Aid, Democratization, and Autocratic Survival,” International Studies Review, 16 no. 4, 575-595
5 I define gender development as any policy, program, or aid which explicitly focuses on or includes in part gender equality and equity, women’s empowerment, or other gendered
5 I define development as program, or aid explicitly on or includes in gender and equity, empowerment, or gendered aims
6 United States Agency for International Development, “foreignassistance.gov Dashboard,” https://www foreignassistance.gov/; Figure 1 presents the breakdown of total aid as per
6 United States for International Development, “foreignassistance.gov Dashboard,” https://www foreignassistance.gov/; Figure 1 presents the breakdown of total aid as per the United States’ definition of aid, which includes military aid The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) defines development aid as “government aid the United States’ definition of aid, which includes military aid The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) defines development aid as “government aid that promotes and specifically targets the economic development and welfare of developing countries,” therefore excluding military aid However, since I aim to capture U.S strategic that and specifically the economic and welfare of countries,” therefore excluding military aid However, since I aim to U.S strategic interest, I include military assistance as a measure of U.S. security interest in Uzbekistan interest, include military assistance as a measure U.S. security interest in
“ISLAND
FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University)
The most prominent observation is the low amount of gender development aid in proportion to the amount
The most prominent observation is the low amount of gender development aid in proportion to the amount of total economic development aid and military aid. The thin pink line representing gender development of total economic development aid and military aid. The thin pink line representing gender development aid would be entirely flat if not for the $20.5 million McGovern-Dole Program in 2019. On the other end aid would be entirely flat if not for the $20.5 million McGovern-Dole Program in 2019. On the other end of the spectrum is the year 2004 with only one gender development program of $1,000, an amount so low of the is the 2004 with only one gender development program of an amount so low it fails to register on the figure Critically, gender development aid is most consistently high in years it fails to on the figure. Critically, gender development aid is consistently high in years where military aid is most consistently low or zero. where military aid is most consistently low or zero.
Most noticeably, U.S. military aid to Uzbekistan dropped down to $47,000 in 2005 before bottoming out
Most noticeably, U.S. military aid to Uzbekistan dropped down to $47,000 in 2005 before bottoming out in 2006-2009 due to U.S. military aid sanctions in response to the Andijan Massacre. On the other hand, in 2006-2009 due to U.S. military aid sanctions in response to the Andijan Massacre. On the other hand, gender development aid jumped into the millions in 2007 for the first time in the two-decade period of gender development aid jumped into the millions in 2007 for the first the two-decade period of study and remained in the millions until 2011. Thereafter, gender development aid does not reach the study and remained in the millions until 2011. Thereafter, gender development aid does not reach the millions again until 2018, and subsequently, 2019, when military aid drops significantly (7). millions again until 2018, and subsequently, 2019, when drops significantly (7).
Gender Development Aid and Sectoral Targeting
Gender Development Aid and Sectoral Targeting
USAID gender development aid to Uzbekistan is inconsistent in programming, though it is consistently
USAID gender development aid to Uzbekistan is inconsistent in though consistently low in financial resources The largest issue with the development programming from 2001-2020 is the low in financial resources. The largest issue with the development programming from 2001-2020 the lack of coherence translated through the aid packages and programs provided. The only two development lack of coherence translated the aid and programs provided. The only two development sectors that receive vaguely consistent programming and funding are maternal health and human sectors that receive vaguely consistent programming and funding are maternal health and human trafficking. Maternal health made up the dominant gender-targeted aid sector from 2001 to 2010. From trafficking. Maternal health made up the dominant gender-targeted aid sector from 2001 to 2010. From 2010 onward, human trafficking became the dominant gender-targeted aid sector. Programs in maternal 2010 onward, human trafficking became the dominant gender-targeted aid sector. Programs in maternal health and human trafficking were not only the most frequent activity sector but also received the largest health and human trafficking only the most frequent sector but also received the largest amount of aid as well This pattern is significant because it mirrors Simone Dietrich’s finding of amount of aid as well. This pattern is significant because it mirrors Simone Dietrich’s finding of authoritarian compliance in low-cost areas by showing that USAID would only provide consistent aid in authoritarian compliance in low-cost areas by showing that only provide consistent aid in politically low-cost areas in the first place (8). politically low-cost areas in the first place (8)
Authoritarianism, State Stability, and U.S.–Uzbekistan Relations
Authoritarianism, State Stability, and U.S.–Uzbekistan Relations
I have established that USAID gender development aid had little to no positive effect on gender equality I have established that USAID gender development aid had little to no positive effect on gender equality development in Uzbekistan due to the inconsistency of programming, low funding, and targeting of in Uzbekistan due to the inconsistency of programming, low funding, and targeting of politically low-cost sectors but why are certain sectors of gender development riskier than others for politically low-cost sectors but why are certain sectors of gender development riskier than others for Uzbekistan, and why would the U.S. avoid providing aid to them? The issue is far more complex than the Uzbekistan, and why would the U.S. avoid providing aid to them? The issue is far more complex than the present state of international affairs. It requires an examination of the relationship between Soviet present state of international affairs. It requires an examination of the relationship between Soviet legacies, political power structures, and the balance of security and accountability in a tumultuous region. legacies, political and the balance of and accountability in a tumultuous
7 The spike in military aid from 2013 to 2018 largely comes from allocations for the construction of the Northern Distribution Network, a new supply route through Central Asia
7 The spike military aid from 2013 to 2018 largely comes from allocations for the construction of the Northern Distribution Network, a new supply route through Central Asia meant to supply the operations in Afghanistan from a new northern route that circumvented turbulent Pakistan meant to supply the operations in Afghanistan from a new northern route that circumvented turbulent Pakistan
8 S 8 Simone Dietrich, “The Politics of Public Health Aid: Why Corrupt Governments Have Incentives to Implement Aid Effectively,” imone Dietrich, “The Politics of Public Health Aid: Why Corrupt Governments Have Incentives to Implement Aid Effectively,”
“ISLAND OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University) Islam, National Identity, and Gender in Post-Soviet Uzbekistan Islam, National Identity, and Gender in Post-Soviet Uzbekistan
When the Soviet Union collapsed, Islam and traditional Uzbek culture, which had been suppressed for
When the Soviet Union collapsed, Islam and traditional Uzbek culture, which had been suppressed for decades, floated to the surface of society and moved to the forefront of the nation-building project While decades, floated to the surface of society and moved to the forefront of the nation-building project. While most Soviet republics had liberation struggles throughout the collapse of the Soviet Union, Shirin Akiner Soviet republics had struggles throughout the collapse of the Soviet Union, Shirin Akiner argues that Uzbekistan instead had a re-Islamification of the social environment in place of an actual argues that Uzbekistan instead had a re-Islamification of the social environment in place of an actual liberation struggle gender relations became a focal point in this process (9). liberation struggle gender relations became a focal point in this process (9)
The re-traditionalization of gender roles served as a means of nation-building (10) The media made a
The re-traditionalization of gender roles served as means of nation-building (10). The media made a concerted, propagandized effort to promote the segregation of women, the return of women to the family concerted, propagandized effort to the segregation of women, the return of women to the family circle, and the restriction of women’s activities in line with the return to Islam after the collapse (11). This circle, and restriction of women’s activities in line with the return to Islam after the collapse (11). This public discourse came along with a falling women’s employment rate, a decline in girls’ enrollment in discourse came along with a women’s employment rate, a decline in girls’ enrollment in education, and a reduction of social welfare programs for women (12). In restructuring gender relations, education, and a reduction of social welfare programs for women (12) In restructuring gender relations, Uzbekistan built upon its history of Soviet trauma, utilizing it as a foundation of national legitimacy. Uzbekistan built upon its history of Soviet trauma, utilizing it as a foundation of national legitimacy.
In her 1997 work In her 1997 work Gender and Nation, Gender and Nira Yuval-Davis popularized the term ‘gendered nationalism,’ Nira Yuval-Davis popularized the ‘gendered nationalism,’ arguing that the construction of nationhood uses notions of ‘womanhood’ and ‘manhood’ to construct arguing that of nationhood uses notions of ‘womanhood’ and ‘manhood’ to construct nationalist projects and gendered participation roles in ethnic and national processes (13). Within state nationalist projects and gendered participation roles in ethnic and national processes (13) Within state discourse, Uzbekistan is represented by “ancient, strong, and mainly male figures or symbols,” which is discourse, Uzbekistan is represented by “ancient, strong, and mainly male figures or symbols,” which is reflected in male society by framing men as “defenders of the nation.” Women are viewed as “mothers of reflected in male society by framing men as “defenders of the nation.” Women are viewed as “mothers of the nation,” tasked with transmitting religion, tradition, and respect for the state to the next generation the nation,” tasked with transmitting religion, tradition, and respect for the to the next generation (14) (14).
Laura Adams notes that symbolic-ideological control was the primary instrument of power employed by Laura Adams notes that symbolic-ideological control was the primary instrument of power employed by the Karimov regime in the early years of Uzbek nation-building (15). The all-encompassing metaphor put the Karimov regime in the early years of Uzbek nation-building (15) The all-encompassing metaphor put forward by the state in Uzbekistan is that of the nation as a family with “the leader as protective patriarch forward by the state in Uzbekistan is that of the nation as a family with “the leader as protective patriarch and indigenous culture as communitarian and respectful of hierarchy” (16) Karimov employed the notion and indigenous culture as communitarian and respectful of hierarchy” (16). Karimov employed the notion of patriarchal authoritarianism, a framework where power is gendered, hierarchical, and vertical, of patriarchal authoritarianism, a framework where gendered, hierarchical, and vertical, connecting “the family to the state, nation and the economy, but also to imperialism and race, as well as to “the family to the state, nation and economy, but also to imperialism and race, as as to religion and other social differences in which authority emerges from masculinity and a male leader” (17). and other social differences in authority emerges from masculinity and a male leader” (17)
9 Shirin Akiner, “Between Tradition and Modernity: The Dilemma Facing Contemporary Central Asian Women,” in
9 Shirin Akiner, “Between Tradition and Modernity: The Dilemma Facing Contemporary Central Asian Women,” in Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia
Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, ed Mary , ed Mary Buckley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 285 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 285
10 Svetlana Peshkova, “A Post-Soviet Subject in Uzbekistan: Islam, Rights, Gender and Other Desires,” Post-Soviet Subject in Uzbekistan: Gender Other Desires,” Women's Studies 42, Women's Studies 42, no 6, (2013): 681 6, (2013):
11 Marfua Tokhtakhodzhaeva, Marfua Tokhtakhodzhaeva, The Re-Islamization of Society and the Position of Women in Post- Soviet Uzbekistan The Re-Islamization of Society and the of Post- Soviet Uzbekistan, (Kent, Global Oriental Ltd, 2008), 3 Global Oriental Ltd, 12 12 For a better understanding of where gender equity in Uzbekistan stood at the turn of the millennium, see Wendy Mee, “Country Briefing Paper: Women in the Republic of For a better understanding of where gender equity in Uzbekistan stood at the turn of the millennium, see Wendy Mee, “Country Briefing Paper: Women in the Republic of Uzbekistan,” Uzbekistan,” Asian Development Bank Asian Bank, February 2001 , February 2001
13 Nira Yuval-Davis, Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation Gender and Nation, (London: Sage Publications, 1997) , Publications,
14 Diana T Kudaibergenova, “Between the state and the artist: representations of femininity and masculinity in the formation of ideas of the nation in Central Asia,” Diana representations of masculinity the of nation in Central Nationalities Nationalities Papers 44, Papers 44, no 2, (2016): 228-229; Tokhtakhodzhaeva, no 2, (2016): 228-229; Tokhtakhodzhaeva, The Re-Islamization of Society and the Position of Women in Post- Soviet Uzbekistan, 161 15 Laura L Adams, The The Re-Islamization of Society and the of Uzbekistan, 161 15 L Adams, The Spectacular State: Culture and National Identity in Uzbekistan State: Culture and National Identity in , (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 14 , (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 14
15 Laura L Adams, 15 Laura L Adams, The Spectacular State: Culture and National Identity in Uzbekistan The State: Culture and National in Uzbekistan, (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 14 , (Durham: Duke University Press, 14
16 Deniz Kandiyoti, “The politics of gender and the Soviet paradox: neither colonized, nor modern?,” Kandiyoti, “The and the Soviet paradox: nor Central Asian Survey, 26, no 4, (2007): 614 4, (2007):
17 Inderpal Grewal, “Authoritarian Patriarchy and Its Populism,” Grewal, and Its Populism,” English Studies in Africa 63 English Africa , no 1, (2020): 183 , no 1, (2020): 183
“ISLAND OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University)
As women are subordinate to men and male authority in Uzbek society, society is subordinate to the
As women are subordinate to men and male authority in Uzbek society, society is subordinate to the political regime political regime.
Karimov reinforced his position as the protector of Uzbekistan through the exaggerated narrative of a Karimov reinforced his position as the protector of Uzbekistan through the exaggerated narrative of a domestic Islamic terrorist movement (18). With 9/11, the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, and the rise of domestic Islamic terrorist movement (18) With 9/11, the U.S invasion of Afghanistan, and the rise of militant Islamic groups in Uzbekistan like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and Hizb-ut militant Islamic groups in Uzbekistan like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and Hizb-ut Tahrir, Karimov framed Uzbekistan as under attack, and Islamic militancy became the rhetorical Tahrir, Karimov framed Uzbekistan as under attack, and Islamic militancy became the rhetorical scapegoat for which Karimov placed his justification for cracking down on political opposition, control for which Karimov placed his justification for cracking down on political opposition, control over the public domain, and skirting human rights (19). over public domain, and skirting human rights (19). The clearest example of the protector-protectee The clearest example of protector-protectee relationship in Uzbek patriarchal authoritarianism comes from the Andijan Massacre of 2005. relationship in Uzbek patriarchal authoritarianism comes from the Andijan Massacre of
Following the massacre, Karimov reasoned that the government intervened in the protests to maintain law
Following the massacre, Karimov reasoned that the government intervened in the protests to maintain law and order and protect the general public from harm, using the symbolic patriarchal protector role as a and order and protect the general public from harm, using the symbolic patriarchal protector role as a justification for state intervention (20) Karimov’s reasoning for the crackdown on protesters was also justification for intervention (20). Karimov’s reasoning for the crackdown on protesters was also explicitly framed in gendered terms. He describes the masculinized Uzbek State Security Service (SNB) framed in terms. He describes masculinized Uzbek State Security Service (SNB) protecting ‘women and children’ and innocent civilians (21). Therefore, the government filled both the protecting ‘women and children’ and innocent civilians (21) Therefore, the government filled both the masculine society-level role of protecting women and children in the absence of their husbands and also masculine society-level role of protecting women and children in the absence of their husbands and also the patriarchal state-level role of using state troops to protect the citizenry and interests of the country. the patriarchal state-level role of using state troops to protect the citizenry and interests of the country.
In their oft-cited analysis of gender and politics in post-Soviet Uzbekistan, Ayse Gunes-Ayata and Ayca
In their oft-cited analysis of gender and politics in post-Soviet Uzbekistan, Ayse Gunes-Ayata and Ayca Ergun argue that gender and women’s rights are seen as “soft” themes and not associated with Ergun argue that gender and women’s rights are seen as themes and not associated with “threatening stability” in the country (22). “threatening stability” in the country (22) My analysis of the role of gender in post-Soviet Uzbekistan My of the role of gender in post-Soviet Uzbekistan directly contradicts their statement, and that is the intentional conclusion I arrive at; political stability in directly contradicts their statement, and that is the intentional conclusion I arrive at; political stability in Uzbekistan is predicated on the maintenance of gendered relationships of power in state and society. It is Uzbekistan is predicated on the maintenance of gendered relationships of power in state and society. It is not that women’s rights have fallen by the wayside, as many post-Soviet analysts have argued, but rather that women’s rights have fallen by the wayside, as many post-Soviet analysts have argued, but rather that women have been strategically oppressed. In turn, gender relations have become, and continue to be, that women have been strategically oppressed. In turn, gender relations have become, and continue to be, pivotal to the retention of power and stability for the authoritarian political regime of Uzbekistan. pivotal to the power and stability for political regime of Uzbekistan.
U.S. Security Interests and the War on Terror U S Security Interests and the War on Terror
The previous section established the critical role gender plays in regime stability and legitimacy in
The previous section established the critical role gender plays in regime stability and legitimacy in
18 Grewal emphasizes the notion that patriarchal autocrats construct its gendered populism by producing the spectacle of protection Without a clear and present threat, there is emphasizes that patriarchal autocrats populism of protection Without a is nothing for autocrats to utilize as the reference point for such protection. Grewal, “Authoritarian Patriarchy and Its Populism,” 190 nothing for autocrats to utilize as the reference point for such protection. Grewal, “Authoritarian Patriarchy and Its Populism,” 190
19 For more on terrorist activity in Uzbekistan in the late 1990s and early 2000s, see Shahram Akbarzadeh,
19 For more on terrorist activity in Uzbekistan in the late 1990s and early 2000s, see Shahram Akbarzadeh, Uzbekistan and the United States: Authoritarianism, Islamism, and Washington’s Security Agenda, Uzbekistan and the United States: Authoritarianism, Islamism, and Washington’s Security (London: Zed Books, 2005); John R Pottenger, “Civil society, religious freedom, Zed Books, 2005); John Pottenger, “Civil society, religious freedom, and Islam Karimov: Uzbekistan’s struggle for a decent society,” Karimov: struggle a Central Asian Survey 23 Central 23, no 1, (2004): 68; Matthew Crosston, , no 1, (2004): 68; Matthew Fostering Fundamentalism: Terrorism, Democracy Fundamentalism: Terrorism, Democracy and American Engagement in Central Asia Engagement Asia, (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2006), 137; Alisher Ilkhamov, “The thorny path of civil society in Uzbekistan,” , 2006), Alisher Ilkhamov, path of society in Uzbekistan,” Central Asian Central Asian Survey, 24 Survey, 24, no 3, (2005): 302 no 3, (2005): 302
20 20 Nick Megoran, “Framing Andijon, narrating the nation: Islam Karimov's account of the events of 13 May 2005,” Nick Megoran, the nation: Islam Karimov's account of the events of 13 May Central Asian Survey 27, Central Asian Survey 27, no 1, (2008): 24 no 1, 24
21 Natalie Koch, “Security and gendered national identity in Uzbekistan,” Koch, “Security gendered national in Uzbekistan,” Gender, Place & Culture 18 Culture 18, no 4, (2011): 506 , 4,
22 Ayşe Gunes-Ayata and Ayça Ergun, “Gender Politics in Transitional Societies: A Comparative Perspective on Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan,” in Ayşe Gunes-Ayata and Ergun, “Gender in Societies: A Perspective on Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Gender Gender Politics in Post-Communist Eurasia, Politics in Post-Communist Eurasia, ed Linda Racioopi and Katherine O’Sullivan, (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2009), 227 ed Linda Racioopi and Katherine O’Sullivan, Michigan
“ISLAND
OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University)
Uzbekistan However, that stability is desirable not just for the autocratic Uzbek regime—international Uzbekistan. However, that stability is desirable just for the autocratic Uzbek regime—international players have come to view Uzbekistan as a beacon of stability in a turbulent region rife with violence players have come to Uzbekistan as a beacon of stability in a turbulent region rife with violence. That stability is what drove the U.S. to partner with Uzbekistan at the turn of the millennium. That stability is what drove the U.S. partner with Uzbekistan at the turn millennium.
In March 2002, only seven months after 9/11, the U.S. and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic
In March 2002, only seven months after 9/11, the U.S and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Framework. Within the framework, the U.S. agreed to provide Uzbekistan Partnership and Cooperation Framework. Within the framework, the U.S. agreed to provide Uzbekistan with financial support for counterterrorism, democratization, and military-technical cooperation with the with financial support for counterterrorism, democratization, and military-technical cooperation with the Uzbek armed forces (23) Uzbekistan agreed to pursue democratic and economic reform This built upon Uzbek armed forces (23). Uzbekistan agreed to pursue democratic and economic reform. This built upon the October 2001 Status of Forces Agreement between the two countries, allowing U.S. use of Uzbek the October 2001 Status Forces Agreement between the two countries, allowing U.S. use of Uzbek airspace and the K2 airbase 90 miles north of the Afghan border (24). What quickly bonded the U.S. and airspace and the K2 airbase 90 miles north of the Afghan border (24) What quickly bonded the U.S and Uzbekistan was a common enemy: terrorists. Uzbekistan was a common enemy: terrorists
However, this relationship came to a halt only a few years later Until the Andijan Massacre, the U.S had However, this relationship to a halt only a few years later. Until the Andijan Massacre, the U.S. had largely ignored human rights violations in Uzbekistan. The turning of the tide had been set in motion largely ignored human rights violations in Uzbekistan. The turning of the tide had been set in motion when in 2004, the State Department deemed that it could not certify that Uzbekistan met the conditions when in 2004, the State Department deemed that could certify that Uzbekistan met the conditions necessary for the continued financing of military-security programs (25). For U.S. policymakers, the necessary for the continued financing of military-security programs (25) For U.S policymakers, the Andijan Massacre pushed the envelope too far. The U.S. supported calls from human rights organizations Andijan Massacre pushed the envelope too far The U.S supported calls from human rights organizations demanding an international investigation into the events of the Massacre (26). Relations decayed quickly, demanding an international investigation into the events of the Massacre (26). Relations decayed quickly, and on July 29, 2005, the U S Embassy in Tashkent received a diplomatic note calling for the termination and on July 29, 2005, the U.S. Embassy in Tashkent received a diplomatic note calling for the termination of the bilateral agreement with Washington and notice for U.S troops to vacate the K2 airbase (27) of the bilateral agreement with Washington and for U.S. troops vacate the K2 airbase (27). Following the departure of the last U.S. troops from the K2 airbase in November 2005, U.S.-Uzbek Following of last U.S. troops K2 airbase in November 2005, U.S.-Uzbek relations remained fraught for many years. relations remained fraught for many years
This forced the U.S. to grapple with its primary interest in Uzbekistan. In his analysis of international
This forced the U.S. to grapple with its primary interest in Uzbekistan. In his analysis of international power dynamics in Central Asia after 9/11, Alexander Cooley argues that the most lasting impact of the power dynamics in Central Asia after 9/11, Alexander Cooley argues that the most lasting impact of the K2 eviction on U S policy-makers was the awareness that pushing Uzbekistan too hard on democracy and K2 on U.S. policy-makers was the awareness that pushing Uzbekistan too hard on democracy and human rights issues hindered cooperation on more important issues like security and basing rights (28). rights issues cooperation on more important issues like security and basing rights (28).
The U.S.' pursuit of security and stability in the geostrategic region trumps all other pursuits in
The U S ' pursuit of security and stability in the geostrategic region trumps all other pursuits in Uzbekistan, leading the U.S. to back the despotic regime in the name of national security while ignoring Uzbekistan, leading the U S to back the despotic regime in the name of national security while ignoring issues that are politically high-cost to avoid the risk of international isolation once again. issues that are politically high-cost to avoid the risk of international isolation once again.
23
8 July 2002, https://2001-2009 state gov/p/eur/ rls/or/2002/11711.htm
“Declaration on the Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Framework Between the United States of America and the Republic of Uzbekistan,” United States Department of State, “Declaration on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Framework States of America and Uzbekistan,” States Department of State, 8 July 2002, https://2001-2009 state gov/p/eur/ rls/or/2002/11711.htm
24 24 Laura Lumpe, “A Timeline of U S Military Aid Cooperation with Uzbekistan,” Open Society Foundations Central Eurasia Project, Occasional Paper Series No 2., 2010 Laura Lumpe, “A Timeline of U S Military Aid with Uzbekistan,” Open Society Foundations Central Eurasia Project, Occasional Paper Series No 2., 2010 https://www opensocietyfoundations org/uploads/ b8284dea-45ff-443c-baff01a36c82bfe6/OPS-No-2-20101015 0.pdf org/uploads/ 0.pdf
25 Seth G Jones et al , Seth G et Securing Tyrants or Fostering Reform? U S Internal Security Assistance to Repressive and Transitioning Regimes, Securing Fostering U S Security Transitioning Regimes, (Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, (Santa RAND Corporation, 2006), 50 2006), 50
26 26 For a full account of U S reactions to the Andijan massacre, see John C K Daly, “Rush to Judgment: Western Media and the 2005 Andijan Violence,” Central Asia-Caucasus For a full account of U S reactions to the Andijan massacre, see John C K Daly, “Rush to Judgment: Western Media and the 2005 Andijan Violence,” Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, May 2016 Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, May 2016
27 “ Uzbekistan Formally Evicts U S Military,” Uzbekistan U S Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Radio Europe/Radio , August 26, 2005, https://www rferl org/a/1060957 html , August 26, 2005,
“ISLAND
OF STABILITY”: “ISLAND OF STABILITY”: FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND FOREIGN AID, GENDER DEVELOPMENT, AND STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN STATE SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN
Katherine Anna Trauger ( Katherine Anna Trauger (Johns Hopkins University) Johns Hopkins University)
Therefore, I concur with Sarah Bermeo that the effects of aid are conditioned by donor priorities and Therefore, I concur with Sarah Bermeo that the effects of aid conditioned by donor priorities and donor-recipient relationships, and I affirm her finding that states of high strategic interest can use donor-recipient relationships, and I affirm her finding that states of high strategic interest can use development aid to thwart change (29). There is little reason for the U.S. to pursue development in change (29). There is little reason for the U.S. pursue development in Uzbekistan. In pursuing democratic, human, or economic development in Uzbekistan, the first issue Uzbekistan In pursuing democratic, human, or economic development in Uzbekistan, the first issue would be upsetting the political regime. However, the greater strategic problem would be pursuing would be upsetting the political regime However, the greater strategic problem would be pursuing development in Uzbekistan to the point that the state is no longer stable violence breaks out, revolution development in Uzbekistan to the point that the state is no longer stable violence breaks out, revolution occurs, and a new, less stable, government comes to power. Development is thus the antithesis of security. and a new, less stable, government comes to power. Development thus the antithesis of security.
Since gendered power structures are critical to regime survival, gender inequality is entrenched in
Since gendered power structures are critical to regime survival, gender inequality is in legislation and social infrastructure. The problem is that pursuing gender development through legislation and social infrastructure The problem is that pursuing gender through institutional reform in Uzbekistan goes against the U.S.’s primary goal of retaining stability in Uzbekistan. institutional reform in Uzbekistan goes against the U.S.’s primary goal of retaining stability in Uzbekistan. As gendered power relations in both state and society play an important role in state legitimization, As gendered power relations in both state and society play an important role in state legitimization, political stability, and state security in Uzbekistan, the issue is then that to reform the institutions and political stability, and state security in Uzbekistan, the issue is then that reform the institutions and systems that promote gendered power relations is to undermine state stability directly. The structures that that gendered power relations is to undermine stability directly. The structures that perpetuate gender inequality also maintain regime stability, forming a double-edged sword that the U.S. perpetuate gender inequality also maintain regime a sword that the U.S. has failed to grapple with. has failed to grapple with
Conclusion Conclusion
In 1995, U S Secretary of Defense William Perry praised Uzbekistan as “an island of stability” in Central
In 1995, U.S. Secretary of Defense William Perry praised Uzbekistan as “an island of stability” in Central Asia (30). The circumstances that brought the U.S. and Uzbekistan together at the turn of the millennium Asia (30). The that U.S. and Uzbekistan together at the turn of the millennium created a relationship that was transactional and focused solely on U.S. security interests and stability for created a relationship that was transactional and focused solely on U.S security interests and for the Uzbek regime. Maintaining Uzbekistan as an island of stability meant not only staying in the regime’s the Uzbek regime Maintaining Uzbekistan as an island of stability meant not only staying in the regime’s good graces but also not upsetting the Uzbek social structure in ways that could reverberate via political good graces but also not upsetting the Uzbek social structure in ways that could reverberate via political uprisings and societal upheaval uprisings and societal upheaval.
In his famous work on alliance formation, Stephen Walt argues that if an aid recipient is that important,
In his famous work on formation, Walt argues that if an is that important, then the donor will be even more reluctant to pressure it too severely (31). As shown in the overview of then the donor will be even more reluctant to pressure it too severely (31) As shown in the overview of U.S. gender development programming from 2001-2020, the U.S. pursued sectors of development that U S gender development programming from 2001-2020, the U.S pursued sectors of development that would be politically low-cost to the sitting regime in Uzbekistan to not put pressure on their critical ally in would be politically low-cost to the sitting regime in Uzbekistan to not put pressure on their critical ally in a highly contested region These findings speak more broadly to the complex nature of international a highly contested region. These findings speak broadly to the complex nature of international partnerships between liberal democracies and conservative autocracies and how human development partnerships between liberal democracies and conservative autocracies and how human development concerns are liable to fall by the wayside when security interests are at stake. concerns are liable to by the wayside when are
"BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME "BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME
ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE." ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
Alexandra Tsarvulanova ( Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen) University of Aberdeen)
Introduction Introduction
Frozen conflicts are particularly valuable for analysing potential future conflicts because they are the most
Frozen conflicts are particularly for analysing potential future conflicts because they are the most volatile element of the global actors' interplay. Their primary feature of unresolvedness offers a great volatile element of the global actors' interplay. Their primary feature of unresolvedness offers a great potential for destabilisation not only in neighbouring countries with which the conflict has lasted potential for destabilisation not only in neighbouring countries with which the conflict has lasted historically but also in entire regions and even the world. This scale of potential harm is explained by the historically but also in entire regions and even the world. This scale of potential harm is explained by the fact that frozen conflicts often may involve one or several superpowers (e.g., the US in Kosovo, China in fact that frozen conflicts often may involve one or several superpowers (e.g., the US in Kosovo, China in Taiwan, Turkey in Northern Cyprus, Russia in South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, and others) Taiwan, Turkey in Northern Cyprus, Russia South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, and others). Typically, such conflicts involve a sovereign state on one side and separatists advocating for territorial conflicts involve a sovereign on one side and for territorial secession on the other, forming what is commonly known as an unrecognised state (Cuppureli 2020). secession on the other, is commonly known as an unrecognised state 2020) Such conflicts in the post-Soviet space are particularly interesting to analyse now, as Russia often covertly Such conflicts in the post-Soviet space are particularly interesting to analyse now, as Russia often covertly or openly supports one of the sides (more often separatists) in favour of its own interests. This kind of or openly supports one of the sides (more often separatists) in favour of its own interests. This kind of policy has provided Moscow with tools to manage its sphere of influence and has created levers of policy has provided Moscow with tools manage its sphere of influence and has created levers of pressure on Georgia, Armenia, Moldova, and Ukraine on Georgia, Armenia, Moldova, and Ukraine.
Frozen conflicts are also dangerous because, due to their precariousness, they can quickly erupt back into
Frozen conflicts are also dangerous because, due to their precariousness, they can erupt back into active hostilities at the slightest opportunity. Moreover, the dynamics of frozen conflicts can be used to active hostilities at the slightest opportunity. Moreover, the dynamics of frozen conflicts can be used to draw some conclusions about more global changes, such as shifts in the regional balance of power. After draw some conclusions about more global changes, such as shifts in the regional balance of power. After the onset of Russian aggression in Ukraine, first in 2014 and then in 2022, conflicts in post-Soviet space the onset of aggression in Ukraine, first in 2014 and then in 2022, conflicts in post-Soviet space began to thaw and flare up again, indicating that Moscow no longer seems to be able to maintain control began to thaw and flare up again, indicating that Moscow no longer to be able to maintain control as successfully as it used to. In the spring of 2022, during the early months of Russia's full-scale war with as successfully as it to. In the spring of 2022, during the early months of Russia's full-scale war with Ukraine, the situation in the unrecognised republic of Transnistria escalated (Sofuoglu 2022). In Ukraine, the situation in the unrecognised republic of Transnistria escalated (Sofuoglu 2022) In September 2022, several days of fighting occurred on the border between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan September 2022, several days of fighting occurred on the border between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (www.aljazeera.com, 2022). The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War occurred as early as 2020, and in 2022, (www.aljazeera.com, 2022). The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War occurred as early as 2020, and in 2022, hostilities there also constantly erupted till the full-scale military operation conducted by Azerbaijan in hostilities there also constantly erupted till the full-scale military operation conducted by Azerbaijan in 2023 (Stratfor, 2023) 2023 (Stratfor, 2023).
This article analyses the nature and reasons for the revival of frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space and This article analyses the nature and reasons for the revival of frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space and examines Moscow's changing role. By examining the impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, it aims to examines Moscow's changing role By examining the impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, it aims to provide insights into the underlying causes of the resurgence of these conflicts and their implications for provide insights into the underlying causes of the resurgence of these conflicts and their implications for regional security and stability The thesis of this article is that by invading Ukraine, Russia has lost its regional security and stability. The thesis of this article that by invading Ukraine, has lost its status as a superpower in the region, descending in the hierarchy to one of the players status as a superpower in the region, descending in the hierarchy to one of the players.
Why are there Frozen Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Space?
Why are there Frozen Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Space?
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked a new era for the whole region that could now be referred to Post-Soviet space, characterised by the emergence of many independent states and the redrawing of Post-Soviet space, characterised by the emergence of many independent states and the redrawing of
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked a new era for the whole region that could now be referred
"BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME "BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET
SPACE BECOME
ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE." ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
Alexandra Tsarvulanova ( Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen) University of Aberdeen) geopolitical borders However, this transition was far from smooth, with unresolved territorial disputes geopolitical borders. this transition was far from smooth, with unresolved territorial disputes and simmering ethnic tensions leading to the formation of what is commonly known as "frozen conflicts." and simmering ethnic leading to the formation of what commonly known as "frozen conflicts." This concept is not a part of international law terminology (Grant, 2017) but is widely used by scholars This concept not a part of international law (Grant, 2017) but used by scholars and journalists. In international relations, the term "frozen conflict" refers to an unsteady situation where and journalists In international relations, the term "frozen conflict" refers to an unsteady situation where active armed confrontation and hostilities in the conflict have ceased, but no official peace treaty has been active armed confrontation and hostilities in the conflict have ceased, but no official peace treaty has been signed as well as no political framework was established to manage peace sustainability (Yalowitz, signed as well as no political framework was established to manage peace sustainability (Yalowitz, Corboy and Courtney, 2014) This creates a situation where the conflict can resume with renewed vigour Corboy and Courtney, 2014). This creates a situation where the conflict resume with renewed vigour at any moment with the slightest excuse Some scholars question the accuracy of this definition, as it may any moment with the slightest excuse. Some scholars question the accuracy of this definition, it may foster a false sense of stability of the ongoing crisis. Probably, for the majority of such conflicts, it would foster a false sense of stability ongoing crisis. for majority of such conflicts, would be more precise to use the adjective "smoldering" to describe the nature of the conflict better. be more precise to use the adjective "smoldering" to describe the nature of the conflict better
In the post-Soviet space, there is a notable concentration of frozen conflicts compared to other parts of the the post-Soviet space, there is a notable concentration of frozen conflicts compared to other parts of the world Here we find Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Transnistria, NagornoKarabakh, the Luhansk People's world. we find Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Transnistria, NagornoKarabakh, the Luhansk People's Republic (LPR), and the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR), as well as Crimea and Chechnya (which Republic (LPR), and the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR), as well as Crimea and Chechnya (which should be considered strictly apart and are not included in any section of this study, but upon closer be considered strictly apart are not included in any section of this study, upon closer examination, it becomes clear that Russia employed different instruments to regulate the conflict potential examination, it becomes clear that Russia employed different instruments to the conflict potential in these two areas, as they are currently included in its territory – (Hughes 2001). According to American in these two areas, as they are currently included in its territory – (Hughes 2001) According to American political scientist Ian Bremmer (2006), the root cause of many of today's inter-ethnic conflicts is the way political scientist Ian Bremmer (2006), the root cause of many of today's inter-ethnic conflicts is the way the Soviet regime established borders in regions where there were no clear frontiers before Different the Soviet regime established borders in regions where there were no clear frontiers before. Different ethnic groups were separated by borders or united for political or economic purposes Insofar as these ethnic groups were separated by borders or united for political or economic purposes. Insofar as these borders remained administrative confines within a unified state and were under the governance of a borders remained administrative confines within a unified and were under governance of a central authority capable of maintaining a semblance of relative stability, their inherent significance was central authority capable of maintaining a semblance of stability, their inherent was essentially nominal. However, in the aftermath of the weakening and eventual dissolution of the USSR, essentially nominal However, in the aftermath of the weakening and eventual dissolution of the USSR, numerous administrative boundaries transitioned into international state borders. An exemplary case is numerous administrative boundaries transitioned into international state borders. An exemplary case is that of Nagorno-Karabakh, which serves as a good illustration. Contrary to the nostalgic narrative of post- that of Nagorno-Karabakh, which serves as a good illustration. Contrary the nostalgic narrative of postSoviet harmony, the ArmenianAzerbaijani conflict did not spontaneously erupt in the 1990s; its origins Soviet harmony, the ArmenianAzerbaijani conflict did spontaneously erupt the 1990s; its origins trace back to the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917. Following brief periods of independence for back to collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917. Following brief periods of independence for Armenia and Azerbaijan, during which conflicts over Karabakh ensued, the region witnessed a phase of Armenia and during conflicts over Karabakh ensued, the region witnessed a of Sovietisation. Subsequently, various Soviet authorities arbitrated the allocation of disputed territories to Sovietisation Subsequently, various Soviet authorities arbitrated the allocation of disputed territories to either side. Inter-ethnic tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis persisted for decades, albeit either side. Inter-ethnic tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis persisted for decades, albeit subdued by coercive measures such as censorship, propaganda, and the threat of force Ordinary citizens subdued by coercive such as censorship, propaganda, and the threat of force. Ordinary citizens residing in other regions of the Soviet state remained largely unaware of the simmering grievances in residing other of the Soviet state remained largely unaware of the grievances in Karabakh, wrongly perceiving the region as a stronghold of inter-ethnic harmony. However, by the late wrongly perceiving the region as a of inter-ethnic harmony. However, the late 1980s, as Moscow's capacity to exert control weakened, the situation in Karabakh deteriorated, 1980s, as Moscow's capacity to exert control weakened, the situation in Karabakh deteriorated, culminating in the series of armed conflicts – in 1994, 2016, 2020, 2022, and 2023 that brought the culminating in the series of armed conflicts – in 1994, 2016, 2020, 2022, and 2023 that brought the existence of unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic to an end. existence of unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic to an end.
"BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME "BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME
ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE." ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
Alexandra Tsarvulanova ( Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen) University of Aberdeen)
Role of Moscow
Role of Moscow
Tactics of "freezing" the conflict are more about "management" rather than "settlement" and, in the
Tactics of "freezing" the conflict are more about "management" rather than in the present topic, should be seen as a part of Russia's foreign policy strategy (Cuppureli 2020). Russia, taking present topic, should be seen as a part of Russia's foreign policy strategy (Cuppureli 2020) Russia, taking advantage of its unique status in the region, trying to be a hegemon and a guarantor of safety, has often advantage of its unique status in the region, trying to be a hegemon and a guarantor of safety, has often acted as a mediator in conflicts between its neighbours while pursuing its own goals and often covertly acted as a mediator in conflicts between its neighbours while pursuing its own goals and often covertly supporting separatist groups In each case, after signing bilateral treaties, for example, in April 2009, supporting separatist groups. In each case, after signing bilateral treaties, for example, in April 2009, Russia deployed its military bases and began to technically control the borders of Abkhazia and South Russia deployed its military bases and began to technically control the borders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia with Georgia (Galkina and Popov 2016). In Transnistria, after it was called a truce in 1992, Russia Ossetia with Georgia (Galkina and Popov 2016). In Transnistria, after it was a truce in 1992, Russia took advantage of its ties with peacekeepers from the separatist region and gave them responsibility for took advantage of its ties peacekeepers from the separatist region and gave them responsibility for territorial control. Questionable ceasefire stability is backed up by the military contingent from the territorial control Questionable ceasefire stability is backed up by the military contingent from the Russian Federation, as well as Moldova and Transnistria on the ground (Kuznetsova, 1992). The case of Russian Federation, as well as Moldova and Transnistria on the ground (Kuznetsova, 1992). The case of Nagorno-Karabakh differs from other frozen conflicts in that it was not possible to establish a Nagorno-Karabakh differs from other frozen conflicts that was possible to establish a peacekeeping mission after the May 1992 ceasefire due to the opposition of both Azerbaijan and Western peacekeeping after the May 1992 ceasefire due to the of both Azerbaijan and Western players to allowing Russia to play a dominant role in the potential peacekeeping mission (de Waal 2005). players to allowing Russia to a role in the potential peacekeeping mission (de Waal 2005). Furthermore, unlike South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh lacks a significant
Furthermore, unlike South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh lacks a significant historical and cultural affinity with Russia. Nevertheless, this factor did not deter Russia from maintaining historical and cultural affinity with Russia Nevertheless, this factor did not deter Russia from maintaining a persistent presence in the region through political, military, and security structures. In all mentioned a persistent presence in the region through political, military, and security structures. In all mentioned territories, Russia deployed its military entities (Kucera 2014) deployed its military entities (Kucera 2014).
By maintaining formal control over separatist entities (South Ossetia, Abkhazia, LPR, DPR, Transnistria)
By maintaining control over separatist entities (South Ossetia, Abkhazia, LPR, DPR, Transnistria) and having military bases in Armenia and Tajikistan, Russia used to have an effective lever of pressure on and having bases in Armenia and Tajikistan, Russia used to an effective lever of pressure on its neighbouring states to which these contested territories belong. In the event of an escalation of the its neighbouring states to which these contested territories belong. In the event of an escalation of the conflict, according to Vladimir Putin's logic, only Russia will have both the right and the ability to act as conflict, according to Vladimir Putin's logic, only Russia will have both the right and the ability to act as an arbiter and mediate hostilities As long as there are frozen conflicts in Russia's sphere of influence, an arbiter and mediate hostilities. As long as there frozen conflicts Russia's sphere of influence, neighbouring states can apply to Russia for help, and it could effectively manipulate it to express its neighbouring states can apply Russia for help, and it could effectively manipulate it to its exceptional power and status. Accordingly, the Kremlin benefits from the fact that frozen conflicts remain power and status. the Kremlin from the fact that frozen conflicts remain frozen rather than being resolved in one way or another by peaceful settlement or a decisive victory of one frozen rather than being resolved in one way or another by peaceful settlement or a decisive victory of one of the parties. of the parties
For decades, this was the prevailing pattern. However, the geopolitical landscape shifted when Russia decades, this was the prevailing pattern. However, the geopolitical landscape shifted when Russia entered the conflict with Ukraine in 2014 and used its status and influence to annex the territory of another entered the conflict with Ukraine in 2014 and used its status and influence to annex the territory of another sovereign state (Crimea) an unprecedented move. While Russia had previously engaged in warfare, for state (Crimea) an unprecedented move. Russia previously engaged in warfare, for example, with Georgia in 2008 and endorsed the separatism of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, it had with Georgia in 2008 and endorsed the separatism of Abkhazia and Ossetia, it had refrained from incorporating them within its own borders. This marked a pivotal moment wherein Russia refrained from incorporating them within its own borders This marked a pivotal moment wherein Russia lost its role as the regional 'hegemon.' Consequently, these conflicts started to revive with active lost its role as the regional 'hegemon.' Consequently, these conflicts started to revive with active dynamics, as they became increasingly challenging to manage. With Moscow focused on its war with dynamics, as they became increasingly challenging to manage. With Moscow focused on its war with
"BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME "BROKEN FREEZER: WHY CONFLICTS
IN POST-SOVIET SPACE BECOME
ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE." ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
Alexandra Tsarvulanova ( Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen) University of Aberdeen)
Ukraine, its neighbours found themselves compelled to address territorial disputes amongst each other, Ukraine, its neighbours found themselves compelled address territorial disputes amongst each other, resorting to any available means for resolution. Together with the weakening of Russia's influence in the resorting to any available means for resolution. Together with the weakening of Russia's influence in the region, Turkey's role as Azerbaijan's long-standing strategic partner is also growing. It can be supposed Turkey's role as Azerbaijan's long-standing strategic partner also growing. It can be supposed that the accumulation of these factors precipitated Azerbaijan's decision to initiate a military campaign to that the accumulation of these factors precipitated Azerbaijan's decision to initiate a military campaign to reclaim Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, notwithstanding the protracted nature of the territorial dispute, which reclaim Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, notwithstanding the protracted nature of the territorial dispute, which has endured for many decades and survived numerous periods of regional political turbulence. Even has endured for many decades and survived numerous periods of regional political turbulence. Even during these periods, Moscow's influence can be said to remain paramount A geopolitical shift probably during these periods, Moscow's influence be said to remain paramount. A geopolitical shift probably together with balance of power change has been set in motion, potentially reviving numerous frozen together with balance of power change has been set in motion, potentially reviving numerous frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet sphere. This shift made one side (Azerbaijan) recalculate its risk and reward conflicts in the post-Soviet sphere. shift made one side recalculate its risk and reward ratio and decide that conditions were now favourable. ratio and decide that conditions were now favourable
Conclusion Conclusion
Creating frozen conflicts and keeping them unresolved has long been an effective mechanism of Russian Creating frozen conflicts and keeping them unresolved has long been an effective mechanism of Russian strategic foreign policy. In this way, Moscow was able to take advantage of the complex set of territorial strategic policy. In way, Moscow was able to advantage of the complex set of territorial and ethnic confrontations in the region, which underwent a major restructuring after the collapse of the and ethnic confrontations in the region, which a major restructuring after the collapse of the USSR. This tactic worked for a long time because Russia had a special status in the post-Soviet space, USSR This tactic worked for a long time because Russia had a special status in the post-Soviet space, claiming it to be its legitimate historic sphere of influence and that Russia could mediate conflicts that it claiming it to be its legitimate historic sphere of influence and that Russia could mediate conflicts that it often covertly provoked itself Of course, it is essential to consider the very probable colonising mindset often covertly provoked itself. Of course, essential to consider the very probable colonising mindset of the Russian president as it can have a direct influence on foreign and domestic policies as the current of the Russian president as can have direct influence on foreign and domestic policies as the current regime is deeply personalised. These conflicts were also necessary for Russia to keep neighbouring regime is deeply These conflicts were necessary for Russia to keep neighbouring countries under its influence and prevent the development of a pro-Western political course. It can be countries under its influence and prevent the development of a pro-Western political course It can be argued that after Russia first used its status for direct aggression with its neighbour (Ukraine), a argued that after Russia first used its status for direct aggression with its neighbour (Ukraine), a geopolitical shift of influence in the region was triggered. The Kremlin started rapidly losing its role and geopolitical shift of influence in the region was triggered. The Kremlin started rapidly losing its role and points of pressure, so previously frozen conflicts began reviving at a new pace and becoming more points of pressure, so previously frozen conflicts began reviving new pace and becoming more challenging to manage What used to play into Moscow's hands, namely the unresolvedness of a whole challenging to manage. What used to play into Moscow's hands, namely the unresolvedness of whole tangle of interethnic and territorial disputes that run long back to history, is now posing a serious threat to tangle of and disputes that run long to history, now posing a serious threat to stability in the region. In other words, the freezer has broken down, and it is challenging to predict further in the region In other words, the freezer has broken down, and it is challenging to predict further dynamics in these conflicts as they unfreeze unpredictably. dynamics in these conflicts as they unfreeze unpredictably.
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ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
ACTUAL AGAIN AFTER RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE."
Alexandra Tsarvulanova ( Alexandra Tsarvulanova (University of Aberdeen) University of Aberdeen)
Yalowitz, Hon K S , Corboy, D and Courtney, W (2014) Hitting the Pause Button: The ‘Frozen Yalowitz, Hon.K.S., Corboy, D. and Courtney, W. (2014). Hitting the Pause Button: The ‘Frozen Conflict’ Dilemma in Ukraine Conflict’ Dilemma in Ukraine. The National Interest The National Interest. [online] 6 Nov Available at: [online] 6 Nov. Available at:
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Dr. Peter Rutland, Dr. Peter Professor of Government and the Colin and Nancy Professor of Government and the Colin and Nancy
Campbell Chair for Global Issues and Democratic Thought, Wesleyan University
Campbell Chair for Global Issues and Democratic Thought, Wesleyan University
Emil Kamalov Emil Kamalov and and Ivetta Sergeeva Ivetta Sergeeva (European University Institute (Italy)) (European University Institute (Italy))
Alejandro Martín Rodríguez Alejandro Martín Rodríguez and and Vladyslav Wallace Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) (Harvard University)
CAN MIGRANT ORGANIZATIONS EVADE THE LONG ARM OF CAN MIGRANT ORGANIZATIONS EVADE THE LONG ARM OF AUTOCRATS? A CONJOINT EXPERIMENT ON DONATION PREFERENCES AUTOCRATS? A CONJOINT EXPERIMENT ON DONATION PREFERENCES AMONG RUSSIAN
EXILES AMONG RUSSIAN EXILES
Emil Kamalov and Ivetta Sergeeva (European University Institute (Italy))
Emil Kamalov and Ivetta (European University Institute (Italy))
Transnational repression is a relatively well-documented tactic employed by autocratic states to control
Transnational repression is a relatively well-documented tactic employed by autocratic states to control their diasporas This study aims to explore the effects of a particular form of transnational repression, their diasporas. This study aims to explore the effects of a particular form of transnational repression, namely, repressive labeling, which involves the criminalization of political organizations and movements namely, repressive labeling, which involves the criminalization of political organizations and movements operating both inside the home country and abroad. Grounding on frameworks of transnational repression, home country abroad. Grounding on frameworks of repression, rational choice theory and the theory of collective action, this study aims to contribute to understanding rational choice theory and the theory of collective action, this study aims to contribute to understanding how autocracy can control diasporas political behavior abroad through increasing costs and risks of how autocracy can control diasporas political behavior abroad through increasing costs and risks of political coordination among exiles. political coordination among exiles.
Employing the Russian government's "undesirable organizations" designation as a case study, we explore whether this criminalization affects support for exiles’ organizations. Using a conjoint experiment with this criminalization affects support for exiles’ organizations. Using a conjoint experiment with over 7,000 participants from our panel survey Russian exiles, we evaluate how various organizational over 7,000 participants from our panel survey Russian exiles, we evaluate how various organizational atributes including repressive labels, anonymity of donations, and principles of accountability atributes including repressive labels, anonymity of donations, and principles of accountability influence support. Our findings reveal a dual mechanism at work. On one hand, the "undesirable" status is influence support. Our findings reveal a dual mechanism at work. On one hand, the "undesirable" status is seen as an added risk, deterring some supporters On the other, it is viewed as a sign of credibility and seen as an added risk, deterring some supporters. On the other, it is viewed as a sign of credibility and efficiency, atracting support, particularly when anonymity of donations is ensured. This suggests that, efficiency, atracting particularly when anonymity of donations is ensured. This suggests that, contrary to its intended purpose, repressive labeling may facilitate political coordination among exiles by to its intended purpose, repressive labeling may facilitate among exiles by signaling the credibility of certain organizations, but this effect is contingent on the provision of signaling the credibility of certain organizations, but this effect is contingent on the provision of anonymity for supporters. anonymity for supporters
Employing the Russian government's "undesirable organizations" designation as a case study, we explore
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BLENDING DIGITAL AND ANALOGUE PRACTICES FOR REGIME
STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS
For at least a decade after the commercialisation of the Internet, the prevailing view was that information
For least a decade commercialisation of the Internet, the prevailing was that information communication technologies (ICTs) had a liberation potential (Diamond, 2010). The Internet was often communication (ICTs) had a liberation potential (Diamond, 2010) The Internet was often understood as a catalyst for mass protests or even regime change. The theoretical argument behind the understood as a catalyst for mass protests or even regime change The theoretical argument behind the Internet’s effect on democratisation is straightforward. ICTs make it easier to circumvent the regime’s Internet’s effect on democratisation is straightforward. ICTs make it easier to circumvent the regime’s control of information (Farrell, 2012) and lower mobilisation costs for the protests (Jungherr et al., 2020) control of information (Farrell, 2012) and lower mobilisation for the protests (Jungherr et al., 2020).
More recent accounts, however, challenge this notion, suggesting that the role of ICTs in protest
More accounts, however, challenge this notion, that role of ICTs in protest mobilisation is rather multifaceted. Scholars argue that the Internet’s effect on protest mobilisation is not mobilisation is rather multifaceted Scholars argue that the Internet’s effect on protest mobilisation is not necessarily positive (Morozov, 2011), while autocrats have learnt how to harness ICTs to their advantage necessarily positive (Morozov, 2011), while autocrats have learnt how to harness ICTs to their advantage (Tucker et al., 2017; Weidmann & Rød, 2019). In this paper, I pick up on the call from recent studies on (Tucker et al., 2017; Weidmann & Rød, 2019). In this paper, I pick up on the call from recent studies on digital repression (Earl et al , 2022) and explore how authoritarian regimes combine online and offline digital repression (Earl al., 2022) and explore how authoritarian regimes combine online and offline practices to maintain control I do so by studying the response of the Belarusian autocratic regime of practices to maintain control. I do so by studying the response of the Belarusian autocratic regime of Lukashenko to the mass uprising in Belarus in 2020-2024. I employ a case study methodology, which fits Lukashenko to mass in Belarus in 2020-2024. I employ a case study methodology, which fits inductive theory-building when no theory exists (Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007). My findings demonstrate when no theory exists (Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007) My findings demonstrate that autocrats strategically combine digital and analogue practices depending on the regime's agenda. that autocrats strategically combine digital and analogue practices depending on the regime's agenda
It is essential to acknowledge that my insider perspective informs this research, as I participated in the essential to acknowledge that my insider perspective informs this research, as I participated in the events mentioned above and experienced some forms of repression. While being an insider offers mentioned above and experienced some forms of repression. While being an insider offers particular advantages in understanding the context, my agenda and emotional connection can not be fully advantages in the context, my agenda and emotional connection can not be fully eliminated and may influence the validity of the results (Teusner, 2016). eliminated and may influence the of the results (Teusner, 2016)
A growing scope of literature on ICTs and authoritarianism picks up on the techno-pessimist idea that the
A growing scope of literature on ICTs and authoritarianism picks up on the techno-pessimist idea that the development of the Internet may jeopardise freedom and democracy globally (Deibert, 2019; Hindman, of the Internet may jeopardise and democracy globally (Deibert, 2019; Hindman, 2009; Zuboff, 2019). Often referred to as digital authoritarianism, scholars in this field study the use of 2009; Zuboff, 2019) Often referred to as digital authoritarianism, scholars in this field study the use of surveillance, censorship and information manipulation by various actors across the regimes (Maerz, 2024; surveillance, censorship and information manipulation by various actors across the regimes (Maerz, 2024; Michaelsen & Kris Ruijgrok, 2024). The utility of this approach for studying modern autocratic regimes is Michaelsen & Kris Ruijgrok, 2024). The utility of this approach for studying modern autocratic regimes is limited as the motives, types and effects of digital authoritarian practices in autocracies and democracies limited as the motives, types and effects of digital authoritarian practices in and democracies differ significantly differ significantly.
Literature on digital repression analyses the use of surveillance, censorship, information manipulation and
Literature on digital repression analyses the use of surveillance, censorship, information manipulation and internet shutdowns in contention politics when the power of autocrats is challenged. Following internet shutdowns in contention politics when the power of autocrats is challenged. Following Davenport's broad conceptualisation of repression (2007), scholars approach digital repression as the Davenport's broad conceptualisation of repression (2007), scholars approach digital repression as the extension of traditional ones aimed at raising the costs of protest participation (Feldstein, 2021). Earl and of traditional ones aimed at raising the costs of protest participation (Feldstein, 2021). Earl and
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BLENDING DIGITAL AND ANALOGUE PRACTICES FOR REGIME
STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS
colleagues (2022) suggest that digital repression is both a practice to raise the costs of digital social colleagues (2022) suggest that digital repression is both a practice to raise the costs of digital social movement activities and any digital practice to raise the costs of traditional protest movement activities and any digital practice to raise the costs of traditional protest.
Schlumberger and colleagues (2023) criticised the field of digital authoritarianism and digital repression and colleagues (2023) criticised the field of authoritarianism and digital repression for its extensively technocratic approach and poor theorisation. Instead, they build on the well-known for its extensively technocratic approach and poor theorisation. Instead, they build on the well-known authoritarian stabilisation framework (Gerschewski, 2013) and suggest studying digital practices used by authoritarian stabilisation framework (Gerschewski, 2013) and suggest studying digital practices used by ‘digital dictators’ in close relation to the purposes they serve, namely, to change behaviour, influence ‘digital dictators’ in close relation to the purposes they serve, namely, to change behaviour, influence beliefs, and know about elites and opposition (Schlumberger et al., 2023) This shift in the focus from beliefs, and know about elites and opposition (Schlumberger et al., 2023). This shift the focus from technologies towards the goals they serve may be instrumental in studying the interplay between different towards goals they serve may be instrumental in studying interplay between different types of repression because it offers more flexibility and explanatory power than the approaches discussed types of repression because it offers more flexibility and explanatory power than the approaches discussed above. above
The existing understanding of the interaction between digital and analogue repressive tools has been
The existing understanding of the between digital and analogue repressive tools has been reduced to the autocrat’s use of digital surveillance to repress the targets subsequently. Egloff and Shires reduced the autocrat’s use of digital surveillance repress the targets subsequently. Egloff and Shires (2021) attempt to build a more conceptual understanding of this interaction and suggest that states use (2021) attempt to build a more understanding of this interaction and suggest that states use digital repressive practices to substitute, support or complement violence. Other studies indicate that repressive practices to substitute, support or complement violence Other studies indicate that dictators must balance censorship and surveillance because complete censorship makes it harder to target dictators must balance censorship and surveillance because complete censorship makes it harder to target state violence (Gohdes, 2024). Sombatpoonsiri (2024) differentiates between the panoptic, the punitive state violence (Gohdes, 2024). Sombatpoonsiri (2024) differentiates between the panoptic, the punitive and the framing power of an authoritarian state and suggests that different combinations of digital and the framing power of an authoritarian and suggests that different combinations of digital repressive practices serve all of them repressive all of them.
Protest in Belarus Protest in
In the 2020 presidential election, the authoritarian regime of Alexander Lukashenko, who was seeking his the 2020 presidential election, the authoritarian regime of Alexander Lukashenko, who was seeking his fifth term in office, faced a significant challenge Three prominent candidates – blogger Siarhei fifth term in office, faced significant challenge. Three prominent candidates – blogger Siarhei Tsikhanouski, banker Viktar Babaryko, and former diplomat Valery Tsepkalo – announced their Tsikhanouski, banker Viktar Babaryko, and former diplomat Valery Tsepkalo – announced their campaigns and rapidly gathered mass support. The regime reacted by arresting Tsikhanouski (later campaigns and rapidly gathered mass support. The regime reacted by arresting Tsikhanouski (later sentenced to 18 years in prison) and Babaryko (later sentenced to 14 years in prison) and initiating sentenced to 18 years in prison) and Babaryko sentenced to 14 years in prison) and initiating criminal proceedings against Tsepkalo (forced into exile). In response, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, criminal proceedings against Tsepkalo (forced into exile) In response, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Siarhei's wife with no prior political experience, emerged as the opposition leader, demanding new fair Siarhei's wife with no prior political experience, emerged as the opposition leader, demanding new fair elections elections.
Despite a controlled media landscape, a compliant electoral commission, and a vast repressive apparatus
Despite a controlled landscape, a compliant electoral commission, and a vast repressive apparatus (see Silitsky (2005) and Wilson (2021) on Belarusian authoritarianism), the official results awarding (see Silitsky (2005) and Wilson on Belarusian authoritarianism), the official results awarding Lukashenko a victory with 80.1% of the vote sparked mass protests across the country. Security forces Lukashenko a victory with 80 1% of the vote sparked mass protests across the country. Security forces violently cracked down on the demonstrations, detaining and torturing activists. The internet was violently cracked down on the demonstrations, detaining and torturing activists. The internet was completely shut down (Makhovsky & Balmforth, 2020), but the release of photos, videos, and stories of completely shut down (Makhovsky & Balmforth, 2020), but the release of photos, videos, and stories of
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STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS
torture in detention centres further fueled dissent On the protests, August 16th 2020, hundreds of in detention centres further fueled dissent. On the protests, August 16th 2020, hundreds of thousands of Belarusians took to the streets across the country, with estimates reaching up to 200,000 in
thousands of Belarusians took to the across the country, with reaching up 200,000 in Minsk alone (BBC, 2020; Simmons, 2020), demanding Lukashenko step down. The international alone (BBC, 2020; Simmons, 2020), Lukashenko step down. The international community largely refused to recognise the election results (Politico, 2020). community largely refused to recognise the election results (Politico, 2020)
The upspring in Belarus has become a prime example in the academic literature of how technology can be
The upspring in Belarus has become a prime example in the academic literature of how technology can be leveraged for social mobilisation even under tight state control (Batura, 2022) Despite the mass leveraged for social mobilisation even under tight state control (Batura, 2022). Despite the mass mobilisation, the Lukashenko regime, however, managed to cling to power This, in part, can be attributed mobilisation, the Lukashenko regime, however, managed to cling to power. This, in part, can be attributed to its ruthless repression tactics and use of digital technologies (Kuznetsova, 2023) aimed at more its ruthless repression tactics and use of digital technologies (Kuznetsova, 2023) aimed at more effective control. While the last to the date street protest took place in February 2022, with more than 800 effective control While the last to the date street protest took place in February 2022, more than 800 people detained, the regime continued to employ repressive practices, arresting for political reasons up to people detained, the regime continued to employ repressive practices, arresting for political reasons up to 20 people per day. More than 1450 people at the time of writing this paper remain recognised as political 20 people per day. More than 1450 people at the time of writing this paper remain recognised as political prisoners and remain in prison (Viasna, 2024) prisoners and remain in prison (Viasna, 2024).
Digital and analogue practices
Digital and analogue
The Belarusian regime maintains control through a wide range of analogue and digital repression tactics,
The Belarusian regime maintains control through a wide range of analogue and digital repression tactics, employing methods to censor, surveil, and arrest dissidents. While these practices often mirror those of employing methods to censor, surveil, and arrest dissidents. While these practices often mirror those of other autocratic regimes, Belarus also exhibits innovative approaches For the empirical part of this paper, other autocratic regimes, Belarus also exhibits innovative approaches. For the empirical part of this paper, I review the publicly available qualitative data: reports of human rights defenders and news articles I review the publicly available qualitative data: reports of human rights defenders and news articles published between August 2020 and March 2024. It is essential to mention that this paper is not a rigorous between August 2020 and 2024. It is essential to mention that this paper is not a rigorous qualitative case study where a theoretical argument is built inductively. Instead, I use my insider qualitative case study a theoretical argument is built inductively. Instead, I use my insider perspective and collected evidence to illustrate the theoretical argument made before. perspective and collected evidence to illustrate the theoretical argument made before
Digital and analogue practices to influence the behaviour
Digital and analogue practices to influence the behaviour
The Belarusian regime, like many others, weaponises digital technologies to augment traditional
However, to change the behaviour of other activists that might be reached, the regime employs digital
The Belarusian like many weaponises technologies to augment traditional repression methods. Facial recognition software scans online photos to identify protestors (Cybernews, repression methods Facial recognition software scans online photos to identify protestors (Cybernews, 2020), while analysis of bank transactions helps pinpoint individuals who donated to opposition 2020), while analysis of bank transactions helps pinpoint individuals who donated to opposition crowdfunding platforms (Belsat, 2023). These digital methods help to identify targets for subsequent crowdfunding platforms (Belsat, 2023). These digital methods help to identify targets for subsequent offline persecution Following physical arrests and, in some cases, torture of activists, the regime may, offline persecution. Following physical arrests and, in some torture of activists, the regime may, however, return to the digital sphere Security forces coerce detainees into self-incrimination by recording however, return the digital sphere. Security forces detainees into self-incrimination by recording so-called "repentance videos" (Deutsche Welle, 2022). These videos, intended to deter potential dissent so-called "repentance videos" (Deutsche Welle, 2022). intended deter potential dissent among others, are then disseminated through regime social media accounts and even promoted as targeted among others, are then disseminated through regime social media accounts and even promoted as targeted ads on platforms like Google and Meta (Rest of World, 2021). This demonstrates that the behaviour of ads on platforms like Google and Meta (Rest of World, 2021) This demonstrates that the behaviour of activists is changed by the application of digital surveillance followed by offline persecution and violence. activists is changed by the application of digital surveillance followed by offline persecution and violence. However, to change the behaviour of other activists that might not be reached, the regime employs digital
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BLENDING DIGITAL AND ANALOGUE PRACTICES FOR REGIME
STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS
Tsimafei Malakhouski (Oxford University) Tsimafei Malakhouski (Oxford University) practices which follow the traditional repression. practices which follow the traditional repression.
Digital and analogue practices to influence the belief
Digital and analogue practices to influence the belief
The Belarusian authorities widely use instruments like internet shutdowns, DDoS attacks, and domain
The Belarusian authorities widely use instruments like internet shutdowns, DDoS attacks, and domain deletion to censor undesired content (Human Constanta, 2022) However, when technical censorship deletion to undesired content (Human Constanta, 2022). However, when technical censorship solutions are unavailable (like in Telegram’s case, which the regime failed to block (Walker, 2020)), the solutions are unavailable (like Telegram’s case, which the regime failed to block (Walker, 2020)), the Belarusian regime turns to offline practices to crack down on the suppliers and consumers of the undesired Belarusian regime turns to offline practices to crack down on the suppliers and consumers of the undesired content. By analysing traffic or hacking accounts, authorities deanonymise channel administrators for content By analysing traffic or accounts, authorities deanonymise channel administrators for subsequent detention and persecution under ‘anti-extremism’ law (Nasha Niva, 2022). When physical subsequent detention and persecution under ‘anti-extremism’ law (Nasha Niva, 2022) When physical access to identified administrators is impossible, the regime may employ coercive practices like seizing access to identified administrators is impossible, the regime may employ coercive practices like seizing property or persecuting relatives of the content creators (Voice of Belarus, 2023) Simultaneously, the property or persecuting relatives of the content creators (Voice of Belarus, 2023). Simultaneously, the security services constantly monitor social media accounts and persecute people for "dissemination of constantly social media accounts and people for "dissemination of extremist materials" based on any engagement with the content (Zerkalo, 2024). Passive content materials" based on any engagement with the content (Zerkalo, 2024). Passive content consumption (reading news or following social media pages) is less accessible to regime surveillance due consumption (reading news or following social media pages) is less accessible to regime surveillance due to the affordances of platforms to hide the lists of followers and the use of VPN. Therefore, the Belarusian to the affordances of platforms to hide the lists of followers and the use of VPN Therefore, the Belarusian regime has nothing but to get back to offline monitoring of content consumption. The police check mobile regime has nothing but to get back to offline monitoring of content consumption. The police check mobile phones on the street, during border control, or at workplaces to see if individuals are subscribed to phones on the street, during border control, or at workplaces to if individuals are subscribed to Telegram or YouTube channels (Zerkalo, 2023a) Only during 2023, at least 100 people have been Telegram or YouTube channels (Zerkalo, 2023a). Only during 2023, least 100 people have been prosecuted for following social media pages and Telegram channels, which authorities labelled as prosecuted for following social media pages and channels, which authorities labelled as ‘extremists’. ‘extremists’
In addition to censorship practices, Belarusian authorities also employ digital and offline channelling addition to censorship practices, Belarusian authorities also employ digital and offline channelling strategies to control the public sphere Using administrative resources, they coerce public sector and state- strategies to control the public sphere. Using administrative resources, they coerce public sector and stateowned enterprises employees to subscribe to pro-regime social media, threatening them with financial owned employees subscribe to pro-regime social media, threatening them with financial penalties or job loss (Zerkalo, 2022). In social media communication, the regime often uses materials penalties or loss (Zerkalo, 2022). In social media communication, the regime uses materials gained through hacking accounts or confiscating devices to discredit the opposition in the eyes of the accounts or confiscating devices to discredit the opposition in the eyes of the population. population
Digital and analogue practices to know
Digital and analogue practices to know
While "knowing" is often not an end but rather a tool for influencing behaviour or belief, I argue that While is not an end rather a tool for influencing behaviour or belief, I argue that information and data about the opposition can have intrinsic value. The Belarusian regime uses phishing information and data about the opposition can have intrinsic value The Belarusian regime uses phishing and spoofing attacks to leak data or break into online meetings of opposition leaders (Zerkalo, 2023b) to and spoofing attacks to leak data or break into online meetings of opposition leaders (Zerkalo, 2023b) to gain awareness of their plans. They also use social engineering tactics through online messengers, voice gain awareness of their plans. They also use social engineering tactics through online messengers, voice calls, and video calls to acquire information about opposition plans (Zerkalo, 2023c). After detention or calls, and video calls to acquire information about opposition plans (Zerkalo, 2023c). After detention or
BLENDING DIGITAL AND ANALOGUE PRACTICES FOR REGIME
BLENDING DIGITAL AND ANALOGUE PRACTICES FOR REGIME
STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS STABILISATION: CASE OF BELARUS
offline interrogation, activists often find their devices hacked with spyware or additional accounts
offline interrogation, activists often find their devices hacked with spyware or additional accounts established (Nasha Niva, 2023). established (Nasha Niva,
Conclusion Conclusion
Studies on digital authoritarianism and digital repression are integral to the growing literature on
Studies on digital authoritarianism and digital repression are integral to the growing literature on autocratisation (Maerz, 2024). However, the field lacks a theory on how autocrats combine digital autocratisation (Maerz, 2024) However, the field lacks a theory on how autocrats combine digital repressive practices with analogue ones. This paper tries to fill this gap and analyses the permutations of repressive practices with analogue ones. This paper tries to fill this gap and analyses the permutations of various forms of online and offline repression, depending on the authoritarian agenda While previous various forms of online and offline repression, depending on the authoritarian agenda. While previous studies suggest a rather deterministic nature in the digitalisation of authoritarian politics (Egloff & Shires, studies suggest rather deterministic nature in the digitalisation of authoritarian politics (Egloff & Shires, 2021), my findings indicate that it is not only digital repression that is strategically used when necessary 2021), my indicate that is not only repression that is strategically used when necessary instead of more violent practices. Instead, traditional repression may also be used to support or substitute instead of more violent practices Instead, traditional repression may also be used to support or substitute digital ones when online practices are inaccessible or less effective. In other words, depending on the digital ones when online practices are inaccessible or less effective In other words, depending on the autocrat’s agenda, digital surveillance, computational propaganda, and censorship practices may be autocrat’s agenda, digital surveillance, computational propaganda, and censorship practices may be strategically combined with traditional repressions like arrests, legal persecution and violence whenever strategically combined with traditional repressions like arrests, legal persecution and violence whenever the effect of the combination is positive the effect of the combination is positive.
However, this paper’s empirical analysis is limited to the single case of the Belarusian regime’s response However, this paper’s empirical analysis is limited to the single case of the Belarusian regime’s response to the protests sparked in 2020. Moreover, instead of qualitative data collection and analysis, I use to the protests sparked in 2020 Moreover, instead of qualitative data collection and analysis, I use publicly available evidence to demonstrate the instances of interplay. Further studies should employ more publicly available evidence to demonstrate the instances of interplay. Further studies should employ more rigorous methodologies like qualitative interviews with activists, or ex-regime officials triangulated with rigorous methodologies like qualitative interviews with or ex-regime officials triangulated with news articles and policies Applying the presented approach to studying the combination of digital and articles and policies. Applying the presented approach to studying the combination of digital and traditional repression in different regimes and outside contentious politics will be beneficial. This and traditional repression in different and outside contentious politics will be beneficial. This and further studies may particularly interest pro-democracy activists in authoritarian regimes. They can also further studies may particularly interest pro-democracy activists in authoritarian regimes They can also inform policy in developing aid and regulating technologies and digital platforms. inform policy in developing aid and regulating technologies and digital platforms
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JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Introduction: The ‘island of democracy’ is dying Introduction: The ‘island of democracy’ is dying
Once called an “island of democracy”, Kyrgyzstan has been riddled with tumultuous political
Once called an “island of democracy”, Kyrgyzstan has been riddled tumultuous political developments over the past two centuries. Since becoming an independent nation in 1991, the small developments over the past two centuries Since becoming an nation in 1991, the small Central Asian country has experienced three revolts and has been grappling with a bipolar geopolitical Central Asian country has experienced three revolts and has been grappling with a bipolar geopolitical question that many in the region face: integrate with the Russian Federation or seek strategic alliances question that many in the region face: integrate with the Russian Federation or seek strategic alliances elsewhere (1) Throughout the history of relations between Kyrgyzstan and Russia, Russia has routinely elsewhere (1). Throughout the history of relations between Kyrgyzstan and Russia, Russia has routinely remained in the driver’s seat of Kyrgyz-Russian bilateral and multilateral engagement (2) Following the remained the driver’s seat of Kyrgyz-Russian bilateral and multilateral (2). Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, however, Russia placed Kyrgyzstan and its neighbors on the periphery disintegration of Soviet Union, however, Russia Kyrgyzstan and its neighbors on periphery as a result of its domestic turbulence and lack of a clearly defined Central Asia foreign policy (3). During as a result of its domestic turbulence and lack of a clearly defined Central Asia foreign policy (3) During this time, Kyrgyzstan was able to establish strong democratic foundations in its national and local this time, Kyrgyzstan was able to establish strong democratic foundations in its national and local governance, a process that was accompanied by the development of a large civil society. This turned the governance, a process that was accompanied by the development of a large civil society. This turned the country into a human rights and media freedom lighthouse relative to the region (4) country into a human rights and media freedom lighthouse relative to the region (4).
However, the country has remained significantly economically dependent on Russia, as roughly 1.2 However, country has significantly dependent on Russia, as roughly 1.2 million Kyrgyz migrants work in Russia and they account for approximately 30% of the country’s total million Kyrgyz migrants work in Russia and they account for approximately 30% of the total gross domestic product (5). Furthermore, Russian development aid and investment concentrate heavily in gross domestic product (5) Furthermore, Russian development aid and investment concentrate heavily in infrastructure and energy sectors, both of which play key roles in Kyrgyzstan’s economic landscape. infrastructure and energy sectors, both of which play key roles in Kyrgyzstan’s economic landscape. Consequently, these financial inflows do not simply prop up the Kyrgyz economy but also strengthen its Consequently, these financial inflows do not simply prop up the Kyrgyz economy but also strengthen its dependence on Russia and leave greater room for economic vulnerability and manipulation over dependence Russia and leave greater room for economic vulnerability and manipulation over Kyrgyzstan’s economic policies (6). Kyrgyzstan’s economic policies (6).
In recent years, a series of events including President Japarov’s rise to power have created the conditions
In recent years, a series of events including President Japarov’s rise to power have created the conditions forcing Kyrgyzstan to confront the apparent tensions between its 21st century democratic institutions and forcing Kyrgyzstan to confront the apparent tensions between its 21st century democratic institutions and its economic and security reliance on Moscow (7) This report assesses these events and explores how its economic and security reliance on Moscow (7). This report assesses these events and explores how evolutions in Kyrgyzstan’s political system are causing an apparent shrinking space for civil society in the evolutions in Kyrgyzstan’s political system an apparent shrinking space for civil society in the country. It also looks at the extent to which these trends have been exacerbated by Russia’s 2022 full-scale country. It also looks at the extent to which these trends have been by Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, with more pressure being put on civil society leaders through repression of freedom invasion of Ukraine, with more pressure being put on civil society leaders through repression of freedom of speech and mobilizing rights. of speech and mobilizing rights
1 Lucas Labado (2020), “Instability in Kyrgyzstan”, Democratic Erosion, October 15, available at: https://www.democratic-erosion.com/2020/10/15/instability-in-kyrgyzstan/; The 1 Lucas Labado (2020), “Instability in Kyrgyzstan”, Democratic Erosion, October 15, available at: https://www.democratic-erosion.com/2020/10/15/instability-in-kyrgyzstan/; The World Bank (2023), “The World Bank in the Kyrgyz Republic: Overview”, available at: https://www worldbank.org/en/country/kyrgyzrepublic/overview in the Kyrgyz Republic: Overview”, available at:
2 Ibid 2 Ibid
3 Hamid Toursunov (2010), “Leaving Home to Go Home”, ReliefWeb, March 25, available at: 3 (2010), to Home”, ReliefWeb, March 25, available at: https://reliefweb int/report/kyrgyzstan/kyrgyzstan-leaving-home-go-home https://reliefweb int/report/kyrgyzstan/kyrgyzstan-leaving-home-go-home
4 4 Pamela Spratlen (2014), “Democracy in Central Asia: Supporting Kyrgyzstan’s ‘Island of Democracy’”, Council of American Ambassadors, available at: Pamela (2014), in Central Asia: Supporting ‘Island of Council of American Ambassadors, available at: https://www americanambassadors org/publications/ambassadors-review/fall- 2014/democracy-in-central-asia-supporting-kyrgyzstan-s-island-of-democracy americanambassadors org/publications/ambassadors-review/fall- 2014/democracy-in-central-asia-supporting-kyrgyzstan-s-island-of-democracy
5 Markus Ziener (2023), “They found work in Russia Then it became a deadly trap”, Los Angeles Times, April 18, available at: https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2023-
5 Markus (2023), “They found in Russia Then it a trap”, Times, 18, at: https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/202304-18/russia-migrant-workers-drafted-military-ukraine- war 04-18/russia-migrant-workers-drafted-military-ukraine- war
6 David Trilling and Chinghiz Umetov (2010), “Kyrgyzstan: Is Putin Punishing Bakiyev”, Eurasianet, April 6, available at:https://eurasianet.org/kyrgyzstan-is-putin-punishing-
6 David Trilling and Chinghiz Umetov (2010), “Kyrgyzstan: Is Putin Punishing Bakiyev”, Eurasianet, April 6, available at:https://eurasianet.org/kyrgyzstan-is-putin-punishingbakiyev
7 Aijan Sharshenova (2023), “One year on: Kyrgyzstan’s balancing act between Russia and the West”, The Foreign 7 Aijan Sharshenova year on: act between and Foreign Policy Centre, February 24, available at: https://fpc org.uk/one-year-on-kyrgyzstans-balancing-act-between-russia- and-the-west/ 24, available at:
KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING CHALLENGES DURING CHALLENGES DURING
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Our findings are informed by a research trip to Bishkek during August 2023, where we were able to
Our findings informed by a research trip to Bishkek during August 2023, where we were able to conduct semi-structured interviews with more than 20 civil society organizations that work on issues conduct semi-structured interviews with more than 20 civil society organizations that work on issues including, but not limited to, democratization, corruption, human rights, media, the rule of law, and limited democratization, corruption, human rights, rule of law, and LGBTQI+ rights, as well as relevant embassies and multilateral organizations. Our analysis concludes LGBTQI+ rights, as well as relevant embassies and multilateral organizations Our analysis concludes with a summary of findings arguing that Kyrgyzstan currently stands at a critical juncture in its history with a summary of findings arguing that Kyrgyzstan currently stands at a critical juncture in its history where the decisions of its leaders and society may determine the future of Kyrgyz generations to come, as where the decisions of its leaders and society may determine the future of Kyrgyz generations to come, as well as the survival of the ‘island of democracy’ in Central Asia well as the survival of the ‘island of democracy’ in Central Asia.
Analysis: Developments in the Kyrgyz Civic Society Space Developments in the Kyrgyz Civic Society
Since 2021, Kyrgyzstan's civil society has navigated a challenging political terrain, influenced Since 2021, Kyrgyzstan's civil society has navigated a challenging political terrain, influenced significantly by Russian interference and internal legislative changes following President Japarov’s significantly by Russian interference and internal legislative changes following President Japarov’s accession to power This complex environment, exacerbated by President Japarov's tenure and the to power. This complex environment, exacerbated by President Japarov's and the geopolitical aftermath of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, threatens the autonomy and effectiveness of civil geopolitical aftermath of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, threatens the autonomy and effectiveness of civil society organizations and signals a concerning shift towards autocracy, raising alarm over the future of society organizations and signals a concerning shift towards autocracy, raising alarm over the future of human rights and civic freedom in Kyrgyzstan. human rights and civic freedom in Kyrgyzstan.
As a result of a turbulent political landscape, Kyrgyz civil society has experienced numerous changes
As a result of a turbulent political landscape, Kyrgyz civil society has experienced numerous changes many of which have restricted critical voices (8) Despite assurances that the Kyrgyz government is many of which have restricted critical voices (8). Despite assurances that the Kyrgyz government is protecting human rights and freedoms, notable pieces of legislation since Japarov’s access to the protecting human rights and freedoms, notable of legislation since Japarov’s access to the presidency threaten the civil society space and its ability to operate independently of the government (9). presidency threaten the civil society space and its ability to operate independently of the government (9). While it is important to clarify that some of these restrictions began prior to and independent of the
While it is important to clarify that some of these restrictions began prior to and independent of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the motivation behind such legislative reforms could be traced to Russian Russian invasion of Ukraine, the motivation behind such legislative reforms could be traced to Russian influence and interference, both of which have seemingly intensified after the invasion. Indeed, the influence and interference, both of which have seemingly intensified after the invasion. Indeed, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has influenced the Kyrgyz civil society space in a multitude of ways, ranging invasion of Ukraine has influenced the Kyrgyz civil society space in a multitude of ways, ranging from intensified propaganda to direct government pressure, all of which are working to undermine the from intensified propaganda direct government all of which are working to undermine the efforts of non- governmental organizations to effect meaningful change in Kyrgyzstan. These influences of non- governmental to meaningful change in Kyrgyzstan. These influences have served in some ways as a ‘wake-up call’ for non-governmental organizations and the Kyrgyz general in some ways as a ‘wake-up call’ for non-governmental organizations and the Kyrgyz general public (10). public (10)
First of all, Russia’s war has, in the opinion of the Kyrgyz civil society organizations interviewed in this
First of all, Russia’s war has, in the opinion of the Kyrgyz civil society organizations interviewed in this study, empowered a domestic legislative assault against the Kyrgyz civil society space that is remaining study, empowered a domestic legislative assault against the Kyrgyz civil society space that is remaining substantially unchecked by international partners and organizations largely due to a geopolitical focus on unchecked by partners and organizations largely due to a geopolitical focus on
8 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan Events of 2022”, available at: https://www hrw.org/world- report/2023/country-chapters/kyrgyzstan
8 Rights Watch (2023), of 2022”, available at: https://www hrw.org/world- report/2023/country-chapters/kyrgyzstan
9 OpenDemocracy (2022), “Did Kyrgyzstan turn into an authoritarian state overnight?”, November 2, available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/kyrgyzstan-media-
9 OpenDemocracy (2022), “Did Kyrgyzstan turn into an authoritarian state overnight?”, November available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/kyrgyzstan-mediafreedom-authoritarian-state-reservoir-uzbekistan/ freedom-authoritarian-state-reservoir-uzbekistan/
10 Jasmine D Cameron, Ambassador (ret ) Eilen Malloy, Megan Osadzinski and Juliet Sorensen (2023), “From ‘Island of Democracy’ to ‘Consolidated Authoritarian Regime’: The
10 Jasmine D Cameron, Ambassador (ret ) Eilen Malloy, Megan Osadzinski and Juliet Sorensen (2023), “From ‘Island of to ‘Consolidated Authoritarian The Need to Reverse Kyrgyzstan’s Slide”, Just Security, July 24, available at: https://www justsecurity.org/87368/from-island-of-democracy-to-consolidated- authoritarian-regime-the- Slide”, Security, July available at: authoritarian-regime-theneed-to-reverse-kyrgyzstans-slide/
KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING CHALLENGES DURING CHALLENGES DURING
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Ukraine and elsewhere The potential consequences of such an assault are concerning: restrictions on Ukraine and elsewhere. The potential consequences of such an assault are concerning: restrictions on freedom of association and expression, criminal liability for civil society activities, and unchecked freedom of association and expression, criminal liability for civil society and unchecked presidential consolidation of power (11). Kyrgyzstan’s legislative sphere is vulnerable to direct Russian presidential consolidation of power (11). Kyrgyzstan’s legislative direct Russian opposition and influence as is most recently demonstrated by the previously discussed example of Russian opposition and influence as is most demonstrated by the previously discussed example of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s criticism of the adoption of the Kyrgyz language law in Kyrgyzstan as Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s criticism of the adoption of the Kyrgyz language law in Kyrgyzstan as an anti-democratic step (12). His criticism aims to fabricate the presence of language discrimination—as an anti-democratic step (12). His criticism aims to fabricate the presence of language discrimination—as his government has previously done in Ukraine and the Baltics (13) in a nation that recognizes both his government has previously done in Ukraine and the Baltics (13) in a nation that recognizes both Kyrgyz and Russian as de jure official languages Even more, the move illustrates how the Russian Kyrgyz and Russian as de jure official languages. Even more, the move illustrates how the Russian administration perceives its interests in the Central Asian country, both in soft, cultural terms and more its interests in the Central Asian country, in soft, terms and more pronounced, politico-economic terms. pronounced, terms
Drafted legislation such as the Law on Mass Media (14) and Law on “Foreign Representatives”(15) serve
Drafted legislation such as the Law on Mass Media (14) and Law on “Foreign Representatives”(15) serve as existential threats to many Kyrgyz non-governmental organizations as their passage could spell the end existential threats to many Kyrgyz non-governmental organizations as their passage could spell the end of many civil society organizations’ ability to operate independently or exist altogether The laws’ of many civil society organizations’ ability to operate independently or altogether. The laws’ enforcement could lead to punishments such as the suspension of an organization’s activities including could lead to punishments as suspension of an organization’s activities including banking operations, undue fines and penalties, or, in some cases, up to 10 years of imprisonment (16). operations, undue fines and penalties, or, in some cases, up to 10 years of imprisonment (16) These efforts aim to stigmatize organizations that accept foreign funding—often a lifeline for small, local These efforts aim to stigmatize organizations that accept foreign funding—often a lifeline for small, local organizations (17) and discourage their operations altogether by shrinking the domains in which they organizations (17) and discourage their operations altogether by shrinking the domains in which they can base their activities This overt politicization of the civil society space through undue government base their activities. This overt politicization of the civil society space through undue government oversight in Kyrgyzstan renders any form of civic activity politically-sensitive and, consequently, may oversight in Kyrgyzstan renders any form of civic activity politically-sensitive and, consequently, may subject an organization and its staff to political targeting and intimidation tactics. subject an organization and its staff to political targeting and
Despite concerns raised by experts (18) that these laws are incompatible (19) with Kyrgyzstan's
Despite concerns raised by experts (18) that these laws are incompatible (19) with Kyrgyzstan's international human rights obligations under the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights (ICCPR), international human rights obligations under the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights (ICCPR),
11 Ibid; Haley Zehrung (2023), “New Wave Authoritarianism in Kyrgyzstan”, The Diplomat, May 31, available at: https://thediplomat.com/2023/05/new-wave-authoritarianism-in- Ibid; Haley (2023), Authoritarianism in Diplomat, 31, at: https://thediplomat.com/2023/05/new-wave-authoritarianism-inkyrgyzstan/
12 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (2023), “Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s Remarks at a Meeting with Russian Non-profit organization Leaders”, july
The of Affairs of the Federation Lavrov’s Remarks at a Meeting with Russian Non-profit Leaders”, july 19, available at: https://mid ru/en/foreign policy/news/1897750/ 19, available at: https://mid ru/en/foreign policy/news/1897750/
13 Delegation of the EU to the People’s Republic of China (2022), “Disinformation About Russia’s invasion of Ukraine - Debunking Seven Myths spread by Russia”, March 18, 13 of the EU to the People’s Republic of China “Disinformation About Russia’s invasion of Ukraine - Debunking Seven spread Russia”, March 18, available at: https://www eeas europa eu/delegations/china/disinformation-about-russias-invasion-ukraine-debunking-seven- myths-spread-russia en?s=166 eu/delegations/china/disinformation-about-russias-invasion-ukraine-debunking-seven- en?s=166
14 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Attacks on Media, Free Expression”, June 27, available at:
14 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Attacks on Media, Expression”, 27, available at:
15 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Draft Law Threatens Civic Space”, June 9, available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/06/09/kyrgyzstan-draft-law-threatens-civic-
15 Human Rights (2023), Law Threatens Civic Space”, June 9, available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/06/09/kyrgyzstan-draft-law-threatens-civicspace / United Nations (2023) “Mandates of the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association; the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and / (2023) “Mandates of the Special Rapporteur on rights peaceful assembly and of Special the and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders”, 2 October to freedom opinion and expression and Special Rapporteur on situation human defenders”, 2 October https://spcommreports ohchr org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=28447 https://spcommreports ohchr org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=28447
16 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Draft Law Threatens Civic Space”, June 9, available at:
16 Human Rights Watch Draft Law Threatens Civic June 9, available at: https://www hrw org/news/2023/06/09/kyrgyzstan-draft-law-threatens-civic-space org/news/2023/06/09/kyrgyzstan-draft-law-threatens-civic-space
17 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Reject Law to Curb Civil Society”, June 13, available at: Human Rights (2023), Civil Society”, June 13, available at: https://www hrw org/news/2023/06/13/kyrgyzstan-reject-law-curb-civil-society https://www hrw org/news/2023/06/13/kyrgyzstan-reject-law-curb-civil-society
18 IPHR, KIBHR, LPF, TIHR, AHRCA (2023), “Joint NGO Letter to Charles Michel”, May 26, available at:
18 IPHR, KIBHR, LPF, TIHR, AHRCA (2023), “Joint NGO Letter to Charles Michel”, May 26, available at: https://www iphronline org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Joint-NGO-letter-Charles-Michel-26-May-2023.pdf org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Joint-NGO-letter-Charles-Michel-26-May-2023.pdf
19 Adilet (2023), “Analysis of the Draft Law of the Kyrgyz Republic”, May 30, available at: Adilet “Analysis of of Kyrgyz Republic”, May 30, available at: https://adilet kg/ky/tpost/fd25syol91-analiz-proekta-zakona-kirgizskoi-respubl kg/ky/tpost/fd25syol91-analiz-proekta-zakona-kirgizskoi-respubl
KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING CHALLENGES DURING CHALLENGES DURING
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Kyrgyz officials remain determined to see their passage through (20) This is yet another evidence of the Kyrgyz officials remain determined to see their passage through (20). This yet another evidence of the growing autocratic tendencies experienced in the country, and their relation to Russia’s invasion of tendencies experienced in the country, and their relation to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine must be further explored. In this regard, it is important to note that the draft laws draw heavily must be further explored. In this regard, is important to that the laws draw heavily from corresponding Russian legislation and would enable Kyrgyz authorities to arbitrarily discredit and from Russian legislation and would enable Kyrgyz authorities to arbitrarily discredit and obstruct the work of foreign-funded civil society organizations much like in Russia. The Kyrgyz draft obstruct the work of foreign-funded civil society organizations much like in Russia The Kyrgyz draft laws, like their Russian counterparts, are ambiguously-phrased to allow virtually any form of activity to be laws, like their Russian counterparts, are ambiguously-phrased to allow virtually any form of activity to be construed as “political” (21) The existential threat that such legislation poses to civic organizations in construed as “political” (21). The existential threat that such legislation poses civic organizations in Kyrgyzstan must not be understated; many non-governmental organizations will either have to register as Kyrgyzstan be understated; many non-governmental will either have register as “foreign representatives” or cease their operations altogether to avoid restrictions and reputational representatives” or cease operations altogether avoid restrictions and reputational damage. Many of the civil society organizations consulted in this study indicated a readiness for the latter damage Many of the civil society organizations consulted in this study indicated a readiness for the latter path, as its leaders would not dare to endanger the lives of their staff were they subjected to the application path, as its leaders would not dare to endanger the lives of their staff were they subjected to the application of these laws. of these laws.
The outlook for the civic space in Kyrgyzstan as a result of these legislative acts ominously resembles that
The outlook for the civic space in Kyrgyzstan as a result of these legislative acts ominously resembles that of Russia’s in the past decade, which provides an alarming example of just how disastrous these Russia’s in the past decade, which provides an alarming example of just how disastrous these legislative pieces can be. Russian authorities often use the adopted legislation to systemically discredit and legislative pieces can be Russian authorities often use the legislation to discredit and silence civil society organizations as part of a larger crackdown on civil society (22). Overtime, such silence civil society organizations as part of a larger crackdown on civil society (22) Overtime, such legislation expanded to other types of organizations, including media, individual human rights activists, legislation expanded to other types of organizations, including media, individual human rights activists, journalists, and lawyers all of whom were accused of engaging in ‘political activities’ with the support journalists, and lawyers all of whom were accused of engaging in ‘political activities’ with the support of foreign funding (23) Consequently, the government was able to use this as a tool to stifle any public of foreign funding (23). Consequently, the government was able to use this a tool to stifle any public dissent and criticism of state policies (24). dissent and criticism of (24).
Besides sharing similar language and provisions, the relationship between the draft Kyrgyz laws and their
Besides sharing similar language and provisions, the relationship between the draft Kyrgyz laws and their Russian counterparts can also be traced back to meetings between Central Asian security sector chiefs that Russian counterparts can also be traced back to meetings between Central Asian security sector chiefs that took place in Moscow and where discussions were held on how to limit Western organizations’ influence took place in Moscow and where discussions were held on how to limit Western organizations’ influence in the region (25) Shortly after these meetings, members of parliament in Kyrgyzstan first introduced the the region (25). Shortly after these meetings, members of parliament in Kyrgyzstan first introduced the draft “Law on Foreign Representatives”, exemplifying a rather particular timing. Later on, that same draft “Law on Foreign Representatives”, exemplifying a particular Later on, that same draft law was scheduled to be voted on in parliament on June 26th, 2023 but was withdrawn from the agenda was scheduled to be on in parliament on June 26th, but was withdrawn from the agenda following Prigozhin’s march to Moscow two days prior. following Prigozhin’s march to Moscow two days prior
20 United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (1976), “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights”, March 23, available at:
20 United Nations Human Rights Office of the Commissioner (1976), “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights”, March 23, available at: https://www ohchr org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international- covenant-civil-and-political-rights org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international- covenant-civil-and-political-rights
21 Bruce Pannier (2023), “Central Asia in Focus: Russia’s Influence on Kyrgyz Legislation”, RadioFreeEurope, June 6, available at: https://pressroom.rferl.org/a/32447424.html (2023), Asia in Russia’s Influence Kyrgyz RadioFreeEurope, June
22 Tanya Lokshina (2023), “Russia Bans Key Platform for Civil Society Cooperation”, Human Rights Watch, April 13, available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/04/13/russia-
22 Tanya Lokshina (2023), “Russia Key Platform for Civil Society Cooperation”, Rights Watch, April 13, available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/04/13/russiabans-key-platform-civil-society-cooperation bans-key-platform-civil-society-cooperation
23 RFERL (2022), “Putin Signs Off On Harsher ‘Foreign Agent’ Law”, RadioFreeEurope, July 14, available at: https://www.rferl.org/a/putin-signs-off-harsher-foreign-agent- 23 “Putin Signs Off On Harsher ‘Foreign Law”, 14, available at: https://www.rferl.org/a/putin-signs-off-harsher-foreign-agentlaw/31943645 html
24 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Reject Law to Curb Civil Society”, June 13, available at: Human Rights (2023), to Civil Society”, June 13, available at: https://www hrw org/news/2023/06/13/kyrgyzstan-reject-law-curb-civil-society https://www hrw org/news/2023/06/13/kyrgyzstan-reject-law-curb-civil-society
25 TASS Russian News Agency (2023), “Meetings of Senior Security Officials in Russia-Central Asia Format to Be Held Regularly”, June 23, available at:
25 TASS Russian News Agency “Meetings of Senior Officials in Russia-Central Asia Format to Be Held Regularly”, June 23, available at: https://tass com/defense/1637307 https://tass com/defense/1637307
KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE:
NAVIGATING
KYRGYZ CIVIC RESILIENCE: NAVIGATING CHALLENGES DURING CHALLENGES DURING
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University) Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
It is not only the introduction of draft laws limiting the scope of work for civil society organizations that is only the introduction of draft laws limiting the scope of work for civil society organizations that is shrinking civic space in Kyrgyzstan Public protests have been prohibited in the country since March 2022 shrinking space in Kyrgyzstan. Public protests have been prohibited in the March 2022 due to a ban that is inextricably linked to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The Kyrgyz government first a ban that inextricably linked to Russia’s invasion of The Kyrgyz government first introduced such a ban following the first gatherings in front of the Russian Embassy in Bishkek of citizens introduced such a ban following the first gatherings in front of the Russian in Bishkek of citizens who stood against the invasion of Ukraine (26). This ban has since been expanded to all forms of political who stood against the invasion of Ukraine (26) This ban has since been expanded to all forms of political protest in the country and has remained in place for over a year (27). Although this form of restriction falls protest in the country and has remained in place for over a year (27). Although this form of restriction falls outside of even the more autocratic new constitution in Kyrgyzstan, civil society leaders have pointed to a outside of even the more autocratic new constitution in Kyrgyzstan, civil society leaders have pointed to a diplomatic note by Russia’s foreign ministry as the source granting the Kyrgyz government a justification diplomatic by Russia’s foreign ministry as the source granting the Kyrgyz government a justification to act in a way that heavily imposes limits to its citizens’ rights and liberties (28). Once again, this act in a way that heavily imposes limits to its citizens’ rights and liberties (28). Once again, this reinforces a tendency that has accompanied Kyrgyzstan’s path towards autocracy which places particular reinforces a tendency that has accompanied Kyrgyzstan’s path towards autocracy which places particular attention to limiting criticism against Russia and its military invasion of Ukraine. attention to limiting criticism against Russia and its military invasion of Ukraine
The shrinking space of civil society organizations experienced in Kyrgyzstan, both due to the passing of
The shrinking space of civil society organizations experienced in Kyrgyzstan, both due to the passing of restrictive laws as well as the prohibition of public protests, is inextricably linked to the country’s growing laws as well as the prohibition of public protests, is inextricably linked to the country’s growing autocratic tendencies under Japarov’s presidency. According to the civil society organizations consulted in under Japarov’s presidency. According to the civil society organizations consulted in this study, these two phenomena have significantly intensified since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. this study, these two phenomena since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
Conclusion Conclusion
As shown in this report, Kyrgyzstan’s ‘island of democracy’ has suffered a number of existential
As shown this report, Kyrgyzstan’s ‘island of democracy’ has suffered a number of existential challenges in years prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Its political system is becoming ever more challenges in years prior to Russia’s invasion Ukraine. Its system is becoming ever more autocratic under Japarov’s presidency, which has translated into increasingly restrictive laws and policies autocratic under Japarov’s presidency, which has translated into increasingly restrictive laws and policies that are shrinking the country’s civic space. that are shrinking the country’s civic space
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has arguably intensified all of these tendencies, but the case for the Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has arguably intensified all of these tendencies, but the case for the protection of civil society work in Kyrgyzstan is not all lost There are sources of friction between Japarov protection of civil society work in Kyrgyzstan is not all lost. There are sources of friction between Japarov and Putin, mostly related to the former’s nationalist and populist narratives which serve as a main source Putin, mostly related former’s nationalist and populist narratives which serve as a main source of his power. These may lead the Kyrgyz leadership to rely on alternative partnerships, which could have of his power These may lead the Kyrgyz leadership to rely on partnerships, could have the potential to influence a reversal of their restrictive laws. Civil society in Kyrgyzstan, albeit under huge the potential to influence a reversal of their restrictive laws Civil society in Kyrgyzstan, albeit under huge pressure, is still the strongest in the region, and they have proven successful at checking and countering pressure, is still the strongest in the region, and they have proven successful at checking and countering authoritarian rule in the past authoritarian rule in the past.
In this context, this paper argues that Kyrgyzstan stands at a critical juncture in its recent history. Kyrgyz
In context, this paper argues that Kyrgyzstan stands at a critical juncture in its Kyrgyz leadership and society is now facing a choice that will determine its role in the broader ‘democracy vs. leadership and society is now facing a choice that will determine its role in the broader ‘democracy vs
26
26
Colleen Wood (2022), “Kyrgyz Authorities Try to Head off Protests With Restrictions”, The Diplomat, March 31, available at: https://thediplomat.com/2022/03/kyrgyzauthorities-try-to-head-off-protests-with-restrictions/
Colleen Wood (2022), “Kyrgyz Authorities Try to Head off Protests With Restrictions”, The Diplomat, March 31, available at: https://thediplomat.com/2022/03/kyrgyz-
27 Amnesty International (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Suppression of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in Kyrgyzstan”, March 16, available at: (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: peaceful assembly in March 16, available at: https://www amnesty org/en/documents/eur58/6559/2023/en/ org/en/documents/eur58/6559/2023/en/
Human Rights Watch
“Kyrgyzstan: Repeal Protest Ban”, available at: https://www hrw.org/news/2022/03/24/kyrgyzstan-repeal-protest-ban
28 Human Rights Watch (2023), “Kyrgyzstan: Repeal Protest Ban”, available at: https://www hrw.org/news/2022/03/24/kyrgyzstan-repeal-protest-ban
JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
autocracy’ struggle President Japarov’s potential decision to tie his country’s future to Moscow could risk autocracy’ struggle. President Japarov’s potential decision to tie his country’s future Moscow could risk losing a great deal of independence, which is fundamentally linked to his popular nationalist policies losing a great deal of independence, which fundamentally linked to his popular nationalist policies. Conversely, seeking to secure Kyrgyzstan’s sovereignty by establishing alternative partnerships could seeking to secure Kyrgyzstan’s sovereignty by establishing partnerships could require a limiting of autocratic tendencies and the reversal of policies limiting civil society action in the require a of autocratic tendencies and the reversal of limiting civil society action in the Central Asian country.
Central Asian country
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JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
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JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE JAPAROV'S LEADERSHIP AND RUSSIA'S INVASION OF UKRAINE
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
Alejandro Martin Rodriguez and Vladyslav Wallace (Harvard University)
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Papers by Panels
PANEL III: Imperial Histories in Georgian, Siberian, and Indian Lands
PANEL III: Imperial Histories in Georgian, Siberian, and Indian Lands
Co-Chair: Co-Chair: Maggie Lindrooth Maggie Lindrooth and and Nazerke Mukhlissova Nazerke Mukhlissova (Yale University) (Yale University)
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Claire Roosien Claire Roosien, Assistant Professor in Slavic Languages and , Assistant Professor in Slavic Languages and Literatures, Yale University Literatures, Yale University
In his 2000 book, his 2000 book, The Chukchi Bible The Chukchi Bible, Indigenous Siberian author Yuri Rytkheu (19302008) recounts the , Indigenous Siberian author Yuri Rytkheu (19302008) recounts the history of his people, the Chukchi, who self-identify as Luoravetlan, and their coastal, Bering Sea village history of his people, the Chukchi, who self-identify as Luoravetlan, and their coastal, Bering Sea village of Uelen in Russia’s easternmost region: Chukotka Peninsula. Rytkheu narrates Luoravetlan history from of in Russia’s easternmost region: Chukotka Peninsula. Rytkheu narrates Luoravetlan history from its origins through the life of his grandfather and Uelen’s last shaman, Mletkin, using an Indigenous its origins through the life of his grandfather and Uelen’s last shaman, Mletkin, using an Indigenous perspective that plays an important role in understanding Russian and Soviet coloniality, as well as perspective that plays an important role in understanding Russian and Soviet coloniality, as well as Indigenous resistance. Notably, Rytkheu focuses on the colonial violence the Soviet modernizing project Indigenous resistance. Notably, Rytkheu focuses on the colonial violence the Soviet modernizing project perpetrated While he highlights how some social problems, like alcohol abuse, food scarcity, and disease perpetrated. While he highlights how some social problems, like alcohol abuse, food scarcity, and disease outbreaks, began after contact with Imperial Russians, he demonstrates that Sovietization caused far more outbreaks, began after contact with Imperial Russians, he demonstrates that Sovietization caused far more widespread destruction.
Through an analysis of Through an analysis of The Chukchi Bible The Chukchi Bible, I seek to expand on conceptualizations of imperial violence , I seek to expand on conceptualizations of imperial violence and colonialism to include the Soviet modernizing project, which atempted to hide cultural genocide and colonialism to include the Soviet modernizing project, which atempted hide cultural genocide behind a veneer of “people’s friendship” that was in fact a conditional, exclusionary control mechanism behind a veneer of “people’s friendship” that was in fact a conditional, exclusionary control mechanism favoring larger, more compliant ethnic groups outside the borders of the Russian SSR. I will engage with favoring larger, more compliant ethnic groups outside the borders of the Russian SSR. I will engage with decolonial theory and Fricker’s (2007) concept of epistemicide to argue that Soviet modernization was an decolonial and Fricker’s (2007) concept of epistemicide to argue that Soviet modernization was an escalation of Russian imperial violence hiding the “civilizing mission” and Enlightenment-era escalation of Russian imperial violence hiding the “civilizing mission” and Enlightenment-era hierarchies of humanity behind “modernization.” hierarchies of humanity behind “modernization.”
Soviet modernity first arrived in Chukotka in several ways, including the nationalities policy of the 1920s. Soviet modernity first arrived in Chukotka in several ways, including the nationalities policy of the 1920s.
The nationalities policy, Terry Martin reminds us, was adopted to consolidate Soviet control by allowing
The nationalities policy, Terry Martin reminds us, was adopted to consolidate Soviet control by allowing for some symbolic “national” linguistic and cultural development of non-Russian minority groups to for some “national” linguistic and cultural of non-Russian minority groups to appease nationalist factions demanding greater autonomy (13). However, this policy did not always apply appease nationalist factions demanding greater autonomy (13) However, this policy did not always apply equally to all minority groups and was explicitly developed to “disarm non-Russian nationalisms by equally to all minority groups and was explicitly developed to “disarm non-Russian nationalisms by granting diminished forms of nationhood to minority populations, although only the ones who acquiesced granting diminished forms of nationhood to minority populations, although only the ones who acquiesced
THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL VIOLENCE IN VIOLENCE IN THE CHUKCHI BIBLE THE CHUKCHI BIBLE
to Soviet rule” (Beissinger 296) This means that smaller or uncooperative minority groups were left out Soviet rule” (Beissinger 296). This that smaller or uncooperative minority groups were left out of nationalities policy discourse unsupported or even violently suppressed. After territories came under of nationalities policy discourse unsupported or violently suppressed. After territories came under Bolshevik control, they often instituted mass Russification and “reeducation” campaigns intended to Bolshevik control, they often mass Russification and “reeducation” intended to Bolshevize local inhabitants and purge “undesirable” elements like religious leaders and practices or other local inhabitants and purge “undesirable” elements like religious leaders and practices or other traditional lifeways that were, in the Soviet view, “backward.” (Martin) traditional lifeways that were, in the Soviet view, “backward.” (Martin)
For example, following Bolshevik victory in Chukotka in the early 1920s, officials established a Soviet- example, following Bolshevik victory in Chukotka in the early 1920s, officials established a Sovietrun school with Russian instructors Through Mletkin’s eyes, Rytkheu describes how this school school with Russian instructors. Through Mletkin’s Rytkheu describes how this school participated in and encouraged the destruction of Uelen’s multigenerational cultural, historical, and participated in and encouraged the of multigenerational and religious memory: religious memory:
The students were taught that their former life was wrong. Belief in shamans, adhering to the. The students were taught that their former life was wrong. Belief in shamans, adhering to the. ancient customs and possessing wealth were cardinal sins. The teachers had cut down the figurines ancient customs and possessing wealth were cardinal sins. The teachers had cut down the figurines of protective spirits from the yaranga of the shaman woman Pe’ep. (354) of protective from the of the shaman woman Pe’ep. (354)
This highlights what Māori decolonial scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith describes as the Western, post-
This highlights what Māori decolonial scholar Linda Tuhiwai describes as the Western, postEnlightenment view of history that composed the bedrock of colonial thought and action. According to Enlightenment view of history that composed the bedrock of colonial thought and action. According to Tuhiwai Smith, this version of history conceptualizes it as a totalizing, universal discourse rooted in a set Tuhiwai Smith, this version of history conceptualizes it as a totalizing, universal discourse rooted in a set chronology of facts that take the form of a coherent, singular narrative charting the stages of human chronology of facts that take the form of a coherent, singular narrative charting the stages of human development from “primitive, simple and emotional” to “more civilized, more rational” (33-34) Who gets development from “primitive, simple and emotional” to “more civilized, more rational” (33-34). Who gets to write this version of history, and what they focus on, Tuhiwai Smith explains, is up to those who are in write this version of history, and what focus on, Tuhiwai Smith explains, up to those who are in power. In fact, she reminds us that “the negation of Indigenous views of history was a critical part of power In fact, she reminds us that “the negation of views of history was a critical part of asserting colonial ideology, partly because such views were regarded as clearly ‘primitive’ and ‘incorrect’ asserting colonial ideology, partly because such views were regarded as clearly ‘primitive’ and ‘incorrect’ and mostly because they challenged and resisted the mission of colonization” (33). and mostly because they challenged and resisted the mission of colonization” (33).
In this context, it is difficult not to see the parallels between Soviet modernization and colonial or imperial
In this context, it is difficult not to the parallels between Soviet modernization and colonial or imperial violence both are rooted in Enlightenment-era conceptualizations of history and humanness that follow a violence both are rooted in of history humanness that a linear temporality and certain, prescribed steps of “development.” Even Terry Martin has the following to linear temporality and certain, prescribed steps of “development.” Even Terry Martin has the following to say: say:
The Soviet government did divide its population into two broad and traditional categories: eastern ...The Soviet government did divide its population into two broad and traditional categories: eastern and western nationalities The dichotomy was not so much geographic as developmental...The vast and nationalities. The dichotomy was so much geographic developmental...The vast majority of Soviet nationalities were judged culturally backward. Of the Soviet Union’s large majority of Soviet nationalities were judged culturally backward. Of Soviet Union’s titular nationalities, only the Russians, Ukrainians, Georgians, Armenians, Jews, and Germans were titular nationalities, the Russians, Ukrainians, Georgians, Armenians, Jews, and Germans were deemed ‘advanced’ and were grouped together as western nationalities. (23) deemed ‘advanced’ and were grouped together as western nationalities. (23)
The list above, which only includes “large,titular nationalities” to begin with, lacks any mention of Central
The list above, which only includes “large,titular nationalities” to begin with, lacks any mention of Central
THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
VIOLENCE IN VIOLENCE IN THE CHUKCHI BIBLE THE CHUKCHI BIBLE
Asian or Siberian peoples, including not just smaller groups lumped into the category of “Small Peoples”
Asian or Siberian peoples, including not just smaller groups lumped into the category of “Small Peoples” or “Northern Peoples,” (Shnirelman 203) like the Luoravetlan, but also other, larger groups in and beyond “Northern Peoples,” (Shnirelman 203) like the Luoravetlan, but also other, larger groups and beyond Russia’s borders. And the widespread Soviet use of the phrase “backward” should raise alarm bells for Russia’s borders. Soviet use of “backward” should alarm for anyone familiar with the imperial concept of the civilizing mission—itself a smokescreen justification for anyone familiar with the imperial concept of the mission—itself a smokescreen justification for post-Enlightenment imperialism in which Europeans, who saw themselves as further along the linear post-Enlightenment imperialism in which Europeans, who saw themselves as further along the linear timeline of human development, colonized their “primitive,” “savage” neighbors to civilize and “save” timeline of human development, colonized their “primitive,” “savage” neighbors to civilize and “save” them with Christianity, literacy, and labor (Tuhiwai Smith 22) them with Christianity, literacy, and labor (Tuhiwai Smith 22).
Tuhiwai Smith further highlights how important schooling was to the civilizing mission and the colonial Smith further highlights how schooling was to civilizing mission the colonial project, as it taught specific, underlying theories of knowledge that redefined how whole generations project, as it specific, theories of knowledge that redefined how whole generations viewed the world indoctrinating young people with the colonizer’s viewpoints, taught in the colonizer’s viewed the world indoctrinating young people with the colonizer’s viewpoints, taught in the colonizer’s language (37). While for most European empires this redefinition was based on Christianity, I posit that language (37). While for most European empires this redefinition was based on Christianity, I posit that Marxism-Leninism similarly positioned non-European Soviet subjects as “backward,” using the same similarly positioned non-European Soviet subjects as “backward,” using the same framework of colonization through salvation. Only instead of Christ, this savior was Lenin and the framework of colonization through salvation. Only instead of Christ, this savior was Lenin and the glorious Communist future. Communist future.
“Civilization” for the Soviets meant Sovietization (or, often, Russification), the goal of which was to “Civilization” for the Soviets meant Sovietization (or, often, Russification), the goal of which was to subsume any local or regional identities under the larger and more totalizing identity of the New Soviet subsume any local or regional identities under the larger and more totalizing identity of the New Soviet Man (Martin 10) a process that began in schools In fact, on the next page, as Mletkin talks with his Man (Martin 10) a process that began in schools. In fact, on the next page, as Mletkin talks with his daughter-in-law, Tuar, about naming her newborn son (the author himself), Tuar expresses a desire to daughter-in-law, Tuar, about naming her newborn son (the author himself), Tuar expresses a desire to abandon Luoravetlan naming customs and give her baby a revolutionary name, saying: “Russian teachers abandon Luoravetlan naming customs and give baby a revolutionary name, saying: “Russian teachers say the old customs have to be discarded, that they prevent us from moving forward (to)...the bright say the old customs to be discarded, that prevent us from moving (to)...the bright future, into Communism,” (357) where all Luoravetlan will “live like Tangitans (white people)” (358). future, into Communism,” (357) where all Luoravetlan will “live like Tangitans people)” (358) Through the characters of his parents, Rytkheu expertly unpacks how Soviet socialist rule created an Through the characters of his parents, Rytkheu expertly unpacks how Soviet socialist rule created an ideological chasm between his parents’ and grandparents’ generations in its atempt to obliterate ideological chasm between his parents’ and grandparents’ generations in its atempt to obliterate conceptualizations of the world that clashed with socialism, and rupturing the transmission of local, conceptualizations of the world that clashed with socialism, and rupturing the of local, Indigenous memory. memory.
This ideological redefinition in schools did not take place in a vacuum. It occurred alongside physical and
This ideological redefinition in schools did not take place in a vacuum It occurred alongside physical and geographic redefinition as land that had been renamed was subsequently requisitioned, divided, and geographic redefinition as land that had been renamed was subsequently requisitioned, divided, and exploited its original inhabitants relocated, killed, forced to setle (Tuhiwai Smith 37), or, in the case of exploited its original inhabitants relocated, killed, forced to setle (Tuhiwai Smith 37), or, in the case of the Soviet Union, inundated with non- native setlers who relocated there some voluntarily to work, some the Soviet Union, inundated with setlers who relocated there some voluntarily work, some forcibly as part of mass deportations (Shnirelman). Collectivization took a toll on Indigenous Luoravetlan as part of mass (Shnirelman). Collectivization a toll on Indigenous Luoravetlan practices because disparate ethnic groups, including non-Indigenous migrants and deportees, were forced practices because disparate ethnic groups, migrants and deportees, were forced to live and work together on large collective farms aimed at encouraging local inhabitants and setlers to be to live and work together on large collective farms aimed at encouraging local inhabitants and setlers to be more “ethnically harmonious” and increasingly Russified (Shnirelman 210). Additionally, Indigenous more “ethnically harmonious” and increasingly Russified (Shnirelman 210). Additionally, Indigenous practices like subsistence fishing were deemed “unproductive” to the success of the socialist future practices like subsistence fishing were deemed “unproductive” the of the socialist future
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THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
VIOLENCE IN VIOLENCE IN THE CHUKCHI BIBLE THE CHUKCHI BIBLE
Maggie Lindrooth (Yale University) Maggie Lindrooth (Yale University) because they could not provide the surplus demanded by the state (Shnirelman 210) And during the Cold because they could not provide the surplus demanded by the (Shnirelman 210). And during the Cold War, Arctic resource extraction accelerated as the Soviets developed heavy industry requiring skills and War, Arctic resource extraction accelerated as the Soviets developed heavy industry skills and knowledge much of the local, Indigenous population lacked, meaning that even more ethnic migrants much of the local, population lacked, meaning that even more migrants flooded in from the West (Shnirelman 208). While in 1939 there were only 5,183 ethnic Russians in flooded in from the West (Shnirelman 208) While in 1939 there were 5,183 ethnic Russians in Chukotka, that number was almost six times higher by 1959, when 28,318 ethnic Russians made up over Chukotka, that number was almost six times higher by 1959, when 28,318 ethnic Russians made up over 60% of Chukotka’s total population but the number of Chukchi and Chuvans (categorized together) 60% of Chukotka’s total population but the number of Chukchi and Chuvans (categorized together) dropped from 12,111 (56 2% of the population) to 9,975 (21.4%) (demoscope.ru) And by 1989, the dropped from 12,111 (56.2% of the population) 9,975 (21.4%) (demoscope.ru). And by 1989, the peninsula’s 108,297 Russian inhabitants made up 66.1% of the population, whereas Chukchi numbered peninsula’s 108,297 Russian inhabitants made up 66.1% of the population, whereas Chukchi numbered 11,914 only 7.3% of the population of a peninsula bearing their name (demoscope.ru). Even today, 11,914 only 7.3% of population of a bearing name (demoscope.ru). Even today, while there are now approximately 13,200 Indigenous Luoravetlan in Chukotka, only an estimated 8,500 while there are now approximately 13,200 Indigenous Luoravetlan in Chukotka, only an estimated 8,500 of them a litle over half of Russia’s total Luoravetlan population, identify as “Chukchi-speaking” of them a litle over half of Russia’s total Luoravetlan population, identify as “Chukchi-speaking” (Russian State Federal Statistics Service). (Russian State Federal Statistics
In examining such policies of resource extraction, migration and setlement, and Russian language In examining such policies of resource extraction, migration and setlement, and Russian language education, including boarding schools, it is difficult not to see a colonial project. For example, Rytkheu including boarding schools, it difficult not to see a colonial project. For example, Rytkheu describes how his family lived in their yaranga until the 1950s, when “it was pulled down, along with the describes how his family in their yaranga until the 1950s, when “it was pulled down, along with the other ancient shacks not fit to shelter a Soviet citizen of those enlightened times” (129). Setling nomadic other ancient shacks not fit to shelter a Soviet citizen of those enlightened times” (129) Setling nomadic people, barring Indigenous groups from engaging in traditional practices, and forcibly separating children people, barring Indigenous groups from engaging in traditional practices, and forcibly separating children from their families to be educated in foreign languages are colonial methods of domination and control from their families be educated in foreign languages colonial methods of domination and control that without this Soviet context, probably conjure images of American or Canadian Indigenous that without this Soviet context, probably images of American Canadian Indigenous assimilation policies for North American readers. The root of this violence across all these cases, Tuhiwai assimilation for North American readers. The root of this across all these cases, Tuhiwai Smith argues, is the colonizer’s need to exert total control. Smith argues, is the colonizer’s need to exert total control
“Civilizing” Sovietization policies therefore fall in line with earlier examples of colonial cultural and “Civilizing” Sovietization policies therefore fall in line with earlier examples of colonial cultural and epistemological violence, in which ideas, viewpoints, and practices falling outside the aforementioned epistemological violence, in which ideas, viewpoints, and practices falling outside the aforementioned Western framework are variously deemed “primitive” or “backward” and threaten total rule Therefore, Western framework are variously deemed “primitive” or “backward” and threaten total rule. Therefore, Soviet reeducation involving the obliteration of the past constitutes, in the most basic terms, what Miranda Soviet reeducation involving the obliteration of the past in most basic terms, what Miranda Fricker (2007) and Patin et. al (2021) define as epistemicide. Epistemicide is defined as “the killing, Fricker and Patin et al (2021) define as epistemicide Epistemicide is defined as “the killing, silencing, annihilation, or devaluing of a knowledge system” (Fricker 2007; Patin et. al 2021). In silencing, annihilation, or devaluing of a knowledge system” (Fricker 2007; Patin et al 2021) In implementing a Russian-language, socialist curriculum, banning Indigenous spiritual practices, and implementing a Russian-language, socialist curriculum, banning Indigenous spiritual practices, and condemning traditional methods of knowledge production and memory transmission as backward, Soviet condemning traditional methods of knowledge production and memory as backward, Soviet officials devalued, silenced, and ultimately atempted to annihilate Luoravetlan cultural memory. And officials devalued, silenced, and ultimately atempted to annihilate Luoravetlan cultural And because Western, Hegelian history demands binary categories and linear chronology, any surviving Western, Hegelian history demands binary categories and linear any surviving remnants of Indigenous oral history or knowledge systems were dismissed as “legends,” (as the book’s remnants of Indigenous oral history or systems were dismissed as “legends,” (as the book’s two section titles allude to) “folktales,” or “traditions” far outside the realm of historical “fact” privileged two section titles allude to) “folktales,” or “traditions” far outside the realm of historical “fact” privileged in Western academia (Tuhiwai Smith 35). in Western academia (Tuhiwai Smith 35).
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THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
VIOLENCE IN VIOLENCE IN THE CHUKCHI BIBLE THE CHUKCHI BIBLE
Mletkin, or perhaps Rytkheu himself, further highlights the eerie connections between the civilizing Mletkin, or perhaps Rytkheu himself, further highlights the connections between the civilizing mission, colonial acculturation, and Soviet modernization. In one of his first interactions with the mission, colonial acculturation, and Soviet modernization. In one of his first interactions with the Bolshevik, Khorovtsev, Rytkheu’s grandfather, Mletkin, the last shaman of Uelen, wonders to himself: Bolshevik, Khorovtsev, Rytkheu’s wonders to himself:
When has this all begun? This fracture in time? Perhaps at the moment he first began to think that
When has this all begun? This fracture in time? Perhaps at the moment he first began to think that the words writ in the Holy Scripture and declared by the Tangitan gods and wise men to be truths the words writ in the Holy Scripture and declared by the Tangitan gods and wise men to be truths really served only to narrow the horizon, to circumscribe men’s imaginations and thought really served only to narrow the horizon, to circumscribe men’s imaginations and thought processes And here was another set of rules, declared by the new wise man by the name of processes...And here was another of rules, declared by the new man by the name of Lenin...The workings of his mind ordered not by his own reason but by another man’s truths. It was Lenin...The workings of his mind ordered not by own reason but by another man’s truths. It was the end of spiritual freedom. (352) the end of spiritual freedom (352)
It is precisely this impending loss of these traditions that he is later so concerned about as Sovietization
It is precisely this impending loss of these traditions that he is later so concerned about as Sovietization begins When he describes the situation in the village after Lenin’s death, Rytkheu invites the reader into begins. When he describes the situation in the village after Lenin’s death, Rytkheu invites the reader into his grandfather’s thoughts describing Mletkin’s anxiety and desperation to preserve his culture in the his grandfather’s thoughts describing Mletkin’s anxiety and desperation to preserve his culture in the face of the unstoppable tide of Sovietization: face of the unstoppable tide of Sovietization:
Nothing was impossible for [the Bolsheviks]. From the outset, they had declared the Chukchi’s past
Nothing was impossible for [the Bolsheviks]. From the outset, they had declared the Chukchi’s past history, their faith, their ancient wisdom and experience, nothing more than superstition born of the history, their faith, their ancient wisdom and experience, nothing more than superstition born of the natives’ extreme lack of learning, their uter unawareness of the great life-wisdom they called natives’ extreme lack of learning, their uter unawareness of the great life-wisdom they called Marxism-Leninism, after the names of its first teachers. Most biter of all, they declared that all of Marxism-Leninism, after the names of its first teachers. Most biter of all, they declared that all of Mletkin’s knowledge was to be of no use in the new life. But if his countrymen were to live Mletkin’s was to be no use in the new But if his countrymen were to live according to the new laws, the precepts of Marxism-Leninism, they would be Luoravetlan no according to the new laws, the precepts of Marxism-Leninism, they would be Luoravetlan no longer...They would be a wholly different people, whose only resemblance to their ancestors would longer They would be a wholly different people, whose only resemblance to their ancestors would be a physical one. (356) be a physical one. (356)
But as Rytkehu himself evidences, this Soviet epistemicide was not entirely successful
But as Rytkehu himself evidences, this Soviet epistemicide was not entirely successful. The Chukchi Bible The Chukchi Bible tells a story of Indigenous survival narrated by an Indigenous man about his own community. It is an tells a story of Indigenous narrated by an man about his own community. It is an example of what Tuhiwai Smith labels an “alternative way of knowing” (36) that re-centers the example of what Smith labels an “alternative way of knowing” (36) that re-centers the Indigenous perspective in a version of history that contests the Western narrative at every turn. While Indigenous perspective in a version of history that contests the Western narrative at every turn. While these alternative formations of knowledge are often classified now as “oral histories,” (36) this book these alternative formations of knowledge are often classified now as “oral histories,” (36) this book presents its alternative history in the format so esteemed by the colonizer, literature, writen in the presents its alternative history in the format so esteemed by the colonizer, literature, writen in the colonizer’s own language In this way, it becomes a subversion of what the Soviets tried to implant into colonizer’s own language. In this way, it becomes a subversion of what the Soviets tried to implant into their Luoravetlan subjects instead unmasking the modernization project as colonial violence. their Luoravetlan subjects instead unmasking the modernization project as colonial violence.
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THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL
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Beissinger, Mark R. “Soviet Empire as "Family Resemblance’’.”
Beissinger, Mark R. “Soviet Empire as "Family Resemblance’’.” Slavic Review Slavic Review, vol. 65, no. 2, 2006, pp. , vol. 65, no. 2, 2006, pp. 294–303. JSTOR, htps://doi.org/10.2307/4148594. Accessed 14 Nov. 2023. 294–303 JSTOR, htps://doi org/10 2307/4148594. 14 Nov.
Danto, David, and Masood Zangeneh. Danto, David, and Masood Zangeneh. Indigenous Knowledge and Mental Health: A Global Perspective
Indigenous Knowledge and Mental Health: A Global Perspective.. 1st ed 2022 Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. 1st ed. 2022. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022.
“Did You Know Chukchi Is Threatened?” You Know Chukchi Is Threatened?” Endangered Languages Endangered Languages,, www.endangeredlanguages.com/lang/1730. Accessed 16 Dec. 2023. www endangeredlanguages com/lang/1730. Accessed 16 Dec. 2023.
Disparities in Suicide | Suicide Prevention | CDC.
Disparities in Suicide | Suicide Prevention | CDC. htps://www.cdc.gov/suicide/facts/disparities- in- htps://www.cdc.gov/suicide/facts/disparities- insuicide html 2023 Accessed 16 Dec 2023. suicide.html. 2023. Accessed 16 Dec. 2023.
Fricker, Miranda. Fricker, Miranda. Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing. Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing. Oxford: Oxford University Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Press, 2007
Martin, Terry. The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism In the Soviet Union, 1923- 1939. Martin, Terry. The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism In the Soviet Union, 1923- 1939. The Wilder House Series In Politics, History, and Culture The Wilder House Series In Politics, History, and Culture Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001 . Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001.
Patin, Beth, et al. “Interrupting Epistemicide: A Practical Framework for Naming, Identifying, and Ending Patin, et al. “Interrupting A Practical Framework for Naming, Identifying, and Ending Epistemic Injustice in the Information Professions.” Epistemic Injustice in the Information Professions.” Journal of the Association for Information Science of the Association for Information Science and Technology, and Technology, vol. 72, no. 10, Apr. 2021, pp. 1306–18, htps://doi.org/10.1002/asi.24479. vol 72, no 10, Apr 2021, pp 1306–18, htps://doi.org/10.1002/asi.24479.
Rytkhėu, Yuri, and Ilona Yazhbin Chavasse Rytkhėu, Yuri, and Ilona Yazhbin Chavasse. The Chukchi Bible The Chukchi Bible. 1st Archipelago Books ed Brooklyn, 1st Archipelago Books ed. Brooklyn, NY: Archipelago Books, 2011 NY: Archipelago Books, 2011.
Shnirelman, Victor A. “Hostages of an Authoritarian Regime: The Fate of the ‘Numerically-Small Shnirelman, Victor A “Hostages of an Authoritarian Regime: The Fate of the ‘Numerically-Small Peoples’ of the Russian North under Soviet Rule.” Peoples’ of the Russian North under Soviet Rule.” Études/Inuit/Studies, Études/Inuit/Studies, vol. 18, no. 1/2, 1994, pp. 201– vol 18, no 1/2, 1994, pp 201–23, www.jstor.org/stable/42870541. 23, www.jstor.org/stable/42870541.
SiteSoft SiteSoft. Federalnaya Slyshba Gosydarstvennou Statistiki Federalnaya Slyshba Gosydarstvennou Statistiki, N D rosstat gov ru Accessed Dec 15, 2023. , N.D. rosstat.gov.ru. Accessed Dec. 15, 2023.
Smith, Linda Tuhiwai.
Smith, Linda Tuhiwai Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London: Zed London: Zed Books, 1999. Books, 1999
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THE COST OF PROGRESS: SOVIET MODERNIZATION AS COLONIAL VIOLENCE IN VIOLENCE IN THE CHUKCHI BIBLE THE CHUKCHI BIBLE
Tharoor, Sashi “But what about the railways...? The myth of Britain’s gift to India,” Tharoor, Sashi. “But what about the railways...? The myth of Britain’s gift India,” The Guardian The Guardian 8 . 8 Mar 2017, htps://www theguardian com/world/2017/mar/08/india-britain- empire-railways-myths-gifts
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Accessed 15 Dec. 2023. 15 Dec. 2023.
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“Demoskop Weekly - App Directory of Statistical Indicators.” Www.demoscope.ru Www demoscope ru,, www.demoscope.ru/weekly/ssp/rus nac_89_gs.php?reg=42. Accessed 1 May 2024. www.demoscope.ru/weekly/ssp/rus nac_89_gs.php?reg=42. Accessed 1 May 2024.
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921 NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Though it composes a short chapter in the broader history of the Russian Civil War, the Sovietization of
Though it composes a short chapter in the broader history of the Russian Civil War, the Sovietization of the Menshevik-run Democratic Republic of Georgia in February 1921 was, in many respects, both a the Menshevik-run Democratic Republic of Georgia in February 1921 was, in many respects, both a significant and unusual moment in the conflict It was significant for completing the Bolshevik reconquest significant and unusual moment in the conflict. It was significant for completing the Bolshevik reconquest of (most of) the former tsarist territories of the South Caucasus, providing the emerging state with a of (most of) the former territories of the South Caucasus, providing the state with a central position from which to consolidate regional control and thus substantially shaping the trajectory of position which to consolidate control and thus shaping the of its regional foreign policy. It was unusual for featuring a high- level instance of insubordination by its regional foreign policy It was unusual for featuring a high- level instance of insubordination by regional actors against the political center in Moscow: Sergo Ordzhonikidze, head of the Caucasus Bureau regional actors against the political center in Moscow: Sergo Ordzhonikidze, head of the Caucasus Bureau (or “Kavbyuro”) and invested with plenipotentiary powers by the Central Committee, initiated the (or “Kavbyuro”) and invested with plenipotentiary powers by the Central Committee, initiated the invasion in spite of explicit orders not to do so from Lenin. Whether owing to the operation’s success, his invasion in spite of explicit orders not to do so from Lenin. Whether owing the operation’s success, his close personal relationship with Stalin, or other countervailing factors, Ordzhonikidze is never punished close personal relationship with Stalin, or other countervailing factors, Ordzhonikidze never punished for this incident, going on to join the Politburo and lead the heavy industry commissariat until his suicide for this incident, on to join Politburo and lead the heavy industry commissariat his suicide in 1937. in 1937
While a not-inconsiderable literature exists on the topic of the invasion, much of it is dated and suffers
While a not-inconsiderable literature exists on the topic of the invasion, much of it is dated and suffers from a number of key issues, including reliance on a relatively narrow source base and a certain uninterest from a number of key issues, including reliance on a relatively narrow source base and certain uninterest in the mechanisms of decisionmaking and command that ultimately resulted in the invasion (1) My the mechanisms of decisionmaking and command that ultimately resulted in the invasion (1). My project aims to address these challenges by applying a novel technique to the context: namely, network project to by applying a novel to context: namely, network analysis. analysis
1 The standard references for general accounts of Georgian history, including overviews of this period, remain Ronald Grigor Suny,
1 The standard references for general accounts of Georgian history, including of this period, Ronald Grigor The Making of the Georgian Nation The Making of the Georgian Nation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), and Donald Rayfield, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), and Donald Rayfield, Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia Edge of A History of Georgia (London: Reaktion Books, 2012) For one of the more detailed accounts (London: Reaktion Books, 2012) For one of the more detailed accounts of the episode, see Stephen Blank, “The Soviet Conquest of Georgia.” of the episode, see Stephen Blank, “The Soviet of Central Asian Survey Central Asian Survey 12, no 1 (January 1, 1993): 33–46 For a more current examination of the topic through 12, no (January 1, 1993): 33–46 For a more current examination of the topic through the lens of international relations, see K R Ambartsumyan, “Policy of Postponed Sovietization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Georgia in 1920–1921,” lens of K Ambartsumyan, “Policy of Postponed Sovietization: Federative Republic Vestnik Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, Seriya 4: Istoriya, Regionovedenie, Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya Seriya Istoriya, Regionovedenie, Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya 26, no 2 (2021): 119-132 26, 2 (2021):
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921 NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Leaning the many telegrams included in Ordzhonikidze’s personal papers, I plan to map and quantify his
Leaning many telegrams included in Ordzhonikidze’s personal papers, I to map and quantify his correspondence in the period between the conquest of Baku in April 1920 and the invasion of Georgia in in the period between the conquest of Baku in April and the invasion of Georgia in February 1921. By better understanding the broader structure of Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence — the February 1921 By better understanding the broader structure of Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence — the how how of the decisionmaking process in the Kavbyuro and the 11th Army I hope to clarify the individual- of the decisionmaking process in the Kavbyuro and the 11th Army I hope to clarify the individuallevel context in which the decision to invade was made, or more precisely, in which efforts to effect such level context which the decision to invade was made, or more precisely, in which efforts to effect such an invasion were devised and implemented. an invasion were devised and implemented.
This research is still in its early stages, and in the paper below I will outline the methodological shape that
This research is still in its early stages, and in the paper below I will outline the methodological shape that it has taken thus far. In doing so, I hope to illustrate the possibilities enabled by borrowing methods it has taken thus far In doing so, I hope to illustrate the possibilities enabled by borrowing methods pioneered in disciplines like historical sociology, which shares many of history’s sensibilities while being pioneered in disciplines like historical sociology, which shares many of history’s sensibilities while being more firmly tethered to the social sciences Such methods, I believe, can help historians to find new firmly tethered to the social sciences. Such methods, I believe, help historians to find new meaning in old evidence while remaining committed to the disciplinal values that set history apart from meaning in old evidence while remaining committed to the disciplinal values that set history from other forms of humanistic and scientific inquiry. forms of inquiry.
Social network analysis has a long academic pedigree, originating from theoretical formulations like
Social network analysis has a long academic pedigree, originating from theoretical formulations like Georg Simmel’s dyads and triads in the early 20th century and growing since into an extremely robust, Georg Simmel’s dyads and triads in the early 20th century and growing since into an extremely robust, increasingly sophisticated family of methods utilized across the social sciences Popularized by scholars increasingly sophisticated family of methods utilized the social sciences. Popularized by scholars like Julia Adams in the field of historical sociology, social network analysis has been regularly applied to like Julia Adams in the field of historical sociology, social network analysis has been regularly applied to historical datasets, both as a theoretical framework to deepen qualitative description and as a mathematical datasets, both as a theoretical framework to deepen qualitative description as a mathematical methodology to conduct quantitative analysis (2). methodology to conduct quantitative (2)
In keeping with other applications of the method self-consciously operating within the disciplinal keeping with other applications of the method self-consciously operating within the disciplinal parameters of history, I intend to apply SNA in an effort to describe patterns in Ordzhonikidze’s telegram parameters of history, I intend to apply SNA in an effort to describe patterns in Ordzhonikidze’s telegram correspondence and discern factors contributing to the 1921 invasion (3) Implicit in this type of analysis correspondence and discern factors contributing to the 1921 invasion (3). Implicit in this type of analysis is an assumption that, in addition to its content, the shape of the correspondence can tell us something an assumption that, in addition to its content, the shape of correspondence can us something meaningful about how the actors involved thought about an issue like the invasion. Therefore, the object about how the actors involved thought about an issue like the invasion. Therefore, the object at the center of my analysis is, unusually, not the telegrams themselves, but their descriptions in the at the center of my analysis is, unusually, not the telegrams themselves, but their descriptions in the finding aids (or opisi) of the archives where they are located, which, owing to their accessibility and finding aids (or opisi) of the archives where they are located, which, owing to their accessibility and consistency, convey the key carriers of meaning in the underlying material in a manner conducive to consistency, convey the key carriers of meaning in the underlying material in a manner conducive to digitization (4) digitization (4).
2 Philipp Korom, “Network Analysis, History Of,” in
2 Philipp Korom, “Network Analysis, History Of,” in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition) International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), ed James D Wright (Oxford: Elsevier, , ed James D Wright (Oxford: Elsevier, 2015): 524–31; for a representative example of Adams’ use of network analysis, see Julia Adams, “Principals and Agents, Colonialists and Company Men: The Decay of Colonial 2015): 524–31; for a representative of Adams’ use of network analysis, see Julia Adams, “Principals and Agents, Colonialists and Men: The Decay of Colonial Control in the Dutch East Indies,” Control in East Indies,” American Sociological Review Sociological Review 61, no 1 (1996): 12–28 61, 1 (1996): 12–28
3 The use of network analysis to map paterns in historical data is, of course, far from a novel contribution to historical practice on my part For some illustrative examples, see the
3 The analysis map historical far from a novel historical on part For illustrative see the “Visualizing Historical Networks” portal hosted by Harvard University’s Center for History and Economics: htps://histecon.fas.harvard.edu/visualizing/index.html “Visualizing Historical Networks” portal hosted by Harvard University’s Center for History and htps://histecon.fas.harvard.edu/visualizing/index.html
4 Find in G K Ordzhonikidze, Microfilm, Selections from the Rossiiskii tsentr khraneniya I izucheniay dokumentov noveishei istorii, Leaders of the Russian Revolution (Cambridge: 4 Find in G K Ordzhonikidze, Microfilm, Selections from the Rossiiskii tsentr khraneniya I izucheniay dokumentov noveishei Leaders of the Russian Revolution (Cambridge: Chadwyk-Healey in association with the State Archival Service of Russia, 1994) Though the materials for this project are currently housed in the Russian State Archive for Socio- in association with the State Archival Service of Russia, the materials for this project are housed in the Russian State Archive for SocioPolitical History, the microfilmed versions I am working with were captured when the materials were institutionally housed in the Russian Center for the Preservation and Study of History, microfilmed versions with were when materials institutionally housed in Russian Center for Preservation and Study of Documents of Most Recent History Their citation in the extended literature will therefore vary based on period of Most Recent History the extended literature will therefore vary
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921 NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Although leaning so explicitly on the infrastructure of the archive for interpretative insights is atypical in leaning so explicitly on the infrastructure of archive for interpretative insights is atypical in historical practice, I would argue it a shift in degree, rather than kind; implicit in any reference to a finding historical practice, I would argue it a shift in degree, rather than kind; in any reference to a finding aid is a belief in its ability to convey information about the material it describes, and, absent complete aid is a belief in its ability to convey information about the material it describes, and, absent complete knowledge of an archive’s contents, its divisions play an important role in helping the researcher knowledge of an archive’s contents, its divisions play an important role in helping the researcher determine what is and is not ‘relevant’ to their inquiry. In this case, I have chosen to focus my analysis on determine what and not ‘relevant’ to their inquiry. this case, I have chosen to focus my analysis on a set of five a set of five opisi from the collection: three dedicated to the Sovietization of the Transcaucasian republics, from the collection: three dedicated to the Sovietization of the Transcaucasian republics, with one with one opis opis per republic; one to Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence with the central Party offices in per republic; one to Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence central Party offices in Moscow; and one to Ordzhonikidze’s encrypted correspondence, the bulk of which is with members of the Moscow; and one to Ordzhonikidze’s encrypted correspondence, the bulk of which is with members of the Central Committee. Central Committee
Featuring brief summary descriptions that include each message’s date of creation and the actors involved, Featuring brief summary descriptions that include each message’s date of creation and the actors involved, tthese hese opisi include several carriers of meaning on which we can base our analysis The first is, of course, include several carriers of meaning on which can base our analysis. The first is, of course, the volume of exchanges: if we assume that Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence with key figures like Stalin the volume of exchanges: if we assume that Ordzhonikidze’s correspondence key figures like Stalin and Lenin was both frequent and more likely to have been retained, then we have a ‘peak’ metric against and Lenin was both frequent and more likely to have been retained, then we have a ‘peak’ metric against which we can judge the frequency of other lines of correspondence. Other potential metrics to examine which we can judge the frequency of other lines of correspondence Other potential metrics to examine include the directionality of exchanges the relative proportionality of messages sent and received include the directionality of exchanges the relative proportionality of messages sent and received between two given individuals changes in the frequency or volume of exchanges over time, and the between two given individuals changes in the frequency or volume of exchanges over time, and the clustering of exchanges relative to significant dates clustering of exchanges relative to significant dates.
There are also more specific categories of information encoded in the
There are also more categories of information encoded in the opisi opisi that could provide us with that could provide us with further insights, particularly in regard to implied hierarchies (a useful point of contrast in a mode of further insights, particularly in regard to implied hierarchies (a useful point of contrast in a mode of analysis that otherwise emphasizes exchange and reciprocity). The first of these is encryption: throughout analysis that otherwise emphasizes exchange and reciprocity). The first of these is encryption: throughout the documents, exchanges that were encrypted when sent or received are marked as such, providing us the documents, exchanges that were encrypted when sent or received are marked as such, providing us with a sense of who in Ordzhonikidze’s exchange network interacted with information sensitive enough to with a sense of who in Ordzhonikidze’s exchange network interacted with information sensitive enough to justify additional informational security measures. Many of the telegram notes are, furthermore, addressed additional informational security measures. Many of the telegram notes are, furthermore, addressed to or dispatched in the name of multiple individuals, sometimes with the primary sender(s) and to or dispatched in the name of multiple individuals, sometimes with the primary and recipient(s) noted as such relative to secondary exchange participants. This, too, is a reflection of recipient(s) noted as such relative to secondary exchange participants This, too, is a reflection of influence and informational hierarchy, if one more difficult to parse. Individuals frequently copied on influence and informational hierarchy, if one more difficult to parse. Individuals frequently copied on correspondence, for example, are perhaps being offered veto power over a discussion among subordinates, correspondence, for example, perhaps being offered power a discussion among subordinates, or simply be fulfilling an administrative duty for a superior Conversely, those who are sent simply be fulfilling an administrative duty for superior. Conversely, those who are sent correspondence after a discussion’s conclusion are in some circumstances being informed of a decision a discussion’s conclusion are in some circumstances being informed of a decision made by others that is relevant to them, but not a matter in which their input was required; in other cases, made by others that is relevant to them, but not a matter in which their input was required; in other cases, they are an authority figure being asked to arbitrate on a matter raised by underlings. Finally, there is also they are an authority figure being asked to arbitrate on a matter raised by underlings Finally, there is also an important dimension to the exchanges embedded in their categorization in the archives, allowing us to an important dimension to the exchanges embedded in their categorization in the archives, allowing us to compare families of telegraphic exchanges based on their grouping. Contrasting the distribution of compare families of telegraphic exchanges based on their grouping. Contrasting the distribution of telegrams classified as concerning peace negotiations between the Georgian Republic and the RSFSR with telegrams classified as concerning negotiations between the Georgian Republic and the RSFSR with
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921 NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Jacob Link (Yale University)
say, that of telegrams concerning trade negotiations could shed light on the relative investment of network say, that of telegrams concerning trade negotiations could shed light on the relative investment of network participants in each matter participants in each matter.
While network analysis of this kind opens up a variety of new angles to approach the topic of the Soviet
While network analysis of this kind opens up a variety of new angles to the topic of the Soviet invasion, the nature of the source material on which this analysis is built presents some important invasion, the nature of the source material on which this analysis is built presents some important challenges. Whereas the most common methods of quantitative analysis of networks assumes a ‘complete’ challenges. Whereas the most common methods of quantitative analysis of networks assumes a ‘complete’ or randomly sampled network, our network of telegram exchanges both makes no claims to completeness randomly sampled network, our network of telegram exchanges both makes no claims to completeness (the possibility of relevant telegrams excluded, purposefully or not, from the archival fonds is among the (the possibility of relevant telegrams excluded, purposefully or not, from the archival fonds is among the project’s ‘known unknowns’) and necessarily incorporates the judgment of the archivist, as reflected in project’s ‘known unknowns’) and necessarily of the archivist, as reflected in the organization of the archives. This is to say nothing of the many forms of communication not captured the organization of the archives This is to say nothing of the many forms of communication not captured via the medium of the telegram. Furthermore, Ordzhonikidze’s papers are a rich if necessarily limited via the medium of the telegram Furthermore, Ordzhonikidze’s papers are a rich if necessarily limited source of data, given that, in order for an exchange to end up in the collection, Ordzhonikidze needed to source of data, given that, in order for an exchange to end up in the collection, Ordzhonikidze needed to participate in it This necessitates some limits to our analysis Though the data necessitates constructing an participate in it. This necessitates some limits to our analysis. Though the data necessitates constructing an egocentric network centered on Ordzhonikidze and his interactions, we are unable to accurately construct egocentric network centered on Ordzhonikidze and his interactions, are unable to accurately construct a “1.5 degree” version of the network, which would also contain all exchanges between alters included in a “1.5 version the network, would also contain all exchanges between alters included in network whether or not they include the ego. Any argument regarding the evidence should therefore seek network whether or not they include the ego. argument regarding the evidence should therefore seek to make claims on the basis of the presence of evidence that attests to the existence of exchanges, without to make claims on the basis of the presence of evidence that attests to the existence of exchanges, without an accompanying assumption that the absence of an exchange implies it didn’t occur. Common measures an accompanying assumption that the absence of an exchange implies it didn’t occur. Common measures of significance in graph theory, including degree and eigenvector centrality, are of little use in such of significance in graph theory, including degree and eigenvector centrality, are of little use in such circumstances; instead, as described above, the quantitative data extracted from the circumstances; instead, as described above, the quantitative data extracted from the opisi opisi must be must be evaluated within the bounds of a particular set of parameters, informed by and interwoven with careful a of parameters, informed interwoven with careful qualitative evaluation of actual contents of the telegrams. qualitative evaluation of actual contents of the telegrams
As it stands, this research project is still ongoing and will, with luck, yield preliminary results in time to share at the Graduate Student Conference However, there have been a number of lessons learned through share at the Graduate Student Conference. However, there have been a number of lessons learned through the process of designing and executing this project regarding the integration of quantitative and qualitative the process of designing and this project regarding the integration of quantitative and qualitative methods in history. The first is that contextual understanding and attentive description predicate effective methods in history. The first is that contextual and attentive description predicate effective quantitative analysis; the methods applied to a project should be closely tailored to the presences and quantitative analysis; the methods applied to a project should be closely tailored to the presences and absences of the archive. Secondly, SNA, with its emphasis on interplay and exchange, is a method highly absences of the archive Secondly, SNA, with its emphasis on interplay and exchange, is a method highly complementary to the typical tools of historical inquiry. It is also impressive in its modularity; as the complementary to the typical tools of historical inquiry. It is also impressive in its modularity; as the digitization of primary historical materials continues, networks constructed for one purpose could be digitization of primary historical materials continues, networks constructed for one purpose could be integrated with others with relative ease, allowing for new topics to be put in conversation with one integrated with others with relative allowing for new to be in conversation with one another. Finally, the organization of the archive is another axis upon which analysis is able to pivot. Just another. Finally, of the archive is another axis upon which analysis is able to Just as the shape of the telegram exchange network co-constitutes its meaning, so too does the container in as the shape of the telegram network co-constitutes its meaning, so too does the container in which those materials are stored. As scholars, we should be cognizant of the implicit role the structure of which those materials are stored As scholars, we should be cognizant of the implicit role the structure of an archive plays in conditioning our understandings of its contents even as we explore opportunities to an archive plays in conditioning our understandings of its contents even as we explore opportunities to leverage that structure for our own ends leverage that structure for our own ends.
As it stands, this research project is still ongoing and will, with luck, yield preliminary results in time to
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
TELEGRAPHED INTENTIONS: A METHODOLOGICAL OUTLINE OF
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION
NETWORK ANALYSIS APPLICATIONS TO BOLSHEVIK COMMUNICATION NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921 NETWORKS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS, 1920-1921
Works Cited Works Cited
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Jacob Link (Yale University)
Adams, Julia. “Principals and Agents, Colonialists and Company Men: The Decay of Colonial Control in Adams, Julia “Principals and Agents, Colonialists and Company Men: The Decay of Colonial Control in the Dutch East Indies.” the Dutch East Indies.” American Sociological Review American Sociological Review 61, no. 1 (1996): 12–28. 61, no. (1996): 12–28.
Ambartsumyan K R “Policy of Postponed Sovietization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Ambartsumyan K.R. “Policy of Postponed Sovietization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Georgia in 1920–1921.” Georgia in 1920–1921.” Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, Seriya 4: Istoriya, Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, Seriya 4: Istoriya, Regionovedenie, Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya Regionovedenie, Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya 26, no. 2 (2021): 119-132. 26, no 2 119-132
Blank, Stephen. “The Soviet Conquest of Georgia.” Blank, Stephen. “The Soviet Conquest of Georgia.” Central Asian Survey Central Asian Survey 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 33– 12, no. 1 (January 1, 33–46 46.
Korom, Philipp. “Network Analysis, History Of.” In Korom, Philipp. “Network Analysis, History Of.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social & International Encyclopedia of Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition) Sciences (Second Edition), edited by James D. Wright, 524– 31. Oxford: Elsevier, 2015. , edited by James D Wright, 524– 31 Oxford: Elsevier, 2015.
Ordzhonikidze, G. K. Microfilm, Selections from the Rossiiskii tsentr khraneniya I izucheniay
Ordzhonikidze, G. K. Microfilm, Selections from the Rossiiskii tsentr khraneniya I izucheniay dokumentov noveishei istorii Leaders of the Russian Revolution. Cambridge: Chadwyk-Healey in dokumentov noveishei istorii. Leaders of the Russian Revolution. Cambridge: Chadwyk-Healey in association with the State Archival Service of Russia, 1994. with the State Archival Service of Russia, 1994.
Rayfield, Donald. Rayfield, Donald Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia. London: Reaktion Books, 2012. London: Reaktion Books, 2012
Suny, Ronald Grigor.
Suny, Ronald Grigor. The Making of the Georgian Nation. The Making of the Georgian Nation. Studies of Nationalities in the USSR. Studies of Nationalities in the USSR. Bloomington: Indiana University Press in association with Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, Bloomington: Indiana University Press in with Hoover Institution Stanford University, Stanford, Calif, 1988 Stanford, Calif, 1988.
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
John Webley (Yale University)
John Webley (Yale University)
From the 1820s onwards, the British increasingly suspected that Russia was planning to invade India, the
From 1820s onwards, the British increasingly that Russia was planning to the crown jewel of their empire (1). The Russian Empire had expanded east at an astonishing rate; at the crown jewel of their empire (1) The Russian Empire had expanded east at an astonishing rate; at the century’s start there were roughly two thousand miles separating the two empires, but by the close of the century’s start there were roughly two thousand miles separating the two empires, but by the close of the nineteenth century just 20 miles separated them in Afghanistan (2). To keep India safe, the British nineteenth century just 20 miles separated them in Afghanistan (2). To keep India safe, the British extensively mapped the Himalayas, conquered new regions to serve as buffer states, and created borders extensively mapped the Himalayas, conquered new regions to serve as buffer states, and created borders to circumscribe trade, tourism, exploration and espionage For Russian travelers to British India then, the circumscribe trade, tourism, exploration and espionage. For Russian travelers to British India then, the most interesting locales became the ones that the British made off-limits: the northern frontiers of the most interesting locales became the ones that British made off-limits: the northern frontiers of the Himalayas adjacent to Afghanistan and Tibet. Russian travelers fantasized about visiting the frontier, and Himalayas adjacent to Afghanistan and Tibet Russian travelers fantasized about visiting the frontier, and their travelogues charge this region with geopolitical and geopolitical significance, which reflects the their travelogues charge this region with geopolitical and geopolitical significance, which reflects the rivalry between Britain and Russia that came to be known as the Great Game (3). In this paper I consider rivalry between Britain and Russia that came to be known as the Great Game (3). In this paper I consider two trips made to the borders of British India in 1912-13 by contemporary Russian zoologists, Andrey trips made to the borders of British India 1912-13 by contemporary zoologists, Andrey Avinoff and Sergei Nikolaivich Fon-Vik Avinoff and Sergei Nikolaivich Fon-Vik.
Avinoff and Fon-Vik’s travelogues detail the mundane legal aspects of how the British limited their Avinoff and Fon-Vik’s travelogues detail the mundane legal aspects of how the British limited their movements through India. But their texts transform the border into a mystically charged space, a liminal movements through India But their texts transform the border into a mystically charged space, a liminal zone separating imperial, Western modernity and a prelapsarian, precolonial fantasy land. Their zone separating imperial, Western modernity and a prelapsarian, precolonial fantasy land. Their travelogues thus express a distinctive Russian ambivalence towards the presence of Western Europe in travelogues thus express a distinctive Russian ambivalence towards the presence of Western Europe in Asia and the unnatural way in which Britain attempted to divide up Eurasia’s geographic and cultural Asia and the unnatural way in which Britain attempted to divide up Eurasia’s geographic and cultural continuum. This paper reflects on the geopoetics of transgressing and breaking borders within these two continuum. paper reflects on the of transgressing and breaking borders these two travelogues. In doing so, my paper highlights some of the formulaic tropes that define Russian media travelogues In so, my paper highlights some of the formulaic tropes that define Russian media concerned with the so- called Great Game. While British media tended to focus on imaging and protecting concerned with the so- called Great Game While British media tended to focus on imaging and protecting Himalayan borders from Russian agents, as in Rudyard Kipling’s Himalayan borders from Russian agents, as in Rudyard Kipling’s Kim Kim, Russian media highlights the , Russian media highlights the illusory and permeability of these boundaries (4) By transgressing India’s borders, there naturalists illusory and permeability of these boundaries (4). By transgressing India’s borders, there naturalists asserted their own imperial privilege while highlighting the unnaturalness of the border itself asserted their own imperial privilege while highlighting the unnaturalness of the border itself.
Andrey Avinoff was an aristocratic lepidopterist, artist, and gentleman-in-waiting to the court with a Andrey Avinoff was an aristocratic lepidopterist, artist, and to the court with a penchant for the romantic and fantastical (5). Avinoff visited Ladakh, Leh, and Kashmir in 1913 as part of penchant for the romantic and fantastical (5) Avinoff visited Ladakh, Leh, and Kashmir in 1913 as part of a research expedition into butterflies, though he only penned his travelog years later living in exile in a research expedition into butterflies, though he only penned his travelog years later living in exile in America (6) In 1893 Bitain reasserted their claim to this part of northern India through the imposition of America (6). In 1893 reasserted their claim to this part of northern India through the imposition of the Durand, a border demarcating British territory from Afghanistan (7).Avinoff’s travelog transforms this the Durand, a border demarcating British territory from Afghanistan (7).Avinoff’s travelog transforms this border into a fairytale land of goblins and magic, and crossing it is a journey from European colonial into a fairytale and magic, and a journey from European colonial
1 M A Yapp, "British Perceptions of the Russian Threat to India."
1 A "British of to India." Modern Asian Studies Modern Asian 21, no 4 (1987): 647-65 http://www jstor org/stable/312757 21, 4 (1987): 647-65 jstor org/stable/312757
2 Karl E Meyer, 2 Karl The Dust of Empire: The Race for Master in the Asian Heartland The Dust of Empire: The for Master in (New York: Public Affairs, 2003), 58 (New Public 2003),
3 Emily Laskin, 3 Emily Laskin, Geopoetics and Geopolitics: Landscape, Empire, and the Literary Imagination in the Great Game Geopoetics and Geopolitics: Landscape, Empire, and the Literary Imagination the Great Game PhD Diss (Berkeley, CA: UC Berkeley, 2021) PhD Diss (Berkeley, CA: UC Berkeley, 2021)
4 Emily Laskin; Geography, Genre, and Narrative in Kipling's Kim Novel 1 May 2021; 54 (1): 43–64 doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00295132-8868779; Michael A Matin, “ “The
4 Laskin; Geography, Genre, and Narrative in Kim Novel 1 May 2021; 54 43–64 doi: Michael A Matin, “ “The Hun is at The Gate!” Historicizing Kipling’s Militaristic Rhetoric, From the Imperial Periphery to the National Center: Part One: the Russian Threat to British India.” Hun is The Historicizing Militaristic Rhetoric, the Imperial Periphery National Center: Part One: Russian British India.” Studies in the in the Novel Novel 31: no 3 (1999): 317-56 http://www jstor org/stable/29533344 3 (1999): 317-56 jstor
5 For a recent account of Avinoff’s life and work, see Louise Lippincott,
5 a recent account of Avinoff’s life and work, see Lippincott, Andrey Avinoff: In Pursuit of Beauty Andrey Avinoff: In of Beauty (Pittsburgh: Carnegie Museum of Art, 2011) (Pittsburgh: of Art, 2011)
6 Andrey Avinoff, "A Trip to Western Tibet" in 6 Andrey Avinoff, "A Trip to Western Tibet" in Around the Roof of the World, Around the Roof of the World, eds Nicholas and Nina Shoumatoff (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996) eds Nicholas and Nina Shoumatoff (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996) https://archive org/details/aroundroofofworl0000unse/page/12/mode/2up
7 Thomas Simpson, 7 Thomas The Frontier in British India: Space, Science, and Power in the Nineteenth Century Frontier in Space, Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021) Accessed online October Cambridge University 2021) Accessed online October 6, 2023: https://doi- org yale idm oclc org/10 1017/9781108879156 org org/10 1017/9781108879156
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
John Webley (Yale University)
John Webley (Yale University)
modernity into the unknown. By making the border into a mystical space that can only be understood modernity into unknown. By making border into a mystical space that can be understood through aesthetic perception rather than cartographic logic, his travelog questions whether British attempts aesthetic perception rather than cartographic logic, his travelog questions whether British attempts to chart, dominate, and “know” this region can ever succeed (8). to chart, dominate, and “know” this region can ever (8)
At the start of his narrative, Avinoff glides by South Asia’s sites in rapid succession: “The typical scenery
At the start of his narrative, Avinoff glides by South Asia’s sites rapid succession: “The typical scenery of Ceylon, the grand old cities of India--Madres, Agra, Delhi and Benares-- were an enchanting of Ceylon, the grand old cities of India--Madres, Agra, Delhi and Benares-- were an enchanting succession of unforgettable impressions” (9). But he also notes some of the ways the British attempted to succession of unforgettable impressions” (9). But he also notes some of ways the British attempted to bound his movements. Indeed, one letter from the India office confirms that the British were trying to bound his movements Indeed, one letter from the India office confirms that the British were trying to constrain him: “it is considered undesirable that the expedition should enter Ladakh or visit Hanle, Shyok constrain him: “it is considered undesirable that the expedition should enter Ladakh or visit Hanle, Shyok or Karakorum” and that “The Government of India add that an officer will be deputed to accompany the or Karakorum” and that “The Government of India add that an officer will be deputed to accompany the expedition in case they require assistance”(10) According to Avinoff, this officer presented himself as a expedition case they require assistance”(10). According to Avinoff, this officer presented himself as a “volunteer” but he was quickly identified as a personal watchdog. But as Avinoff notes, their agent “volunteer” but he was quickly identified as a personal watchdog. But as Avinoff notes, their agent relinquished the party once he was convinced that they were “nothing more than harmless naturalists, relinquished the party once he was convinced that they were more than harmless naturalists, entirely innocuous to the security of the Indian frontier”(11). But this moment establishes the border as a entirely innocuous to the security of the Indian frontier”(11) But this moment establishes the border as a geopolitically important site, which held significance in different ways for a Russian biologist and a geopolitically important site, which held significance in different ways for a Russian biologist and a British official. British official.
As Avinoff approached India’s northern border, colonial order gives way to myth and strangeness His
As Avinoff approached India’s northern border, colonial order gives way to myth and strangeness. His descriptions recall imagery from the Arabian Nights, as “it was the time of rose blossoms; the air was descriptions recall from Arabian Nights, as “it was of rose blossoms; was laden with the sweet and heavy scent of attar, as a truly Kashmirian background for the sparkling song of laden with the sweet and scent of attar, as a Kashmirian background for the song of the bulbul, the nightingale” (12). Recounting his visit to the Tibetan Buddhist Lamayuru monastery, he the bulbul, the nightingale” (12) Recounting his visit to the Tibetan Buddhist Lamayuru monastery, he evokes a Victorian fairyland: evokes a Victorian fairyland:
It has the weird aspect of an enchanted city of hobgoblins, with grotesque chasms, overhanging
It has the weird of an enchanted city of hobgoblins, with grotesque chasms, overhanging structures of various colors, many caves honeycombing the rocks...and winding walls of structures colors, many caves honeycombing rocks...and winding walls of stones...Nothing can excel Lamayuru as a most bizarre, outlandish place, fit to be an abode of stones Nothing can excel Lamayuru as a most bizarre, outlandish place, fit to be an abode of gnomes and magicians of the Arthur Rackham style (13). gnomes and magicians of the Arthur Rackham style (13)
Kashmir, the very edge of the British empire, becomes a place of benign, pre-modern enchantment For Kashmir, the very edge of the British empire, becomes a place of benign, pre-modern enchantment. For Avinoff this border is not just a marker of British political control then, but also an indicator of where Avinoff this border just a marker of British political control then, but also an indicator of where British modernity and authority faulters. The border cannot be comprehended by logic, only through modernity and authority faulters. The border cannot be comprehended by logic, through artistic sense. artistic sense
Once the expedition was free of their British agent, they crossed India’s border into Chinese Turkestan—
Once the expedition was free of their British agent, they crossed India’s border into Chinese Turkestan—
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
John Webley (Yale University)
John Webley (Yale University)
exactly the territory the authorities had proscribed. Fittingly, as they ventured off the map, Avinoff exactly territory had Fittingly, as they ventured the map, Avinoff becomes totally disoriented. Suddenly a blizzard surrounded the lepidopterist and obscured the footsteps becomes disoriented a blizzard surrounded the and obscured the footsteps of his comrades. The land between empires becomes a of his comrades The land between empires becomes a terra incognita terra incognita, which defies any attempt to be , which defies any attempt to be mapped or understood rationally (14). Avinoff only comes “back to his senses” as it were when he reaches mapped or understood rationally (14). Avinoff only comes “back to his senses” as it were when he reaches railroad tracks in Russian Turkestan This path, a quintessential Russian symbol of modernity, is noted by railroad tracks in Russian Turkestan. This path, a quintessential Russian symbol of modernity, is noted by Avinoff because “it made us feel with poignant sadness that the unique experience was over and that we Avinoff because “it made us feel with poignant sadness that the unique experience was over and that we were back in the world called civilized"(15). To be in the civilized world was to be in a world bisected by were back in the world called civilized"(15). To be in civilized world was to be in a world bisected by modern markers, of borders and railroad tracks. But the world of aesthetic value—of butterflies, modern markers, of borders and railroad tracks But the world of aesthetic value—of butterflies, hobgoblins, roses, and magicians required a man to move off the map and away from European hobgoblins, roses, and magicians required a man to move off the map and away from European rationalism. His work is thus a critique of how British colonialism and cartography fail to understand and rationalism. His work is thus a critique of how British colonialism and cartography fail to understand and pin down the borderland, a space that is inherently fluid, changeable, and magical pin down the borderland, a space that is inherently fluid, changeable, and magical.
While Avinoff found magic in the mountains, Sergei Fon-Vik sought to reach the border in order to
While Avinoff found magic in mountains, Sergei Fon-Vik sought to reach border in order to reclaim his masculinity and reject British imperialism. Fon-Vik’s trip was purportedly sent to study the reclaim his masculinity and reject British imperialism Fon-Vik’s trip was purportedly sent to study the fauna of North-West India, which they claimed would offer the “key to resolving a number of questions fauna of North-West India, which they claimed would offer the “key to resolving a number of questions regarding the fauna” of Russia’s adjacent provinces (16). Both Avinoff and Fon-Vik’s expeditions raised regarding the fauna” of Russia’s adjacent provinces (16). Both Avinoff and Fon-Vik’s expeditions raised British suspicions, with one official writing “It is absurd that this country should be overrun by a series of British suspicions, with official writing “It is absurd that this country should be by a series of pseudo-scientific Russian expeditions” (17) Fon-Vik’s travelogue enumerates how the British constrained pseudo-scientific Russian expeditions” (17). Fon-Vik’s travelogue enumerates how the British constrained and humiliated him with their border policing, and he makes clear that he viewed these constraints as an humiliated him policing, and he that he viewed these constraints as an insult to his masculine prerogative. His account celebrates the freedom he discovers by passing just insult to his masculine prerogative His account celebrates the freedom he discovers by passing just beyond the limit of British control in Assam. beyond the limit of British control in Assam
Assam had been divided in two by the so-called Inner Line, which was originally designed to keep the Assam had been divided in two by the so-called Inner Line, which was originally designed to keep the peace between colonial planters and Indians living in the plains, and the indigenous “hill” peoples whose peace between colonial planters and Indians living the plains, and the indigenous “hill” peoples whose land had been encroached upon. Travelers and settlers were required to obtain a license before crossing land had been encroached upon. settlers were required to a license before crossing the boundary separating the hills and plains (18). But in practice various branches of the India government the separating the hills and (18) But in practice various branches of the India government understood the function of the Inner Line quite differently, many viewing it as a suggestion rather than a understood the function of the Inner Line quite differently, many viewing it as a suggestion rather than a hard limit. Fon-Vik’s voyage explores both the deleterious imposition this line has on himself and the hard limit. Fon-Vik’s voyage explores both the deleterious imposition this line has on himself and the indigenous "Abori” people of the hills, for whom he develops a paternalistic and chauvinistic fondness indigenous "Abori” people of the hills, for whom he develops a paternalistic and chauvinistic fondness.
When Fon-Vik arrived in India his itinerary had not been approved by the British Government. The team
When Fon-Vik arrived in India itinerary had not approved by the British Government. The team struggled to meet with colonial officials, who were busy with George V’s Delhi Durbar coronation. to meet with colonial officials, who were busy with George V’s Delhi Durbar coronation. Ignoring the need for official consent, Fon-Vik and his colleagues set out for the mountains of Assam. A Ignoring the need for official consent, Fon-Vik and his colleagues set out for the mountains of Assam A few days into their trek though, Fon-Vik was awoken by a messenger bearing bad news: a condescending few days into their trek though, Fon-Vik was awoken by a messenger bearing bad news: a condescending
14 Laskin, Geopoetics and Geopolitics, Geopolitics, 2021 2021
15 Avinoff, 25 15 Avinoff, 25
16 Sergei Nikolaevich Fon-Vik, 16 Sergei Nikolaevich Fon-Vik, Putevye zametki pri zoologicheskikh ekspeditsiiakh na severo-vostok Indii I na Goluboi Nil.1912-1913 gg Putevye zametki pri zoologicheskikh ekspeditsiiakh na severo-vostok Indii I na Goluboi Nil.1912-1913 gg (St Petersburg: 1914) Accessed Online (St Petersburg: 1914) Accessed Online October 6, 2023: https://elib rgo ru/safe- view/123456789/211619/1/0KTQvtC9LdCS0LjQuiDQoS4g0J Rg9GC0LXQstGL0LUg0LfQsNC80LX RgtC60LgucGRm : 1 October 6, 2023: rgo ru/safe- view/123456789/211619/1/0KTQvtC9LdCS0LjQuiDQoS4g0J Rg9GC0LXQstGL0LUg0LfQsNC80LX RgtC60LgucGRm :
17 Letter to Sir R Ritche, Attached to P 109 1912, #32 1912, #32 Asian and African Studies, British Library, London and Studies, British Library, London
18 Simpson, The Frontier in British India The Frontier , 21-23 21-23
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
John Webley (Yale University)
John Webley (Yale University) letter in French from the British denying them permission to cross the Inner Line. Fon-Vik was forced to in French from the British denying them permission to cross Inner Line. Fon-Vik was forced to circle back to the town of Dibrugarh to meet with a judge to resolve the matter (19). circle back to the town of Dibrugarh to meet with a judge to resolve the matter (19)
British records offer a laconic account of Fon-Vik’s visit to the British Consul to show proof that they
British records offer a laconic account of Fon-Vik’s visit to the British Consul to show proof that they were members of the Imperial Academy of Sciences (20) But Fon-Vik’s own narrative presents a much members of the Imperial Academy of Sciences (20). But Fon-Vik’s own narrative presents much more defiant and colorful account of this interaction, particularly his encounter with the judge According more defiant and colorful of this interaction, particularly his encounter with the judge. According to Fon-Vik, upon meeting the judge he launched into an impassioned tirade: to Fon-Vik, upon meeting the judge he into an impassioned tirade:
“I must ask you,” I replied, “about the motives of your letter to me and its meaning. I conclude “I must ask you,” I replied, “about the motives of your letter to me and its meaning. I conclude from it that either I have been arrested, or that I am suspected and considered a spy. I must state from it that either I have been arrested, or that I am suspected and considered a spy. I must state that the institution that sent me is respected by the entire civilized world, and they did not depute that the institution that sent respected by the entire civilized world, and they did not depute me here to deal with the Calcutta policemen. My personal dignity cannot allow me to do this, so me here to deal with the Calcutta policemen. My personal dignity cannot allow me to do this, so I ask you not to refuse and to find out whether I am arrested, or whether I am simply being I ask you not to refuse and to find out whether I am arrested, or whether I am simply being suspected of espionage. In the first instance, I shall obey and remain in place, but not otherwise suspected of espionage In the first instance, I shall obey and remain place, but not otherwise than until the order of my government, I will ask the police to contact our consul by telegraph; than until the order of my government, I will ask the police to contact our consul by telegraph; in the second case, I will not only leave Dibrugarh, but also leave Calcutta, abandoning in the second case, I will not only leave Dibrugarh, but also leave Calcutta, abandoning my mission (21) my mission (21).
In fact, the offensive letter was really a language barrier issue. Fon-Vik and his associates only knew
In fact, was really a language barrier Fon-Vik and his associates only knew French or Russian, which few British officials spoke. The judge apologized for the tone of his missive, French or Russian, which few British officials spoke The judge for the tone of his missive, explaining that he did not know French but composed his letter to make things easier for Fon-Vik. explaining that he did not know French but composed his letter to make things easier for Fon-Vik. Nonetheless, Fon-Vik’s tirade bespeaks an anger at being hemmed in by the British, and he perceived Nonetheless, Fon-Vik’s tirade bespeaks an anger at being hemmed in by the British, and he perceived their attempt to curtail his wanderings as an affront to his male privilege their attempt to curtail his wanderings as an affront to his male privilege.
Fon-Vik’s view of the British government and the negative impact of its restrictive laws is reflected in his Fon-Vik’s view of British government and the negative impact of its restrictive laws reflected in his views of the Indians living in the plains in opposition to the free Abors. Throughout his travels, Fon-Vik is views of the Indians living in the plains in opposition to the free Abors Throughout his travels, Fon-Vik is quick to disparage Hindus living in the plains. He refers to them repeatedly as черные (blacks), a quick to disparage Hindus living in the plains He refers to them repeatedly as черные (blacks), a racialized term of disdain used by the British to describe Indians, and he repeatedly comments on their racialized term of disdain used by the British to describe Indians, and he repeatedly comments on their physical weakness and lethargy (22) He describes the Abors, by contrast, in glowing, paternalistic terms: physical weakness and lethargy (22). describes the Abors, by contrast, in glowing, paternalistic terms:
We came to love these strong, proud savages, with their brave, warlike spirit, who cherish above
We came to love these strong, proud savages, with brave, warlike spirit, cherish above all else their independence, jealously guarding their ways of life, independence, and mountains all else their independence, guarding their ways of life, independence, and mountains from the British, upon whom the wreak more harm than any of the other tribes surrounding from the British, upon whom the wreak more harm than any of the other tribes surrounding Assam (23). Assam (23).
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
UNNATURAL BORDERS: RUSSIAN ZOOLOGISTS AT THE EDGES OF INDIA
John Webley (Yale University)
John Webley (Yale University)
Fon-Vik valorizes the Abors because they have rejected British law, while disdaining other Indians who Fon-Vik valorizes Abors because have British law, while disdaining other Indians who have acquiesced to British authority (24). The Abors maintain their independence and thus retain other have to British authority (24) The Abors maintain their and thus retain other positive attributes that are coded as masculine, such as a warlike spirit and independence. For Fon-Vik, positive attributes that are coded as masculine, such as a warlike spirit and independence For Fon-Vik, visiting the Abors and moving outside the British line of control thus enables him to reconstitute his own visiting the Abors and moving outside the British line of control thus enables him to reconstitute his own masculinity and reclaim his Russian pride This is symbolically prefigured in his time hunting with the masculinity and reclaim his Russian pride. This is symbolically prefigured in his time hunting with the Abors While hunting was the masculine leisure-activity par excellence in British India, for Fon-Vik this Abors. While hunting was the masculine leisure-activity par excellence in British India, for Fon-Vik this activity takes on a geopolitical element as the large game of buffalo and elephants only appear just as he activity takes on a geopolitical as the large game of buffalo and elephants only appear just as he reached the Inner Line. reached the Inner Line
Fon-Vik and Avinoff create two radically different images of India’s borderlands, one is an evocation of a Fon-Vik and Avinoff create two radically different images of India’s borderlands, one is an evocation of a romantic-Orientalist dream Age, and the other is a racist and chauvinistic nightmare But at their core, romantic-Orientalist dream Age, and the other is a racist and chauvinistic nightmare. But at their core, they both share a common preoccupation with the power of the border line, of the invisible striation that they both share a common with the power of the border line, of the invisible that shaped lives and empires. Both their accounts highlight the decisive role such lines played in shaping the shaped and accounts decisive role played in the modern world and use the boundary line to symbolically mark the limits of British influence. modern world and use the boundary line to mark the limits of British influence
Papers by Panels
PANEL
Relational Coexistance
IV: PANEL IV: Relational Coexistance in the
Chair: Chair: Vita Raskeviciute Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) (Yale University)
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Dr. Viktoras Bachmetjevas Dr. Viktoras Bachmetjevas, Joseph P. Kazickas Associate Research , Joseph P. Kazickas Associate Research Scholar, Yale University and Associate Professor, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) Scholar, Yale University and Associate Professor, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania)
Olga Petrova Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) (Central European University (Austria))
Vita Raskeviciute Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) (Yale University)
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE
RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE
The Second World War remade Europe by pushing borders and peoples along with them It established a
The Second World War remade Europe by pushing borders and peoples along with them. It established a totalitarian Soviet empire in Eastern Europe in place of the dysfunctional Wilsonian mosaic of nation- totalitarian Soviet empire in Eastern Europe in place of dysfunctional Wilsonian mosaic of nationstates, suppressing the ethnic violence that tore the latter apart between 1939 and 1945. It also stranded states, suppressing the ethnic violence that tore the latter apart between 1939 and 1945. It also stranded millions of people far from the places they once called home, forcing them to adapt to new circumstances millions of people far from the places they once called home, forcing them to adapt to new circumstances and find meaning to their lives. All of those questions come together in this paper, which tells the story of and find meaning to their lives. All of those questions come together in this paper, which tells the story of Reverend Francis Majewski and his generation of Polish exiles In the background is a Polish impulse for Reverend Francis Majewski and his generation of Polish exiles. In the background is a Polish impulse for national conciliation which throughout the Cold War germinated with ideas that changed the face of national conciliation which throughout the Cold War germinated with ideas that changed the face of Europe after 1989. Europe after 1989.
Our protagonist was born as Zdzisław Majewski on November 10, 1928 in Husiatyn, a town in
Our protagonist was born as Zdzisław Majewski on November 10, 1928 in Husiatyn, a town in southeastern Poland where Ukrainians comprised most of the rural population with Poles and Jews southeastern Poland where Ukrainians comprised most of the rural population with Poles and Jews inhabiting towns and cities Throughout his life, he interchangeably used three names: his birth name inhabiting towns and cities. Throughout his life, he interchangeably used three names: his birth name Zdzisław; a second or baptismal name Józef; and finally his monastic name Francis which appeared most Zdzisław; a second or baptismal name Józef; and finally his monastic name Francis which appeared most consistently in his later life. According to the recollection of the local parish priest, confessional and consistently in his later life. to the recollection the local priest, and national life in Husiatyn was largely harmonious. Greek-Catholic Ukrainians participated in the religious national life in Husiatyn was largely harmonious Greek-Catholic Ukrainians participated in the religious life of the Roman Catholic community, and local Poles used the Ukrainian language in daily life (1). life of the Roman Catholic community, and local Poles used the Ukrainian language in daily life (1) Zdzisław Majewski presumably grew up bilingual, and he retained fluent command of Ukrainian for the Zdzisław Majewski presumably grew up bilingual, and he retained fluent command of Ukrainian for the rest of his life (2) of his life (2).
In September 1939 the Soviet Union occupied his hometown after the Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland. The In September 1939 the Soviet Union his hometown after the Nazi-Soviet invasion Poland. The 11-year-old Majewski, his younger brother and their parents were detained by the NKVD on February 11, 11-year-old his younger brother and their parents were detained by the NKVD on February 11, 1940 and put on a cattle train that took them to Altai region deep in the Asian part of the Soviet Union (3). 1940 and put on a cattle train that took them to Altai region deep in the Asian part of the Soviet Union (3)
1 Jóźków, Jan “Dzieje
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE
Their arrest and deportation was part of a much larger operation. Mass deportation, as opposed to Their arrest and deportation was part of a much larger operation. Mass deportation, as opposed to individual arrests conducted by the NKVD on a large scale since the first day of the occupation of Polish individual arrests conducted by the NKVD on a large scale since the first day of the occupation of Polish territories, became a policy directive only on December 29, 1939 (4) Deportations of those former Polish became a policy directive only on December 29, 1939 (4). Deportations of those former Polish citizens considered to be politically unreliable into the Soviet interior begun in January 1940 and carried citizens to be politically unreliable into the Soviet interior begun in January 1940 carried on continuously until June 22, 1941. Like other exiles, the family spent over a year starving, freezing, and on continuously until June 22, 1941 Like other exiles, the family spent over a year starving, and felling timber in the woods. felling timber in the woods
Zdzisław and his family, like hundreds of thousands of other Polish deportees, experienced a change of Zdzisław and his family, like hundreds of thousands of other Polish deportees, experienced a change of fate in 1941 after the German invasion of the Soviet Union when Poland and the USSR suddenly found fate in 1941 after the German invasion of the Soviet Union when Poland and the USSR suddenly found themselves together in a British-led anti-Nazi coalition. Under British pressure, the Polish and Soviet together in a British-led anti-Nazi coalition. Under British pressure, the Polish and Soviet governments signed a treaty in London that established a tenuous coexistence after two years of hostilities. governments signed a treaty in London that established a tenuous coexistence after two years of hostilities As part of that treaty, the status of Polish deportees in Siberia was regulated – they were granted a legal As part of that treaty, the status of Polish deportees in Siberia was regulated – they were granted a legal status and were soon to form an army to fight Germany. The official letter from the NKVD distributed to status and were soon to form an army to fight Germany. The official letter from the NKVD distributed to Polish deportees read as follows: Polish deportees read as follows:
Based on the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of USSR, the amnestied Polish
Based on Decree of the Presidium Supreme Soviet of USSR, the amnestied citizen has the right of free movement within the territory of the USSR, excluding borderland citizen has the of free movement the of the USSR, excluding borderland areas, forbidden zones, areas declared under martial law, as well as special regime cities of the areas, forbidden zones, areas declared under martial law, as well as special regime cities of the first and second category (5). first and second category (5).
Armed with such legal protection the family, like thousands of others, made its way south to Uzbekistan
Armed with such legal protection the family, like thousands of others, made its way south to Uzbekistan in search of milder climate and Polish recruitment offices. Stalin, however, did not cherish a prospect of in search of milder climate and Polish recruitment offices. Stalin, however, did not cherish a prospect of having an armed force comprising men from the lands that he was trying to claim from Poland and who an armed force comprising men from the lands that he was trying to claim from Poland and who just experienced Soviet repression fighting on the Eastern Front. It was decided that the army would move just experienced Soviet repression fighting on the Eastern Front It was decided that the army would move to the Middle East under British command. to the Middle East under British command.
After months of starvation and occasional work on cotton plantations, the Majewski family found a
After months of starvation and occasional work on cotton plantations, the Majewski family found a recruitment office. Majewski’s father was thereby shipped off to the army, while mother and two brothers office. Majewski’s father was thereby shipped to army, while mother and two brothers had to wait for civilian evacuation. The family never heard from their father again, the circumstances of had to wait for civilian evacuation The family never heard from their father again, the circumstances of his death remaining unknown (6). Majewski recalled receiving the sacrament of confirmation in the his death remaining unknown (6) Majewski recalled receiving the sacrament of confirmation in the Uzbeki desert together with his young brother Kazimierz, before being shipped with a civilian transport to Uzbeki desert together with his young brother Kazimierz, before being shipped with a civilian transport to Tehran, where they were met by British and Polish authorities (7) There, they were issued with travel Tehran, where they were met by British and Polish authorities (7). There, they were issued with travel documents by the Polish consulate and sent through Karachi to British East Africa (8) documents by the Polish consulate and sent through Karachi to British East Africa (8).
4 USSR Sovnarkom decree no 2122-617, 29 December 1939 Instructions of the USSR People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (signed by L Beria), as cited in Sword, Keith
4 USSR Sovnarkom decree no 2122-617, 29 December 1939 Instructions of the USSR People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (signed by L Beria), as cited in Sword, Keith 1994 1994 Deportation And Exile Deportation And Exile p 13 13
5 “Certificate no 13393”, USSR People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs, NKVD Directorate for the Altai Krai, 25 October 1941. Private collection of the Żędzian family
5 “Certificate no 13393”, USSR People’s Commissariat of Internal for the 25 Private Żędzian family
6 Kazimierz Majewski in 6 Majewski in Afryka mojego dzieciństwa Afryka mojego dzieciństwa 2009 Documentary directed by Ewa Misiewicz 2009 Ewa
7 Majewski, Francis Z “Father Francis Z Majewski’s Story.”
7 Majewski, Francis Z “Father Francis Majewski’s Story.” Joseph F Lamb Council #5510, Joseph Lamb Council #5510, June 25, 2015 25, 2015
The Majewski family reached a Polish refugee camp in Lusaka in Northern Rhodesia. Throughout his life,
The Majewski a camp in Lusaka in Throughout his life, brother Francis kept in touch with societies of former Polish refugees in Africa, and collected memoirs brother Francis kept in touch with societies of former Polish refugees in Africa, and collected memoirs that provide detailed and vivid descriptions of Polish life in African refugee camps (9). For many of them, that provide detailed and vivid descriptions of Polish life in African refugee camps (9) For many of them, the years spent in Africa were a semblance of a happy childhood that the war and Soviet repression denied the years spent in Africa were a semblance of a happy childhood that the war and Soviet repression denied tthemhem.
Zdzisław finished grade school there and graduated from high school in 1948. The same year his mother
Zdzisław finished grade school and graduated in 1948. The same year his mother passed away. Even though the war had been long over by this time, the Polish refugees had no home to go away Even though the war had been over by this time, the Polish refugees had no home to go back to. Theirs had been annexed to Soviet Ukraine and Belarus in 1945 and Poles were unwelcome. In back to Theirs had been annexed to Soviet Ukraine and Belarus in 1945 and Poles were unwelcome In any case, the Poles in Africa already had an experience of the Soviet system, and few wanted to find any case, the Poles in Africa already had an experience of the Soviet system, and few wanted to find themselves in its power again From Majewski’s correspondence, we can see how him and his friends themselves in its power again. From Majewski’s correspondence, we can how him and his friends were looking for ways to start a new life after years of exile Some chose to go to postwar Poland and looking for ways a new life after years of exile. Some chose go to Poland and settle in the new western territories annexed to Poland from Germany. Some sought to move to countries in new western territories annexed to Poland Germany. Some sought to move to countries within the British Commonwealth. Majewski chose to move to Pretoria in South Africa, where he worked within the British Commonwealth Majewski chose to move to Pretoria in South Africa, where he worked as a clerk for two years before joining the Regional Seminary of St. John Vianney. as a clerk for two years before joining the Regional Seminary of St. John Vianney.
During his time there, the young cleric made his most momentous contribution to history by writing an
During his time there, the young cleric made his most momentous contribution to history by writing an open letter to “Kultura”, the leading émigré publication ran from Paris by Jerzy Giedroyc (10) In the letter to “Kultura”, the leading émigré publication from Paris by Jerzy Giedroyc (10). In the letter, Majewski, then a seminary student in Pretoria, argued eloquently that Poland should renounce its Majewski, then a seminary student in Pretoria, argued eloquently that Poland should renounce its claims to the territories lost in 1945 for the sake of reconciliation with Ukraine, Lithuania, and Belarus. It claims to the territories lost in 1945 for the sake of reconciliation with Ukraine, Lithuania, and Belarus It was a shocking thing to say in 1952 when the horrors of World War Two were still fresh in the memory of was a shocking thing to say in 1952 when the horrors of World War Two were still fresh in the memory of all Poles. The letter was all the more scandalous given that the Polish émigré readership of “Kultura” all Poles. The letter was all the more scandalous given that the Polish émigré readership of “Kultura” consisted in a significant proportion of people who were brutally expelled from exactly those territories consisted in a significant proportion of people who brutally expelled from exactly those territories and now found themselves in the West Majewski, himself born in a prewar Polish town that ended up and found themselves the West. Majewski, himself born in a prewar Polish town that ended up annexed to Soviet Ukraine, seemed to relish in his sacrilege by proclaiming that these lands “were never to Soviet to relish in his sacrilege proclaiming that these lands “were never Polish”, implying any Polish presence there as alien and colonial. Polish”, implying any Polish presence there as alien and colonial
Scandalous that it was, Majewski’s letter was also visionary. To say in 1952 that through accepting the Scandalous that it was, Majewski’s letter was also visionary. To say in 1952 that through accepting the loss of the “eastern borderlands” the Poles could open a path to reconciliation and partnership with loss of the “eastern borderlands” the Poles could open path reconciliation and partnership with Lithuanians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians, was to say that there would be a Lithuania, a Belarus, and a Lithuanians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians, was to say that there would be a Lithuania, Belarus, and a Ukraine in the future. At the height of Soviet power that was a brave prediction to make. Jerzy Giedroyc, in the future. At height of Soviet power that was a brave prediction Jerzy Giedroyc, who printed Majewski’s letter in his magazine, was among those who strongly believed in it, and he who printed Majewski’s letter in his magazine, was among those who strongly believed in it, and he predicated his entire political activity on the assumption that there would be a post-Soviet future. We now predicated his entire political activity on the assumption that there would be a post-Soviet future We now know that they were both right. Majewski’s letter caused an uproar, but it also opened a serious discussion know that they were both right. Majewski’s letter caused an uproar, but it also opened a serious discussion about Poland’s eastern borders and neighbors in the émigré community, outside of the stifling reach of the about Poland’s eastern borders and neighbors in the émigré community, outside of the stifling reach of the
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE
Wiktor Babinski (Yale University) Wiktor Babinski (Yale University) communist dictatorship. By the 1970s Giedroyc had won that debate, by the 1980s the democratic dictatorship. By 1970s Giedroyc had won by the 1980s democratic opposition in Poland adopted his ideas and turned them into a political program, and by the early 1990s an opposition in Poland adopted his ideas and turned them into a political program, and by the early 1990s an independent Poland implemented it on the ruins of the Soviet empire. independent Poland implemented it on the ruins of the Soviet empire
While the debate about Poland’s future in Europe continued on the pages of the Parisian title, Majewski
While the debate about Poland’s future in Europe continued on the pages of the Parisian title, Majewski was struggling to anchor his life somewhere and in something. Like countless refugees and displaced was struggling to anchor his life somewhere and in something. Like countless refugees and displaced persons in the wake of the Second World War, Majewski found himself stranded far from the place he persons in wake of the Second World War, himself stranded place he once called home, with no permanent legal status. In one way or another, he would wage a constant once called home, with no permanent status In one way or another, he would wage a constant struggle with different immigration offices until 1967, when he acquired permanent residency in the struggle with different immigration offices until 1967, when he acquired permanent residency in the United States. While in Africa, Majewski tried to procure British citizenship in 1954, but his request was United States. While in Africa, Majewski tried to procure British citizenship in 1954, but his request was denied on the grounds that residence in the Union of South Africa, as opposed to British territories and denied on the grounds that residence the Union of South Africa, as opposed to British territories and dependencies, did not qualify an individual to pursue a United Kingdom passport (11) On September 1, dependencies, did qualify an individual pursue a United Kingdom passport (11). On September 1, 1955, twelve years after landing on the coast of the African continent as a refugee, he was naturalized as a twelve years landing on coast of African continent as a refugee, he was naturalized as a South African citizen (12). Thus ended his long period of de facto statelessness. His naturalization South African citizen (12) Thus ended his period of de facto statelessness His naturalization certificate which states that the only citizenship he had held before was Polish, a country he had not seen certificate which states that the only citizenship he had held before was Polish, a country he had not seen since the war. Majewski tried to hold on to his South African passport even while departing the country since the war. Majewski tried to hold on to his South African passport even while departing the country for good in 1956, presumably because it provided him with a semblance of stability, but his rights to retain for good in 1956, presumably because it provided him with a semblance of stability, but his rights retain the citizenship were repeatedly questioned by the South African ministry of foreign affairs due to stringent the citizenship were repeatedly questioned by the South African ministry of foreign affairs due stringent laws on residency outside of the country. laws on residency of country.
Majewski has shown an avid, almost obsessive interest in the Catholic religious life since his teenage Majewski has shown an avid, almost obsessive interest in the Catholic religious life since his teenage years. His correspondence from the African period is filled with references to religion. He kept in touch years. His correspondence from the African period is filled with references to religion. He kept in touch with many priests, and even cared for one until the latter’s death, later administering the return of his with many priests, and even cared for one until the latter’s death, later administering the return of his property to his original monastery Most importantly, however, the late 1940s and early 1950s were property to his original monastery. Most importantly, however, the late 1940s and early 1950s were marked for the young Zdzisław by a futile search for a monastic order to join. He corresponded with marked for the young by a a monastic order to join. He corresponded with several orders, including one in Poland, proving that he did consider a return to his homeland under several orders, including one in Poland, proving that he did consider a return to his homeland under communist rule if that meant realizing the dream of religious service, but he was eventually rebuffed by communist rule if that meant realizing the dream of religious service, but he was eventually rebuffed by all of them. He was finally accepted by a Franciscan order in Oak Ridge, New Jersey, composed of Polish all of them. He was finally accepted by a Franciscan order in Oak Ridge, New Jersey, composed of Polish friars liberated from Dachau, who arranged for his travel into the United States friars liberated from Dachau, who arranged for his travel into the United States.
Over the course of the next ten years, Majewski managed to attain his monastic vows, taking the name
Over course next ten years, Majewski managed to attain monastic vows, taking the name Francis, complete a bachelor’s degree in Canada, and secure permanent residency in the United States. He Francis, complete a bachelor’s degree in Canada, and secure permanent residency in the United States He habitually provoked conflicts with his superiors and parishioners, causing him to move parishes often and habitually provoked conflicts with his superiors and parishioners, causing him to move parishes often and in 1979 he fell into legal trouble when the state of New York prosecuted him for sodomy in what was in 1979 he fell into legal trouble when the state of New York prosecuted him for sodomy in what was likely one of the last such cases, with homosexualism being decriminalized a year later. Rev. Majewski, a likely one of the last such cases, with homosexualism being decriminalized a year later. Rev. Majewski, a
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
THE ODYSSEY OF FRANCIS MAJEWSKI: EXILE, IDENTITY AND NATIONAL
RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE RECONCILIATION THROUGH THE EYES OF A 20TH CENTURY POLE
Wiktor Babinski (Yale University) Wiktor Babinski (Yale University) generation younger than the Dachau Capuchins, had outlived his brothers and lived to see their Oak Ridge generation younger Capuchins, had outlived brothers and to see Oak Ridge monastic house fall into disuse. He fought with the Capuchin authorities to keep it open in the early 2000s monastic house fall into disuse He with the Capuchin authorities to keep it open in the early 2000s despite the order’s better judgement that there was no more need for a Polish Capuchin presence in New despite the order’s better judgement that there was no more need for a Polish Capuchin presence in New Jersey, or for a manor to maintain. Finally, he died at the age of 92 in New York in 2020. Jersey, or for a manor to maintain. Finally, he died at the age of 92 in New York in 2020.
A true cap on his journey, however, came in 1992. That year, shortly after Ukraine achieved its
A true cap on his however, came in 1992. That year, shortly after Ukraine achieved its independence, Francis Majewski made a return journey to Husiatyn. Forty two years after leaving his independence, Francis Majewski made a return journey to Husiatyn. Forty two years after his home, occupied by the Soviet Union and on the precipice of a genocidal Ukrainian- Polish civil war, the home, occupied by the Soviet Union and on the precipice of a Ukrainian- Polish civil war, the odyssey of Francis Majewski had come to an end. He was returning to free and independent Ukraine, odyssey of Francis Majewski had come to an end. He was returning to free and independent Ukraine, which Poland recognized as the first country in the world – an outcome to which this Ukrainian-speaking which Poland recognized as the first country in the world – an outcome to which this Ukrainian-speaking Polish priest contributed a humble but consequential letter Polish priest contributed a humble but consequential letter.
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION,
1917-1920: WHOSE THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY? REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY?
Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria))
“I married the Ukrainian Revolution,” (1) wrote Solomon Goldelman in his
“I married Ukrainian Revolution,” (1) wrote Solomon in his Letters of a Jewish Social Letters of a Social Democrat about Ukraine Democrat about Ukraine. Goldelman (1885-1974) was a member of the Jewish Poalei Zion (“Workers of Goldelman (1885-1974) was a member of the Jewish Poalei Zion of Zion”) party in Ukraine and a strong proponent of the Ukrainian-Jewish alliance. In December 1918, he party in Ukraine and a strong proponent of the Ukrainian-Jewish alliance In December 1918, he was in contact with the leadership of the Ukrainian Directory, a revolutionary group that organized a was in contact with the leadership of the Ukrainian Directory, a revolutionary group that organized a rebellion against Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky whose authority relied on the military assistance of German rebellion against Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky whose authority relied on the military assistance of German and Austro-Hungarian forces from April to November 1918. During this rebellion, the purpose of which and Austro-Hungarian forces from April November 1918. During this rebellion, the purpose of which was to remove Skoropadsky and reinstall the Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainians negotiated with was to remove Skoropadsky and reinstall Ukrainian People’s Republic, negotiated with Goldelman the renewal of the law of national personal autonomy for the Jewish population of Ukraine, Goldelman the renewal of the law of national personal autonomy for the Jewish population of Ukraine, which was earlier repealed by Skoropadsky. By using the term “Ukrainian Revolution” in his work, which was earlier repealed by Skoropadsky. By using the term “Ukrainian Revolution” in his work, Goldelman showed not only his familiarity with the discourse of fellow Ukrainian revolutionaries who Goldelman showed not only his familiarity with the discourse of fellow Ukrainian revolutionaries who started using it early on, in 1917, (2) but signaled that he also adopted the term started using it early on, in 1917, (2) but signaled that he also adopted the term.
John S. Reshetar was the first scholar who in his book published in 1952 specifically focused on the S. Reshetar was first scholar who in his book published in 1952 specifically on the revolutionary events in Ukraine and used the term “Ukrainian Revolution.” (3) Reshetar defined the revolutionary events in Ukraine and used the term “Ukrainian Revolution.” Reshetar defined the
1 Solomon Goldelman, 1 Solomon Goldelman, Lysty zhydivskoho sotsial-demokrata pro Ukrainu [Letters of a Jewish Social Democrat about Ukraine] Lysty zhydivskoho sotsial-demokrata pro Ukrainu [Letters of a Jewish Social Democrat about Ukraine] (Vienna: Hamojn, 1921), Letter 2, p 17 (dated (Vienna: Hamojn, 1921), 2, p 17 (dated December 1918, Vinnytsia) Goldelman used the term “Ukrainian Revolution” in his December 1918, Vinnytsia) Goldelman used the term “Ukrainian Revolution” in his Letters of a Jewish Social Democrat about Ukraine, Letters a Jewish Social Democrat about Ukraine, first published in the fall of 1920 in the first in the fall of 1920 in the Ukrainian émigré weekly Volia [Freedom] in Vienna and then as a stand-alone publication in 1921 (alongside its versions in Yiddish and German) The term “Ukrainian Revolution” Ukrainian émigré weekly Volia [Freedom] in Vienna and as stand-alone in 1921 its versions in Yiddish and The “Ukrainian Revolution” is used by Goldelman not only in the Ukrainian version of by not only in the version of Letters Letters, but in Yiddish as well ( , Yiddish as (“di ukrainishe revolutsye “di ukrainishe revolutsye”) ”)
2 The “Ukrainian Revolution” is mentioned in the context of the First Military Congress in
2 The “Ukrainian Revolution” mentioned the context of the Military Congress Robitnycha Hazeta [Workers’ Newspaper] Robitnycha Hazeta [Workers’ Newspaper], # 32 (May 1917), p 3 , # 32 1917), p 3
3 One of the prominent examples of the early use of this term by the participants of the events is Pavlo Khrystiuk’s
3 One of the prominent examples of the early use of this term by the participants of the events is Pavlo Khrystiuk’s Zamitky i materiialy do istorii ukrainskoii revoliutsii, 1917-1920 Zamitky i materiialy do istorii ukrainskoii revoliutsii, 1917-1920 [Notes and Materials towards the History of Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920] [Notes and Materials towards the History Ukrainian Revolution, (Ukrainskyi sotsiolohichnyi instytut, 1921-22) In more recent scholarship, the term continues to be in sotsiolohichnyi instytut, In more recent scholarship, the term continues to be in use, for example, by Henry Abramson in his doctoral dissertation “Jews and the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920” (Henry Abramson, “Historiography on the Jews and the Ukrainian Abramson in his doctoral and the Ukrainian 1917-1920” (Henry Abramson, “Historiography Jews and Ukrainian Revolution,” Revolution,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies 15 Journal Ukrainian Studies , no 2 (Winter 1990): 33) , no 2 (Winter 1990): 33)
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY? REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY?
Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Ukrainian Revolution as “the Ukrainian effort to attain independent statehood which commenced in 1917 as “the Ukrainian effort to attain statehood which in 1917 and ended in failure in 1920.”(4) There are two key considerations here. First of all, the tradition of and ended in failure in 1920 ”(4) There are two considerations here First of all, the tradition of viewing this revolution as a failure, and second – the question of its difference(s) from the Russian viewing this revolution as a failure, and second – the question of its difference(s) from the Russian Revolution. A prominent Ukrainian scholar of the revolution, Vladyslav Verstiuk, also concluded that “the Revolution. prominent Ukrainian scholar of the revolution, Vladyslav Verstiuk, also concluded that “the Ukrainian Revolution was a defeat in terms of building an independent state.” (5) However, the immediate Ukrainian Revolution was a defeat in terms of building an independent state.” (5) However, the immediate question is whether the Ukrainian movement entered the revolutionary scene with the projected question is whether the Ukrainian movement entered the revolutionary scene with the projected independence in mind. If not, was then the revolution truly a failure? The outcome of the revolution was independence in If not, was then the revolution truly a The outcome of the revolution was perceived as a defeat by those who were forced into exile as soon as the Bolsheviks firmly established as a defeat by those who were forced into exile as soon as the Bolsheviks firmly established their power. However, Reshetar himself remarked that “the fact that Ukraine enjoys the status of a their power However, Reshetar himself remarked that “the fact that Ukraine enjoys the status of a separate republic as well as membership in the United Nations is indicative of the recognition which has separate republic as well as membership in the United Nations is indicative of the recognition which has been accorded it ” (6) Thus, one might rather say that the version of the Ukrainian statehood that the been accorded it.” (6) Thus, one might rather say that the version of the Ukrainian statehood that the Ukrainian national forces, not associated with the Bolsheviks, imagined, failed to materialize or was Ukrainian national forces, associated with the Bolsheviks, imagined, failed materialize or was dismantled but the revolution aiming at some sort of Ukrainian sovereignty in fact succeeded – it put but the revolution aiming at some sort of Ukrainian sovereignty in fact succeeded – put Ukraine on the map. (7) It became “(the) Ukraine” in international documents, periodicals, memoirs, and Ukraine on the map It became “(the) Ukraine” in international documents, memoirs, and various other publications. various other publications
Another important issue to consider is what makes it different from the Russian Revolution and why one
Another important issue to consider what makes different from the Russian Revolution and why one would even speak of the Ukrainian Revolution. In Aster and Potichnyi’s edited volume on Ukrainian- would even speak of the Ukrainian Revolution. In Aster and Potichnyi’s edited volume on UkrainianJewish relations, Geoff Eley highlighted that “Western historiography incorrigibly subsumes the relations, Geoff Eley highlighted that “Western historiography incorrigibly subsumes the particularities of Ukrainian development in homogenized conceptions of “Russian” history.” (8) For particularities of Ukrainian development in homogenized conceptions of “Russian” history.” For Verstiuk, “the ethno-national component was what fundamentally distinguished the Ukrainian and Verstiuk, “the ethno-national component was what fundamentally distinguished the Ukrainian and Russian Revolutions.” (9) Moreover, Roman Szporluk following Ivan L. Rudnytsky raised the question Russian Revolutions.” (9) Moreover, Roman Szporluk following Ivan L. Rudnytsky raised the question whether the Ukrainian Revolution should even be considered as a component of the Russian Revolution. whether the Ukrainian Revolution should even be considered as a component of the Russian Revolution. By only focusing on the Ukrainian Revolution in the former Russian empire and by ignoring what was By only focusing on the Ukrainian Revolution in the former Russian empire and by ignoring what was happening in what is now western Ukraine and then part of the Habsburg empire, scholars seem to happening in what now western Ukraine and then part of the Habsburg empire, scholars seem to recognize that the Ukrainian Revolution was part of the Russian Revolution. However, the establishment recognize that the Ukrainian Revolution was part of the Russian Revolution. However, the establishment of the Western Ukrainian Republic is also important, especially in view of the unity the two Ukrainian of the Western Ukrainian Republic is also important, especially in view of the unity the two Ukrainian entities proclaimed (albeit mostly symbolically) in January 1919, (10) which highlights the “transnational” entities proclaimed (albeit mostly symbolically) in January 1919, which highlights the “transnational” nature of the Ukrainian national idea (11) of the Ukrainian national idea. (11)
Szporluk also detached the Ukrainian Revolution from the Russian one by pointing out the similarities
Szporluk also detached the Ukrainian Revolution Russian one by pointing out the similarities
4 John Stephen Reshetar, The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920: A Study in Nationalism The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920: A Study in Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952), vii (Princeton: University 1952),
4 John Stephen Reshetar,
5 Vladyslav Verstiuk, “Conceptual Issues in Studying the History of the Ukrainian Revolution,”
5 Vladyslav Verstiuk, “Conceptual Issues in Studying the History of the Ukrainian Revolution,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies Journal Ukrainian Studies 24, no 1 (Summer 1999): 9 24, no 1 (Summer 9
6 Reshetar, vii
6 Reshetar, vii
7 Marko Bojcun, “Approaches to the Study of the Ukrainian Revolution,”
7 Marko Bojcun, the Study of the Revolution,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies Journal Ukrainian Studies 24, no 1 (Summer 1999): 38 24, no 1 (Summer 1999): 38
8 Geoff Eley, “Remapping the Nation; War, Revolutionary Upheaval and State Formation in Eastern Europe, 1914- 1923,” in
8 Geoff Eley, “Remapping the War, Revolutionary Upheaval and Formation Europe, 1914- 1923,” in Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective,,
ed Howard Aster and Peter J Potichnyj, 2nd ed (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1990), 222
ed Howard Aster and Peter J Potichnyj, 2nd ed (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1990), 222
9 Verstiuk, “Conceptual Issues in Studying the History of the Ukrainian Revolution,” 7
9 Verstiuk, “Conceptual Issues in the History of the Ukrainian Revolution,” 7
10 Verstiuk also emphasizes the importance of the component of the Ukrainian Revolution in Eastern Galicia, which was at that time part of the Habsburg Empire (Verstiuk, 8) also emphasizes the component of the in Eastern Galicia, Habsburg
11 Serhy Yekelchyk, “Searching for the Ukrainian Revolution,” Serhy Yekelchyk, “Searching for the Ukrainian Slavic Review 7 Slavic Review 78, no 4 (December 1, 2019): 943 8, no 4 (December 1, 2019):
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY? REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY?
Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) between the processes in Ukraine and in other “new” nation-states in Europe, arguing that in the Russian processes in Ukraine and in other “new” in Europe, arguing that in the Russian case, the goal of the revolution was to change the government, whereas for Ukrainians, it was to establish case, the goal of the revolution was to change the government, whereas for Ukrainians, it was to establish sovereignty. (12) In this, therefore, Ukraine was more aligned with Poles, Finns, Czechs, Lithuanians, and sovereignty (12) In this, therefore, Ukraine was more aligned with Poles, Finns, Czechs, Lithuanians, and others, instead of Russians. In this case, the starting point of the revolution should be 1914 as argued by others, instead of Russians. In this case, the starting point of the revolution should be 1914 as argued by Yaroslav Hrytsak (13) There have also been other parallels drawn between the Ukrainian Revolution and Yaroslav Hrytsak. (13) There have also been other parallels drawn between the Ukrainian Revolution and the revolutionary drive in Europe after WWI. (14) the revolutionary drive in Europe after WWI. (14)
Serhy Yekelchyk also explored the interrelation between the Ukrainian and Russian revolutions, stating Serhy Yekelchyk also explored the interrelation between the Ukrainian and Russian revolutions, stating that “The Ukrainian historians, in contrast [to the Russian ones], celebrate the revolution as their people’s that “The Ukrainian historians, in contrast [to the Russian ones], celebrate the revolution as their people’s drive to overthrow Russian colonial domination, re-establish their statehood, and thus “return” to the road drive to overthrow Russian colonial domination, re-establish their statehood, and thus “return” to the road to modernity ” (15) At the same time, Yekelchyk as well as Larysa Bilous expressed concern that even modernity.” (15) At the same Yekelchyk as well as Larysa Bilous expressed concern that even though the term “Ukrainian Revolution” is more inclusive than “national liberation”, its implied focus on though the “Ukrainian Revolution” is more inclusive than “national liberation”, its implied focus on Ukrainian nation-building may mean forgetting about other important components and about the fact that may mean forgetting about other important components about the fact that the Ukrainian Revolution “was also a Jewish one.” (16) Moreover, the Organization of Ukrainian the Ukrainian Revolution was also a Jewish one.” (16) Moreover, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which sprang out of the perceived failure of the Ukrainian Revolution and which was also Nationalists, which sprang out of the perceived failure of the Ukrainian Revolution and which was also part of the characteristic shift to the right in the interwar Europe, appropriated the term “Ukrainian part of the characteristic shift to the right in the interwar Europe, appropriated the term “Ukrainian National Revolution” for the events of WWII, so it gained antisemitic undertones and the implication of National Revolution” for the events of WWII, so gained undertones and the implication of Ukrainian state being exclusively for Ukrainians. (17) Ukrainian being exclusively for Ukrainians. (17)
In 1917-1920, however, even if there were voices in favor of a limiting definition of Ukrainian statehood, In 1917-1920, however, even if there were voices in favor of a limiting definition of Ukrainian statehood, the leading Ukrainian thinkers imagined a democratic society where various ethno-national groups were to the leading Ukrainian thinkers imagined a democratic society where various ethno-national groups were to be treated fairly. Prior to the Revolution “the denial of basic... rights... prevented Ukrainians and other be treated fairly. Prior to the Revolution “the denial of basic... rights... prevented Ukrainians and other non-Russian peoples from openly expressing their collective national demands,” (18) so the revolutionary peoples from openly expressing their collective national demands,” (18) so the revolutionary period became the time for “more than one national awakening” (19) and for exploration of the period became the time for “more than one national awakening” (19) and for exploration of the possibilities of autonomy. Ukrainians imagined a territorial autonomy in the reformed Russia for possibilities of Ukrainians imagined a autonomy in the reformed Russia for themselves and a non-territorial autonomy for Jews, Poles, and Russians in Ukraine. (20) This themselves and a non-territorial autonomy for Jews, Poles, and Russians in Ukraine (20) This combination of the territorial and national personal autonomies was for a brief period a goal that brought combination of the territorial and national personal autonomies was for a brief period a goal that brought
12 Roman Szporluk, review of Taras Hunczak, ed , Roman review of Hunczak, ed , The Ukraine, 1917-1921: A Study in Revolution The Ukraine, 1917-1921: A Study in Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1977), in Harvard Ukrainian Institute, 1977), in The Annals of the The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U S Academy of Sciences 14, 37-8 (1978-80): 268 14, 37-8 (1978-80): 268
13 At the same time, Yekelchyk argues that the collapse of the tsarist regime, rather than WWI, was what led to the revolutionary state-building in the Ukrainian context (Yekelchyk, At the same Yekelchyk argues that the collapse of the tsarist regime, rather to context (Yekelchyk, “Searching for the Ukrainian Revolution,” 946) “Searching for the Ukrainian Revolution,” 946)
14 Chris Ford, “The Crossroads of the European Revolution: Ukrainian Social-Democrats and Communists (Independentists), the Ukrainian Revolution and Soviet Hungary 1917–
14 Chris Ford, “The Crossroads of the European Revolution: Ukrainian Social-Democrats and Communists the Ukrainian Revolution and Soviet Hungary 1917–1920,” 1920,” Critique Critique 38, no 4 (December 1, 2010): 565–605, https://doi org/10.1080/03017605.2010.522122 38, no 4 1, 2010): 565–605, org/10.1080/03017605.2010.522122
15 Serhy Yekelchyk, “The Revolution at Eighty: Reconstructing Past Identities after the ‘Linguistic Turn,’” Serhy Yekelchyk, “The Revolution at Identities Journal of Ukrainian Studies Journal 24, no 1 (Summer 1999): 70 no (Summer 1999):
16 Larysa Bilous, “Re-Thinking the Revolution in Ukraine: The Jewish Experience, 1917-1921,”
16 Bilous, “Re-Thinking the Revolution in Ukraine: The Jewish Experience, Slavic Review Slavic 78, no 4 (December 1, 2019): 949 no (December 1, 949
17 Rossoliński-Liebe, Grzegorz "The "Ukrainian National Revolution" of 1941: Discourse and Practice of a Fascist Movement."
17 Rossoliński-Liebe, Grzegorz "The "Ukrainian National Revolution" of 1941: Discourse and Practice of a Fascist Movement." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian Kritika: Explorations in and Eurasian History History 12, no 1 (2011): 83-114 https://doi org/10 1353/kri.2011.a411661 12, no (2011): 83-114 https://doi org/10 1353/kri.2011.a411661
18 Bojcun, “Approaches to the Study of the Ukrainian Revolution,” 28 “Approaches Study Ukrainian Revolution,”
19 Paul R Magocsi and Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, Magocsi and Petrovsky-Shtern, Jews and Ukrainians: A Millennium of Co-Existence Jews and Ukrainians: A Millennium (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 48 (Toronto: University of Press, 2016),
20 In his 20 his Beyond the Nation-State: The Zionist Political Imagination from Pinsker to Ben-Gurion Beyond the Nation-State: The Zionist Political Imagination from Pinsker to (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019), Dimitry Shumsky criticizes the (New Yale University Press, 2019), Dimitry Shumsky the sovereign nation-state paradigm, arguing that the idea of an independent nation-state was preceded by the popular conception of autonomy in a multinational polity Though his book sovereign nation-state paradigm, arguing that the idea of an independent nation-state was preceded by the popular conception of autonomy in a multinational polity Though his book focuses on the Zionist examples, it is also applicable to the Ukrainian case Zionist it is Ukrainian
THE
MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY? REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY?
Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Jews and Ukrainians together, in their anticipation of the further steps of the Provisional Government, Jews and Ukrainians together, in anticipation the further steps of the Government, eventually swept away by the Bolshevik takeover of power in November-December 1917. This was eventually swept away by the Bolshevik takeover of power in November-December This was followed by the proclamation of an independent Ukrainian People’s Republic, which no longer thought to followed by the proclamation of an independent Ukrainian People’s Republic, which no longer thought to remain part of a larger Russian space, but which still aimed at upholding its autonomy promise to its remain part of a larger Russian space, but which still aimed at upholding its autonomy promise to its Jewish population Jewish population.
Speaking about the role of the linguistic turn in recent scholarship on the Ukrainian Revolution, about the role of the linguistic turn in scholarship on Ukrainian Revolution, Yekelchyk pointed out that the meaning of autonomy was changing over the years of the revolution and Yekelchyk out that the meaning of autonomy was over the years of the revolution and also meant different things to different groups. (21) As there were many meanings of autonomy, so there also meant different things to different groups (21) As there were many meanings of autonomy, so there were many meanings of the revolution. For Goldelman, the Jewish autonomy was an integral part of the were many meanings of the revolution. For Goldelman, the Jewish autonomy was an integral part of the Ukrainian Revolution He saw them as intrinsically connected: not only the defeat of the Ukrainian Ukrainian Revolution. He saw them as intrinsically connected: only the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution would mean, according to him, a defeat of the Jewish autonomy, but also the disintegration of Revolution would mean, according to him, a defeat of the Jewish autonomy, but also the disintegration of the Jewish autonomy signified the failure of the Ukrainian Revolution. He also agreed that “an essential the Jewish autonomy signified failure of Ukrainian He also agreed that “an essential victory of the Ukrainian Revolution” was that the idea of the existence of Ukrainian statehood could no victory of the Ukrainian Revolution” was that the idea of the existence of Ukrainian statehood could no more be doubted. According to him, “the victory also is attributable to the circumstances that, during this more be doubted According to him, “the victory also is attributable to the circumstances that, during this period of the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920, there was under construction a fine structure of National period of the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917-1920, there was under construction a fine structure of National Autonomy for the Jewish population in Ukraine.” (22) Autonomy for the Jewish population in Ukraine.” (22)
For participants of the events (as well as for scholars writing about this revolution), identifying the
For participants of the events (as as for scholars writing about this revolution), identifying the revolutionary events of 1917-1920 as the Ukrainian Revolution meant not just distinguishing it from the revolutionary events of as the Ukrainian Revolution meant not just distinguishing it from the Russian Revolution, but primarily carving out the space for Ukrainian territories to be the center of the Russian Revolution, but primarily carving out the space for Ukrainian territories to be the center of the events, instead of simply being the periphery of the Russian Revolution, thus shifting the agency to Kyiv. events, instead of simply being the periphery of the Russian Revolution, thus shifting the agency to Kyiv. Therefore, the Ukrainian Revolution was not necessarily national in the ethnic sense, but spatially and Therefore, the Ukrainian Revolution was necessarily national in the ethnic but spatially and geographically In this case there could be no discrepancy in Ukrainian leadership’s willingness to enlist geographically. In this case there could be no discrepancy Ukrainian leadership’s willingness to enlist other ethno-national groups in their Ukrainian project. Hence Goldelman’s portrayal of the Ukrainian ethno-national groups in their Ukrainian project. Hence Goldelman’s portrayal of Ukrainian Revolution as “a bride” and his statement about “marrying the Ukrainian Revolution” (23) where he saw Revolution as “a bride” and his statement about “marrying the Ukrainian Revolution” (23) where he saw no contradiction in simultaneously participating in the Jewish politics and representing the Jewish party as no contradiction in simultaneously participating in the Jewish politics and representing the Jewish party as well as having a role in the Ukrainian state- building project through serving in the Ukrainian government well as having a role in the Ukrainian state- building project through serving in the Ukrainian government and using Ukrainian language and using Ukrainian language.
Understanding what the Ukrainian Revolution could mean to its non-Ukrainian participants is part of the
Understanding what the Ukrainian Revolution could mean to its non-Ukrainian participants is part of the tension between wishing to frame the Ukrainian events as something unique, as a revolution of its own tension between wishing to frame the Ukrainian events as something unique, as a revolution of its own kind, and incorporating it into the context of larger processes such as national revolutions and nation-state kind, and incorporating it into the context of larger processes such as national revolutions and nation-state formation in Central Europe. The latter has been an element in the search for the so-called normalcy that formation in Central Europe. The latter has been an element in the search for the so-called normalcy that
21 Yekelchyk, “The Revolution at Eighty: Reconstructing Past Identities after the ‘Linguistic Turn,’” 74
21 Yekelchyk, “The Revolution at Eighty: Reconstructing Past Identities after the ‘Linguistic Turn,’” 74
22 Solomon Goldelman, 22 Solomon Goldelman, Jewish National Autonomy in Ukraine 1917-1920 ( Jewish National Autonomy in Ukraine 1917-1920 (Chicago: Ukrainian Research and Information Institute, 1968), 124 Ukrainian Research and Information Institute, 1968), 124
23 Abramson also uses a wedding-themed metaphor in his work on Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the Revolution, describing its more or less peaceful period as the “honeymoon”
23 Abramson also uses in his work Revolution, describing its more peaceful period (Henry Abramson, (Henry Abramson, A Prayer for the Government: Jews and Ukrainians in Revolutionary Times, 1917-1920 for Government: and in Revolutionary 1917-1920 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Center for Jewish Studies, 1999), Mass: University Center Jewish Studies, 1999), 66) 66)
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE
THE MEANINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION, 1917-1920: WHOSE REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY? REVOLUTION? WHOSE AUTONOMY?
Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Olga Petrova (Central European University (Austria)) Ukrainian scholars have felt a need to prove. As the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920 was an felt a need to prove. As Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920 was an expression of the idea that what was happening in Ukraine did not necessarily have to be in line with expression of the idea that what was happening in Ukraine did not necessarily have to be in line with developments in the former imperial center (be it St. Petersburg or Moscow or even Vienna), there were developments in the former imperial center it St Petersburg or Moscow or even there were attempts to continue with this trend in the years when Ukraine became an inseparable part of the Soviet attempts to continue with this trend in the years when Ukraine became an inseparable part of the Soviet Union In 1930, Alexander Shulhyn, a representative of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s government in Union. In 1930, Alexander Shulhyn, representative of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s government in exile, wrote to Aristide Briand expressing on behalf of Ukrainians a wish to be part of the early project of exile, wrote to Aristide Briand expressing on behalf of Ukrainians a wish to be part of the early project of the European Union, (24) highlighting Ukraine’s alignment with historical traditions, economic interests, the European Union, (24) Ukraine’s alignment economic interests, and political principles of what Shulhyn identified as Western Europe ( and political principles of what Shulhyn identified as Western Europe (l’Europe occidentale l’Europe occidentale). Shulhyn ) Shulhyn was an active participant in the revolutionary events in Ukraine and believed in the legacy of the was an active participant in the revolutionary events in Ukraine and believed in the legacy of the Ukrainian Revolution ( Ukrainian Revolution (la République Démocratique Ukrainienne la République Démocratique Ukrainienne) and its eventual victory over the Soviet ) and its eventual victory over the Soviet version of Ukraine ( version of Ukraine (l’Ukraine Soviétique l’Ukraine Soviétique) and specifically opposed dependence of Ukrainian statehood on ) and specifically opposed dependence of Ukrainian statehood on Moscow Moscow.
This interpretation of the Ukrainian Revolution is more than relevant now, in the current political and
This interpretation of the Ukrainian Revolution is more than relevant now, in the current political and scholarly circumstances. The processes that came to the fore in the Revolution of 1917-1920 appear in scholarly circumstances The processes that came to the fore in the Revolution of 1917-1920 appear in many ways to drive Ukrainian revolutions in the twenty-first century – both the so-called Orange many ways to drive Ukrainian revolutions in the twenty-first century – both the so-called Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014, also identified by some scholars as the Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014, also identified by some scholars as the “national revolution ” (25) While these revolutions, like the revolution of 1917-1920, grappled with the “national revolution.” (25) While these revolutions, like the revolution of 1917-1920, grappled with the ideas of both unity (Ukrainian of unity (Ukrainian sobornist sobornist, “wholeness”) and diversity (26) (the key concept for the project , “wholeness”) and diversity (26) (the key for the project of the European Union too), at the heart of them there is the idea of Ukraine as the center, not the of the European Union too), at the heart of them there is the idea of Ukraine as the center, not the periphery, of decision-making. periphery, of decision-making
24 Central Zionist Archives, A139/190 (Ukraine’s activity in the League of Nations),
24 Central Zionist Archives, (Ukraine’s the League of Nations), L’Union Européenne et l’Ukraine, L’Union Européenne et l’Ukraine, Geneva, dated 8 September 1930 Geneva, dated 8 September
25 David R Marples and Frederick V Mills, eds ,
25 David R Marples and Frederick V Mills, eds , Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Analyses of a Civil Revolution, Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Analyses of a Civil Revolution, electronic resource, Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, vol 138 electronic resource, Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, vol 138 (Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, 2015), 9, http://search ebscohost com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=999535 It has also been identified as a civil (Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, 2015), 9, ebscohost com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=999535 It has also been identified as a civil revolution, as reflected in the title of the article revolution, as reflected in of article
26 Ilmari Käihkö, 26 Ilmari “Slava Ukraini!" Strategy and the Spirit of Ukrainian Resistance 2014–2023 “Slava Ukraini!" Strategy and the of 2014–2023 (Helsinki University Press, 2023), 72, https://www jstor.org/stable/jj 9474306 (Helsinki 2023), 72, jstor.org/stable/jj 9474306
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
DUCHY OF LITHUANIA DUCHY OF LITHUANIA
Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) Raskeviciute (Yale University)
The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 opened the gates to Europe for peoples trapped, to turn Lenin on his
The of the Soviet Union in 1991 opened gates to Europe for trapped, to turn Lenin on his head, in the prison of nations. (1) The nation-states in the European borderlands that emerged from the head, in the prison of nations (1) The nation-states in the European borderlands that emerged from the grip of the Soviet empire soon recognized that their newfound independence was a vulnerable asset that grip of the Soviet empire soon recognized that their newfound independence was a vulnerable asset that “must be defended” from potential encroachments by the former imperial center. (2) The Baltic countries, “must be defended” from potential encroachments by the former imperial center. (2) The Baltic countries, privileged by their tradition of statehood during the interwar period and popular national movement in the privileged by their tradition of statehood during the interwar period and popular national movement in the late 1980s, were among the most determined to sever all the forcibly imposed ties with Moscow and late 1980s, among the most determined to sever all the forcibly imposed ties with Moscow and sought a ‘return to Europe’ as a means to safeguard their restored independence. To this end, Lithuania, a ‘return to Europe’ as a means to safeguard their restored independence. To this Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia unequivocally prioritized integration into the Western security architecture and Latvia, and Estonia unequivocally prioritized integration into the Western security architecture and European political community by joining NATO and the European Union in 2004. However, acquiring European political community by joining NATO and the European Union in 2004. However, acquiring collective defense and political security guarantees was only part of the strive to alleviate the existential collective defense and political security guarantees was only part of the strive to alleviate the existential angst Condemned to the predicament akin to David, in permanent confrontation with the former imperial angst. Condemned to the predicament akin to David, in permanent confrontation with the former imperial Goliath, willing to wield not only brute force but also historical revisionism, ideology, and social divisions Goliath, willing to wield only brute force but also historical revisionism, ideology, and social divisions to maintain the dominion in the ‘Near Abroad’, the newly independent nations in the borderlands of maintain the dominion in ‘Near Abroad’, the independent nations in the borderlands of Europe sought ontological security “ Europe ontological security the need of states to perceive themselves as a whole and the need of states to perceive themselves as a and continuous over time continuous over time. ” (3) As if preempting Putin’s crude dismissal of Ukrainian statehood as fiction ” (3) As if preempting Putin’s crude dismissal of Ukrainian statehood as fiction thirty years later, the Baltic states prioritized the construction of a stable biographical narrative rooted in thirty years later, the Baltic states prioritized the construction of a stable biographical narrative rooted in continuity Estonian scholar Mälksoo refers to such securitization at the level of collective memory as continuity. Estonian scholar Mälksoo refers to such securitization at the level of collective memory as mnemonic security, the concept that “ mnemonic security, the that “distinct understandings of the past should be fixed in public distinct understandings of the past should be fixed in public remembrance and consciousness in order to buttress an actor’s stable sense of self as the basis of its remembrance and consciousness in order to buttress an actor’s stable sense of self as the basis of its political agency political agency. ” (4) ”
For Lithuania, the cornerstone of such biographical narrative lies in the legacy of the Grand Duchy of
For Lithuania, the cornerstone of such biographical narrative lies in the legacy of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) The medieval multicultural state has constituted the ideal foundation to (re)construct a Lithuania (GDL). The medieval multicultural state has constituted the ideal foundation to (re)construct resilient sense of self for two reasons First, establishing the direct lineage between the modern-day resilient of self for two reasons. First, establishing the direct lineage between the modern-day Lithuanian nation and the medieval state, once bearing its name on the European map from the Baltic to the nation and the medieval state, once bearing its name on the European map from Baltic Black Sea, invokes what Anthony Smith calls a myth of a " Black Sea, invokes what Anthony Smith calls a myth of a "pristine golden age pristine golden age. ” (5) The heroic mythology (5) The heroic mythology of grandeur, might, and national agency functions as a heuristic to preemptively disarm any belligerent of grandeur, might, and national agency functions as a heuristic to preemptively disarm any belligerent attacks on the imagined community’s license to statehood. Second, the historical tradition of the Grand attacks on the imagined community’s license to statehood. Second, the historical tradition of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is not shared with neither Russia nor Poland, both of which challenged Lithuania’s Duchy of Lithuania is not shared with neither Russia nor Poland, both of which challenged Lithuania’s sovereignty and territorial integrity during the course of the 20th century Possessing ‘unshared’ history of sovereignty and territorial integrity during the course of the 20th century. Possessing ‘unshared’ history of statehood and might, independent of the former imperial center(s), bore the promise of ontologizing statehood and might, the former center(s), bore the promise of ontologizing
1 V I Lenin, “The Revolutionary Proletariat and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination,” www.marxists.org, October 16, 1915,
1 V I Lenin, “The Revolutionary Proletariat and the of Nations to Self-Determination,” www.marxists.org, 16, 1915, https://www marxists org/archive/lenin/works/1915/oct/16.htm https://www org/archive/lenin/works/1915/oct/16.htm
2 Michel Foucault, 2 Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-76 Society Must Be Lectures at the College de France, 1975-76 (S L : Penguin Books, 2003) Reference to Foucault’s revision of the theory of history as L : Penguin Books, Reference to Foucault’s revision of the theory of as a power struggle, both external and internal, power both and internal, entailing the state's management of its population the state's of its
3 Jennifer Mitzen, “Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma,”
3 Jennifer Mitzen, “Ontological Security in World Politics: Identity and the Security Dilemma,” European Journal of International Relations European Journal of International Relations 12, no 3 (September 2006): 341, no 3 (September 2006): 341, https://doi org/10 1177/1354066106067346 https://doi org/10 1177/1354066106067346
4 Maria Mälksoo, “‘Memory Must Be Defended’: Beyond the Politics of Mnemonical Security,”
4 Maria Mälksoo, “‘Memory Must Be Defended’: Beyond the Politics of Mnemonical Security Dialogue Security Dialogue 46, no 3 (February 26, 2015): 222, 46, no 3 (February 26, 222, https://doi org/10 1177/0967010614552549
5 Anthony D Smith, 5 Myths and Memories of the Nation Memories of (Uitgever: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 65 1999), 65
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA DUCHY OF LITHUANIA
Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) Raskeviciute (Yale University)
Lithuania’s intact identity. Although the ancestral narrative of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was only one intact identity. Although ancestral narrative of Duchy of Lithuania was only one of the components comprising Lithuania’s post-independence biographical narrative, it served as a key to of the components comprising Lithuania’s post-independence narrative, it served as a key to fortifying the notion that both the Lithuanian people and the Lithuanian state have been a part of the fortifying the notion that both the Lithuanian people and the Lithuanian state have been a part of the European civilization in their own sovereign right since time immemorial. European civilization in their own sovereign right since time immemorial.
As post-Communist Lithuania was erecting monuments to the medieval Grand Dukes across the country
As post-Communist Lithuania was erecting monuments to the medieval Grand Dukes across the country and proclaiming the coronation of the Duchy’s only King as a national holiday, it overlooked another proclaiming the of Duchy’s only King as a holiday, it another nation in its vicinity, also bearing the historical citizenship of the GDL. Belarus, which also gained nation in its vicinity, also bearing the historical citizenship of the GDL Belarus, which also gained independence in 1991 by officially dissolving the Soviet Union alongside the other two founding independence in 1991 by officially dissolving the Soviet Union alongside the other two founding republics, Russia and Ukraine, was an integral part of the medieval state. Since the 14th century, the republics, Russia and Ukraine, was an integral part of the medieval state. Since the 14th century, the entirety of the modern-day Belarusian territory was integrated into the Grand Duchy, with the state's entirety of the modern-day Belarusian territory was integrated into the Grand Duchy, with the state's statutes written in an old Ruthenian language, a precursor to the modern-day Belarusian, and the frequent statutes written in an old Ruthenian language, precursor to the modern-day Belarusian, and the frequent conversions of Grand Dukes to Orthodox Christianity signifying the formative cultural and political conversions of Grand Dukes Orthodox Christianity signifying formative cultural and political influences of the Ruthenian lands on the medieval state project. (6) Despite possessing the historically influences of the Ruthenian lands on the medieval state project (6) Despite possessing the historically sanctioned claim the tradition of the GDL, Lukashenko’s regime, under the implicit policy of sanctioned claim the tradition of the GDL, Lukashenko’s regime, under the implicit policy of Russification, chose to maintain political and mnemonic identification with the Soviet legacy, especially Russification, chose to maintain political and mnemonic identification with the Soviet legacy, especially with the myth of the ‘Patriotic War’ continuing to serve as the archetype of a heroic age for the with the myth of the ‘Patriotic War’ continuing to serve as the archetype of a heroic age for the ‘independent’ post- Soviet Belarus However, instead of outright repudiating the historical tradition of the ‘independent’ post- Soviet Belarus. However, instead of outright repudiating the historical tradition of the Grand Duchy, the government in Minsk has occasionally leveraged it against the tacit domination of the Duchy, the government in Minsk occasionally leveraged against tacit domination of the ‘Russkiy mir’ narrative to strengthen its negotiating position against Moscow. For instance, in the late ‘Russkiy mir’ narrative to strengthen its negotiating position against Moscow. For instance, in the late 2000s, during the dispute between Russia and Belarus over increased gas prices, the regime in Minsk 2000s, during the dispute between Russia and Belarus over increased gas prices, the regime in Minsk undertook small acts of mnemonic decoupling, marked by the sudden revival of the public celebration of undertook small acts of mnemonic decoupling, marked by the sudden revival of the public celebration of the medieval Grand Duchy legacy, along with a short-lived rapprochement with the European Union, the medieval Grand Duchy legacy, along with short-lived rapprochement with the European Union, demonstrating to the Kremlin that Belarus had political and historical alternatives to Moscow’s dominion. demonstrating to the Kremlin that Belarus had political and historical alternatives Moscow’s dominion. (7) (7)
Despite Lukashenko’s occasional opportunistic appropriations of the GDL tradition, the real heirs of Despite Lukashenko’s occasional opportunistic appropriations of the GDL tradition, the real heirs of modern-day Grand Duchy citizenship have always been the democratic Belarusian opposition. In response modern-day Grand Duchy citizenship have always been the democratic Belarusian opposition. In response to Lukashenko’s increasingly apparent authoritarian tendencies, the opponents of the regime turned to the Lukashenko’s increasingly apparent authoritarian tendencies, the opponents of the regime turned the country’s ‘European facing’ legacy to renegotiate the nation’s sense of self The opposition movement's country’s ‘European facing’ legacy the nation’s sense of self. The opposition movement's acts of defiance, such as (re)adopting the Red and White flag with the shared Grand Duchy's coats of arms acts of defiance, as (re)adopting the Red and White flag shared Grand Duchy's of arms and choosing to speak Belarusian, a language largely supplanted by Russian during Lukashenko's rule, and choosing to speak Belarusian, a language largely supplanted by Russian during Lukashenko's rule, serve as symbolic mnemonic resistance. They challenge the notion that Lukashenko's Soviet-style serve as symbolic mnemonic resistance They challenge the notion that Lukashenko's Soviet-style dictatorship is somehow historically predestined or encoded in the Belarusian national DNA by turning to dictatorship is somehow historically predestined or encoded in the Belarusian national DNA by turning to the historical tradition of the Grand Duchy to conceptually rewrite Belarusian biographical narrative along the historical tradition of the Grand Duchy to conceptually rewrite Belarusian biographical narrative along
6 Serhii Plokhy, The Origins of the Slavic Nations (Cambridge University Press, 2006)
6 Serhii Plokhy, The Origins the Slavic Nations (Cambridge Press, 2006)
7 lrytas lt, “Baltarusijoje Dygsta Lietuvos Kunigaikščių Paminklai,” lrt lt, June 30, 2014, https://www lrt.lt/naujienos/kultura/12/49559/baltarusijoje-dygsta-lietuvos-kunigaiksciu-
7 “Baltarusijoje Dygsta Kunigaikščių Paminklai,” June 30, lrt.lt/naujienos/kultura/12/49559/baltarusijoje-dygsta-lietuvos-kunigaiksciupaminklai paminklai
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
DUCHY OF LITHUANIA DUCHY OF LITHUANIA
Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) Raskeviciute (Yale University) the lines of agency and choice. the lines of agency and choice.
Less than 200 kilometers away from Minsk, the reaction to the escalating authoritarianism of
Less than 200 kilometers away from Minsk, the reaction to the escalating authoritarianism of Lukashenko’s regime, and, in turn, growing democratic opposition aimed at constructing an alternative Lukashenko’s regime, and, in turn, growing democratic opposition aimed at constructing an alternative Belarusian identity rooted in the historical legacy of the Grand Duchy, was paradoxical From the Belarusian identity rooted the historical legacy of the Grand Duchy, was paradoxical. From the realpolitik standpoint, supporting Belarusian political opposition was in Lithuania’s strategic interest The realpolitik standpoint, Belarusian political opposition was in Lithuania’s strategic interest. The stronger the democratic forces were in the neighboring country, with which Lithuania shares its longest democratic forces were in the country, with its longest external border, the less likely it was for Belarus to become a complete vassal state for Moscow, thereby external border, the less likely it was for Belarus to become a vassal state for Moscow, thereby increasing political and physical distance between Lithuania and its aggressor. At the same time, increasing political and physical distance between Lithuania and its aggressor At the same time, Lithuanians became increasingly uneasy over the challenge posed by Belarus to its ownership of the Lithuanians became increasingly uneasy over the challenge posed by Belarus to its ownership of the Grand Duchy’s myth Hence, in the early 2010s, as Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite sought to Grand Duchy’s myth. Hence, the early 2010s, as Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite sought to “reset relations with the neighbor to whom the country has had its back turned for the past 20 years,” a “reset relations with the neighbor whom the has had its back turned for the past 20 years,” a mnemonic conflict was brewing among the last citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Growing voices mnemonic conflict was brewing among the citizens of Duchy of Lithuania. Growing voices in Lithuania accused Belarusians of ‘stealing’ their country’s history, fueling fears that it would be not in Lithuania accused Belarusians of their country’s history, fueling fears that it would be not Poles but Belarusians who would lay claim to Vilnius this time around. (8) Poles but Belarusians who would lay claim to Vilnius this time around. (8)
Less than a decade later, amid the regime’s unprecedented repressions against the Belarusian democratic
Less than a decade later, amid the regime’s unprecedented repressions against the Belarusian democratic opposition in 2020, thousands of historical compatriots sought refuge in the Lithuanian part of the Grand opposition in 2020, thousands of historical compatriots sought refuge in the Lithuanian part of the Grand Duchy. Faced with an overwhelming mass movement following the fraudulent presidential election, the Faced with an overwhelming mass movement following the presidential the government in Minsk surrendered any remaining shreds of its sovereignty to Moscow in exchange for government in Minsk surrendered any remaining shreds of its sovereignty to Moscow in exchange for support to keep Lukashenko in power. (9) Confronted with the undeniable reality that the neighboring support to keep Lukashenko in power (9) Confronted with the undeniable reality that the neighboring dictatorship cannot be ‘rest’, Lithuania threw its unconditional support behind the democratic opposition. dictatorship cannot be ‘rest’, Lithuania threw its unconditional support behind the democratic opposition. The government in Vilnius was among the first European countries to unequivocally condemn the
The government in Vilnius was among the first European to unequivocally condemn the regime’s violence, welcoming opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya to establish a government-in- regime’s violence, welcoming opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya to establish a government-inexile in Vilnius and granting asylum to all those fleeing Lukashenko's despotism. in Vilnius and asylum to all those fleeing despotism.
However, the compatriot-like solidarity did not last long. With national security concerns heightened
However, the compatriot-like solidarity did not last long. With national security concerns heightened following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and both presidential and parliamentary elections following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and both presidential and parliamentary elections looming in Lithuania, the same center-right government that referred to Belarusians as ‘our brothers’ in looming Lithuania, the same center-right government that referred to Belarusians as ‘our brothers’ in 2020 has now changed its course, persistently portraying the Belarusian diaspora as the Trojan Horse, 2020 has now changed its course, persistently portraying the Belarusian diaspora as the Trojan Horse, " "filling the streets of Vilnius with Russian language filling the streets of Vilnius with Russian language. " (10) Under the guise of a national security threat, the . " (10) the guise of a national security threat, the ruling coalition has been recently spearheading policy initiatives to restrict Belarusian immigration to ruling coalition has been spearheading policy initiatives to restrict Belarusian immigration to Lithuania and close Russian language schools. Supposed national security concerns are not the sole reason Lithuania and close Russian language schools. Supposed national security concerns are not the sole reason
8 Česlovas Iškauskas www iskauskas lt, “Č Iškauskas Kada Lietuvą Pasiglemš Baltarusija?,” DELFI, November 9, 2013, https://www.delfi.lt/archive/c-iskauskas-kada-lietuva-
8 Česlovas iskauskas lt, “Č Kada Pasiglemš Baltarusija?,” 9, 2013, https://www.delfi.lt/archive/c-iskauskas-kada-lietuvapasiglems-baltarusija d?id=63241900 & & Eglė Krištopaitytė, “Trumpas Bandymas „Perkrauti“ Santykius Su Baltarusija,” 15min.lt, accessed April 21, 2024, Eglė Krištopaitytė, “Trumpas Bandymas Baltarusija,” 15min.lt, accessed April 2024, https://www 15min lt/media-pasakojimai/grybauskaite-santykiai-su-baltarusija-694# https://www 15min lt/media-pasakojimai/grybauskaite-santykiai-su-baltarusija-694#
9 Shaun Walker, “Belarus’s Leader Pleads for Putin’s Help as Post-Election Protests Grow,” 9 Shaun Walker, “Belarus’s Leader Pleads for Putin’s as Post-Election Protests Grow,” The Observer The Observer, August 15, 2020, sec World news, , August 15, 2020, sec World news, https://www theguardian com/world/2020/aug/15/belarus-leader-pleads-for-putins-help- as-post-election-protests-grow-lukashenko 10 lrytas lt, “L Kasčiūnas Atsakė, Kokią Grėsmę Gali Kelti Baltarusiai Lietuvoje: Pabrėžia Svarbų Aspektą,” www.youtube.com, (1:44), December 5, 2023, lrytas lt, “L Atsakė, Kokią Gali Baltarusiai Lietuvoje: Pabrėžia Svarbų (1:44), December 5, 2023, https://www youtube com/watch?v=Y7k7hmq9QLQ https://www youtube com/watch?v=Y7k7hmq9QLQ
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA DUCHY OF LITHUANIA
Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) Raskeviciute (Yale University) for the government’s campaign against the Belarusian diaspora. Alt-right politicians have also rekindled for the government’s campaign against the Belarusian diaspora. Alt-right politicians also rekindled the mnemonic civil war against fellow citizens of the GDL under the bogeyman of 'litvinism,' a fringe the mnemonic civil war against fellow citizens of the GDL under the bogeyman of 'litvinism,' a fringe Belarusian interpretation of history that claims superior rights to the legacy of the shared, multicultural Belarusian interpretation of history that claims superior rights to the legacy of the shared, multicultural medieval state. Despite the absence of any reputable Belarusian historian challenging Lithuania's claim to medieval state. Despite the absence of any reputable Belarusian historian challenging Lithuania's claim to its historic “Myth of the Golden Age,” the presence of democratic Belarusians on the streets of Vilnius, its historic “Myth of the Golden Age,” the presence of democratic Belarusians on the streets of Vilnius, waving flags with a shared coat of arms of the medieval state while speaking a Slavic language, is waving flags with a shared of arms of the medieval state while speaking a Slavic language, is manipulated by many to propagate narratives of ‘great replacement’ and ‘Belarusians taking over Vilnius.’ manipulated by many to narratives of ‘great replacement’ and ‘Belarusians taking over Vilnius.’
It is hardly a coincidence that the hostility of Lithuania's center-right government, and consequently that
It is hardly a coincidence that the hostility of Lithuania's center-right government, and consequently that of the public, towards Belarusians has intensified in the aftermath of Russia's full-scale invasion of of the public, towards Belarusians has intensified in the aftermath of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 The outbreak of war in its neighborhood, perpetrated by its most feared antagonist, has Ukraine in 2022. The outbreak of war in its neighborhood, perpetrated by its most feared antagonist, has brought to the surface the existential anxiety regarding Lithuania's enduring ontological insecurity. The brought to the surface the existential anxiety regarding Lithuania's enduring ontological The precarious geopolitical situation has prompted second- guessing as to whether the state has sufficiently precarious geopolitical situation has second- guessing as to the state sufficiently fortified its narrative of wholeness and continuity over time to withstand an assault on its own political fortified its narrative of wholeness and continuity over time to withstand an assault on its own political agency. Aware that it could be the next likely target of Russia's imperialist aggression if the conflict agency Aware that it could be the next likely target of Russia's imperialist aggression if the conflict escalates beyond Ukrainian borders, and lacking realistic sovereign capabilities to physically defend itself escalates beyond Ukrainian borders, and lacking realistic sovereign capabilities to physically defend itself other than relying on the collective defense clause inscribed in Article V of the NATO treaty, one of the other than relying on the collective defense clause inscribed in Article V of the NATO treaty, of the few remaining tools in Lithuania’s arsenal is the militant securitization of its mnemonic space Thus, the few remaining tools in Lithuania’s arsenal the militant securitization of its mnemonic space. Thus, the mythscape, defined by Duncan Bell as a “discursive realm both temporally and spatially extended, where mythscape, defined by Duncan as a “discursive both temporally and spatially extended, where the nation's myths are continually forged, transmitted, negotiated, and reconstructed” has become the the nation's myths are continually forged, transmitted, negotiated, and reconstructed” has become the battleground that Lithuania strives to protect at any cost. (11) battleground that Lithuania strives to protect at any cost. (11)
However, an ongoing offensive to fortify the myth of the Grand Duchy as exclusively belonging to
However, an ongoing offensive to fortify the myth of the Grand Duchy as exclusively belonging to Lithuania’s biographical narrative does not weaken the real existential enemy, embodied by the regimes in Lithuania’s biographical narrative does weaken the real existential enemy, embodied by the regimes in Moscow and its vassal state in Minsk. Instead, it disarms the democratic Belarusian opposition in exile, Moscow and its state in Minsk. Instead, disarms the Belarusian opposition in exile, struggling to maintain relevance and revolutionary unity, of its symbolic, yet one of the few remaining struggling to maintain relevance and revolutionary unity, of its symbolic, yet one of the few remaining weapons against Lukashenko’s dictatorship. The mnemonic civil war over the mythscape, in which weapons against Lukashenko’s dictatorship. The mnemonic civil war over the mythscape, in which Lithuania seeks to monopolize the ownership of the historical tradition of the GDL to fortify its national Lithuania seeks to monopolize the ownership of the historical tradition of the GDL to fortify its national identity in opposition to the Russian tradition of domination, suffers from the classical security dilemma identity in opposition the tradition of domination, suffers from the classical security dilemma. Lithuania’s increase of a sense of ontological security by laying a claim to the Grand Duchy as its Lithuania’s increase of a sense of ontological by laying a claim to the Grand Duchy its exclusive biographical narrative comes at the concurrent expense of the Belarusian democratic project’s biographical narrative comes at the concurrent expense Belarusian democratic project’s sense of ontological security.(12) The zero-sum nature of this mnemonic civil war raises the question of sense of ontological security (12) The zero-sum nature of this mnemonic civil war raises the question of whether permanent mnemonic security is even attainable. Mälksoo contends that defending memory is whether permanent mnemonic security is even attainable Mälksoo contends that defending memory is impossible, asserting that "t impossible, asserting that "the securitization of ‘ memory ’ as the temporal core of a state’s biographical he securitization of ‘ memory ’ as the temporal core of a state’s biographical
11 Duncan S A Bell, “Mythscapes: Memory, Mythology, and National Identity,”
11 Duncan S A Bell, “Mythscapes: Memory, Mythology, and National Identity,” The British Journal of Sociology The British Journal of Sociology 54, no 1 (March 2003): 63–81, 54, no 1 (March 2003): 63–81, https://doi org/10 1080/0007131032000045905 1080/0007131032000045905
12 Maria Mälksoo, “‘Memory Must Be Defended’: Beyond the Politics of Mnemonical Security,” Must the Politics of Mnemonical Security,” Security Dialogue Security 46, no 3 (February 26, 2015): 225, 46, 3 225, https://doi org/10 1177/0967010614552549
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND
MNEMONIC CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE LAST CITIZENS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA DUCHY OF LITHUANIA
Vita Raskeviciute (Yale University) Raskeviciute (Yale University) eventually leads to new security dilemmas and, therefore, to a reduced sense of security among the eventually leads to new security and, therefore, to a reduced sense of security among the competitive securitizers of public remembrance. competitive securitizers of public remembrance "(13) It seems that a dialectical relationship governs the "(13) It seems that a dialectical relationship governs the ontological security of the state: accepting permanent insecurity on the front of the mythscape holds the ontological security of the state: accepting permanent insecurity on the front of the mythscape holds the greatest promise for an overall sense of security. greatest promise for an overall sense of security.
Czesław Miłosz, Lithuanian-born Polish poet and Nobel Literature Prize winner, famously proclaimed
Czesław Miłosz, Lithuanian-born Polish poet and Nobel Literature Prize winner, famously proclaimed himself to be "the last citizen" of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.14 Refusing to confine himself to a neatly himself be citizen" the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.14 Refusing to confine himself to a neatly securitized biographical narrative of a particular nation-state, Miłosz's identification with the long-lost securitized narrative of a particular nation-state, Miłosz's identification with the long-lost medieval state offers a potential reconciliation to the impossibility of a fixed sense of self in the European medieval state offers a potential reconciliation to the impossibility of a fixed sense of self in the European borderlands, a place marked by the intense, yet not unique, predicament of competing and overlapping borderlands, a place marked by the intense, yet not unique, predicament of competing and overlapping identities Perhaps Miłosz, by renegotiating the available categories of belonging, discovered an answer to identities. Perhaps Miłosz, by renegotiating the available categories of belonging, discovered an answer to the classical mnemonic security dilemma Perhaps a mnemonic alliance over the mythscape of the Grand the classical security dilemma. Perhaps mnemonic alliance over the mythscape of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania could offer the promise of collective security for democratic Belarus and Lithuania, of Lithuania could offer the of collective security democratic Belarus and Lithuania, shielding them from the subjugation of the imperial center without forcing the living last citizens of the shielding them from the subjugation of the imperial center without forcing the last citizens of the Grand Duchy into a perpetual mnemonic confrontation. Grand Duchy into a perpetual mnemonic confrontation.
13 Mälksoo, ‘Memory Must Be Defended, 225 Mälksoo, ‘Memory Defended, 225
14 David Frick, John Connelly, and Robert Hass, “IN
14 David Frick, John Connelly, and Robert Hass, “IN MEMORIAM: Czesław Miłosz,” senate.universityofcalifornia.edu, n.d., https://senate universityofcalifornia edu/ files/inmemoriam/html/czeslawmilosz htm#: :text=His%20parents%2C% 20Aleksander%20and%20Weronika edu/ files/inmemoriam/html/czeslawmilosz htm#:~:text=His%20parents%2C% 20Aleksander%20and%20Weronika
THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS (1)
THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS (1)
Vesta Svendsen (Yeshiva University)
Vesta Svendsen (Yeshiva University)
Stepping out of the city bus at the Brest Fortress, (2) we first-graders were cautioned that the asphalt
Stepping out of the city bus at the Brest Fortress, (2) we first-graders were that the asphalt below our feet was stained with the blood of our defenders. I was no stranger to the star-shaped entry or below our feet was stained with the blood of our defenders I was no stranger to the star-shaped entry or the undulations of Molotov’s voice, announcing the 4 A.M. (3) German assault on our motherland. The the undulations of Molotov’s voice, announcing the 4 A.M (3) German assault on our motherland. The yearly city- wide May 9 Victory Day celebrations coincided with my birthday, and from the dawn of my yearly city- wide May 9 Victory Day celebrations coincided with my birthday, and from the dawn of my memory, my family and I had filed into the Fortress for the fireworks The Fortress is inextricable from memory, my family and I had filed into the Fortress for the fireworks. The Fortress inextricable from our city Echoing through snapshots of generations of toddlers on Red Army tanks, it is inextricable from city. Echoing through snapshots of generations of toddlers on Red Army tanks, is inextricable from us. us.
Fortress of War Fortress of War
Swiftly overrun in Operation Barbarossa, Brest is brushed aside in Western WWII historiography. In the Swiftly overrun in Operation Barbarossa, Brest brushed aside in Western WWII historiography. In the
THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
cultural memory of the Soviet Union, as well as in post-Soviet Belarus and Russia, the Brest Fortress
cultural memory of the Soviet Union, as well as in post-Soviet Belarus and Russia, the Brest Fortress defense maintains an exceptional sanctity, comparable to Leningrad and Stalingrad in the memory of defense maintains an exceptional sanctity, comparable to Leningrad and Stalingrad in the memory of Great Patriotic War (4) Great Patriotic War. (4)
Coinciding with the sixty-fifth anniversary of the end of the German-Soviet war, sixty-fifth anniversary of the end of the German-Soviet war, Fortress of War Fortress of War, (5) an , (5) an $8 million joint Belarusian-Russian film chronicling the 1941 invasion of Brest, (6) premiered
$8 million joint Belarusian-Russian film chronicling the invasion of Brest, (6) premiered simultaneously in Moscow and inside of the Brest Fortress at 1 A.M. on June 22, 2010, with city residents simultaneously in Moscow and inside of the Brest Fortress at 1 A.M on June 22, 2010, with city residents peering through the Terespol Gate as the film’s bombast rocked the nineteenth century bricks. (7) The peering through the Terespol Gate as the film’s bombast rocked the nineteenth century bricks. (7) The audience experienced the blasts in the very space in which the events had occurred 69 years prior, audience experienced the blasts in the very space in which the events had occurred 69 years prior, blending viewers’ existing knowledge of the Fortress with a new emotional memory of the place blending viewers’ existing knowledge of the Fortress with a new emotional memory of the place.
Acts of witnessing and memory-formation can forge communities as well as erode them. The act of Acts of witnessing and memory-formation can forge communities as well as erode them The act of propagating an idea and of propagating an idea and of others witnessing that propagation others witnessing that propagation ensnares one into the narrative. Not only do ensnares one into the narrative Not only do witnesses and participants buy into the story, but they are witnessed as they buy in. Audiences huddled at witnesses and participants buy into the story, but they are witnessed as they buy in. Audiences huddled at the Terespol Gate on June 22, 2010 formed new sensory memories of a familiar space as a community: the Terespol Gate June 22, 2010 formed new sensory of a familiar space as a community: they witnessed each other in the act of witnessing. they witnessed each other in the act of witnessing.
Standing sentry over the eternal flame is an adolescent rite of passage for the Brest community. Inserting
Standing sentry over the eternal flame is an adolescent rite of passage for the Brest community. Inserting their fingertips into the Nazi bullet holes at the Kholm Gate, Brest residents absorb the narrative in a their fingertips into the Nazi bullet holes at the Kholm Gate, Brest residents absorb the narrative in a corporeal manner. corporeal manner. Fortress of War Fortress of War and the Brest Fortress memorial lend credence to the state’s ownership and the Brest Fortress memorial lend credence to the state’s ownership of the body, with Soviet lives ostensibly reaching their greatest potential through martyrdom of the body, with Soviet lives ostensibly reaching their greatest potential through martyrdom.
A Panoply of Competing Narratives A Panoply Competing Narratives
With a plenitude of names, Brest served as the doorway of empires, hosting numerous regimes and
With a plenitude of names, Brest served as the doorway of empires, hosting numerous regimes and polyphonic communities.(8) In 1937 through 1943, the former Russian outpost was Polonized, Sovietized, polyphonic communities.(8) In 1937 through 1943, the former Russian outpost was Polonized, Sovietized, and Ukrainianized,(9) enduring Nazi occupation for longer than that of the Soviets by liberation in 1944 and Ukrainianized,(9) enduring Nazi occupation for longer than that of the Soviets by liberation in 1944. (10) Annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 under the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, formerly in the (10) Annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 under the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, formerly in the Polish heartland, Brest morphed into a border crossing between Hitler’s Generalgouvernement and the Polish heartland, Brest morphed into a border crossing between Hitler’s and USSR. From 1939 to 1941, Brest witnessed massive movements of people: Polish Jewish refugees fleeing USSR From to 1941, Brest witnessed massive movements of people: Polish Jewish fleeing Nazi occupation; Russified “vostochniki” arriving from the Soviet Union; four deportations targeting Nazi occupation; Russified “vostochniki” arriving from the Soviet Union; four deportations targeting Poles, refugees, and class-specific segments. Under the Nazis, Brest saw some of the first mass shootings Poles, refugees, and class-specific segments. Under the Nazis, Brest saw some of the first mass shootings of Jewish civilians of the Holocaust, heralding the total eradication of the Jewish of Jewish civilians of the Holocaust, heralding the total eradication of the Jewish community and leaving community and leaving
the town effectively judenrein. Postwar Polish “repatriation” transferred Poles with multi-generational the town judenrein. Postwar Polish “repatriation” transferred Poles with multi-generational Brest-ties into western Poland. (11) Over half of repatriated Red Army POWs were prohibited from Brest-ties into western Poland Over half of repatriated Red Army POWs were prohibited from residing in their former locales. (12) residing in their former locales. (12)
Not only are the layers of history unintegrated in Brest, but the shifts of borders and peoples have buried only the layers of history unintegrated in Brest, but the shifts of borders and peoples have buried the competing narratives. After waves of emigration, deportation, refugee flows, ethnic cleansing, and the competing narratives. After waves of emigration, deportation, refugee flows, ethnic cleansing, and several “repatriations,” little of Brest’s current population can trace its lineage to interwar Polish Brześć. “repatriations,” little of Brest’s current population can trace its lineage to interwar Polish Brześć. (13) Karl Schlögel argues that Soviet post-war social engineering would not have been possible without (13) Karl Schlögel argues that Soviet post-war social engineering would not have been possible without the erosion of civil society, deportations, and ethnic cleansing that expunged generations before and during the erosion of civil society, deportations, and ethnic cleansing that expunged generations before and during the Second World War, facilitating for overall “urbicide.” (14) Violeta Davoliūtė calls urbicide, “the the Second World War, facilitating for overall “urbicide.” (14) Violeta Davoliūtė calls urbicide, “the destruction of the urban fabric, the intangible quality of complex urban communities that takes generations destruction of the urban fabric, the intangible quality of complex urban that takes generations upon generations to build.” (15) upon build.” (15)
The Myth of the Fortress The Myth of the Fortress
Though Stalin designated “hero cities” immediately after victory, Brest had only come into the Soviet
Though Stalin designated “hero cities” immediately after victory, Brest had only come into the Soviet fold by annexation 21 months prior to the invasion A defeat, it clashed with Stalinist heroic rhetoric (16) fold by annexation 21 months the invasion. A defeat, clashed with Stalinist heroic rhetoric.(16) Stalin’s deep suspicion of the populations that had survived the Nazi occupation delayed recognition of Stalin’s deep suspicion of the populations that had survived the Nazi occupation delayed recognition of Soviet Belarus’ role in the war, resulting in the evolution of the Belarusian “Partisan Republic” narrative. Belarus’ role in the war, resulting in the evolution of the Belarusian “Partisan Republic” narrative. (17) (17)
With 75% of all service members (18) stationed at the Brest Fortress on June 22, 1941 falling into enemy
With 75% of all service members (18) stationed at the Brest Fortress on June 22, 1941 falling into enemy hands, shame cloaked the surviving Fortress defenders (19) Post-war denigration of POWs precluded an hands, shame cloaked the surviving defenders. (19) Post-war denigration of POWs precluded an immediate embrace of the Fortress by the Stalinist war narrative. A linear narrative of unified Belarusian immediate embrace of the Fortress by the Stalinist war narrative. A linear narrative of unified Belarusian statehood emerged from the deification of the partisan movement, steeped in ethno-nationalist parlance. statehood emerged from the deification of the partisan movement, steeped in ethno-nationalist parlance.
Focus on the partisan movement “not only reflected the unity of the Belarusian people but also Focus on the partisan movement “not only reflected the unity of the Belarusian people but also demonstrated the profound commitment of the population of western Belarus to the Soviet Union.” (20) demonstrated the profound commitment of the population of western Belarus to the Soviet Union.”
The term belarusski narod carried a clear ethnic (Slavic) connotation, (21) mischaracterizing the mass
The term belarusski narod carried a clear ethnic (Slavic) connotation, (21) mischaracterizing the mass slaughter of Belarusian Jewry as that of the belarusski narod and universalizing Nazi victims (22) slaughter of Belarusian Jewry as that of the belarusski narod and universalizing Nazi victims. (22)
11. From which Nazi-occupation-era German settlers were deported post-liberation.
11. From which German
12. Ganzer et al., 12. Ganzer et al., Брест :
13. In 13. In В Поискaх
1941 г., 30. г.,
the author seeks a pupil of the Jewish Tarbut Gymnasium, operating 1924-39, and is unable to find a single graduate in author seeks a pupil of the Jewish Tarbut Gymnasium, operating 1924-39, and is a single graduate in Brest, out of thousands of students who passed through the school. (Сарычев 244). Brest, out of thousands of students who passed through the school. (Сарычев 244).
14. Schlögel, “The Comeback of the European Cities.” 475-477.
14. “The Comeback of Cities.”
15. Davoliūtė. 15. Davoliūtė. The Making and Breaking of Soviet Lithuania The Making , 7. ,
16. Marples and Rudling, “War and Memory,” 227.
16. Marples and Rudling, “War and Memory,” 227.
17. Exeler, 17. Ghosts of War, Ghosts of War, 206. 206.
18. According to Ganzer’s numbers, not those publicized by the Museum of the Heroic Defense of the Brest Fortress. 19 Ibid 26
18. According to Ganzer’s numbers, not those publicized by the Museum of the Heroic Defense of the Brest Fortress. 19 Ibid 26
20. Ibid 20. Ibid
21. Exeler, 21. Exeler, Ghosts of War Ghosts of War, 212. ,
22. Ibid 215. 22. Ibid 215.
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THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
Decreed a “Fortress-Hero” and awarded the Order of Lenin on May 8, 1965, (23) as one of the most
Decreed a “Fortress-Hero” and awarded the Order of Lenin on May 8, 1965, (23) as one of the most gargantuan memorials of the Soviet Union, the Brest Fortress Memorial Complex saw its ceremonial gargantuan memorials of the Soviet Union, the Brest Fortress Memorial Complex saw its ceremonial unveiling on September 25, 1971, hosting upward of 19 million visitors by 1991.(24) With mass unveiling on September 25, 1971, hosting upward of 19 million visitors by With mass population displacement, genocide, and Soviet-style modernization shaping Brest around the Fortress, population displacement, genocide, and Soviet-style modernization shaping Brest around the Fortress, urbicide homogenized the town, giving the impression that a united Russified urbicide homogenized the town, giving the that a united Russified belarusski narod belarusski narod alone alone braved the occupation, that a panoply of identities had never populated the town at all. braved the occupation, that a panoply of identities had never populated the town at all.
Post-Soviet Belarus
Post-Soviet Belarus
Soaked in the language of victimhood, Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s words marry the Khrushchev-era
Soaked in the language of victimhood, Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s words marry the Khrushchev-era deification of the partisan movement on Belarusian soil with the Brezhnev exaltation of the Brest Fortress, deification of the partisan movement on Belarusian soil with the Brezhnev exaltation of the Brest Fortress, positioning Belarus as a historical defender against Western encroachment. Lukashenka has zeroed in on Belarus as a historical defender against Western encroachment. Lukashenka has zeroed in on the Great Patriotic War as unified Belarus’ foundational event, with the mantra of “at least there is no war” the Great Patriotic War as unified Belarus’ foundational event, with the mantra of “at least there is no war” illustrating his pact with the electorate: he maintains living standards while distancing Belarus from the illustrating his pact with the electorate: he maintains living standards while distancing Belarus from the very conflicts whose threat he maintains in the collective mind. Aside from perpetuating very conflicts whose threat he maintains in the collective mind. Aside from perpetuating ffear ear in the in the Belarusian psyche, in relying on a single cataclysmic event, the story of the war operates in tandem with Belarusian psyche, relying on a single cataclysmic the story of the war operates tandem with the process of urbicide, implying post hoc that the composition of today’s Belarus has always been such the process of urbicide, implying post hoc that the composition of today’s Belarus has always been such. Lukashenka’s narrative of Belarus’ Great Patriotic War exceptionalism has narrowed the formation of Lukashenka’s narrative of Belarus’ Great Patriotic War exceptionalism has narrowed the formation of Belarusian national identity, squeezing out non-official seeds of nationalism-formation. Exemplified by Belarusian national identity, squeezing out non-official seeds of nationalism-formation. Exemplified by the production of the the production of the Fortress of War f Fortress of War film and its simultaneous premiere in Brest and Moscow, the ilm and its simultaneous premiere in Brest and Moscow, the narrative emphasizes not only fraternal bondage with Russia, but Belarus’ essentialism as a buffer from narrative emphasizes not only fraternal bondage with Russia, but Belarus’ essentialism as a buffer from the West, maintaining the presence of Russki Mir while carving a vital role for Belarus within it. the West, maintaining the presence of Russki Mir while carving a vital role for Belarus within it.
Wearing the Mask Wearing the Mask
Delving into “sovietism,” a quasi-religious political ritualism exemplified of performative acts, (25) Delving into “sovietism,” a quasi-religious political ritualism exemplified of performative acts, Arvydas Grišinas posits that constructed identity becomes authentic identity through practice, likening it to Arvydas Grišinas posits that constructed identity becomes authentic identity through practice, likening it to the wearing of a mask. (26) He gives the example of an individual ascending to the presidency: a title the wearing of a mask. (26) He gives the example of an individual ascending the presidency: a title rather than a description of who the individual is by nature Wearing the mask while functioning as rather than a description of who the individual is by nature. Wearing the mask while functioning as president, the individual is altered by occurring events, shaping his or her subjectivity and evolving into a president, the individual is altered by occurring shaping his or her subjectivity and evolving into a fusion of oneself and the mask identity. A constructed, imposed identity is “authenticated” by experiences fusion of oneself and the mask identity. A constructed, identity is “authenticated” by experiences gained while wearing the mask. gained while wearing the mask
In Brest, one wears the mask of a political participant through the normalization of militarized childhood, wears the mask of a political participant through the normalization of militarized childhood, by viewing by viewing Fortress of War, Fortress of War, guarding the eternal flame at the Fortress, and taking in the Victory Day guarding the eternal flame at the Fortress, and taking in the Day
25. Grišinas, 25. Grišinas, Politics with a Human Face Politics with a Human Face, 19. 19. 26. Ibid 53.
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THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
Vesta
Svendsen (Yeshiva University) Svendsen
(Yeshiva
University) fireworks. Instead of seeing fireworks. Instead of seeing simply simply a brick fortification, the Brest audience sees the Kholm Gate for what a brick fortification, the Brest audience sees the Kholm Gate for what it represents – invasion by fascists and victimization by Western aggression. The narrative feels truthful it represents – invasion by fascists and victimization by Western aggression The narrative feels truthful because it is readily apparent (not hidden), feeling tangible and immutable: the bullet holes can be because it is readily apparent (not hidden), feeling tangible and immutable: the bullet holes can be touched. Even when visitors leave the space and “remove the mask,” the experience of wearing the mask touched. Even when visitors leave the space and “remove the mask,” the experience of wearing the mask has altered their subjectivity, influencing their future behavior and political identity has altered their subjectivity, influencing their future behavior and political identity.
Brest as a blank slate is the ideal canvas for emotionally attractive political mythology. At the Brest Brest as a blank slate is the ideal canvas for emotionally attractive mythology. At the Brest Fortress on June 22, 2021, Lukashenka proffered: “You... the so-called European Union... we saved you Fortress on June 22, 2021, Lukashenka proffered: “You the so-called European Union we saved you from the brown plague. You would have been slaves along with the Soviet people should they had from the brown plague. You would have been slaves along with the Soviet people should they had prevailed.” (27) Grimacing at the nearby Polish border, the Brest Fortress defender memorialized by prevailed.” (27) Grimacing the nearby Polish border, the Brest Fortress defender memorialized by “Courage” watches over increased military exercises along the ceremonial avenues of the Memorial “Courage” watches over increased military exercises along the ceremonial of the Memorial Complex, hosting 2,500 military personnel from Belarus, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan Complex, hosting 2,500 military personnel from Belarus, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan on September 1, 2023. (28) With over 400 patriotic activities and events from 2018 to 2023 attended by on September 1, (28) With over 400 patriotic activities and events from to attended by 50,000 residents of the Brest region, the Fortress yearly indoctrinates 1,000 local boys and girls, with a 50,000 residents of the Brest region, the Fortress yearly indoctrinates 1,000 local boys and girls, with a planned complex, the Republic Center for the Patriotic Education of Youth, in the works. (29) planned complex, the Republic Center for the Patriotic Education of Youth, in the works. (29)
Edged out of Europe, Russian visitors flock to the Brest Fortress on tour busses (30) Parked beside the
Edged out of Europe, Russian visitors flock to the on tour busses. (30) Parked beside the Belarusian-Polish border with NATO, they absorb lessons of martyrdom and state ownership of the body, Belarusian-Polish border with NATO, they absorb lessons of martyrdom and state ownership of the body, along with the historical gaps that the memorial obfuscates. The Brest Fortress myth confirms “fascism’s” along with the historical gaps that the memorial obfuscates. The Brest Fortress confirms “fascism’s” synonymity with Western aggression, preventing consumers of the narrative from grasping the synonymity with Western aggression, preventing consumers of the narrative from grasping the homegrown fascism at the heart of Russia’s imperialist invasion of Ukraine. homegrown fascism at the heart of Russia’s imperialist invasion of Ukraine.
A historical place, an idea, and a lens into larger questions of universal humanity, exemplifies wider Central Eastern European processes of urbicide and erasure, serving as a canvas for Great Patriotic War
A historical place, an idea, and a lens into larger questions of universal humanity, Brest exemplifies wider
Central Eastern European processes of urbicide and erasure, serving as a canvas for Great Patriotic War martyrdom mythology. A selective, ethno-nationalist tale of Slavic unity, Lukashenka’s propaganda martyrdom A selective, ethno-nationalist tale of Slavic unity, Lukashenka’s propaganda narrows Belarusian national identity, consigning Belarus to fraternal bondage with Russia and narrows Belarusian national identity, consigning Belarus to fraternal bondage with Russia and perpetuating the population’s psychological unfreedom. Primarily a tale of victimization, the Brest perpetuating the population’s psychological unfreedom. Primarily a tale of victimization, the Brest Fortress Defense myth saturates the lived experience of Brest residents from cradle to grave, legitimizing Defense myth saturates the lived experience of Brest residents from cradle grave, legitimizing perpetual militarization in the face of feared Western invasion Without knowledge of the conditions under perpetual militarization the face of feared invasion. Without knowledge of the conditions under which past acts of violence occurred, a community cannot do the work of making meaning of aggression which past acts of violence occurred, a community cannot do the work of making meaning of aggression to move beyond it. Political mythology authenticated by the lived experience of Brest residents has larger to move beyond it. Political mythology authenticated by the experience of Brest residents has regional consequences, with the monument finding a new audience of Russian visitors, affirming modern regional consequences, with the monument finding a new audience of Russian visitors, affirming modern Russia’s war rhetoric and Belarus’ instrumentality to Russia. Belarus cannot shake the yoke of fear and Russia’s war rhetoric and Belarus’ instrumentality to Russia. Belarus cannot shake the yoke of fear and
27. “Commemorative Meeting at Brest Hero Fortress | Official Internet Portal of the President of the Republic of Belarus.” n.d. (translations of the speech from the
27. “Commemorative at Brest Hero | Official Internet Portal of of Republic (translations the speech from the website) website)
28. During the operational-strategic of the CSTO Collective Forces. (Новости
28. During the operational-strategic exercises of the CSTO Collective Forces. (Новости
30. Per a November 20, 2023 conversation with the author’s Brest-resident father.
30. Per a November 20, 2023 conversation with the author’s Brest-resident father.
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THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
psychological unfreedom without the agency to revisit its foundational myths. A population whose eyes
psychological unfreedom without the agency to revisit its foundational A population eyes are opened to historical markers of totalitarianism, one that grapples with its own capacity for violence, is are opened to historical markers of totalitarianism, one that grapples with its own capacity for violence, is one empowered to recognize homegrown fascism in its midst. one empowered to recognize homegrown fascism in its midst.
Bibliography Bibliography
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“Commemorative Meeting at Brest Hero Fortress | Official Internet Portal of the President of the Republic of Belarus.” Accessed December 1, 2023. https://president.gov.by/en/events/uchastie-v-pamyatnyh- of Belarus.” Accessed December 1, 2023. https://president.gov.by/en/events/uchastie-v-pamyatnyhmeropriyatiyah-v-memorialnom-komplekse-brestskaya- krepost- geroy? meropriyatiyah-v-memorialnom-komplekse-brestskaya- krepost- geroy? TSPD 101 R0=08eaf62760ab200014fb116f6504d2939af5eb2fb7cd0f18b5dae834b170a84d4eb1bd14d9a TSPD 101 R0=08eaf62760ab200014fb116f6504d2939af5eb2fb7cd0f18b5dae834b170a84d4eb1bd14d9a 331bb08286948c1143000ca2e3b2ed88 331bb08286948c1143000ca2e3b2ed88 4b6db5ed03cf8e27ccda89840b8592bd16ef92df693d479478a5bd8afddb6c0e35b194815b5a7ea4b6baa
Davoliūtė, Violeta. Davoliūtė, Violeta. The Making and Breaking of Soviet Lithuania: Memory and Modernity in the Wake of The Making and Breaking of Soviet Lithuania: Memory and Modernity in the Wake of War War. BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and Eastern European Studies 95 London: Routledge, Taylor BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and Eastern European Studies 95. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2013. & Francis Group, 2013.
Exeler, Franziska. Exeler, Franziska Ghosts of War: Nazi Occupation and Its Aftermath in Soviet Belarus. Ghosts of War: Nazi Occupation and Its Aftermath in Soviet Belarus Ithaca, NY: Ithaca, NY: Cornell University press, 2022. 9781501762734. Cornell University press, 2022. 9781501762734.
Grišinas, Arvydas Grišinas, Arvydas. Politics with a Human Face: Identity and Experience in Post-Soviet Europe Politics with a Human Face: Identity and Experience in Post-Soviet Europe. Contemporary Liminality 5. London: Routledge, Taylor et Francis Group, 2018. Contemporary Liminality London: Routledge, Taylor et Francis Group, 2018.
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Kott, Aleksandr , dir Kott, Aleksandr., dir. Fortress of War Fortress of War Action Belarusfilm (Belarus), Central Partnership (Russia), 2010 . Action. Belarusfilm (Belarus), Central Partnership (Russia), 2010. http://brestkrepost-film.ru http://brestkrepost-film.ru
Marples, David R., and Per Anders Rudling. “War and Memory: The Annexation of the Western Marples, David R , and Per Anders Rudling “War and Memory: The Annexation of the Western Borderlands and the Myth of the Brest Fortress, 1939-41.” Borderlands and the Myth of the Brest Fortress, 1939-41.” Bialoruskie Zeszyty Historyczne Bialoruskie Zeszyty Historyczne 32 (2009): 32 (2009): 225–44. 225–44.
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THE FORTRESS: URBICIDE AND MYTHOLOGY IN BREST, BELARUS
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Dr. David Cameron, Dr. David Cameron, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Yale Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Yale University University
Oliver Banatvala Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) (University College London (UK)) Przemysław Dałek Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland)) (University of Warsaw (Poland))
Anna Linetskaya Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) (University of Pennsylvania)
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK))
Introduction Introduction
In the provocatively titled YouTube video What they are NOT telling you about RUSSIA!!, the host
In the provocatively titled YouTube video What they are NOT telling you about RUSSIA!!, the host describes how describes how
So I mean you can see behind me this shopping centre is booming. It’s not empty; there are
So I mean you can see behind me this shopping centre is booming. It’s not empty; there are no empty stores. There are just people everywhere. And they’re all walking round with bags no empty stores. There are just people everywhere. And they’re all walking round with bags in their hand so they’re all buying things ( in their hand so they’re all buying things. (What they are NOT telling you about RUSSIA!! What they are NOT telling you about RUSSIA!!, 2024) , 2024)
This presents a common discursive line – that life is continuing in Russia like normal despite the war,
This presents a common discursive line – that life is continuing in Russia like normal despite war, effectively distancing Russia from the atrocities it is committing in Ukraine. To counter this simplistic, effectively distancing Russia from the atrocities it is committing in Ukraine To counter this simplistic, even dangerous, perspective, this paper seeks to demonstrate that the war is deeply tied to the everyday even dangerous, perspective, this paper seeks to demonstrate that the war is deeply tied to the everyday urban experience in Russia. I do this through examining how the Russian shopping mall has been co-opted urban experience in Russia. I do this through examining how the Russian shopping mall has been co-opted for a specific manifestation of authoritarian public sphere, which I label the public zphere My use of the for a specific manifestation of authoritarian public sphere, which I label the public zphere. My use of the ‘ z ’ obviously relates to the widely recognised symbol of the war, reflecting the way that the war has ‘ z ’ obviously relates to the widely recognised symbol of the war, reflecting the way that the war has subsumed public discourse and explicitly foregrounding Russia’s militarization. subsumed and explicitly foregrounding Russia’s militarization.
Framing this form of everyday urbanism through this militaristic lens seeks to disrupt these perceptions of
Framing this form of everyday urbanism through this militaristic lens seeks to disrupt these perceptions of distance between Russian society and the war, instead showing Russian Federation’s (neo)imperialistic war distance between Russian society and the instead showing Russian Federation’s (neo)imperialistic war as impacting itself as well This position draws on Graham’s notion (2009, p 385) of New Military itself as well. This position draws on Graham’s notion (2009, p. 385) of New Military Urbanism, which articulates ways everyday urbanism in post-9/11 USA has been infiltrated by the Urbanism, which articulates ways everyday urbanism post-9/11 USA has been infiltrated by the “startling militarization of civil society”. This paper briefly presents my understanding of the public zphere, militarization of civil society”. This paper briefly presents my public before outlining three key categories of participants within – institutions, non-anti-state actors, and anti- before outlining three key categories of participants within – institutions, non-anti-state actors, and antistate actors. My aim is to draw on a range of online articles, photographs, and videos of war-related actions state actors My aim is to draw on a range of online articles, photographs, and videos of war-related actions and gestures inside Russian malls to demonstrate that everyday urban space has been infiltrated by and gestures inside Russian malls to demonstrate that everyday urban space has been infiltrated by
WARTIME
MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK)) discourses relating to the war, indicative of society’s pervasive militarization. relating to the war, indicative of society’s pervasive militarization.
Public zphere and the mall
Public zphere and the mall
The public zphere is the specific form of militarized authoritarian public sphere developing in Russia since
The public zphere is the specific form of militarized authoritarian public sphere developing in Russia the full-scale invasion of Ukraine Dukalskis’s describes (2017, p 4) the authoritarian public sphere as “a the full-scale of Ukraine. Dukalskis’s describes (2017, p. 4) the authoritarian public sphere as “a realm of political discussion and information that is dominated and manipulated by the authoritarian regime political discussion and information dominated and manipulated by authoritarian regime and/or its allies [...] characterized by the state's efforts to establish it foundations, delineate its boundaries, and/or its allies [ ] characterized by the state's efforts to establish it foundations, delineate its boundaries, and monitor its content.” He suggests (2017, p. 27) that it “inverts” the (democratic) Habermasian ideal and monitor its content ” He suggests (2017, p 27) that it “inverts” the (democratic) Habermasian ideal type of the public sphere, becoming “a venue dominated by the state rather than a sphere that necessarily type of the public sphere, becoming “a venue dominated by the state rather than a sphere that necessarily challenges the state ” However, this exclusionary tendency is already latent within the public sphere Fraser challenges the state.” However, this exclusionary tendency is already latent within the public sphere. (1990, p 61) provides a feminist critique of this phenomenon, arguing that it is inscribed with wider social (1990, p. 61) provides a feminist critique of this phenomenon, arguing that it inscribed with wider social discriminations: “the view that women were excluded from the public sphere turns out to be ideological; it “the view that women were excluded the public sphere turns out to be ideological; rests on a class- and gender-biased notion of publicity, one which accepts at face value the bourgeois rests on a class- and notion of publicity, one which accepts at face value the public's claim to be the public.” There are exclusionary practices embedded within the public sphere public's claim to be the public ” There are exclusionary practices embedded within the public sphere controlling who has access and what they can say. The authoritarian public sphere need not be seen as its controlling who has access and what they can say. The authoritarian public sphere need not be seen as its inversion (Dukalskis, 2017, p 27), but rather an extreme version (Dukalskis, 2017, p. 27), but rather an version.
I understand the mall as a deterministic typology, meaning that it is designed to influence or to determine
I understand the mall as a deterministic typology, meaning that it designed to influence or to the behaviour of people within. These strategies are both overt and covert, “control over spatial structure the behaviour of within These strategies are both overt and covert, “control over spatial structure and representation is coupled with strong controls over behaviour, enforced by surveillance cameras and and representation is coupled with strong controls over behaviour, enforced by surveillance cameras and security staff.” (Dovey, 2014, p. 146) These mechanisms of power make it particularly susceptible to security staff.” (Dovey, 2014, p. 146) These mechanisms of power make it particularly susceptible to manipulation and control, meaning it is an illuminating space in which the dynamics of the public zphere manipulation and control, meaning an illuminating space in which the dynamics of the public zphere play out Scholars have explored the uneasy relationship between the shopping mall and the public sphere play out. Scholars have explored the uneasy relationship between the shopping mall and the public sphere (Chiodelli and Moroni, 2015; Tyndall, 2010; Voyce, 2006). Indeed, the public zphere in the shopping mall (Chiodelli Moroni, 2015; Tyndall, 2010; Voyce, 2006). the public zphere in the shopping is filled with overt and covert power structures and mechanisms of control which maintain and entrench the is filled with overt and covert power structures and mechanisms of control which maintain and entrench the discursive dominance of the state. It turns the (perceived) apolitical mall into a space that is highly charged discursive dominance of the state It turns the (perceived) apolitical mall into a space that is highly charged with political and militaristic communication. with political and militaristic communication.
Institutions
My first categorisation of communicator is institutions, which I understand as organizational structures –
My first categorisation of institutions, which I understand as organizational structures –both state institutions and private corporations which run these spaces. There is an ambiguous relationship both state institutions and private corporations which run these spaces There is an ambiguous between these two actors, insofar as it is not always clear when one stops and the other starts. This is between these two actors, insofar as it is not always clear when one stops and the other starts This is encapsulated in the image of advertising billboards doubling up as screens showing news bulletins. Figure encapsulated in the image of advertising billboards doubling up as screens showing news bulletins. Figure 1 is from a video showing the screen on Okeania mall displaying a TASS news bulletin about Putin The 1 is from a video showing the on Okeania mall displaying a TASS news bulletin about Putin. The information sphere of the shopping mall –traditionally the realm of neoliberal advertisements and branding- information sphere of the shopping mall –traditionally the realm of neoliberal advertisements and brandingis co-opted by the state, an extension of their messaging and control. co-opted by the state, an extension their messaging and
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
The domination of the state’s communication over public zphere is further reflected in cases of the Russian
The domination of the state’s communication over public zphere is further reflected in cases of the Russian army using the mall, demonstrated by the army recruitment stand at a Moscow mall (figure 2). At the most army using the mall, demonstrated by the army recruitment stand at a Moscow mall (figure 2) At the most extreme end, mobilization raids have been caried out in these spaces, with men “ordered to stay in their extreme end, mobilization raids have been caried out in these spaces, with men “ordered to stay in their place until their identity could be confirmed”, with “police blocking the exits to the stairs” at Olkhon mall place until their identity could be confirmed”, with “police blocking the exits the stairs” at Olkhon mall in Ulan-Ude (Zueva, 2022) The power of the state percolates the space of the mall, such that it can become Ulan-Ude (Zueva, 2022). The power of the state percolates the space of the mall, such that it can become a site of mobilization. The dominance of the state within these spaces mean that communications of power a of The dominance the state within spaces mean communications of power can be replaced with tangible and life-altering displays of power. can be replaced with tangible and life-altering displays of power
WARTIME
MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
Non-anti-state actors
Non-anti-state actors
These are compounded by the symbols of war that have been seen in
These are compounded by the symbols of war that have been seen in and on shopping malls. Shortly after the full-scale invasion, images and on shopping malls. Shortly after the full-scale invasion, images circulated of atriums draped with Russian flags (figure 3), a huge Z circulated of atriums draped with Russian flags (figure 3), a huge placed on the façade of one shopping centre (figure 4), and ‘Babushka placed on the façade of one shopping centre (figure 4), and ‘Babushka Z’ placed by the main entrance to another (figure 5) Through these Z’ placed by the main entrance to another (figure 5). Through these images the mall became its own unique iconosphere (Chmielewska, images the mall became its own unique iconosphere (Chmielewska, 2005), bringing together imagery of globalised consumer brands with 2005), bringing together imagery of globalised consumer brands with militaristic nationalism. The placement of these symbols in such militaristic nationalism. The placement of these symbols in such central spaces demonstrates support of the institutions that control the central spaces demonstrates support of the institutions that control the mall, evincing a spirit of co-operation between its ownership and the mall, evincing a spirit of between its ownership and the state The locus of decision making between the state and the state. The locus of decision making between the state and the corporations running the mall is generally opaque but manifestly corporations running the mall is generally opaque but manifestly influential and ultimately unambiguous. influential and ultimately unambiguous
My next categorisation brings together non-anti-state individuals: both pro-war actors and certain self-
My next categorisation brings together individuals: both pro-war actors and selfproclaimed ‘apolitical’ individuals The shopping mall has been used to make explicitly pro-war gestures proclaimed ‘apolitical’ individuals. The shopping mall has been used make explicitly pro-war gestures. For example, students from Kazan State Institute of Culture took part in a pro-war demonstration (figure 6). For example, from Kazan State Institute Culture took part in a pro-war demonstration 6). A video was posted to Telegram of a large group standing in a mall atrium draped in shirts with ‘Z’ and
A video was posted to Telegram of a group in a mall atrium in shirts with ‘Z’ and chanting ‘Forward Russia! For peace!’. Since malls are able to control which (political) activities can take chanting ‘Forward Russia! For peace!’ Since malls are able to control which (political) activities can take place inside (Staeheli and Mitchell, 2006), there is necessarily a level of institutional support for this rally, place inside (Staeheli and Mitchell, 2006), there is necessarily a level of institutional support for this rally, otherwise it would not have been able to take place in the atrium of a mall This highlights an ambiguous otherwise it would not have been able to take place the atrium of a mall. This highlights an ambiguous but existent level of collaboration between pro-war individuals and institutions within the mall but existent level of collaboration between pro-war individuals and institutions within the mall.
Another key actor within the public zphere is the various bloggers who
Another key actor within the public zphere is the various bloggers who share videos of themselves walking around malls, presenting the idea that share videos of themselves walking around malls, presenting the idea that life in Russia is continuing as normal These videos often erroneously life Russia continuing as normal. These videos often erroneously frame this as a question of sanctions, which very rarely directly affect the this as a of sanctions, which very rarely directly affect the consumer options and availability unless the company, or its owner, is consumer options and availability unless the company, or its owner, is sanctioned itself. The withdrawal of certain brands from the Russian sanctioned itself The withdrawal of certain brands from the Russian market is instead a combination of “geopolitical pressures, economic market is instead a combination of “geopolitical pressures, economic risks, and national policy alignment” (Ganesan and Mallapragada, 2024, risks, and national policy alignment” (Ganesan and Mallapragada, 2024, p 37) p. 37).
Many take an avowedly apolitical approach; however, their ‘apolitical’
Many take an avowedly apolitical approach; however, their ‘apolitical’ videos present the west as weak insofar as sanctions have been videos present the west as weak insofar as sanctions have been unsuccessful – a notion which I have demonstrated to be based on unsuccessful – a notion which I have demonstrated to be based on
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
falsehood. The power of this messaging is particularly evident with videos of Travelling with Russel being falsehood. The power of this messaging is particularly with videos of with Russel being used by pro-Russian accounts on Twitter to suggest that the used by pro-Russian accounts on Twitter to suggest that the west is failing. Here it becomes clear how this west is failing Here it becomes clear how this apolitical stance helps the Russian state with its communication, demonstrating the dangers of apoliticism apolitical stance helps the Russian state with its communication, demonstrating the dangers of apoliticism (Ogryzko, 2023). (Ogryzko, 2023).
The huge number of these videos speaks to the communicative effect of the mall. It shows the mall as
The huge number of these videos speaks to the effect of the mall. It shows the mall as having a significant semiotic potential due to its position as a widely recognised symbol of global a significant semiotic due to its position as a recognised symbol of neoliberal urbanism. There is an instinctive understanding that these are spaces in which everyday neoliberal urbanism There is an instinctive understanding that these are spaces in which everyday geopolitics are played out, and through which people can easily, but reductively, communicate whether geopolitics are played out, and through which people can easily, but reductively, communicate whether ‘sanctions’ are making a difference, and therefore who is ‘winning’ the war. ‘sanctions’ are making a difference, and therefore who is ‘winning’ the war.
Anti-state individuals Anti-state individuals
Yet small gestures of resistance can be also seen within the public zphere. Russian artist Pavel Otdelnov’s
Yet small gestures of resistance can be also seen the public zphere. Russian artist Pavel Otdelnov’s piece piece Eto BeZumie Eto BeZumie, or ‘This is CraZiness’, sees him standing outside a shopping mall with a placard with , or ‘This is CraZiness’, sees him standing outside a shopping mall with a placard with the slogan ‘ the slogan ‘Eto BeZumie Eto BeZumie’ (figures 7). There are also examples of small anti- war stickers and graffiti ’ (figures There are also examples of small anti- war stickers and graffiti appearing in car parks and toilets. Drawing on Scott’s notion of ‘everyday resistance’, Dukalskis (2017, p. appearing in car parks and toilets. Drawing on Scott’s notion of ‘everyday resistance’, Dukalskis (2017, p. 142) highlights the possibility of resistance even in the most repressive regimes He argues that “[e]ven 142) highlights the possibility of resistance even in the most repressive regimes. He argues that “[e]ven given an absence of outward signs of resistance or discontent, there is a compelling case to be made that an absence of outward of resistance or discontent, there is a compelling case to be made that forms of ‘everyday resistance’ will be found if one penetrates beyond official appearances.” forms of ‘everyday resistance’ will be found if one penetrates beyond official appearances.”
These examples occupy peripheral spaces, such as These examples occupy peripheral spaces, such as mall entrances, toilets, and car parks, in contrast mall entrances, toilets, and car parks, contrast with the centrality of the other spaces used for pro- with the centrality of the other used for prowar signs and demonstrations in the previous war signs and demonstrations in previous sections. In all likelihood, this is because anti-war sections In all likelihood, this is because anti-war demonstrations often receive predictably hostile demonstrations often receive predictably hostile responses from the authorities. Independent human responses from the authorities. Independent human rights defence group OVD-info has shared rights defence group OVD-info has shared numerous reports of arrests taking place at malls numerous of arrests taking place at malls following various protests. One person was even following various protests. One person was even caught writing anti-state messages inside a mall caught writing anti-state messages inside a mall toilet cubicle (The Insider, 2023). But the control of toilet cubicle (The Insider, 2023) But the control of
the space also comes from the citizens: in one video, an individual stands with a placard with a line from the space also comes from the citizens: video, an individual stands with placard with a line from Tarakanishche (1) This placard was ripped out of their hands by what appears to be another member of the Tarakanishche. (1) This placard was ripped out of their hands by what appears be another member of the public (Activatica [@Activatica], 2022). These examples speak to the systems of control that exist both public (Activatica [@Activatica], 2022). These examples speak to systems of exist both
WARTIME
MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
within the mall and the public zphere: the threat of arrest from the police is omnipresent, as is disciplining within mall and the public zphere: the threat of arrest from police is as is from other civilians. from other civilians
I understand these gestures as simultaneously a sign of opposition and submission. Their marginal nature
I understand these gestures as simultaneously a sign of opposition and submission. Their marginal nature shows the power of the regime and its ability to control the public zphere; yet, they also indicate some shows the power of the regime and its ability to control the public zphere; yet, they also indicate some limits to state control around the margins These gestures are “informal, often covert”, in some ways limits to state control around the margins. These gestures are “informal, often covert”, in some ways echoing Scott’s description of everyday resistance, but also with the targeted critique of the state’s policy in echoing Scott’s description of everyday resistance, but also with the targeted critique of state’s in Ukraine, it is perhaps more concerned with large-scale “systematic, de jure change” than “immediate, de Ukraine, it is perhaps more concerned with large-scale “systematic, de jure change” than “immediate, de facto gains” (Scott, 1985, p. 33) – perhaps indicating the totalising effects of militarism within the public facto gains” 1985, p – perhaps indicating the totalising effects of militarism within the public zphere. zphere.
Conclusion
This essay briefly outlined some of the key features of the public zphere – the specific form of the
This essay briefly outlined some of the key features of the public zphere – the specific form of the authoritarian public sphere in contemporary Russia. Given the constraints of this paper, I have not been authoritarian public sphere in contemporary Russia Given the constraints of this paper, I have not been able to explore every element of this phenomenon in detail: there are gaps surrounding the role of the able to explore every element of this phenomenon in detail: there are gaps surrounding the role of the internet in the public zphere at the mall, its specific mechanisms of control, its spatial characteristics, and in the public zphere the mall, its specific mechanisms of control, its spatial characteristics, and the role that brands play The mall is a particularly illuminating arena of the public zphere due to the the role that brands play. The mall a particularly illuminating arena of the public zphere due the distinct way in which power is embedded within this space and its role as a key site of everyday urbanism. way in which power is within this space and its role as a key of everyday urbanism. The public zphere thus turns the shopping mall into a highly contested communicative information sphere. The public zphere thus turns the shopping mall into a highly contested communicative information sphere This stands in contrast with how authoritarianism, and indeed the mall, are typically perceived. The This stands in contrast with how authoritarianism, and indeed the mall, are typically perceived The infiltration of discursive conflict regarding the Russia’s war in Ukraine into these everyday urban spaces infiltration of discursive conflict regarding the Russia’s war in Ukraine into these everyday urban spaces points towards the militarisation of Russian society, a reminder that life is not simply continuing as normal points towards the militarisation of Russian society, a reminder that life is simply continuing as normal.
Koroleve Na ee plakate byl napisan otryvok iz stikhotvoreniia Chukovskogo “Tarakanishche” Prerval Koroleve. ee plakate byl napisan otryvok stikhotvoreniia Chukovskogo “Tarakanishche”. Prerval piket mestnyĭ bomzh: on pozval okhrannika i vyrval plakat iz ruk aktivistki #korolev #netvoĭne #voĭna piket mestnyĭ bomzh: on pozval okhrannika i vyrval plakat iz ruk aktivistki. #korolev #netvoĭne #voĭna #aktsiia #mobilizatsiia https://t.co/KPyfJFBq1L’, #aktsiia https://t.co/KPyfJFBq1L’, Twitter Twitter. Available at: . Available at: https://twitter.com/Activatica/status/1573742175480856576 (Accessed: 29 March 2024). https://twitter com/Activatica/status/1573742175480856576 (Accessed: 29 March 2024)
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WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
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WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
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V Smolenske na TTS «Atmosfera» poiavilsia banner v podderzhku Z Smolenske na TTS «Atmosfera» poiavilsia banner v podderzhku (2022) SmolNews ru Available at: (2022) SmolNews.ru. Available at: https://www.smolnews.ru/news/645546 (Accessed: 29 March 2024). https://www.smolnews.ru/news/645546 (Accessed: 29 March 2024).
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WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
WARTIME MALLEABILITY: THE SHOPPING MALL AS PUBLIC ZPHERE
SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE SINCE RUSSIA’S FULL-SCALE INVASION OF UKRAINE
Oliver Banatvala (University College London (UK)) Oliver Banatvala (University London (UK))
What they are NOT telling you about RUSSIA!! they are NOT telling you RUSSIA!! (2024). Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch? (2024). Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=G5i1gKnpcsA (Accessed: 31 March 2024). (Accessed: 31 March 2024)
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Zueva, A. (2022)
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BETWEEN
HEGEMONY
AND
AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES
ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE BETWEEN HEGEMONY
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland)) Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
The dissolution of the USSR resulted not only in the emergence of new countries and the collapse of the
The dissolution of the USSR resulted not only the emergence of new countries and the collapse of the bipolar world system, but also deteriorated the role of Moscow in world politics As a result, Russia started bipolar world system, but also deteriorated the role of Moscow in world politics. As a result, Russia started the adaptation process to create a new foreign policy approach. The 90s were a time of a heated discussion the process to create a new policy approach. 90s were a of a heated among the Russian political elites when three main approaches towards foreign policy were discussed: an among the Russian political elites when three main approaches towards foreign policy were discussed: an alliance with the West, finding partners among other regional leaders, or the reunification of ex-USSR alliance with the West, finding partners among other regional leaders, or the reunification of ex-USSR territories. (1) Russia's foreign policy consolidation has begun together with Putin’s first presidency. Over territories. (1) Russia's foreign policy consolidation has begun together with Putin’s first presidency. Over the years, specific directions of Russia's foreign policy towards its neighborhood become more noticeable the years, specific directions of Russia's foreign policy towards neighborhood become noticeable.
The main research objective of the paper is to investigate the underlying sources and motivations shaping of the paper is to investigate the underlying sources and motivations shaping Russian foreign policy towards its neighborhood, defined as the post-Soviet countries, during Putin’s last Russian policy towards its defined as the post-Soviet countries, Putin’s last two presidencies i.e. from 2012 to 2024. I attempt to prove that neo-imperialism based on post-Soviet two presidencies i e from 2012 to 2024 I attempt to prove that neo-imperialism based on post-Soviet insecurities among Russian elites is the most suitable approach to explain Russian policy in this region. insecurities among Russian elites is the most suitable approach to explain Russian policy in this region.
In my research, I used two model approaches: role analysis and foreign policy decision-making process In my research, I used two model approaches: role analysis and foreign policy decision-making process analysis. Role analysis would provide a framework for understanding how actors responsible for foreign analysis. analysis provide a framework for understanding how actors responsible foreign policy formulation in Russia define their identities, perceive their responsibilities, and interact with other policy formulation in Russia define their identities, perceive their responsibilities, and interact with other actors based on their assigned roles. (2) By using a process-tracing approach, we can uncover the internal actors based on their assigned roles By using a process-tracing approach, we can uncover the internal dynamics between decision-makers, bureaucratic politics, and institutional factors that influence policy dynamics between decision-makers, bureaucratic politics, and institutional factors that influence policy formulation and implementation (3) The research method used in the paper would be a discourse analysis formulation and implementation. (3) The research method used the paper would be a discourse analysis (analysis of Russian public discourse: created by politicians, political commentators, and other public (analysis of Russian public discourse: created by politicians, political commentators, and other public figures). The basis for the discourse analysis is the statements and activities of Russian elite members i.e.: for discourse analysis the statements and activities of Russian elite members i.e.: (ii) politicians (like Vladimir Putin, Dmitri Medvedev, Sergey Lavrov, or Sergey Naryshkin); (ii) politicians (like Vladimir Putin, Dmitri Medvedev, Sergey Lavrov, or Naryshkin);
Zonova, Tatiana, and Roman Reinhardt "Main
BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING
THE
BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE
COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
(ii) intellectuals (like, for example, Izborsky Club members); (iii) influential political commentators (like (ii) intellectuals (like, for example, Izborsky Club members); influential political commentators Margarita Simonyan, Vladimir Solovyov, Tigran Keosayan, Olga Skabeyeva); (iv) influential figures Margarita Simonyan, Vladimir Solovyov, Tigran Keosayan, Olga Skabeyeva); (iv) influential figures connected to Orthodox church (Konstantin Malofeev, Patriarch Kirill of Moscow) connected to Orthodox church (Konstantin Malofeev, Patriarch Kirill of Moscow).
The Russian foreign policy in its neighborhood seems to be pursued in order to both, society and most
The Russian foreign policy in its neighborhood seems to be pursued in order to both, society and most importantly – Russian elites, feel ontologically secured. The idea of ontological security claims that for importantly – Russian elites, feel ontologically secured The idea of ontological security claims that for their existence states do not only need physical security but also ontological security which is a notion of their existence states do not only need physical security but also ontological security which is a notion of historical continuity and predictability, so countries can operate within a certain cognitive framework and historical continuity and predictability, so countries can operate within a certain cognitive framework and have a sense of ideological stability and persistence (4) The approach was developed within sociology and have a sense of ideological stability and persistence. (4) The approach was developed within sociology and psychology, and just to simplify, treats countries like social actors who have emotions, worldviews, or psychology, and just to simplify, treats countries like social actors who have emotions, worldviews, or ambitions. Accordingly, countries undertake actions to affirm their self-identity, avoid shame, or seek ambitions. countries undertake actions to affirm their self-identity, shame, or seek appreciation. (5) appreciation (5)
Imperialism denotes the expansion of one nation's authority over others through methods such as military Imperialism denotes the expansion of one nation's authority over others through methods such as military conquest, political coercion, economic influence, or a combination thereof (6) For centuries the idea of political coercion, economic influence, or a combination thereof. (6) For centuries the idea of Russian imperialism and Russians as an imperial nation, defined as territorial expansion, conquests, or Russian imperialism and Russians as an imperial nation, defined as territorial expansion, conquests, or annexations was serving as a cornerstone of the state's ideological narrative. (7) In the literature the annexations was serving as a cornerstone of the state's ideological narrative. (7) In the literature the attention is drawn to the continuity and long history of Moscow-centered empires, be it the Russian Empire attention is drawn to the continuity and long history of Moscow-centered empires, be it the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union, despite different ideologies bonding the empire’s territories. (8) Therefore, the idea of or the Soviet Union, despite different ideologies bonding the empire’s territories. (8) Therefore, the idea of Russia as an empire was deeply rooted in the political agenda of Russian elites throughout history. Russia as an empire was deeply rooted in the political agenda of Russian elites throughout history.
The collapse of the USSR was a shock for Moscow, as it lost its global power (or imperial) status in world
The collapse of the USSR was a shock for Moscow, as it lost its global power (or imperial) status world politics and also one of the sources of this status: its exclusive zone of influence i.e. USSR republics, now and also one of the sources of this status: its exclusive zone of influence i.e. republics, now defined by Russia as its neighborhood. (9) defined by Russia as its neighborhood (9) Since the 90s, Russia has transformed not only economically to Since the 90s, Russia has transformed not only economically to catch up with the West, but also ideologically. Russia needed a strong ideological foundation of power catch up with the West, but also ideologically. Russia needed a strong ideological foundation of power supporting its path to hegemony. (10) Over the years Russian foreign policy in its neighborhood evolved supporting its path to hegemony. (10) Over the years Russian foreign policy in its neighborhood evolved into ontologically-driven neo-imperialism that is an attempt to restore influence and prestige in world ontologically-driven neo-imperialism that an attempt to influence and prestige in world politics (11) politics. (11)
Russian neo-imperialism, however, is not an official state ideology, but an assemblage of several ideas. In the Russian neo-imperialism, however, is not an official state ideology, but an assemblage of several ideas In the
4 Krickel-Choi, Nina C "The concept of anxiety in ontological security studies."
4 Krickel-Choi, Nina C "The concept of anxiety in ontological security studies." International Studies Review International Studies 24 3 (2022) 24 3 (2022)
5 Steele, Brent J 5 Steele, Brent J Ontological security in international relations: Self-identity and the IR state security in international relations: Self-identity and the IR state Routledge, 2008 Routledge, 2008
6 Hodge, Carl C 6 Hodge, Carl C Imperialism Imperialism Oxford Bibliographies 2011 Access online: https://www oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199743292/obo-9780199743292- Oxford Access online: https://www oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199743292/obo-97801997432920010 xml?rskey=Awgrg8&result=4&q=imperialism#firstMatch 0010 xml?rskey=Awgrg8&result=4&q=imperialism#firstMatch
8 Cohen, Ariel 8 Cohen, Ariel Russian imperialism: development and crisis Russian imperialism: development and crisis Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 1996 Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 1996
9 MacFarlane, Neil S "The ‘R’in BRICs: is Russia an emerging power?."
9 MacFarlane, Neil S "The ‘R’in BRICs: is Russia an emerging power?." International Affairs International Affairs 82 1 (2006): 41-57 82 1 (2006): 41-57
10 Laruelle, Marlene "The Izborsky Club, or the new conservative avant‐garde in Russia." "The conservative avant‐garde The Russian Review 75 4 (2016): 626-644 75 (2016): 626-644
11 Van Herpen, Marcel H Marcel H Putin's wars: the rise of Russia's new imperialism Putin's of Russia's Rowman & Littlefield, 2015 Rowman &
BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE
BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
case of neighborhood policy, Russian elites have created several ideas that have served as justification for
case of neighborhood policy, Russian elites have created several ideas that have served as justification for Russia's foreign policy, including neighborhood policy. The concept of Russian imperialism is vitally Russia's foreign policy, including neighborhood policy. The concept of Russian imperialism is vitally connected with Eurasianism An idea deeply rooted in the country's history focusing on Russia’s connected with Eurasianism. An idea deeply rooted in the country's history focusing on Russia’s uniqueness in terms of geopolitical and geostrategic importance (12) Therefore, it seems that the most in terms of geopolitical and geostrategic importance. (12) Therefore, it seems that the most important aspect of Moscow is upholding returning to its power status. Other ideas, however, connected to important aspect of Moscow is upholding returning to its power status. Other ideas, however, connected to Eurasianism are Eurasianism are the Russian world the Russian world; Russian nationalism; and Russian messianism; (13) mixed with ; Russian nationalism; and Russian messianism; (13) mixed with nostalgia for the Soviet Union's greatness. (14) It should be noted that Russia uses ideologies very nostalgia for the Soviet Union's greatness. (14) It should be noted that Russia uses ideologies very smoothly. They can explain the creation of peaceful international organizations and assemblies, as well as smoothly. They can explain the creation of peaceful international organizations and assemblies, as well as justify aggression, depending on the current political needs Russia’s neo-imperialistic behavior has been justify depending on the current political needs. Russia’s neo-imperialistic behavior has been gradually increasing during Putin’s presidencies and resulted in very assertive policies in Russia’s gradually increasing during Putin’s presidencies and resulted in very assertive policies in Russia’s neighborhood. It gives Moscow the sense of restoring Russia’s influence and prestige in world politics, neighborhood. It gives Moscow the sense of restoring Russia’s influence and prestige in world politics, thus giving a sense of empowerment. (15) thus giving a sense of empowerment (15)
The sense of control over the former USSR's federation members is a way for Russia to avoid anxiety and
The sense of control over the former USSR's federation members is a way for Russia to avoid anxiety and accordingly, to be secured in an ontological way. Moscow’s neighborhood policy is based on imperial accordingly, be secured an ontological way. Moscow’s neighborhood policy is based on imperial traditions and memories, and the fear that Russia will lose its influence there Therefore Russia remains traditions and memories, and the fear that Russia will lose its influence there. Therefore Russia remains the expansionist country throughout history. (16) The first mechanism to maintain its security in the the expansionist country history. (16) The first mechanism to maintain its security in the context of neo-imperialism is creating and maintaining close political ties. As examples may serve context of neo-imperialism is creating and maintaining close political ties As examples may serve Moscow-controlled institutions like the Collective Security Treaty Organization or the Economic Eurasia Moscow-controlled institutions like the Collective Security Treaty Organization or the Economic Eurasia Union that give Russia a sense of continuity and control. The aim of these is not only to boost cooperation Union that give Russia a sense of continuity and control. The aim of these is not only to boost cooperation among their members but also to maintain the status quo in Russia’s neighborhood. (17) (18) their members but also to maintain the status quo in Russia’s neighborhood. (17) (18)
The second neo-imperialistic mechanism Russia uses in its neighborhood is the usage of power. Moscow
The second neo-imperialistic mechanism Russia uses in its is the usage of power. Moscow directly causes conflicts, starts hybrid operations, or uses the threat of force. These mechanisms are used directly causes conflicts, starts hybrid operations, or uses the threat of force These mechanisms are used towards those neighbors who try to lead policies inconsistent with Russian foreign policy. Moscow uses towards those neighbors who try to lead policies inconsistent with Russian foreign policy. Moscow uses ideological rationale to justify attacks, like messianism based on the assumption that Russia has several ideological rationale to justify attacks, like messianism based on the assumption that Russia has several roles to play internationally Therefore it should fight enemies that are not allowing Russia to fulfill its roles play internationally. Therefore it should fight enemies that are not allowing Russia to fulfill its role An example can be a common Russian Orthodox Church claiming that the Russian invasion of role. An example can be a common Russian Orthodox Church claiming that the Russian invasion of Ukraine is a is a Holly War Holly War against against Western liberalism Western liberalism. (19) The idea of messianism is followed by, the one of . (19) The idea of messianism is followed by, the one of
12 Laruelle, Marlene Russian Eurasianism An Ideology of Empire Russian Eurasianism Ideology of Empire Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington DC, 2008 Woodrow Wilson Press, Washington DC,
13 13 Curanović, Alicja Curanović, Alicja Przeznaczeni do wielkości! Poczucie misji w polityce zagranicznej. Przypadek Rosji do wielkości! misji w polityce zagranicznej. Przypadek Rosji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2020 Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2020
14 14 White, Stephen "Soviet nostalgia and Russian politics." White, Stephen "Soviet and Russian politics." Journal of Eurasian studies Journal Eurasian studies 1 1 (2010): 1-9 1 1 (2010): 1-9
15 Mankoff, Jeffrey Mankoff, Jeffrey Russian foreign policy: the return of great power politics return power Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009 Rowman Littlefield Publishers, 2009
16 Kushnir, Ostap Kushnir, Ostap Ukraine and Russian Neo-Imperialism: The Divergent Break and Russian Neo-Imperialism: The Divergent Break Lexington Books, 2018
17 Allison, Roy "Virtual regionalism, regional structures and regime security in Central Asia." Allison, "Virtual regionalism, regional structures and regime security in Central Central Asian Survey Central Survey 27 2 (2008): 185-202 (2008): 185-202
18 Collins, Kathleen "Economic and security regionalism among patrimonial authoritarian regimes: The case of Central Asia."
18 Collins, Kathleen "Economic and security regionalism among patrimonial authoritarian regimes: The case of Central Asia." Europe-Asia Studies Europe-Asia Studies 61 2 (2009): 249-281 61 2 (2009): 249-281
19 Russian Orthodox Church 19 Russian Orthodox Church Ordinance of the XXV World Russian People's Council "The Present and Future of the Russian World Ordinance of the XXV World Russian Council "The Present and Future of the Russian World 2024 Access online: 2024 Access online: http://www patriarchia ru/db/text/6116189 html?fbclid=IwAR1pdde0PT44PzGM0iVrgVlRUv5Q4urbUnEAvodKmDMlVSWMg8XZ44LI7X4 aem AWXeX6C- patriarchia ru/db/text/6116189 html?fbclid=IwAR1pdde0PT44PzGM0iVrgVlRUv5Q4urbUnEAvodKmDMlVSWMg8XZ44LI7X4 KWKPZkQJl5FDk3QUIklnMKoeNqk153QiYhGn5NvbHk4pFSh7X-szSIzn9jOPnfxU3 sx4cygZgkFrIxJ KWKPZkQJl5FDk3QUIklnMKoeNqk153QiYhGn5NvbHk4pFSh7X-szSIzn9jOPnfxU3
BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE BETWEEN HEGEMONY AND ANXIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COMPLEXITIES OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
Przemysław Dałek (University of Warsaw (Poland))
tthe he Russian world Russian world. It allows Moscow to claim territories somehow connected to Russian culture, and . It allows Moscow to claim territories somehow connected to Russian culture, and accordingly to explain attacks on Ukraine and annexation of Ukraine’s territories. Then, Russian accordingly to explain attacks on Ukraine and annexation of Ukraine’s territories. Then, Russian nationalism which has post-imperial connotations with deep resentment and nostalgia for the Russian nationalism which has post-imperial with deep resentment and nostalgia for the Russian Empire is used in the Russian neighborhood policy, (20) like Putin drawing parallels between current Empire is used in the Russian neighborhood policy, (20) like Putin drawing parallels between current Russian expansionism and tsar’s Peter the Great conquests. (21) Also, civilizational superiority and Russian expansionism and tsar’s Peter the Great conquests. (21) Also, civilizational superiority and cultural appropriation are highly noticeable, respectively contesting Kazakhstan’s statehood, (22) and cultural appropriation are highly noticeable, respectively contesting Kazakhstan’s statehood, (22) and appropriation of Ukraine’s history and heritage. (23) appropriation of Ukraine’s history and heritage. (23)
To conclude, one of the most important directions of Russian foreign policy under Putin’s regime is the
To conclude, one of the most important directions of Russian foreign policy under Putin’s regime is the neighborhood policy The control over this area gives Russia the notion of a historical continuity of being neighborhood policy. The control over this area gives Russia the notion of a historical continuity of being an empire. Self-definition as the empire is needed for Moscow to feel ontologically secured, and thus is an empire. as the empire is needed for Moscow to feel ontologically secured, and thus is considered by the Russian political elites in existential terms. Therefore, Russia strives for control of the considered by the Russian political elites in existential terms Therefore, Russia strives for control of the neighborhood area as seen as territories previously being a part of one of the Russian empires throughout neighborhood area as seen as territories previously being a part of one of the Russian empires throughout history. history.
The result of pursuing Russia’s ontological security neo-imperialism which involves two main mechanisms: the creation of Moscow-centered institutions and the use of power, including military the creation of Moscow-centered institutions and the use of power, including military aggression. The strategy Russia uses depends on the aggression The strategy Russia uses depends on the neighboring neighboring country’s willingness to make political country’s willingness to make political arrangements with Russia. Russian neo-imperialism is not a fixed ideology but is based on several ideas. arrangements with Russia. Russian neo-imperialism is not a fixed ideology but is based on several ideas. Those ideas are being loosely used by the government to justify its actions, both domestically and Those ideas are being loosely used by the government to justify its actions, both domestically and internationally It should be noted that the revisionist and aggressive neighborhood policy of Russian neo- internationally. It should be noted that the revisionist and neighborhood policy of Russian neoimperialism was parallel to the increasing illiberalism in the Russian domestic political system. (24) imperialism was parallel to the increasing illiberalism in the Russian domestic political system. (24)
The result of pursuing Russia’s ontological security is neo-imperialism which involves two main
20 Pain, Emil, P "Contemporary Russian nationalism in the historical struggle between ‘official nationality’ and ‘popular sovereignty’."
20 Pain, Emil, P Russian nationalism in the historical between ‘official nationality’ and ‘popular sovereignty’."Russia Before and After Crimea: Nationalism Russia Before and Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010-17 Identity, 2010-17 (2017): 23 (2017): 23
21 The Guardian The Guardian Putin compares himself to Peter the Great in Russian territorial push Putin compares to Peter Great in Russian push 2023 Access online: https://www youtube com/watch?v=N2sfJjl7 Zk Zk 22 Najibullah, Farangis Najibullah, Farangis Putin Downplays Kazakh Independence, Sparks Angry Reaction Downplays Kazakh Independence, Sparks Angry 2014 Access online: https://www rferl org/a/kazakhstan-putin-history-reaction- 2014 Access online: https://www rferl org/a/kazakhstan-putin-history-reactionnation/26565141 html nation/26565141 html
23 23 The President of Russian Federation The President of Russian Federation Article by Vladimir Putin “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” Article Vladimir Putin “On the Historical Unity Russians and Ukrainians” 2021 Access online: 2021 Access online: http://en kremlin ru/events/president/news/66181 ru/events/president/news/66181
24 Lewis, David G David G Russia's new authoritarianism: Putin and the politics of order new politics Edinburgh University Press, 2020 University
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
Introduction: Here Comes “The Sun” Here Comes “The Sun”
Dreaming of David Burliuk: Regional Culture Production and Memory Practice in Putin’s Russia
Dreaming of David Burliuk: Regional Culture Production and Memory Practice in Putin’s Russia
(1919)
(1919)
In 2023, an unexpected nostalgic ode to David Burliuk, the Ukraine-born founding father of the 20th- 2023, an unexpected nostalgic ode to David Burliuk, the Ukraine-born founding father of the 20thcentury Russian Futurism movement, materialized in the Russian city of Vladivostok. Inspired by century Russian Futurism movement, materialized in the Russian city of Vladivostok. Inspired by Burliuk’s experimental poem “Geliovoskhod” [“Helium Sunrise”] (1919), Hero4Hero, a Vladivostok- Burliuk’s experimental poem “Geliovoskhod” [“Helium Sunrise”] (1919), Hero4Hero, a Vladivostokbased art group, manufactured an eight-plane oversized sculpture in the shape of a gender-neutral human, based group, manufactured an eight-plane oversized in the shape of a gender-neutral human, with its multiplanar hands stretching towards all four corners of the world. Part of a larger city-wide street with its multiplanar hands stretching towards all four corners of the world. Part of a larger street art initiative “Meta Centers: Vladivostok without Suburbs”, the sculpture was both a tribute to Burliuk’s art initiative “Meta Centers: Vladivostok without Suburbs”, the sculpture was both a tribute to Burliuk’s two-year-long presence in Vladivostok during the 1917- 1922 Intervention and an attempt to bring the two-year-long presence in Vladivostok during the 1917- 1922 Intervention and an attempt to bring the spirit of the city to its more remote neighborhoods. “We chose Burliuk’s [poem because] it very nicely spirit of the city to its more remote neighborhoods. “We chose Burliuk’s [poem because] very nicely reflects the events that were taking place in Russia back then [i.e., 1917-1922],” explain the collaborators reflects the events that were taking place in Russia back then [i.e., 1917-1922],” explain the collaborators.
“[A]nd it has a special resonance with the spiritual movement of the city itself. The poem is so ragged, so “[A]nd it has a special resonance with spiritual movement of the city itself. The poem is so ragged, so very energetic and very Vladivostok-like” (Солнце). very energetic and very Vladivostok-like” (Солнце)
Titled “The Sun”, Hero4Hero’s sculpture is one of five art objects that took residence on Vladivostok’s streets as a result of the 2023 Meta Centers project Currently in its second year, the initiative to bring as a result of the 2023 Meta Centers project. Currently its second year, the to bring street art to the city suburbs is managed by ENSO, a Vladivostok-based private foundation, and receives street art to the city suburbs managed by ENSO, Vladivostok-based private foundation, and receives direct financial support from The President’s Fund for Cultural Initiatives. The aim, according to Iulia direct financial from The President’s Fund Cultural Initiatives. The aim, according to Iulia Klimko, ENSO’s president, is to create “local cultural mini-centers and points of attraction,” which the Klimko, ENSO’s is to create “local cultural mini-centers and points of attraction,” which the citizens could then incorporate into their “personal life narratives,” and thus “expand the space of their citizens could then incorporate into their “personal life narratives,” and thus “expand the space of their living quarters” via inclusion of “the cultural landscape” (Komogortseva). As ENSO stated in its living quarters” via inclusion of “the cultural landscape” (Komogortseva). As ENSO stated in its application for the President’s Fund for Cultural Initiatives’ grant: application for the President’s Fund for Cultural Initiatives’ grant:
Titled “The Sun”, Hero4Hero’s sculpture is one of five art objects that took residence on Vladivostok’s
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
Such spaces [of public art exposure] encourage people to do more than they otherwise would have
Such spaces [of public art exposure] encourage people to do more than they otherwise would have done under different circumstances [They encourage them] to participate in creative activities, to done under different circumstances. [They encourage them] to participate in creative activities, to invent novel things, to establish new collectives in other words, do various things that affect their invent novel to establish new in other do things that affect their self-realization and increase their economic productivity and city development at the same time self-realization and increase their economic productivity and city at the same time (Проекты). (Проекты)
The neoliberal tinge of this statement is hard to overlook. Pursuant to its logic, public art becomes an
The neoliberal tinge of this statement is hard to overlook. Pursuant to its logic, public art becomes an instrument both for the individual’s practice of selfhood and for their positioning of self in the broader instrument both for the individual’s practice of selfhood and for their positioning of self in the broader social context. An ideal Vladivostok citizen, through their engagement with such public art, is presumed social context. An Vladivostok citizen, their engagement with such art, is presumed to be inspired to make an enterprise out of their own life, thus (1) fueling the economic growth of the city to be inspired to make an enterprise out of their own life, thus (1) fueling the economic growth of the city and (2) increasing their personal satisfaction with city life and, by extension, with that of the nation-state. and increasing their personal satisfaction with city life and, by extension, with that of the nation-state
Hero4Hero shares
Meta Centers’ stance on the role of public art but sees it a more elaborate lens of vertical rooting down ( elaborate lens of vertical rooting down (укоренение укоренение). Ksenia Frolova and Roman Ivanishchev, the duo ) Ksenia Frolova and Roman Ivanishchev, the duo behind the art-group, openly lament the rapidly declining population in the region and believe it is behind the art-group, openly lament the rapidly declining population in the region and believe it is “necessary to actualize the memory of the territory through interdisciplinary projects” in order to “root” “necessary to actualize the memory of the territory through interdisciplinary projects” order “root” ( (укоренить укоренить) the population and establish [ ] non- material connections with the place of [its] ) the population and establish [...] non- material connections with the place of [its] residence” (Проблематика). residence” (Проблематика).
Hero4Hero shares Meta Centers’ stance on the role of public art but sees it through a conceptually more
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
This is, in essence, the goal of the President’s Fund’s “Place of Force” funding category specifically
This in the goal of the President’s Fund’s “Place of Force” funding category specifically aimed at cultural innovation in the Russian periphery: aimed at cultural innovation in the Russian periphery:
Geographical diversity and local identity over many centuries have shaped the unique diversity of Geographical diversity and local over many centuries have shaped the unique of the country, stabilizing its culture. [Local celebrations and events] offer an opportunity to delve the country, stabilizing its culture [Local celebrations and events] offer an opportunity to delve into regional history through the lens of the regional culture phenomenon, significant for the into regional history through the lens of the regional culture phenomenon, significant for the overall Russian culture and the general cultural code of the country. [With the help of such overall culture and the general cultural code of the country. [With the help of such iinitiatives, the Russian periphery] the historical source of inspiration for the poets, writers, nitiatives, the Russian periphery] the historical source of inspiration for the poets, writers, and painters [ ] gradually sheds the label of a 'depressing place,' once again becoming a 'place of and [ ] gradually sheds a 'depressing place,' once again becoming a 'place of force,' a source of cultural and creative initiatives. These ‘places of force’ are the new creative force,' a source of cultural and creative initiatives. These ‘places of force’ are the new creative spaces where projects in the sphere of creative industries are flourishing” spaces where projects in the sphere of creative industries are flourishing” (Положение, 11 June 2021). (Положение, 11 June 2021).
The “Place of Force” grant’s language gives a distinctly patriotic overtone to its neoliberal agenda: it is
The “Place of Force” grant’s language gives a distinctly patriotic overtone to its neoliberal agenda: is through “delv[ing] into regional history” that a regional artist can assert their agency and, at the same “delv[ing] into regional history” that a regional artist can assert their agency and, at same time, stabilize the Russian national culture. As such, it presents a prime example of how Putin’s cultural time, stabilize the Russian national culture As such, it presents a prime example of how Putin’s cultural politics simultaneously relies on its discursive authority to promulgate its patriotic message politics simultaneously relies on its discursive authority to promulgate its patriotic message and and attempts attempts to create and maintain conditions mimicking those of a dynamic marketplace of ideas, where individual to create and maintain conditions mimicking those of a dynamic marketplace of ideas, where individual creative civic-minded projects, not burdened by any rigid propagandistic political agenda, can find means civic-minded projects, not burdened by any rigid propagandistic political agenda, can find means for their realization for their realization.
Taking seriously this ongoing attempt to (re)model a Russian regional creator into a patriotic neoliberal
Taking this ongoing attempt to (re)model a Russian regional creator into a patriotic neoliberal subject, this paper investigates how the hybrid nature of this position shapes the form and the content of subject, this paper investigates how the hybrid nature of this position shapes the form and the content of artistic practices in the present-day Russian periphery, especially when those practices are premised on the artistic practices in the present-day Russian periphery, especially when those practices are premised on the President’s Fund-sanctioned memory work. The example of Meta Centers and Hero4Hero, as it depicts President’s Fund-sanctioned memory work. The example of Meta Centers and Hero4Hero, depicts the translation of the metropole’s patriotic decree into a regional neoliberal agenda, represent an entry the translation of the metropole’s patriotic decree into a regional neoliberal agenda, represent an entry point for this investigation. investigation.
Dreaming of David Burliuk
Dreaming of David Burliuk
“Upon receiving my history degree, I had two prospects ahead of me: to teach history or to make history. I chose to make history that is more intriguing,” says Hero4Hero’s Roman Ivanishchev in his artistic chose make history that more intriguing,” says Hero4Hero’s Roman Ivanishchev in his artistic statement (Роман). The semantic ambiguity embedded in the phrase “make history” means both, statement (Роман). The semantic ambiguity embedded in the phrase “make history” means both, participation in the present with an eye toward future historization participation in the present with an eye toward future historization and and reconstruction of the past with an reconstruction of the past with an aim to give it meaning--is reflected in the artist’s credo: through his work, Ivanishchev aspires to actively aim to give it meaning--is reflected in the artist’s credo: through his work, Ivanishchev aspires to actively (re)shape the post-Soviet present as well as the Soviet past. (re)shape the post-Soviet present as well as the Soviet past.
“Upon receiving my history degree, I had two prospects ahead of me: to teach history or to make history. I
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
Alas, this is not an easy task in Putin’s Russia The Putin administration has “reassembled a narrative of
Alas, this is not an easy task in Putin’s Russia. The Putin administration has “reassembled a narrative of national greatness that co-opts the affective energies of nostalgic reminiscence of the Soviet past, along national that co-opts the affective energies of nostalgic reminiscence of the Soviet past, along with all other static usable pasts, reaching back into the proverbial mists of time” (Platt 227), which means with all other static pasts, reaching into the proverbial mists of time” (Platt 227), which means all post-Soviet practices of nostalgia have to abide by a specific set of memory rules to remain relevant to all post-Soviet practices of nostalgia have to abide by a specific set of memory rules to remain relevant to the current political agenda. This matrix becomes especially labyrinthine in the context of public art as the current political agenda This matrix becomes especially labyrinthine in the context of public art as regional memory practice. Since “similar [nostalgic] practices, inspired by similar sets of longings, can [] regional memory practice. Since “similar [nostalgic] practices, inspired by similar sets of longings, can [] follow very different political trajectories in terms of their political interpretation [] as well as their follow very different political trajectories in terms of their political interpretation [] as well as their political impact” (Nadkarni 64), regional artists like Hero4Hero have to take extreme care to make sure political impact” (Nadkarni 64), regional artists like Hero4Hero have to take extreme care make sure they inject new localized meaning into old symbols without troubling the dominant political discourse. they inject new localized meaning into old symbols the dominant political discourse. Unlike more democratic forms of public art (like, say, political graffiti) that arise spontaneously and exist Unlike more democratic forms of public art (like, say, political graffiti) that arise and exist as a “commons[,] not just a revered space but a modality of solidarity and sociality” and thus “can help to as a “commons[,] not just a revered space but a modality of solidarity and sociality” and thus “can help to understand the subtext of a city without resorting to mainstream accounts or official histories” (Schacter understand the subtext of a city without resorting to mainstream accounts or official histories” (Schacter 327-28), Hero4Hero’s street art, thus restricted, is supposed to tell a Putin-era- friendly version of the 327-28), Hero4Hero’s street art, thus restricted, is supposed tell a Putin-era- friendly of the regional past regional past.
“[By creating “The Sun,”] we decided to combine the two time periods,” explains Ivanishchev, “to show creating “The Sun,”] we decided to combine the two time periods,” explains Ivanishchev, “to show the ongoing conversation between the two epochs” (Солнце). Yet, Hero4Hero’s attempt does not take its the ongoing conversation between the two epochs” (Солнце) Yet, Hero4Hero’s attempt does not take its subject matter seriously enough to try to reconstruct a plausible dialogue. Nor is it interested in doing so. subject matter seriously enough to try to reconstruct a plausible dialogue. Nor is it interested in doing so.
By fashioning Burliuk’s “Geliovoskhod” into a circular figure that connotes a throughline between the
By fashioning Burliuk’s “Geliovoskhod” into a circular figure that connotes a throughline between the past and the present (a throughline David Burliuk would most likely wish to throw overboard from the past and the present (a throughline David Burliuk would most likely wish to throw overboard from the Ship of Modernity), Hero4Hero prioritizes its own vision of what a “ragged spiritual movement” of Ship Modernity), Hero4Hero prioritizes its own vision of what a “ragged spiritual movement” of Vladivostok might look like and engages in “[p]ostmodern allegory [that] follows the logic of the Vladivostok might look like and engages in “[p]ostmodern [that] follows the of the supplement, the act of adding to and obscuring another expression not as a return to an original source but supplement, the act of adding to and obscuring another expression not as a return to an original source but as a pluralistic extension of it” (Hall 280). as a pluralistic extension of it” (Hall 280).
Due to this pluralism, the (hi)story that emerges out of this post-modern political speech is far more varied (and, to some extent, incoherent) than the straightforward propaganda narrative one grew to associate with (and, to some extent, incoherent) than the straightforward propaganda one grew to with the modern authoritative discourse. It expands the scope of “relevant history” to include historical events the modern authoritative discourse It expands the scope of “relevant history” to include historical events that were never fully incorporated into the Soviet narrative (e.g., Burliuk’s presence in the interventionist- that were never fully incorporated into the Soviet narrative (e.g., Burliuk’s presence in the interventionistcontrolled-yet-to-become-Soviet Vladivostok during 1917-1922) and which thus present “safe” controlled-yet-to-become-Soviet Vladivostok during 1917-1922) and which thus present “safe” un(der)scripted historical referential points on which regional artists like Hero4Hero can transcribe new un(der)scripted historical referential points on which regional artists like Hero4Hero can transcribe new pluralistic meanings “The result is an eccentricity that leads, in art as in politics, to a new conformity: pluralistic meanings. “The result is an eccentricity that leads, in art as in politics, to a new conformity: pluralism as an institution [which] lack[s] antagonism and favors [] consumerism, nostalgia, and as an institution [which] lack[s] antagonism and favors [] consumerism, nostalgia, and mainstream recognition” (Hall 281). Under these conditions, any interpretation of the previously mainstream recognition” (Hall 281) Under these conditions, any interpretation of the previously unclaimed symbol can become a de- centrally constructed relevant past so long as it neither contradicts unclaimed symbol can become a de- centrally constructed relevant past so long as it neither contradicts nor contests already established symbolic values. nor contests already established symbolic values.
Due to this pluralism, the (hi)story that emerges out of this post-modern political speech is far more varied
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
Hero4Hero’s “The Sun” can safely re-produce narratives of Burliuk’s ‘ragged’ apolitical flamboyance
Hero4Hero’s “The Sun” can safely re-produce narratives of Burliuk’s ‘ragged’ apolitical flamboyance precisely because it refences a narrowly imagined location- and time-specific character—David Burliuk as precisely because it refences a narrowly imagined location- and time-specific character—David Burliuk as a poet-flaneur in 1919 Vladivostok, a poet-flaneur in 1919 Vladivostok, not not David Burliuk as a Ukrainian avant-gardist of Jewish origin David Burliuk as a Ukrainian avant-gardist of Jewish origin causing trouble for the Soviet vanguard—in which neither the Soviet nor Putin’s regime had any causing trouble for the Soviet vanguard—in which neither the Soviet nor Putin’s regime had any significant prior symbolic investment Yet, one other salient aspect complicates and informs this cultural significant prior symbolic investment. Yet, one other salient aspect complicates and informs this cultural production: Hero4Heor’s self-proclaimed global integration. “The common feature of all of my [] projects production: Hero4Heor’s self-proclaimed global integration. “The common feature of all of [] projects [] is creating regional narratives and integrating them into global context,” explains Ivanishchev (Roman). [] is creating regional narratives and them into global context,” explains (Roman). Because of this impetus, Ivanishchev has to perform his memory work within what Melissa Tandiwe Because of this impetus, Ivanishchev has to perform his memory work within what Melissa Tandiwe Myambo calls a “cultural time zone,” a localized self-conscious enclave within the hegemonic “structure Myambo calls a “cultural time zone,” a localized self-conscious enclave within the hegemonic “structure and narrow strictures of the neoliberal and narrow strictures of the neoliberal global global cultural economy” (48, 63; emphasis supplied) in addition to cultural economy” (48, 63; emphasis supplied) in addition to that of Putin’s memory politics The President’s Fund’s rhetoric both taps into and validates this self- that of Putin’s memory politics. The President’s Fund’s rhetoric both taps into and validates this selffashioning: “innovation leaders of Russia – [] people who change the world for the better”; “national fashioning: “innovation leaders of Russia – [] people who change the world for the better”; “national culture [is Russia’s] global competitive advantage” (Положение, 11 June 2021). Regional creatives thus culture [is Russia’s] global competitive advantage” (Положение 11 June 2021). Regional creatives thus have to navigate the unstable space where patriotism and globality imbricate, and where the terms of have to navigate the unstable space where patriotism and globality imbricate, and where the terms of permitted political speech are being constantly reframed against the shifting geopolitical conditions. permitted political speech are being constantly reframed against the shifting geopolitical conditions
Here is where Hero4Hero’s choice of Burliuk as a regional hero presents another strategic advantage By where Hero4Hero’s choice of Burliuk a regional hero presents another strategic advantage. By choosing to claim the region’s underdetermined historical timeline (in relation to the Soviet State as well choosing to claim the region’s underdetermined historical timeline (in relation to the Soviet State as well as its post-Soviet condition) and to resurrect David Burliuk, an international historical figure as a regional as its post-Soviet condition) and to resurrect David an international figure as a regional symbol, Hero4Hero has engaged with local history in a way that generates cultural capital on the global symbol, Hero4Hero has engaged with local history in a way that generates cultural capital on the global scale. This is precisely the rooting-down into— or, perhaps, more aptly, inventive scale This is precisely the rooting-down into— or, perhaps, more aptly, inventive tethering to tethering to tthe he un(der)scripted historical symbols that can connect the local present to the national past and generate a un(der)scripted historical symbols that can connect the local present to the national past and generate a sense of neoliberal globality with its civilizing mission. This is precisely where the patriotic content can sense of neoliberal globality with its civilizing mission. This precisely where the patriotic content can be packaged into neoliberal form be packaged into neoliberal form.
Yet, this is also where the de-politization of artistic production takes place. Seen from the position of the
Yet, this is also where the de-politization of artistic takes place Seen from the position of the uninvested center, the regional artist’s uninvested center, the regional artist’s tethering to tethering to looks like a harmless reparative appeal to a looks like a harmless reparative appeal to a “generalized sense of retro [not] anchored by a specific [] history,” a post-modern “nostalgia without “generalized sense of retro [not] anchored by a specific [] history,” a post-modern “nostalgia without melancholy” that lacks a referent (Nadkarni 77) and, thusly, is incapable of evoking strong emotional melancholy” that lacks a referent (Nadkarni 77) and, thusly, is incapable of evoking strong emotional response required to challenge the political status quo. Rather than being perceived as longing for response required challenge the political status quo. Rather than being perceived as longing for revolutionary freedom, dreams of David Burliuk on the streets of Vladivostok thus become a playful revolutionary freedom, dreams of David Burliuk on of Vladivostok thus a playful politically impotent utterance of the fantasizing periphery. politically impotent utterance of the fantasizing periphery.
Conclusion Conclusion
By capitalizing on the practice of localized rooting-down into the regional history, the President’s Fund
By capitalizing on the practice of localized rooting-down into the regional history, the President’s Fund for Cultural Initiatives reaffirmed the importance of ‘region’ as a basic unit of Russia’s cultural capital and for Cultural Initiatives the importance of ‘region’ as a unit of Russia’s and
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of encouraged Russian regional artists to ‘uncover’ previously non- actualized historical pasts and use them Russian regional artists to ‘uncover’ previously non- actualized historical pasts and use them to (re)construct narratives in service of Mr. Putin’s patriotic agenda. At the same time, by positioning this to (re)construct narratives in service of Mr Putin’s patriotic agenda At the same time, by positioning this memory practice inside the larger Russian civilizing project, the Fund was able to generate a sense of memory practice inside the larger Russian civilizing project, the Fund was able to generate a sense of global significance for its participants. global significance for its participants. It is this post-modern neoliberal appeal that has emptied regional It is this post-modern neoliberal appeal that has emptied regional cultural production out of its political resistance potential and that is currently transforming induvial cultural production out of its political resistance potential and that is currently transforming induvial instances of fantasy and nostalgia into a vested army of cultural workers in support of the regime—the instances of fantasy and nostalgia into a vested army of cultural workers in support of the regime—the bio-power arguably far more elaborate, flexible, and manipulative than that of a typical hegemon. bio-power arguably far more elaborate, flexible, and manipulative than that of a typical hegemon.
Hall, Wes. “Art Hipsters: Postmodern Proclamation.” Hipster Culture: Transnational and Intersectional Culture: Transnational and Intersectional Perspectives, Perspectives, edited by Heike Steinhoff, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021. edited by Steinhoff, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021.
Komogortseva, Polina. «Как арт-
Komogortseva, Polina «
» [“How Art Objects are Changing Vladivostok’s City Environment”]. [“How Art Objects are Changing Vladivostok’s City Environment”]. RG.ru RG.ru, https://rg.ru/2023/09/20/reg- , https://rg.ru/2023/09/20/regdfo/chelovek-krasit-mesto html Accessed 27 Oct. 2023. dfo/chelovek-krasit-mesto.html. Accessed 27 Oct. 2023.
Myambo, Melissa Tandiwe. “Global Hipsterification: Hipster-Led Gentrification in New York’s, New Myambo, Tandiwe. Hipsterification: Hipster-Led Gentrification in New York’s, New Dehli’s, and Johannesburg’s Cultural Time Zones.” Dehli’s, and Johannesburg’s Cultural Time Zones.” Hipster Culture: Transnational and Intersectional Hipster Culture: Transnational and Intersectional Perspectives Perspectives, edited by Heike Steinhoff, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021. , edited by Heike Steinhoff, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021.
Nadkarni, Maya, Shevchenko, Olga “The Politics of Nostalgia in the Aftermath of Socialism’s Collapse: Nadkarni, Maya, Shevchenko, Olga. “The Politics of Nostalgia in the Aftermath of Socialism’s Collapse: A Case for Comparative Analysis ” A Case for Comparative Analysis.” Anthropology and Nostalgia Anthropology and Nostalgia, edited by Olivia Angé and David , edited by Olivia Angé and David Berliner, Berghahn Books, Inc., 2014. Inc., 2014.
Platt, Kevin. “After Nostalgia: A Backward Glance at a Backward Glance.”
Platt, Kevin “After Nostalgia: A Backward Glance at a Backward Glance.” Post-Soviet Nostalgia: Post-Soviet Nostalgia: Confronting the Empire’s Legacy Confronting the Empire’s Legacy, edited by Otto Boele, Boris Noordenbos, and Ksenia Robbe, Routledge, , edited by Otto Boele, Boris Noordenbos, and Ksenia Robbe, Routledge, 2020 2020.
Regulations Governing the Competition for Grants Provided by the
[The Regulations Governing the Competition for Grants Provided by the President of the Russian Federation for the Implementation of Projects in the Field of Culture, Arts, and President of the Russian Federation for the Implementation of Projects in the Field of Culture, Arts, and Creative Industries in 2021], Creative Industries in 2021],
Fund for Cultural Initiatives], 11 June 2021 for Cultural Initiatives], 11 June 2021.
Fund
DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND DREAMING OF DAVID BURLIUK: REGIONAL CULTURE PRODUCTION AND
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
MEMORY PRACTICE IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA
Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania) Anna Linetskaya (University of Pennsylvania)
«ПроблематикаИсследований Hero4Hero» [“The Research Focus of Hero4Hero”].
«ПроблематикаИсследований Hero4Hero» Research Focus of Hero4Hero”]. Hero4Hero Hero4Hero, https://hero4hero.ru/geliovoskhod. Accessed 5 Oct. 2023. , https://hero4hero ru/geliovoskhod
Проекты: Метацентры: ВладивостокбезОкраин [Projects: Meta Centers: Vladivostok
Проекты: Метацентры: ВладивостокбезОкраин [Projects: Meta Centers: Vladivostok without Suburbs], without Suburbs], ПрезидентскийФондКультурныхИнициатив [President’s Fund for Cultural ПрезидентскийФондКультурныхИнициатив [President’s Fund for Cultural Initiatives], https://xn--80aeeqaabljrdbg6a3ahhcl4ay9hsa.xn-- p1ai/public/application/item?id=bab1e702- Initiatives], https://xn--80aeeqaabljrdbg6a3ahhcl4ay9hsa.xn-- p1ai/public/application/item?id=bab1e7026911-4528-96ee-fca55c6eb655. Accessed 17 Oct. 2023. 6911-4528-96ee-fca55c6eb655. Accessed 17 Oct. 2023.
Schacter, Rafael “A Public Crisis/A Crisis of Publicness.” Schacter, Rafael. “A Public Crisis/A Crisis of Publicness.” Political Graffiti in Critical Times: The Political Graffiti in Critical Times: The Aesthetics of Street Politics, Aesthetics of Street Politics, edited by Ricardo Campos, et. al., Berghahn Book, Inc., 2021. edited by Campos, Book, Inc., 2021. Linetskaya 10 10
« 'Солнце' наЭгершельде: ктоикакделаетновыйарт-объектдляВладивостока» [“’The Sun” of Ègershel’d: Ins and Outs of Making the New Art Object for Vladivostok], Sun” of Ègershel’d: Ins and Outs of Making the New Art Object for Vladivostok], Новости Новости Владивостока [Vladivostok News] [Vladivostok News], https://vladivostok- news net/other/2023/09/23/339231.html , https://vladivostok- news.net/other/2023/09/23/339231.html. Accessed 4 Dec. 2023. 4 Dec. 2023.
Papers by Panels
PANEL VI: European Union: Enlargement, Migration, and PANEL VI: European Union: Enlargement, Migration, and Critical Belonging Critical Belonging
Chair: Chair: Gesine Weber Gesine Weber (King’s College London (UK)) (King’s College London (UK))
Faculty Discussant: Faculty Discussant: Dr. David Cameron, Dr. David Cameron, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Yale Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Yale University University
Migration has become a focal point in European policymaking, especially in the wake of the European Migration has become a focal in European policymaking, especially in the wake of the European Union's (EU) uncoordinated response to the surge of asylum seekers in 2015, which stemmed largely from Union's uncoordinated response to the surge of asylum seekers in 2015, which stemmed largely from the Syrian conflict. The EU has persistently tried to find ways to prevent similar images at the EU's the Syrian conflict The EU has persistently tried to find ways to prevent similar images at the EU's external borders. The new USD 8.1 million agreement with Egypt is only one example where migration external borders. The new USD 8.1 million agreement with Egypt is only one example where migration occupies a critical role in an EU policy initiative. (1) occupies a critical role in an EU policy initiative. (1)
Addressing the concerns of EU voters skeptical of migration ahead of the 2024 Parliamentary elections is the concerns of EU voters skeptical of migration ahead of the 2024 Parliamentary elections is not the sole motivation for addressing the migration challenges on Europe’s Mediterranean borders. With not the sole motivation for the migration challenges on Europe’s Mediterranean borders With 29,311 people having died or gone missing in the Mediterranean Sea on their way to Europe since 2014, it 29,311 people having died or gone missing in the Mediterranean Sea on their way to Europe since 2014, it stands as the deadliest migration route globally. (2) The current status quo, characterized by overcrowded stands as the deadliest migration route globally. (2) The current status quo, characterized by overcrowded refugee camps and border authorities resorting to illegal and violent measures to prevent asylum seekers refugee camps and border authorities resorting to illegal and violent to prevent asylum seekers from entering EU soil, fails to provide a viable solution. (3)(4) from EU soil, fails provide a viable solution. (3)(4)
A revised version of the EU-Türkiye deal on migration, first agreed on in 2016, has yet to be implemented
A revised version of the EU-Türkiye deal on migration, first agreed on in 2016, has yet to be implemented and can potentially serve as a model for managing migration into the EU in the future. (5) By cooperating and can potentially serve as a model for managing migration into the EU in the future (5) By cooperating with Türkiye, a transit country situated along the migration route to Europe, the EU aims to prevent the with Türkiye, a transit country situated along the migration route to Europe, the EU aims to prevent the unregulated entry of asylum seekers into its territory Whereas the externalization of migration management unregulated entry of asylum seekers its territory. Whereas the externalization of migration management
1 “EU Seals €7 4bn Deal with Egypt in Effort to Avert Another Migration Crisis | European Union | The Guardian,” accessed March 31, 2024,
1 “EU Seals €7 4bn Deal with Egypt in Effort to Avert Another Migration Crisis European | The Guardian,” accessed March 31, 2024, https://www theguardian com/world/2024/mar/17/egypt-eu-deal-refugees-mediterranean
3 “Refugee Camps on Greek Islands Are Once Again Overcrowded,”
3 “Refugee on Islands Are Again Le Monde Fr, October 7, 2023, https://www lemonde fr/en/international/article/2023/10/07/refugee-camps-on- October 2023, lemonde fr/en/international/article/2023/10/07/refugee-camps-ongreek-islands-are-once-again-overcrowded 6155562 4.html greek-islands-are-once-again-overcrowded 6155562 4.html
4 “EU Should Stop Illegal Migrant Pushbacks at Its Borders | Human Rights Watch,” December 8, 2022, https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/12/08/eu-should-stop-illegal-migrant-
4 “EU Should Stop Illegal Migrant Pushbacks at Its Borders | Human Rights Watch,” December 8, 2022, https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/12/08/eu-should-stop-illegal-migrantpushbacks-its-borders
5 European Parliament, “EU-TURKEY STATEMENT & ACTION PLAN | Legislative Train Schedule,” European Parliament, accessed April 1, 2024, 5 Parliament, & ACTION PLAN | Legislative Schedule,” European Parliament, accessed April 1, 2024, https://www europarl europa eu/legislative-train/theme-towards-a-new-policy-on-migration/file-eu-turkey-statement-action-plan
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE STATEMENT
to non-EU countries may present a starting point to solve the gridlock in migration policies, migrants must to non-EU may present a starting point to solve gridlock in migration migrants must be able to hold basic and human rights and the opportunity to apply for asylum in reception centers in be able to hold basic and human and the opportunity to apply for asylum in reception centers in Türkiye, in line with the United Nation’s 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Türkiye, in line with the United Nation’s 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol (“the Convention” hereinafter). (6) This paper lays out the premises for advancing a renewed Protocol (“the Convention” hereinafter). (6) This paper lays out the premises for advancing a renewed EU-Türkiye partnership that upholds states' legal obligations towards migrants while considering political EU-Türkiye partnership that upholds states' legal obligations towards migrants while considering political feasibility By ensuring that border management authorities adhere to international law, fostering an EU- feasibility. By ensuring that border authorities adhere to international law, fostering an EUTürkiye agreement grounded in fairness, impartial oversight, and humane treatment of migrants in agreement grounded in fairness, oversight, and humane treatment of migrants in reception centers, a renewed agreement between the EU and Türkiye can serve as a model for the EU's reception centers, a renewed agreement between the EU and Türkiye can serve as a model for the EU's externalization of migration policy. externalization of migration policy
Legal Considerations (7)
Legal Considerations (7)
The Convention’s non-refoulement principle serves as the backbone of the European migration/refugee
The Convention’s non-refoulement principle serves as backbone of the European migration/refugee and asylum system. A refugee cannot be brought back “in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of and system A refugee cannot be brought back “in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.” (8) All member states of the European membership of a particular social group or political opinion.” All member states of the European Union and Türkiye have ratified the Convention and are therefore bound to oblige to the international and Türkiye have ratified the Convention and therefore bound to oblige to the international treaty (9) The prohibition of refoulement has been acknowledged as customary international law, treaty. (9) The prohibition of refoulement has been acknowledged as customary international law, extending its powers and application even to states that are not part of the Convention. (10) Whereas the its powers and even to states that are not part of Convention. (10) Whereas the Convention provides the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) the definition of circumstances Convention provides the Common European Asylum System the definition of circumstances under which an individual can seek asylum, human rights instruments have the major legal tool in refugee under which an individual can seek asylum, human rights instruments have the major legal tool in refugee protection. (11)(12) protection. (11)(12)
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) sets out norms of justice that “accrue to individuals
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) sets out norms of justice that “accrue individuals as moral and legal persons in a worldwide civil society,” (13) adding a focus on individuals to existing as moral and legal persons in a civil society,” (13) adding a focus on individuals to existing international law that previously primarily concerned states and relations among them. The Declaration international law that concerned states and relations among them The Declaration presents the global community’s consensus that every human is equal across borders and nations. This presents the global community’s consensus that every human is equal across borders and nations. This
6
6 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (189 U N T.S. 150, Entered into Force April 22, 1954), United Nations, Convention Relating to the Status Refugees U N T.S. 150, Entered into Force April 22, 1954), United Nations, 1951, http://www1 umn edu/humanrts/instree/ainstls1 htm \ 1951, http://www1 umn edu/humanrts/instree/ainstls1 htm \
7 The EU border regime is rooted in a strict distinction between refugee and voluntary migrant As asylum is only granted to those people considered as refugees, the focus of this
7 The border regime is rooted in a strict distinction between and voluntary migrant As is granted the focus of this paper remains on law relevant for refugees The strict distinction between a ‘voluntary’ and ‘forced’ migrant, however, is not self-evident and presents a major challenge in adapting remains law for distinction between ‘ and migrant, however, presents adapting international legal structures to today’s migration relaties See Daniel Thym, international legal structures to today’s migration relaties See Daniel Thym, European Migration Law European Migration Law, 1st ed (Oxford University PressOxford, 2023), 1st ed (Oxford University PressOxford, 2023), https://doi org/10 1093/oso/9780192894274 001 0001 https://doi org/10 1093/oso/9780192894274 001 0001
8 Article 33, 8 33, Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (189 U.N T.S. 150, Entered into Force April 22, 1954) Convention Relating to Status of Refugees (189 U.N T.S. 150, Entered into Force April 22, 1954)
9 The Convention is actively cited by European courts, e g. Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), C-175/08 - Salahadin Abdulla and Others
9 is actively cited courts, e of of the Union (CJEU), Abdulla and Others
10 “Even in the absence of a specific provision, an implicit prohibition of refoulement has been inferred by treaty bodies from the other major human rights treaties Quite logically, absence of a specific provision, an prohibition of refoulement treaty from other major human Quite logically, its customary law nature has been acknowledged by the vast majority of the legal doctrine ” Vincent Chetail, “The Transnational Movement of Persons under General International its customary law nature has been acknowledged by the vast majority of the legal doctrine ” Chetail, “The Transnational of Persons under General International Law - Mapping the Customary Law Foundations of International Migration Law,” in Law Mapping the Law Foundations of International Migration Law,” in Research Handbook on International Law and Migration Research Handbook on International Law and Migration, ed Vincent Chetail and Céline Bauloz , ed Vincent Chetail and Céline Bauloz (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2014), https://doi org/10 4337/9780857930057.00005. p. 36 Publishing, https://doi 4337/9780857930057.00005. 36
11 “The Common European Asylum System sets out common standards and co-operation to ensure that asylum seekers are treated equally in an open and fair system – wherever
“The European System sets common and to asylum seekers treated in open and fair – wherever they apply ” , “Common European Asylum System - European Commission,” accessed March 22, 2024, https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/migration-and-asylum/common- they apply Asylum System - accessed March 22, https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/migration-and-asylum/commoneuropean-asylum-system en european-asylum-system en
12 Sean D Murphy, Sean D Murphy, Principles of International Law, Principles of International Law, 2nd ed, Concise Hornbook Series (St Paul, MN: Thomson/West, 2012) 2nd ed, Concise Hornbook Series (St Paul, MN: Thomson/West, 13 Seyla Benhabib, “The Philosophical Foundations of Cosmopolitan Norms,” in Benhabib, Foundations Cosmopolitan Norms,” Another Cosmopolitanism Cosmopolitanism, by Seyla Benhabib, ed Robert Post (Oxford University Press, 2006), , by Seyla Benhabib, Robert (Oxford University Press, 2006), 13–36, https://doi org/10 1093/acprof:oso/9780195183221.003.0002. p.13 https://doi 1093/acprof:oso/9780195183221.003.0002. p.13
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE STATEMENT
fundamental belief is reflected in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the belief is reflected in Covenant on Civil and Rights (ICCPR), the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the Charter of the Fundamental Right of the European European Convention on Human (ECHR), the Charter of the Fundamental Right of the European Union (CFREU) and the constitutional documents of the European Union. (14) (15) (16) (17) Signatories Union (CFREU) and the constitutional documents of the European Union. (14) (15) (16) (17) Signatories of the respective treaties – including EU member states and Türkiye – are obliged to uphold the legal of the respective treaties – including EU member states and Türkiye – are obliged to uphold the legal standards of these documents, for all individuals in their jurisdiction, including foreign migrants For standards of these documents, for all individuals in their jurisdiction, including foreign migrants. For example, Articles 2 and 3 of the ECtHR constrains states in their practice to turn individuals away from example, Articles 2 and 3 of the ECtHR constrains states in their practice to turn individuals away from their border. (18)(19)(20) The court rulings clarify that border authorities can and should be held their border. (18)(19)(20) The court rulings clarify that border can and should be held accountable for any prohibited actions, such as the use of violence or the illegal detention of migrants.(21) accountable for any prohibited actions, such as the use of violence or the detention of
However, a state’s commitment to upholding these legal obligations is complicated by its legitimate
However, a state’s commitment to upholding these legal obligations is complicated by its legitimate exercise of sovereignty through border security.(22) Whereas the UDHR outlines that “...everyone has the of sovereignty through border security.(22) Whereas the UDHR outlines that “...everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country”, there is no legal framework for right leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country”, there is no legal framework for migrants to move freely across borders.(23) European public security interests and border protection as migrants to move freely across borders.(23) European public security interests and border protection as part of a country’s sovereignty dominate migration policy and regulation, although the EU and Türkiye part of a sovereignty dominate migration policy and regulation, although the EU and Türkiye have agreed to the international law that grants migrants basic rights. have agreed to the international law that grants migrants basic rights
In December 2023, as a delayed reaction to the stark increase of migrant arrivals in 2015, the European December 2023, as a delayed reaction the stark of migrant arrivals in 2015, the European Council and the European Parliament agreed on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum “designed to Council and the European Parliament agreed on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum “designed to manage and normalize migration for the long term, providing certainty, clarity and decent conditions for manage and normalize migration for term, providing certainty, clarity and decent conditions for people arriving in the EU.” (24) In other words, the agreement aims to find a balance between the arriving in the EU ” (24) In other words, the agreement aims to find a balance between the aforementioned two legal principles – upholding the humane and fair treatment of migrants while aforementioned two legal principles – upholding the humane and fair treatment of migrants while maintaining an effective border regime that addresses security concerns of the European public and maintaining an effective border regime that addresses security concerns of the European public and policymakers (25) Whether the new regulation will uphold EU human right standards while addressing policymakers. (25) Whether the new regulation will uphold human right standards while addressing security concerns of the European public is heavily disputed and will depend on the implementation of the concerns of the European public is heavily disputed and will depend on the implementation of the
14 e g “( ) recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world
14 e g ) recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world ( )” Preamble, United Nations (General Assembly), “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” ( Preamble, Assembly), “International Covenant on Civil and Rights,” Treaty Series Treaty 999 (December 1966): 171 999 1966): 171
15 The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) oversees the protection of the rights spelled out in the ECHR EU member states and Türkiye are members of the ECtHR, making Human (ECtHR) of EU member states and making its judgements binding, Council of Europe, “Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms,” its judgements binding, Council of Europe, for the of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms,” Council of Europe Treaty Series Council of Europe Treaty 005 (Strasbourg: Council 005 (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 1950) of Europe, 1950)
16 European Union, 16 European Union, Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, Official Journal of the European Union C83 Charter Fundamental Rights of the European Union, Official Journal the European Union C83, vol 53 (Brussels: European Union, 2010) , vol 53 European Union, 2010)
17 European Union, European Consolidated Versions of the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union Consolidated of on European Union the Functioning European European Union, European Union, Consolidated Versions of of the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union Treaty European Union on Functioning of Union
18 Article 2 “(1) Everyone has the right to life (2) No one shall be condemned to the death penalty, or executed.”, Council of Europe, “Convention for the Protection of Human
18 Article 2 “(1) Everyone has the right to life (2) one shall be condemned to the death penalty, or executed.”, Council of Europe, “Convention for the of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ” Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ”
19 Article 3 “1 No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment ” Council of Europe
19 Article 3 one shall be torture to inhuman degrading treatment ” Council of Europe
20 e g ECtHR, B Y v Greece, application no 60990/14 g B Y Greece, application 60990/14
21 “Access to the Territory and Push Backs,” “Access to the Asylum Information Database | European Council on Refugees and Exiles Asylum Information European Council Refugees (blog), accessed March 31, 2024, March 31, 2024, https://asylumineurope org/reports/country/greece/asylum-procedure/access-procedure-and-registration/access-territory-and-push- backs/ https://asylumineurope org/reports/country/greece/asylum-procedure/access-procedure-and-registration/access-territory-and-push- backs/
22 K Hailbronner and J Gogolin,‘Aliens’, in Wolfrum (ed.),The Max Planck Encyclopedia of PublicInternational Law, https://opil-ouplaw- com.ezp-
22 K Hailbronner and J Gogolin,‘Aliens’, in Wolfrum (ed.),The Max Planck of PublicInternational Law, https://opil-ouplaw- com.ezpprod1 hul harvard edu/display/10 1093/law:epil/9780199231690/law-9780199231690-e744 prod1 harvard edu/display/10
23 Article 13, United Nations, “Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” United Nations (United Nations), accessed March 22, 2024, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal- 13, Nations, Declaration of Human Rights,” Nations (United Nations), accessed March https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universaldeclaration-of-human-rights declaration-of-human-rights
24 “New Pact on Migration and Asylum - European Commission,” March 12, 2024, https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/migration-and- asylum/new-pact-migration-and-
24 “New Pact on Migration and Asylum European Commission,” March 12, 2024, https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/policies/migration-and- asylum/new-pact-migration-andasylum en [the Pact on Migration hereinafter] en Pact on Migration hereinafter]
25 “EU Migration Pact Agreement Will Lead to a Surge in Suffering,” Amnesty International, December 20, 2023, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/eu-migration- Migration Agreement Will a in Amnesty International, 2023, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/eu-migrationpact-agreement-will-lead-to-a-surge-in-suffering/
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE STATEMENT
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW STATEMENT
Florian Dirmayer (Harvard University) Florian Dirmayer (Harvard University) Pact and the international agreements on migration. (26) Pact and the international agreements on migration. (26)
Political Considerations
Political Considerations
Out of the 873,700 individuals who sought asylum in the EU in 2022—comprising only 2 percent of all
Out of the 873,700 individuals who sought asylum in the EU in 2022—comprising only percent of all displaced people that year 76 percent are hosted by low- and middle-income countries outside the EU displaced people that year 76 percent are hosted by low- and middle-income countries outside the EU. (27) Meanwhile, for every US$135 the EU spends on processing an asylum seeker, only one US dollar is (27) Meanwhile, for every US$135 the EU spends on processing an asylum seeker, only one US dollar is allocated to a displaced individual in the developing world. (28) These figures underscore the European allocated to a displaced individual in the developing world. (28) These figures underscore European Union's capability to address irregular migration while ensuring equitable and humane treatment. Union's to address irregular migration while ensuring equitable and humane treatment
Yet, political will within the EU and Türkiye to prioritize the international legal framework for migrants is Yet, political will within the EU and Türkiye to prioritize the international legal framework for migrants is scarce (29) Centrist parties are striving to address populist political movements that exploit anti- migrant scarce. (29) Centrist parties are striving to address populist political movements that exploit migrant sentiment and seek to alleviate the security concerns of EU citizens (30) In what has become a trade-off and seek to alleviate the concerns of EU citizens. (30) In what has become a trade-off in the public sphere between the fair treatment of migrants at the border and the security concerns of EU in between the fair treatment of migrants at the border and the security concerns of EU citizens, the latter often takes precedence. citizens, the latter often takes precedence
A continuation of a binary treatment between European values and illegal migration will further continuation of a binary treatment between European values and illegal migration will further deteriorate public faith in strictly upholding international human rights at the EU external borders and deteriorate public faith strictly upholding international human rights at the EU external borders and solidarity between EU member states (31) The impasse in finding political compromises across parties solidarity between EU member states. (31) The impasse in finding political compromises across parties and a continuously high number of crises in the EU’s Eastern and Southern neighborhoods have led to an a continuously number crises in EU’s Eastern and Southern neighborhoods have to an externalization of European migration management. The underlying idea of the partnerships is to externalization of European migration management The underlying idea of the partnerships is to financially support and compensate countries for withholding migrants from traveling further into Europe. financially support and compensate countries for withholding migrants from traveling further into Europe The cooperation with neighboring countries has made migration politics part of the EU’s international
The cooperation with neighboring countries has made migration politics part of the EU’s international relations and elevated the issue to a geopolitical level. (32) (33) relations and elevated the issue to a geopolitical level. (32) (33)
Based on international legal frameworks, the New Pact on Migration and the EU policy of externalization,
Based on international legal frameworks, the New Pact on Migration and the EU policy of externalization,
26 Examining the five regulations that are part of the Pact, four specific measures raise serious doubts on their alignment with international human rights and refugee law i)
Examining the are the Pact, measures raise serious doubts on alignment with human i) Screening procedure that risk a mass detention at the border in the light of long waiting times ii) Accelerated asylum procedures known as border procedures that aim to determine Screening procedure that risk a mass detention at the border in the light of long waiting times ii) Accelerated asylum procedures known as border procedures that to determine refugee status with less legal support for asylum seekers and within a shorter timeline that do not exclude families and children iii) A provision that allows EU member states to refugee status with less legal support for asylum seekers and within a shorter timeline that do not exclude families and children iii) A provision that allows EU member states to bypass rules set out in the Pact and does not further define a crisis event iv) The presumption that a country is considered as ‘safe’ for the determination of refugee status if it has rules out in Pact does not define crisis event iv) presumption that is considered for the determination refugee it has concluded an agreement on migration with the EU, see “What Is the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum? | International Rescue Committee (IRC),” December 21, 2023, an agreement on with Is the Pact on | Committee (IRC),” 2023, https://www rescue org/eu/article/what-eu-pact-migration-and-asylum org/eu/article/what-eu-pact-migration-and-asylum
27 “Asylum Applications - Annual Statistics,” accessed March 31, 2024, https://ec europa eu/eurostat/statistics- explained/index.php?title=Asylum applications - annual statistics
27 “Asylum Applications Annual Statistics,” accessed March 31, 2024, https://ec europa eu/eurostat/statistics- explained/index.php?title=Asylum applications - annual
28 Alexander Betts and Paul Collier,
28 Alexander Betts and Paul Collier, Refuge: Rethinking Refugee Policy in a Changing World Refuge: Refugee Policy in a World (New York, N Y: Oxford University Press, 2017) (New York, N Y: Oxford University Press,
29 31 percent of EU citizens “think immigration from outside the EU is more of a problem or more of an opportunity.” “Integration of Immigrants in the European Union - April
29 31 percent of EU citizens “think immigration from EU is of or of opportunity.” “Integration of Immigrants in the Union - April
30 Eva G T Green et al , “When Integration Policies Shape the Impact of Intergroup Contact on Threat Perceptions: A Multilevel Study across 20 European Countries,” G T et al , “When Integration Policies Shape the Impact of Intergroup Contact on Threat Perceptions: A Multilevel Study across 20 Journal of Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies Ethnic and Migration Studies 46, no 3 (February 17, 2020): 631–48, https://doi org/10.1080/1369183X.2018.1550159 46, no 3 (February 17, 2020): 631–48, https://doi org/10.1080/1369183X.2018.1550159
31 Dimitris Kairidis, Greek Minister for Migration and Asylum,
31 Dimitris Kairidis, Greek Minister for Migration and 10th Harvard European Conference 10th Harvard European Conference February 10, 2024 10, 2024
32 Thym, European Migration Law p 343 p
33 Jennifer Hyndman, “The Geopolitics of Migration and Mobility,” Hyndman, “The Geopolitics 17, no 2 (April 2012): 243–55, https://doi org/10 1080/14650045.2011.569321 17, 2 (April 2012): https://doi
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL
LEGAL
AND
POLITICAL
REALITIES FOR A NEW STATEMENT
AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE STATEMENT
this paper presents three major steps to improve EU-Türkiye cooperation on migration led by two this paper presents three major steps to improve cooperation on migration led by two priorities: preventing deaths on migration routes and upholding an asylum system that is sensitive to fair priorities: preventing deaths on migration routes and upholding an asylum system that is sensitive to fair treatment and decent conditions for migrants. treatment and decent conditions for migrants.
Ensure accountability of border authorities.
Ensure accountability of border authorities
For as long as borders define state sovereignty, migrants’ interactions with border management will For as long as borders define state sovereignty, migrants’ interactions with border will continue. It is thus imperative that any wrongdoings inflicted by border agencies are addressed legally, continue. It is thus imperative that any wrongdoings inflicted by border agencies are addressed legally, e.g., through enforcement Article 3 of the ECHR, which has already been invoked against both EU and e g , through enforcement Article 3 of the ECHR, which has already been invoked against both EU and Turkish authorities. (34)(35) Holding border authorities accountable to international law standards that Turkish authorities. (34)(35) Holding border authorities accountable to international law standards that prohibit violence against migrants is critical to ensure a decent treatment of migrants and establishing fair prohibit violence against migrants is critical to ensure a decent of migrants and establishing fair “law-and-order” policies (36) “law-and-order” policies. (36)
Create a EU-Türkiye partnership based on fairness and impartial oversight. Create EU-Türkiye partnership based on fairness and impartial oversight. If done right, refugee reception centers in Türkiye that are close to the Syrian border can offer such a If done right, refugee reception centers in Türkiye that are close to the Syrian border can offer such a solution. The EU should invest in these refugee receptions centers to provide decent living conditions for solution. The EU should invest in these refugee receptions centers to provide decent living conditions for a temporal stay of migrants and expand pathways to apply for asylum in the EU. a temporal stay of migrants and expand pathways to apply for asylum the EU.
In forming a partnership, the EU should ensure that Türkiye does not only become a gatekeeper for the
In forming a partnership, the EU should ensure that Türkiye does only become a gatekeeper for the EU’s external borders in return for financial transactions. In choosing its partners, the EU should clarify external borders in return for financial transactions. In choosing its partners, the EU should clarify that the treatment of migrants is an integral part of any migration deal with the EU. Türkiye’s ratification that the treatment of migrants is an integral part of any migration deal with the EU Türkiye’s ratification of the Convention and the ECHR offers additional bargaining power to implement accountability of the Convention and the ECHR offers additional bargaining power to implement accountability measures on the treatment of displaced people. (37) The EU must be able to have confidence that its measures on the of displaced people. (37) The EU must be able to have confidence that its partner countries fulfill the criteria of a ‘safe country’ in line with Article 33 of the Convention. (38) partner countries fulfill the criteria of ‘safe country’ in line with Article 33 of the Convention. (38)
Based on the initial version of the statement in 2016, Türkiye should agree to take back irregular migrants
Based on the initial version of the statement in 2016, Türkiye should agree to take back irregular migrants from Greece, disincentivizing individuals to take up the life-endangering journey across the Aegean Sea. from Greece, disincentivizing individuals to take up the life-endangering journey across the Aegean Sea In return, the EU must clarify a clear commitment to solidarity. Beyond providing financial aid for hosting In return, the EU must clarify a clear commitment to solidarity. Beyond providing financial aid for hosting displaced individuals temporarily, Turkish citizens could be granted visa facilitations to the EU, making displaced individuals temporarily, Turkish citizens could be granted visa facilitations to the EU, making cooperation with the EU more appealing. The EU must also fulfill its promise to resettle an agreed number cooperation with the more appealing. The EU must also fulfill its promise to resettle an agreed number
34 Katy Fallon, “Revealed: EU Border Agency Involved in Hundreds of Refugee Pushbacks,” Agency Refugee Pushbacks,” The Guardian, April 28, 2022, sec Global development, April 28, 2022, Global development, https://www theguardian com/global-development/2022/apr/28/revealed-eu-border-agency-involved-in-hundreds-of-refugee- pushbacks pushbacks
35 e g ECtHR, Sharifi and Others v Italy and Greece, application no. 16643/09 and ECtHR, Akkad V. Turkey, application no. 1557/19
35 e g ECtHR, Sharifi and Others v Italy and Greece, application no. 16643/09 and ECtHR, Akkad Turkey, application no. 1557/19
36 “New EU Border Chief Vows to Clean up Frontex Agency as Migrant Numbers Surge,” POLITICO, May 12, 2023, https://www.politico.eu/article/new-eu-border-chief-hans-
36 “New EU Border Chief Vows to Clean up Frontex Agency as Migrant Numbers Surge,” POLITICO, May 12, 2023, https://www.politico.eu/article/new-eu-border-chief-hanslleijtens-vow-clean-up-frontex-agency-migrant-number-surge/ eijtens-vow-clean-up-frontex-agency-migrant-number-surge/
37 “Statewatch | At What Cost? Funding the EU’s Security, Defence, and Border Policies, 2021–2027,” accessed April 2, 2024, https://www.statewatch.org/publications/reports-and- | At EU’s Security, Defence, and 2024, https://www.statewatch.org/publications/reports-andbooks/at-what-cost-funding-the-eu-s-security-defence-and-border-policies-2021-2027/
38 On the plans of the UK to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, the Supreme Court ruled that the externalization of the asylum process does not violate the Convention or ECHR per
38 On the plans of the UK to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, the Supreme Court ruled that the externalization of the asylum process does not violate the Convention or ECHR per se, however, found the government’s policy unlawful on the basis of Article 33 ( se, however, found the policy unlawful on the basis of Article 33 non-refoulment non-refoulment) of the Convention: “( ) we conclude that the Court of Appeal was correct to reverse ) of the Convention: “( we conclude that the Court of was correct to reverse the decision of the Divisional Court, and was entitled to find that there are substantial grounds for believing that the removal of the claimants to Rwanda would expose them to a real of Divisional Court, was entitled that there believing the removal of Rwanda would a real risk of ill-treatment by reason of refoulement ” Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, Case R (on the application of AAA and others) (Respondents/Cross Appellants) v Secretary of of of refoulement Supreme Court of Case (on of AAA others) (Respondents/Cross of State for the Home Department (Appellant/Cross Respondent), Case ID: 2023/0093 State for the Home Department (Appellant/Cross Respondent),
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL
AND
POLITICAL
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE
REALITIES FOR A NEW STATEMENT
STATEMENT
Florian Dirmayer (Harvard University) Florian Dirmayer (Harvard University) of displaced people who have been granted asylum to the EU from reception centers at the Turkish-Syrian of displaced people who have been granted asylum to the EU from reception centers at the Turkish-Syrian border (39) Making use of the UNHCR’s core function to oversee the implementation of the Convention, border. (39) Making use of the UNHCR’s core function to the implementation of the Convention, the EU should include the organization in the agreement as an impartial actor that oversees the agreement the EU should include the organization in the agreement as an impartial actor that oversees the agreement on both sides. The UN body presents the adequate entity to supervise the application of the Convention on sides. The UN body presents the adequate entity to supervise of the Convention and international human rights law, making sure that external asylum processes do not become ‘legal and international human rights law, making sure that external asylum processes do not become ‘legal black holes’.(40) The EU’s financial support to Türkiye for accommodating migrants temporarily must be black holes’ (40) The EU’s financial support to Türkiye for accommodating migrants temporarily must be contingent on the UNHCR’s recommendations to incentivize border authorities on both sides to adhere contingent on the UNHCR’s recommendations to incentivize border authorities on both sides to adhere international refugee law (41) international refugee law. (41)
Allocate sufficient resources for the treatment of migrants in reception centers. sufficient for the treatment of migrants in reception centers. In regards to the New Pact on Migration and Asylum’s border procedures, it is critical to ensure that In regards to the New Pact on Migration and Asylum’s border procedures, it is critical to ensure that sufficient legal resources are made available for asylum seekers, so they are informed about their rights to sufficient legal resources are made available for asylum seekers, so they are informed about their rights to be granted asylum.(42) Staff on the ground must be able to process asylum claims swiftly, so that asylum- be granted asylum.(42) Staff on the ground must be able to process asylum claims swiftly, so that asylumseekers are not detained for an unreasonable amount of time, in line with Article 31(2) and Article 5(4) of seekers not detained for an unreasonable amount of time, in line with Article 31(2) and Article 5(4) of the Convention (43) (44) the Convention. (43) (44)
While economic destitution may contribute to the forced displacement of migrants, it does not categorize
While economic destitution may contribute to the forced displacement of migrants, it does not categorize them as 'refugees' under the current definition of the Convention. (45) The Convention explicitly identifies them as 'refugees' under the current definition of the Convention. (45) The Convention explicitly identifies persecution by states as the legitimate grounds for seeking asylum. (46) The reluctance to expand refugee persecution by states as the legitimate grounds for seeking asylum. (46) The reluctance to expand refugee protection due to a lack of political will makes amending the current Convention improbable Indeed, a protection due to a lack of political will makes amending the current Convention improbable. Indeed, a treaty modification could provoke significant backlash regarding the protection of displaced individuals, treaty modification could provoke significant backlash regarding the protection of displaced individuals, potentially opening a Pandora's box of challenges.(47) However, existing court rulings by the ECtHR potentially a Pandora's box of challenges.(47) However, court rulings by ECtHR offer a potential solution to this dilemma. In the case of refugee camps in Kenya and Somalia, the court offer a potential solution to this dilemma In the case of refugee camps in Kenya and Somalia, the court has concluded that “extreme poverty or destitute living conditions may also amount to a violation of has concluded that “extreme poverty or destitute living conditions may also amount to a violation of Article 3,” which prohibits torture or degrading treatment.(48)This ruling recognizes that reasons for Article 3,” which prohibits torture or degrading treatment.(48)This ruling recognizes that reasons for displacement can extend beyond the well-founded fear of persecution outlined in the Convention. displacement can extend beyond the well-founded fear of persecution outlined in the Convention.
39 “EU-Turkey Statement 2 0,” European Stability Initiative | ESI, accessed March 31, 2024, https://www.esiweb.org/proposals/eu-turkey- statement-20 “EU-Turkey Statement 2 European Stability | accessed March 2024, https://www.esiweb.org/proposals/eu-turkey- statement-20
40 Itamar Mann, “Maritime Legal Black Holes: Migration and Rightlessness in International Law,”
40 Itamar Mann, “Maritime Legal Black Holes: Migration and Rightlessness in International Law,” European Journal of International Law Journal of International Law 29, no 2 (July 23, 2018): 347–72, 29, no 2 (July 23, 2018): 347–72, https://doi org/10 1093/ejil/chy029
41 “Turkey: No Safe Refuge: Asylum-Seekers and Refugees Denied Effective Protection in Turkey - Amnesty International,” accessed March 31, 2024, “Turkey: No Safe and Refugees Effective Protection in Turkey - Amnesty International,” accessed March 31, 2024, https://www amnesty org/en/documents/eur44/3825/2016/en/ org/en/documents/eur44/3825/2016/en/
42 “New Pact on Migration and Asylum - European Commission.”
42 “New Pact on Migration and Asylum - European Commission.”
43 Article 31(2), “The Contracting States shall not apply to the movements of such refugees restrictions other than those which are necessary and such restrictions shall only be
43 Article 31(2), “The Contracting States shall not apply to the movements of such refugees restrictions other than those which are necessary and such restrictions shall only be applied until their status in the country is regularized or they obtain admission into another country The Contracting States shall allow such refugees a reasonable period and all the applied status in country is or they obtain admission into another Contracting States shall allow refugees period and the necessary facilities to obtain admission into another country.” facilities obtain admission into another country.” Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (189 U.N T.S. 150, Entered into Force April 22, 1954) to (189 U.N Force 22, 1954)
44 Article 5(4), “Everyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings by which the lawfulness of his detention shall be decided speedily 5(4), “Everyone who is deprived of by arrest shall be entitled to proceedings by the lawfulness of decided speedily by a court and his release ordered if the detention is not lawful ” Council of Europe, “Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.” by a court and his release ordered if the detention is not lawful ” Council of Europe, “Convention for the of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.”
45 Michelle Foster, 45 Michelle Foster, International Refugee Law and Socio-Economic Rights: Refuge from Deprivation International Law and Socio-Economic Rights: Refuge Deprivation, 1st pbk ed, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law , 1st ed, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009) ; York: Press, 2009)
46 The 1951 Refugee Convention, being a product of post-World War II Europe has been exposed to increasing criticism whether its sharp distinction between refugee and The 1951 Convention, a product post-World War Europe has been exposed to its and ‘voluntary migrant’ reflects current realities see Metin Çorabatır and Hale Özen, “At 70, Has the 1951 Refugee Convention Seen Its Day?,” ‘voluntary reflects current realities see Metin Çorabatır and Hale Özen, “At Has the 1951 Refugee Convention Seen Day?,” International Migration International Migration 59, no 3 (June 59, no 3 (June 2021): 245–47, https://doi org/10 1111/imig 12858 2021): 245–47, https://doi org/10 1111/imig 12858
47 Reinhard Marx, “The European Union’s Plan to Amend the ‘First Country of Asylum’ and ‘Safe Third Country’ Concepts,”
47 Reinhard Marx, “The European Union’s Plan to Amend the ‘First Country of Asylum’ and ‘Safe Third Country’ International Journal of Refugee Law International Journal of Refugee Law 31, no 4 31, no 4 (December 31, 2019): 580–96, https://doi org/10 1093/ijrl/eeaa002 (December 31, 2019): 580–96, org/10
48 “European Court of Human Rights, ‘Asylum,’” accessed March 31, 2024, https://www echr.coe int/documents/d/echr/COURTalks Asyl Talk ENG. p.7 Court of Human Rights, March 31, 2024, https://www echr.coe Asyl ENG. p.7
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
CAN THE EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION POLICY WORK? ASSESSING
LEGAL AND POLITICAL REALITIES FOR A NEW EU-TÜRKIYE STATEMENT
Given the challenges of amending current international treaties, leveraging litigation based on the
ECtHR's rulings provides an opportunity to broaden refugee protection.
Given the challenges of amending current international treaties, litigation based on the ECtHR's rulings provides an opportunity to broaden refugee protection.
In 2016, third-country cooperation with Türkiye was a last resort for the EU to regain control over border 2016, third-country cooperation with Türkiye was a last resort for the EU to regain control over border management in the Aegean Updates to this cooperation should not be driven by an emergency but by management in the Aegean. Updates to this cooperation should not be driven by an emergency but by establishing an orderly process that builds on the genuine cooperation between two neighboring establishing an orderly process that builds on the genuine cooperation between two neighboring international actors. A renewed cooperation agreement presents an opportunity to align the upholding of actors. A renewed cooperation agreement presents an opportunity to align upholding of the rights of migrants with the security concerns of the European public. It lives up to the moral and legal the rights of migrants with the security concerns of the European public It lives up to the moral and legal obligations to provide protection for people who are in the need of it, and at the same time, prevents a obligations to provide protection for people who are in the need of it, and at the same time, prevents a situation of unregulated migration that has led to the deaths of thousands of people in the Mediterranean. situation of unregulated migration that has led to the deaths of thousands of people in the Mediterranean.
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Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) states that “Any European State” which respects the
Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) states that “Any European State” which respects the core values (listed in Article 2, TEU) of the European Union (EU) “may apply to become a member.” In core values (listed in Article 2, TEU) of the European Union (EU) “may apply to become a member.” In 1998, a briefing paper clarified that there is “no unequivocal interpretation” of what is meant by a 1998, a briefing paper clarified that there “no unequivocal interpretation” of what is meant by a European state and that it is “at all events a criterion subject to political assessment” (European and that “at all a criterion subject to political assessment” (European Parliament, 1998). There are of course accession criteria, established by the Copenhagen European Parliament, 1998). There are of course criteria, established by the Copenhagen European Council in 1993, which specify political and economic requirements for in 1993, which specify political and economic requirements for membership membership in the EU. However, in the EU However, beyond (and prior to) that there is also a more implicit question of what makes a state European. In the beyond prior to) that there is also a more implicit question of what makes a state European. In the history of European integration, only four applications by three states have been rejected: the U.K. in 1961 history of European integration, only four applications by three states have been rejected: the U.K. in 1961 and 1967, Spain in 1962, and Morocco in 1987. But there is a critical difference between the first three and 1967, Spain 1962, and Morocco 1987. But there is critical difference between the first three cases and the rejection of Morocco The U.K.’s accession was vetoed twice by French President Charles and the of Morocco. The U.K.’s accession was vetoed twice by French President Charles De Gaulle based on the concern that letting the British join would increase the American influence in the De Gaulle based on the concern that letting join would increase American in the EEC, given the close ties between the two countries (Troitiño et. al., 2018). Spain, still under the rule of EEC, given the close ties between the two countries et al., 2018) Spain, still under the rule of Francisco Franco, was rejected for not being a democracy. In neither case, however, the European status Francisco Franco, was rejected for not being a democracy. In neither case, however, the European status of the applicant was doubted. Morocco’s application, on the other hand, was rejected outright because it of the applicant was doubted. Morocco’s application, on the other hand, was rejected outright because it was not (geographically) Europe was not (geographically) Europe.
But while nominally it is geography that makes a state European and therefore eligible to apply for EU
But while nominally it geography that makes a European and therefore to apply EU membership, and it is the economic and political capacity of the applicant state that makes it ready for membership, and it is the economic and political capacity of the applicant state that makes it ready for accession, both the decision to grant candidacy status first and full membership afterward appears to accession, both the decision to grant candidacy status first and full membership afterward appears to involve a complex interplay of various criteria. Geography is not as ‘common sense’ of a criterion as some involve a complex interplay of various criteria. Geography is not as ‘common sense’ of a criterion as some may think; while Europe may possess a natural border in the west, the question of where Europe ends in may think; while Europe may possess a natural border in the west, the question of where Europe ends
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Murad Gafarov (University of Florida) Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
the east is not always as clear-cut. J. G. A. Pocock (2002), for example, argues that the whole premise of the east is not always as clear-cut. J. G. A. Pocock for example, argues that the whole premise of Europe as a continent distinct from Asia could never escape arbitrariness Similarly, Shane Weller (2021) Europe as a continent distinct from Asia could never escape arbitrariness. Similarly, Shane Weller (2021) suggests that Europe’s eastern frontier can only be determined politically (p. 161) Moreover, other ways suggests that Europe’s eastern frontier can only be determined politically (p. 161). Moreover, other ways of defining Europe, based on cultural, religious, or ethnic criteria, are even more ambiguous, as each defining Europe, based on cultural, religious, or ethnic criteria, are even more as each carries different implications about its frontiers. Indeed, historically, the relative salience of these factors carries different about its frontiers Indeed, historically, the relative salience of these factors has varied significantly, resulting in a shifting European ‘frontier’, and contributing to certain spaces has varied significantly, resulting in a shifting European ‘frontier’, and contributing to certain spaces being ‘in-and-out' of Europe, depending on the historical period (Wolff 1994). being ‘in-and-out' of Europe, depending on the historical period (Wolff 1994).
There is no single answer to what Europe is and who Europeans are (Wiesner & Schmidt- Gleim, 2019) There is no single answer to what Europe is and who Europeans are (Wiesner & Schmidt- Gleim, 2019).
The idea of Europe is, in a sense, dialectical (Weller, 2021, p. 12). However, the conclusions that studies
The of Europe is, in a sense, dialectical (Weller, 2021, p. 12). However, the conclusions that studies of the idea of Europe draw are often at odds with the politics of the EU. Particularly, EU enlargements of the idea of Europe draw are often at odds with the politics of the EU Particularly, EU enlargements constantly push to question who, and based on what criteria, belongs to Europe. This, however, is a constantly push to question who, and based on what criteria, belongs to Europe This, however, is a question with no easy answer, as the idea of who belongs to Europe remains open and depends on how question with no easy answer, as the idea of who belongs to Europe remains open and depends on how ‘Europeanness’ is interpreted In what follows, I discuss how the idea of Europe has been interpreted in ‘Europeanness’ is interpreted. In what follows, I discuss how the idea of Europe has been interpreted in the context of the European integration project, and how it defines who ‘belongs’ to Europe the context of the European integration project, and how it defines who ‘belongs’ to Europe.
The project of European integration, from the inception of the European Coal and Steel Community
The project of European integration, from the inception of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951, has been closely associated with Europe as such. When speaking of the establishment of in 1951, has been closely associated with Europe as such. When speaking of the establishment of the first supranational institutions, Jean Monnet (1952) proclaimed that it was ‘the building of Europe’ the first supranational institutions, Jean Monnet (1952) proclaimed that it was ‘the building of Europe’ that was taking place This “claim to Europe” (Krumrey, 2016) was a clear exaggeration. First, in the that was taking place. This “claim to Europe” (Krumrey, 2016) was clear exaggeration. First, the initial stages of the European integration project, its scope remained limited to a particular set of economic initial stages of the European integration project, its scope remained limited to a particular set of economic issues. The most important task at the time was to guarantee a long-term peaceful co-existence between issues. The most important task the time was guarantee a between Germany and France and not an integration of the whole of Europe. Second, the founding of the ECSC Germany and France and not an integration of the whole of Europe Second, the founding of the ECSC was at the time when much of Central and Eastern Europe, including half of Germany, remained under was at the time when much of Central and Eastern Europe, including half of Germany, remained under Soviet control. Third, even some of those who supported integration, like the U.K., initially preferred to Soviet control. Third, even some of those who supported integration, like the U.K., initially preferred to remain outside of it The Treaty establishing ECSC clarified that “Any European State may request to remain outside of it. The Treaty establishing ECSC clarified that “Any European State may request to accede to the present Treaty” (Article 98) The question of what “European” meant, however, was accede the present Treaty” (Article 98). The question of what “European” meant, however, was irrelevant. It was clear to those involved in the project, (1) and there was no need to interpret it further, as It was clear to those involved in the project, (1) and there was no need interpret it further, as other European states either could not or did not want to join. other European states either could not or did not want to join.
The success of the ECSC pushed the integration process forward. In 1957, the Treaty of Rome established the European Economic Community (EEC) While it significantly extended areas of economic the European Economic Community (EEC). While significantly extended areas of economic cooperation, it included the same six countries, and most of Europe remained outside of it However, the cooperation, it included the same countries, and of Europe remained outside of it. However, the prospect of economic benefits, especially with the inclusion of the agricultural policy, attracted more prospect of economic benefits, especially with inclusion the agricultural attracted more attention to the EEC. The U.K., in particular, was forced to reconsider the costs of non-membership and attention to the EEC The U K , in particular, was forced to reconsider the costs of non-membership and applied to join in 1961. The application was vetoed by De Gaulle, mainly due to Britain’s close ties with applied to join in 1961 The application was vetoed by De Gaulle, mainly due to Britain’s close ties with
The success of the ECSC pushed the integration process forward. In 1957, the Treaty of Rome established
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Murad Gafarov (University of Florida) Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
the U.S. (Troitiño et. al., 2018) This rejection did not force any reflection on the nature of membership in the U.S. (Troitiño et. al., 2018) This rejection did not force any reflection on the nature of membership in the EEC, let alone the question of what ‘European’ meant The veto was De Gaulle’s own geopolitical the EEC, let alone the question of what ‘European’ meant. The veto was De Gaulle’s own geopolitical considerations and not a failure to meet some kind of criteria or idea of ‘Europeanness.’ considerations and not failure some kind of criteria or idea of ‘Europeanness.’
It was a different story when a year later a bid to join the EEC came from Spain, still under the rule of
It was a different story when a year later a bid to join the EEC came from Spain, still under the rule of Franco. The Foreign Minister of Spain, Fernando María Castielle, reached out to Walter Hallstein, hoping Franco The Foreign Minister of Spain, Fernando María Castielle, reached out to Walter Hallstein, hoping to initiate accession negotiations. Castiella (1962) adhered to common interest and “the European vocation to initiate accession negotiations. Castiella (1962) adhered to common interest and “the European vocation of Spain,” emphasizing the importance of economic cooperation between Spain and the rest of Europe to of Spain,” emphasizing the importance of economic cooperation between Spain and the rest of Europe to achieve “cohesion” and “solidarity” on the continent While leaders of Germany and France were open to achieve “cohesion” and “solidarity” on the continent. While leaders of Germany and France to considering Spain for membership, they yielded to pressure from the Benelux countries and some of the considering Spain for yielded to pressure the Benelux countries and some of the Members of the European Parliament, who insisted that a non-democratic regime could not be part of the Members of the European Parliament, who insisted that a non-democratic regime could not be part of the EEC (Thomas, 2007). During the Fourth Congress of the European Movement in June 1962, (2) a EEC (Thomas, 2007) During the Fourth Congress of the European Movement in June 1962, (2) a resolution to reject the request from Spain was approved, demanding “a democratic system in Spain resolution to reject the request from Spain was approved, demanding “a democratic system in Spain before any accession or association” could be possible (Peñas, 2015, p. 1). before any or association” could be possible (Peñas, 2015, p. 1).
Evidently, “Any European State” could not join. It also had to be a democratic state. The rejection of “Any European State” could join. It also had to be a state. The of Spain was the first time that democracy became explicitly tied to membership in the EEC. The importance Spain was the first time that democracy became explicitly tied to membership in the EEC The importance of this decision should not be underestimated. This was also the time when the European integration of this decision should not be underestimated. This was also the time when the European integration project was beginning to lean more towards political, in addition to economic, cooperation. And even project was beginning to lean more towards political, in addition to economic, cooperation. And even though the first efforts to establish common foreign and security policy failed, the idea that Europe needs though the first efforts establish common foreign and security policy failed, the idea that Europe needs a common political identity was emerging (Wouters, 2020) Over time, the connection between a common political identity was (Wouters, 2020). Over time, the between democracy and European integration, which the application of Spain highlighted, only deepened, so much and European integration, which application of Spain highlighted, only so much so that democracy became not only an accession criterion but the very essence of European identity. The so that democracy became not an accession criterion but the very essence of European identity. The ‘Declaration on European Identity’ (1973), which was composed immediately after the first enlargement, ‘Declaration on European Identity’ which was composed immediately after the first enlargement, stated that defending democratic principles and values constituted “the ultimate goal of economic stated that defending democratic principles and values constituted “the ultimate goal of economic progress ” It was not until the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997 that the condition of respecting core democratic progress.” It was until the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997 that the condition of respecting core democratic principles became part of the treaties, but none of the countries that joined before this formalization of the principles became part of the treaties, but none of the that joined before this formalization of the requirement could do so before they democratized. requirement could do so before they democratized.
The formulation “Any European State,” however, remained without specification. It was clear that being
The formulation “Any European State,” however, remained without specification. It was clear that being European was not sufficient on its own. But it was also logical that respecting principles did not matter if European was not sufficient on its own. But it was also logical that respecting principles did not matter if the state was not European When Morocco applied, it was far from many standards of democracy and the state was not European. When Morocco applied, it was far from many standards of democracy and was experiencing politically turbulent times (Moutadayene, 2001) However, the rejection of its was experiencing politically turbulent times (Moutadayene, 2001). However, the rejection of its application was clearly based on geography; after all, when Spain was rejected, it was also communicated was clearly based on geography; after all, when Spain was rejected, was also communicated to them that there were criteria they would have to meet. The rejection of Morocco was permanent. to them that there were criteria they would have to meet. The rejection of Morocco was permanent
Despite the fact that the geographic distance between Spain and Morocco is only eight miles, the Strait of
Despite the fact that the geographic distance between Spain and Morocco is only eight miles, the Strait of
2 See MacLennan (2000) 2 See MacLennan (2000)
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Murad Gafarov (University of Florida) Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
Gibraltar separates Europe from Africa, effectively excluding Morocco from membership in a European Gibraltar separates Europe from Africa, effectively excluding Morocco from membership in a European club Similarly, the Atlantic and the Arctic Oceans constitute Europe’s ‘natural’ frontiers in the West and club. Similarly, the Atlantic and the Arctic Oceans constitute Europe’s ‘natural’ frontiers in the West and in the North respectively However, Europe’s eastern frontier has no natural limit The idea of how far the North respectively. However, Europe’s eastern frontier has no natural limit. The idea of how far Europe extends in the east has fluctuated throughout history. Many spaces in Central and Eastern Europe, Europe in the east has fluctuated throughout history. Many spaces in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as Russia, have historically been ‘in-and-out' of Europe, largely depending on the time period and as well as Russia, have historically been ‘in-and-out' of Europe, largely depending on the time period and the idea of Europe being invoked. Geography thus offers little help in determining who is European, as the idea of Europe being invoked Geography thus offers little help in determining who is European, as there is no clear sense of where Europe ends. Today, Turkey, despite the frozen negotiation status, is an there is no clear sense of where Europe ends. Today, Turkey, despite the frozen negotiation status, is an EU candidate; however, for centuries, Turks have represented ‘the other’ against which Europe was candidate; however, for centuries, Turks have represented ‘the other’ against which Europe was defined (Weller, 2021) defined (Weller, 2021).
In the context of the EU, being European has come to be associated with being democratic. This is the
In the context of the EU, being European has come to be associated with being democratic This is the criterion that guides the EU’s expansion eastward. Certainly, from a normative perspective, this idea of criterion that guides the EU’s expansion eastward. Certainly, from a normative perspective, this idea of Europe is far more inclusive than ideas from the past. Although a predominantly Muslim country has yet Europe is far more inclusive than ideas from the past. Although a predominantly Muslim country has yet to join the EU, Europe is no longer defined as exclusively Christian (at least outside of the right-wing join the EU, Europe no longer defined as exclusively Christian (at least outside of the right-wing discourse) A claim made by Richard Coundehove-Kalergi (1926), the founder of the Pan-European discourse). A claim made by Richard Coundehove-Kalergi (1926), the founder of the Pan-European movement in the interwar years, only a century ago that Europe is a civilization of white people, today is movement in the interwar years, only a century ago that Europe is a of white people, today is unacceptable. Nonetheless, tying European identity to democratic principles and values does not solve the unacceptable Nonetheless, tying European identity to democratic principles and values does not solve the issue of belonging that arbitrarily pushes some states out. Democracy can be an accession criterion; issue of belonging that arbitrarily pushes some states out Democracy can be an accession criterion; however, it cannot be what determines Europeanness. And yet, the EU, by closely associating itself with however, it cannot be what determines Europeanness. And yet, the EU, by closely associating itself with Europe, and conditioning its membership on democracy, virtually made democracy a condition of both Europe, and conditioning its membership on democracy, virtually made democracy a condition of both membership and ‘Europeanness ’ membership and ‘Europeanness.’
This creates practical issues. By equating itself with Europe, the EU conditions what it means to be
This creates practical issues By equating itself with Europe, the EU conditions what it means to be ‘European’, and what it takes for a particular country to be considered ‘European’. But while the EU is a ‘European’, and what it takes for a particular country to be considered ‘European’ But while the EU is a single entity, there is not, and most likely cannot, be a single conception of Europe or Europeanness. Most single entity, there is not, and most likely cannot, be a single conception of Europe or Europeanness. Most importantly, any significant change to, or within, the EU forces us to reconsider the idea of what Europe importantly, any significant change to, or within, the forces us to reconsider the idea of what Europe is, creating not only a divide between ‘Europe’ and ‘non-Europe,’ but such notions as ‘not-yet-Europe’, creating not only a divide between ‘Europe’ and ‘non-Europe,’ but such notions as ‘not-yet-Europe’, and ‘not-Europe-enough’ as with candidate states, and some of the border countries. The EU, particularly ‘not-Europe-enough’ as candidate states, and some of the border The EU, particularly through its enlargement, pushes to define what Europe is, and conditions Europeanness on democracy. its enlargement, pushes to define what Europe is, and conditions Europeanness on democracy. This, however, is at odds with the dialectical nature of the idea of Europe and European identity. This, however, is at odds with the dialectical nature of the idea of Europe and European identity.
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EUROPEAN UNION
ENLARGEMENT AND THE ISSUE OF BELONGING EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT AND THE ISSUE OF BELONGING
Murad Gafarov (University of Florida) Murad Gafarov (University of Florida)
Wolff, L. (1994). Wolff, L. (1994). Inventing Eastern Europe: The map of civilization on the mind of the Inventing Eastern Europe: The map of civilization on the mind of the Enlightenment Enlightenment.. Stanford University Press Stanford University Press.
Wouters J (2020) From an Economic Community to a Union of Values: The Emergence of the EU’s Wouters J (2020) From an Economic Community to a Union of Values: The Emergence of the EU’s Commitment to Human Rights. In Wouters J., Nowak M., Chané A. L., and Hachez N. (Eds.), Commitment to Human Rights In Wouters J., Nowak M , Chané A L., and Hachez N (Eds.), The The European Union and Human Rights European Union and Human Rights, pp. 11–38. Oxford University Press. , pp 11–38 Oxford University Press
RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
CANDIDATE COUNTRY CANDIDATE COUNTRY
Introduction Introduction
Alina Nychyk (ETH Zurich (Switzerland))
Alina Nychyk (ETH Zurich (Switzerland))
Ukraine aspired to integrate with the EU for decades. Yet the EU was cautious and divided regarding Ukraine aspired to integrate with the EU for decades Yet the EU was cautious and divided regarding closer ties with Ukraine. Everything changed after Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24th closer ties with Ukraine Everything changed after Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24th February 2024. The EU almost stopped its beneficial economic relations with Russia, gave Ukraine a February 2024. The EU almost stopped its beneficial economic relations with Russia, gave Ukraine a candidate country status in four months and moved forward the enlargement agenda for other countries candidate country status in four months and moved forward the enlargement agenda for other countries. Why and how did the EU change its strategy towards its Ukraine so drastically post-2022? Why and how did the EU change its strategy towards its Ukraine so drastically post-2022?
In this article, I investigate core explanations of the EU’s decision to grant Ukraine a candidate country
In this article, I investigate core explanations of the EU’s decision to grant Ukraine a candidate country status after the Russian full-scale invasion. In the discourse analysis, I uncover core reasons of this status after the Russian full-scale invasion. In the discourse analysis, I uncover core reasons of this decision based on my interviews with EU and Ukrainian policy-makers, official documents’ and media decision based on my interviews with EU and Ukrainian policy-makers, official documents’ and media outlets’ analysis Whilst now the EU enlargement is back on track, it is important to understand how and outlets’ analysis. Whilst now the EU enlargement is back on track, it is important to understand how and why this process re-started in 2022 why this process re-started in 2022.
Analysis Analysis
The EU defines its foreign and security policy goals as: “preserve peace, strengthen international security,
The EU defines its foreign and security policy goals as: “preserve peace, strengthen international security, promote international cooperation, develop and consolidate democracy, the rule of law and respect for promote international cooperation, develop and consolidate democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights & fundamental freedoms” (European Union 2024) Let us see how the EU followed these human rights & fundamental freedoms” (European Union 2024). Let us how the EU followed these goals in respect to its new enlargement policy towards Ukraine. in respect to its new enlargement policy towards Ukraine.
On 28th February 2022 (four days after the start of Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine), Ukraine
On 28th February 2022 days after the start of Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine), Ukraine officially submitted its application for EU membership. On 11th March 2022, the Commission’s President officially submitted its application for EU membership. On 11th March 2022, the Commission’s President Ursula von Leiden addressed EU-member states’ heads of states and governments and said: “The Ursula von Leiden addressed EU-member states’ heads of states and governments and said: “The membership application of Ukraine is an expression of national sovereignty, of its will and its right to membership application of Ukraine an expression of national sovereignty, of its will and its right to
HOW RUSSIAN
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CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
choose its own destiny Today, we have opened the pathway towards us for Ukraine They are part of the choose its own destiny. Today, we have opened the pathway towards us for Ukraine. They are part of the European family.” (European Commission 2022a). On 17th June, the European Commission European family.” (European Commission 2022a). On 17th June, the European Commission recommended to grant an EU candidate status to Ukraine (European Commission 2022b), which was recommended to grant an EU candidate status to Ukraine (European Commission 2022b), which was supported by the Council decision on 23rd June (European Council 2022). How and why did this EU’s supported by the Council decision on 23rd June (European Council 2022) How and why did this EU’s decision happen? decision happen?
EU-Russia & EU-Ukraine ties
EU-Russia & EU-Ukraine ties
For years, EU valued its cooperation with Russia much higher than relations with Ukraine. When Russia
For years, EU valued its cooperation with Russia much than relations with Ukraine When Russia annexed Crimea and fuelled the war in Donbas in 2014, the EU responded with limited sanctions and high annexed Crimea and fuelled the war in Donbas in 2014, the EU responded with limited sanctions and high concerns, still continuing its business with Russia. The EU’s too close relations with Ukraine were concerns, still continuing its business with Russia. The EU’s too close relations with Ukraine were perceived damaging for valuable EU-Russia cooperation. The situation changed drastically after Russian perceived damaging for valuable cooperation. The situation changed drastically after Russian full-scale invasion A day before Russian invasion, the EU introduced its first sanctions’ package, on 2nd full-scale invasion. A day before Russian invasion, the EU introduced its first sanctions’ package, on 2nd March - the third package (including disconnection some Russian banks from the SWIFT system) and by - third package (including some Russian banks from SWIFT system) and by June there were already six packages due to the Russian invasion (European Council 2024). June there were already six due to the Russian invasion (European Council 2024)
MEPs and an EU analyst confirmed that continuation of EU cooperation with Russia after its aggression MEPs and an EU analyst confirmed that continuation of EU cooperation with Russia after its aggression against Ukraine in 2014 was a mistake, which happened due to some businesses’, e.g. German and against Ukraine 2014 was a mistake, which happened due to some businesses’, e.g. German and Austrian, strong connections to Russia (Interview-4 2023; Interview-5 2023; Interview-14 2023; Austrian, strong connections to Russia (Interview-4 2023; Interview-5 2023; Interview-14 2023; Interview-20 2023). Polish former foreign minister and current MEP explained that “for Germany, Interview-20 2023). Polish former foreign minister and current MEP that “for Germany, cooperation with Russia is more important... but when Russia attacked Ukraine, we managed to press and cooperation with Russia is more important but when Russia attacked Ukraine, we managed to press and push Berlin that all the idea to create Europe with Russia as a responsible business partner is not realistic” push Berlin that all the idea to create Europe with Russia as a responsible business partner is not realistic” (Interview-4 2023). Indeed, German elites were gradually recognising the mistake of too close partnership 2023). Indeed, German elites were gradually recognising the mistake of too close partnership with Russia (Wintour 2022) with Russia (Wintour 2022).
Continuation of cooperation with Russia, that so brutally violated the international law and started the
Continuation of cooperation Russia, that so violated the the biggest since the World War II war in Europe, would be too damaging for the EU’s image in the world biggest since the World War II war in Europe, would be too damaging for the EU’s image in the world and among its own citizens. The end of Russia-EU partnership opened the door for the EU’s better and among its own citizens The end of Russia-EU partnership opened the door for the EU’s better relations with Ukraine and other countries in the neighbourhood. relations with Ukraine and other countries in the neighbourhood.
Ukraine survived and decisively chose the EU
Ukraine survived and decisively chose the EU
When Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24th February 2022, some EU policy-makers
When Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24th February 2022, some EU policy-makers were convinced that the country would collapse under the attack of the second most powerful Army in the were convinced that the country would collapse under the attack of the second most powerful Army in the world. After weeks of Ukraine’s successful resistance and also Ukrainians’ clear desire to integrate with world. After weeks of Ukraine’s successful resistance and also Ukrainians’ clear desire to integrate with the EU, Ukraine’s application for membership was already considered. the EU, Ukraine’s application for membership was already considered.
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
My respondents highlighted that in the first weeks of the invasion the EU did not perceive Ukraine’s
My respondents highlighted that in the first weeks of the invasion the EU did perceive Ukraine’s application seriously due to uncertainty if the country would exist (Interview-5 2023; Interview-11; seriously due to uncertainty if country would (Interview-5 2023; Interview-11; Interview-25 2023). A member of the European Parliament, who was a reporter on Ukraine, also Interview-25 2023) A member of the European Parliament, who was a reporter on Ukraine, also confirmed that first EU politicians did not believe that Ukraine could fight huge Russian Army back, but confirmed that first EU politicians did not believe that Ukraine could fight huge Russian Army back, but when everyone understood that Ukraine was not occupied, people started discussions about Ukraine’s when everyone understood that Ukraine was not occupied, people started discussions about Ukraine’s application for the EU (Interview-5 2023) This was supported by my other Ukrainian and EU respondents application for the (Interview-5 2023). This was supported by my other Ukrainian and respondents (Interview-29 2023; Interview-31 2023; Interview-32 2023) In addition, many pointed into the (Interview-29 2023; Interview-31 2023; Interview-32 2023). In addition, many pointed into the importance of the unity of the Ukrainian government, opposition and civil society in working together of the unity of the Ukrainian government, and civil society in working together against Russian aggression and for EU membership (Interview-8 2023; Interview-11 2023; Interview-14 against Russian aggression and for EU (Interview-8 2023; Interview-11 2023; Interview-14 2023; Interview-31 2023). Other scholars also highlighted the importance of Ukraine’s heroic resistance to 2023; Interview-31 2023) Other scholars also highlighted the importance of Ukraine’s heroic resistance to Russia as one of the reasons why the EU decided to give Ukraine an EU candidate country status (Sapir Russia as one of the reasons why the EU decided to give Ukraine an EU candidate country status (Sapir 2022) 2022).
Another important argument is Ukraine’s decisive desire to move towards the EU and not to have any important argument is Ukraine’s decisive desire to move towards EU and not to any integration with Russia (previously, Ukraine always had multi-vector foreign policy). The former integration with Russia Ukraine always had multi-vector foreign policy) The former ambassador of Ukraine to Belgium stressed that up until 2022, the EU perceived Ukraine as a country that ambassador of Ukraine to Belgium stressed that up until 2022, the EU perceived Ukraine as a country that was not able to decide with whom it would like to integrate, and that after both its revolutions in 2004 and was not able to decide with whom it would like to integrate, and that after both its revolutions in 2004 and 2014, the country stayed in Russia’s sphere of influence (Interview-10 2023) EU officials also supported 2014, the country stayed in Russia’s sphere of influence (Interview-10 2023). EU officials also supported this, pointing into “more clarity in the Ukrainian political class as to where they wanted to go” (Interview- this, pointing into “more clarity the Ukrainian political class as to where they wanted to go” (Interview9 2023), strong Ukraine’s determination due to no other alternative (Interview-2 2023) and Ukraine’s 9 2023), strong determination due to no other alternative (Interview-2 2023) and Ukraine’s desire to anchor itself with the EU (Interview-1 2023). The rise of ordinary Ukrainians’ support for EU desire to anchor itself with the EU (Interview-1 2023) The rise of ordinary Ukrainians’ support for EU integration was also unprecedented. For instance, 81% of Ukrainians would have supported Ukraine’s integration was also unprecedented For instance, 81% of Ukrainians would have supported Ukraine’s joining the EU in 2022 (and this number was 52% in 2021 and 47% in 2013) (KIIS 2022). Importantly, in joining the EU in 2022 (and this number was 52% in 2021 and 47% in 2013) (KIIS 2022). Importantly, in all Ukrainian regions the majority wanted the EU integration (over 70% in 2022 in each region, all Ukrainian regions the majority wanted the EU integration (over 70% 2022 each region, comparing to 29% in the East and 39% in the South in 2021) (KIIS 2022) This way, both Ukraine’s comparing to 29% in the East and 39% in the South in 2021) (KIIS 2022). This way, both Ukraine’s resistance to Russia and clear pro-EU choice was another reason for the EU to give Ukraine a candidate to Russia and clear pro-EU choice was reason for the EU to Ukraine a candidate country status. country status
The EU had to restore security in
The EU had to restore security in Europe
Whilst the promotion of security one of the core EU’s foreign policy goals, a full-scale war in Europe pushed the EU to become a more active security actor. On the one hand, the EU was always careful not to pushed the EU to become a more active security actor. On the one the EU was always careful not to deteriorate Russia and not to get involved in war with nuclear Russia (Interview-14 2023; Interview-16 deteriorate Russia and not to get involved in war with nuclear Russia 2023; Interview-16 2023; Interview-31 2023). On the other hand, Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine changed the 2023; Interview-31 2023) On the other hand, Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine changed the mindset of many Europeans and awareness about the need of a new strategy towards Russia became clear mindset of many Europeans and awareness about the need of a new strategy towards Russia became clear (Interview-1 2023; Interview-4 2023; Interview-5 2023; Interview-10 2023; Interview-14 2023) A (Interview-1 2023; Interview-4 2023; Interview-5 2023; Interview-10 2023; Interview-14 2023). A Ukrainian diplomat and EU analysts explained that the West wanted to deter Russia by keeping Ukraine Ukrainian diplomat and EU analysts explained that the West wanted to deter Russia by keeping Ukraine
Whilst the promotion of security is one of the core EU’s foreign policy goals, a full-scale war in Europe
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
as a security buffer zone for years and the Russian invasion in 2022 showed that it was a huge as a buffer zone for years and the Russian invasion in 2022 showed that was a huge miscalculation (Interview-10 2023; Interview-14 2023; Interview-18 2023). (Interview-10 2023; Interview-14 2023; Interview-18 2023).
EU officials also mentioned that “in these geopolitical circumstances, there is no other option [for the EU EU officials also mentioned that “in these geopolitical circumstances, there is no other option [for the EU as to support Ukraine]” (Interview-2 2023), that “supporting Ukraine is for us existential” (Interview-1 as to support Ukraine]” (Interview-2 2023), that “supporting Ukraine is for us existential” (Interview-1 2023), and explained that Russia’s war “created the geopolitical space for that application [for EU 2023), and explained that Russia’s war “created the geopolitical space for that application [for EU membership] to be warmly received and welcomed” (Interview-9 2023) A German MEP highlighted that membership] be warmly received and welcomed” (Interview-9 2023). A German MEP highlighted that by making Ukraine an EU candidate country, the EU wanted to show that the country moves towards the by Ukraine an EU country, the EU wanted to show that the country moves the EU and not towards Russia (Interview-5 2023). Another EU official from DG NEAR reminded that the EU and not towards Russia (Interview-5 2023) Another EU official from DG NEAR reminded that the EU enlargement has been always aiming at building stability and expanding the EU geographically EU enlargement has been always aiming at building stability and expanding the EU geographically (Interview-11 2023). (Interview-11 2023).
In addition, the EU feared about its own security as well For instance, an EU Council official described
In addition, the EU feared about its own as well. For an EU Council official described “the feeling that the war was next door” (Interview-7 2023). Consequently, the possible Russian victory “the feeling that war was next door” (Interview-7 2023). Consequently, possible Russian victory would mean having Russia at the Polish border (Interview-1 2023; Interview-31 2023). According to an would mean having Russia at the Polish border (Interview-1 2023; Interview-31 2023) to an Euroskopia survey of European countries in March 2022, 57% of Europeans sensed a threat to their Euroskopia survey of European countries in March 2022, 57% of Europeans sensed a threat to their countries coming from the Russian war (Hirsch 2022). In addition, EU policy-makers mentioned that countries coming from the Russian war (Hirsch In addition, EU policy-makers mentioned that Russia destroyed the rule-based order (Interview-2 2023), abolished not only Ukraine, but “the European destroyed the rule-based order (Interview-2 2023), abolished only Ukraine, but “the European way of life” (Interview-6 2023) and that the EU had to be geopolitical and to choose the side in this war way of life” (Interview-6 2023) and that the EU had to be geopolitical and to choose the side in this war (Interview-8 2023; Interview-11 2023). An MEP also highlighted that the EU would lose its image in the (Interview-8 2023; Interview-11 2023). An MEP also highlighted EU would lose its in the eyes of its foreign partners in different parts of the world, if it was not able to protect security on its own eyes of its foreign partners in different parts of the world, if it was not able to protect security on its own continent (Interview-5 2023). Thus, fostering EU-Ukraine integration was seen by the EU as a continent (Interview-5 2023) Thus, fostering EU-Ukraine integration was seen by the EU as a contribution to the European security, that was damaged by Russian war. contribution to the European security, that was damaged by Russian war.
To support the of injustice
To support the victim of injustice
Russia’s brutal war reached to the hearts of EU citizens and politicians and the desire to restore justice
Russia’s brutal war reached to the hearts of EU citizens and politicians and the desire to restore justice became another reason for the EU’s support for Ukraine. EU officials stressed that the EU supported became another reason for the EU’s support for Ukraine EU officials stressed that the EU supported Ukraine with different means, including the enlargement perspective (Interview-1 2023; Interview-2 2023; Ukraine with different means, including the enlargement perspective 2023; Interview-2 2023; Interview-9 2023; Interview-17 2023) Although, an EU candidate country status was more of a Interview-9 2023; Interview-17 2023). Although, an candidate country status was more of a symbolical gesture, it became a sign of solidarity with Ukraine (Interview-3 2023; Interview-6 2023; symbolical gesture, it became a sign of solidarity with Ukraine (Interview-3 2023; Interview-6 2023; Interview-7 2023; Interview-14), and “a light at the end of the tunnel” (Interview-2 2023; Interview-31 Interview-7 2023; Interview-14), “a light at end of tunnel” (Interview-2 2023; Interview-31 2023). EU policy-makers mentioned that Russian brutality shocked Europeans (Interview-4 2023), 2023) EU policy-makers mentioned that Russian brutality shocked Europeans 2023), Russian atrocities in Ukraine reminded EU citizens about the time of the Second World War (Interview-6 Russian atrocities in Ukraine reminded EU citizens about the time of the Second World War (Interview-6 2023) and seeing them ordinary European felt empathy with Ukrainians (Interview-5 2023; Interview-9 2023) and seeing them ordinary European felt empathy with Ukrainians (Interview-5 2023; Interview-9 2023), which was confirmed by European surveys, when 60-88% of Europeans in different countries 2023), which was confirmed by European surveys, when 60-88% of Europeans in different countries condemned Russian actions in Ukraine (Hirsch 2022) condemned Russian actions in Ukraine (Hirsch 2022).
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
HOW RUSSIAN WAR CONVINCED THE EU TO MAKE UKRAINE AN EU
This article looked at core reasons that contributed to the EU’s decision to make Ukraine an EU candidate
This article looked at core reasons that contributed to the EU’s decision to make Ukraine an EU candidate country in June 2022. I applied discourse analysis to my interviews with EU and Ukrainian policy-makers, country in June 2022 I applied discourse analysis to my interviews with EU and Ukrainian policy-makers, media outlets and EU official communication. My analysis highlighted four main justifications of the media outlets and EU official communication. My analysis highlighted four main justifications of the EU’s decision: collapse of the EU-Russia, Ukraine’s successful fight against Russia and clear pro-EU
EU’s decision: collapse of the EU-Russia, Ukraine’s successful fight against Russia and clear pro-EU choice, the EU’s desire to restore security in Europe and moral obligation to support Ukraine in this unjust choice, the EU’s desire to restore in Europe and moral obligation to Ukraine in this unjust war. war.
First of all, for decades the EU’s big strategic interest was economic cooperation with Russia which First of all, for decades the EU’s big strategic interest was economic cooperation with Russia which prevented the EU from integration with Ukraine due to a fear to disappoint Russia. When Russia started prevented the EU from integration with Ukraine due to a fear to disappoint Russia. When Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the EU could not keep business as usual with Russia, since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the EU could keep business as usual with Russia, since trading with an aggressor would harm the EU’s image in the world and would go against European values trading with an aggressor would harm the EU’s image in the world and would go against European values. Secondly, originally Ukraine’s application for EU membership was not taken seriously, because there was Secondly, Ukraine’s for EU membership was not taken seriously, because was a perception that the country would be occupied by Russia. When Ukrainians both were able to fight a perception that the country would be occupied by Russia When Ukrainians both were able to fight Russia back and overwhelmingly supported EU-Ukraine integration, EU decision-makers started Russia back and overwhelmingly supported EU-Ukraine integration, EU decision-makers started considering Ukraine’s application. Thirdly, Russia deteriorated security in Europe so much, even creating considering Ukraine’s application. Thirdly, Russia deteriorated security in Europe so much, even creating a threat to EU member-states, that the EU had to show more of its geopolitical actorness and to help a threat member-states, that the EU had to show more of its geopolitical and help Ukraine to win, using its enlargement perspective as one of its foreign policy tools Lastly, Russia’s Ukraine to win, using its enlargement perspective as one of its foreign policy tools. Lastly, Russia’s violation of international law and brutality of its war against Ukraine evoked empathy among Europeans violation of international law and brutality of its war against Ukraine evoked empathy among Europeans and put a moral pressure on EU leaders to react strongly by supporting Ukraine by all means and and put a moral pressure on EU leaders to react strongly by supporting Ukraine by all means and condemning Russia. condemning Russia
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Sapir, André. 2022. ‘Ukraine and the EU: Enlargement a New Crossroads’. Intereconomics Intereconomics 57(4): 213– 57(4): 213–17. 17.
Wintour, Patrick. 2022. ‘“We Were All Wrong”: How Germany Got Hooked on Russian Energy’. Wintour, Patrick 2022 ‘“We Were All Wrong”: How Germany Got Hooked on Russian Energy’ The The Guardian. Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/02/germany-dependence-russian-energy-gas-oilhttps://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/02/germany-dependence-russian-energy-gas-oilnord-stream (June 10, 2024) nord-stream (June 10, 2024).
Dan Nguyen Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) (Columbia University)
NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME PROMISE OF THIRD ROME
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Nietzsche often characterizes modern European culture as decadent, and longs for a resurrection of the
Nietzsche often characterizes modern European culture as decadent, and longs for a of the tragic spirit and noble values of Greek and Roman culture, including its “master morality” and political tragic and noble values of Greek and Roman culture, including its “master morality” and political aristocratism. In the In the Genealogy of Morality Genealogy of Morality, Nietzsche describes the barbarism of "primitive masters" as the Nietzsche describes the barbarism of "primitive masters" as troubling origin of all great aristocratic castes and cultures. Does this mean that Nietzsche's desire to counter troubling origin of all great aristocratic castes and cultures Does this mean that Nietzsche's desire to counter the "decadence" of modern Europe would necessarily entail its conquest by a barbaric foreign power? the "decadence" of modern Europe would necessarily entail its conquest by a barbaric foreign power? Nietzsche certainly recognizes the danger of a return to barbarism, but without entirely refusing to contrast Nietzsche certainly recognizes the danger of a return to barbarism, but without entirely refusing to contrast the mediocre satisfactions and petrified ideals of modern civilization with the regenerative and the mediocre satisfactions and petrified ideals of modern civilization with the regenerative and strengthening virtues of such a perilous rejuvenation It is in this spirit that Nietzsche sometimes evokes the strengthening virtues of such a perilous rejuvenation. It in this spirit that Nietzsche evokes the possibility of a future "virilization" of Europe through war, a triumph of "ancient heroism", resurrected by of a future "virilization" of Europe through war, a triumph "ancient heroism", resurrected by Napoleon, over democratic and national movements. Such a rebirth of ancient virtues through war could not Napoleon, over democratic and national movements Such a rebirth of ancient virtues through war could not only cure Europe of its "modern ideas" and national divisions, but also make it the "mistress of the Earth" only cure Europe of its "modern ideas" and national divisions, but also make it the "mistress of the Earth" (1). (1).
Keeping in mind this aspect of Nietzsche's meditation on the origins of culture helps us better understand Keeping mind this of Nietzsche's meditation on the origins of culture helps us better understand the most violent expressions of a reflection that must come to ask this question: "Where are the barbarians the most violent expressions of a reflection that must come to ask question: "Where are the barbarians of the twentieth century?" (2). In this context, fueled by his admiration for Dostoevsky, the philosopher's of the twentieth century?" (2) In this context, fueled by his admiration for Dostoevsky, the philosopher's eye lingers on Russia, a strange and foreign land, apparently preserved from modern ideas and the eye lingers on Russia, a strange and foreign land, apparently preserved from modern ideas and the democratic movement (3). Russia, the vast steppe "where Europe ebbs back into Asia" (4), holds a special democratic movement (3). Russia, the vast steppe "where Europe ebbs back into Asia" (4), holds a special place in Nietzsche's imagination It evokes a space rich in unexplored possibilities, a people still living place in Nietzsche's imagination. It evokes a rich in unexplored possibilities, people still living "close to barbarism," endowed with the youthful qualities of "magnanimity," "imaginative frenzy," and a "close to barbarism," endowed with the youthful qualities of "magnanimity," "imaginative frenzy," and a "real strength of will" (5) . Unlike those who decry Russian "barbarism", Nietzsche contemplates it with an "real strength of will" (5) . Unlike who Russian "barbarism", Nietzsche it with an enthusiasm directly proportional to his contempt for European decadence under the influence of "modern enthusiasm directly proportional to his contempt for European decadence under the influence of "modern
1 GS, 362 Cf EH, « The Case of Wagner », 2 1 GS, 362 Cf EH, « The of Wagner 2
2 2 NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 [31] NL, November 1887 March 1888, 11 [31]
3 3 BGE, 208 ; NL, End 1880, 7 [111]; NL, Spring 1884, 25 [112] BGE, 208 ; NL, End 1880, 7 NL, Spring 1884, 25
4 4 BGE, 208
5 NL, End 1880, 7 [111] 5 End 1880, [111]
NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
ideas". In contrast to this decadence, Russia acquire the stature of an immense reserve of energy and will, a In contrast to decadence, Russia acquire the stature of an immense reserve of energy and a gigantic mass of human forces capable of bringing ruin as well as renewal in its wake (6). Russia thus gigantic mass of human forces of bringing ruin as well as renewal in its wake (6) Russia thus emerge as a source of barbaric vitality whose potential surge over the West, whatever form it might take, emerge as a source of barbaric vitality whose potential surge over the West, whatever form it might take, could revitalize a culture exhausted by the artificial and deleterious satisfactions of modernity, unify under could revitalize a culture exhausted by the artificial and deleterious satisfactions of modernity, unify under the banner of its empire the divided nations of the Continent, put an end to democratic disorder and socialist the banner of its empire the divided nations of the Continent, put an end to democratic disorder and socialist threats, and give birth to a new golden age, under the aegis of the Third Rome (7) threats, and give birth to a new golden age, under the of the Third Rome (7).
A posthumous fragment from the end of 1880, titled "Signs of the Next Century", thus heralds "the entrance
A posthumous fragment from the end of 1880, titled of the Next Century", thus heralds "the entrance of the Russians into culture", a "time of savagery and rejuvenation of strength", harboring the possibility of of the Russians into culture", a "time of savagery and rejuvenation of strength", harboring the possibility of a "grandiose goal" and an "awakening of the arts" (8). Russia, lying at the junction of Europe and Asia, is a "grandiose goal" and an "awakening of the arts" (8). Russia, lying at the junction of Europe and Asia, is the true "middle empire" ( the true "middle empire" (Zwischenreich Zwischenreich), an immense reservoir of human energy eager to pour out in one ), an reservoir of human energy eager to pour out direction or another, for "it is there that latent will has long been compressed and accumulated, there where direction or another, for "it is there that latent will has long been compressed and accumulated, there where the will – it is uncertain whether it will be affirmative or negative – menacingly waits for the moment it will the will – is uncertain whether it will be affirmative or negative – menacingly waits for the moment be released, to borrow the favorite term of today's physicists"(9). It is difficult for Nietzsche to predict the be released, to borrow the favorite term of today's physicists"(9) It is difficult for Nietzsche to predict the exact direction of such a release of energy, whether it would remain contained within the petrifying limits of exact direction of such a release of energy, whether it would remain contained within the petrifying limits of a reactionary and Slavophile ideal, pursue the "grandiose goal" of European unity and cultural reform, or a reactionary and Slavophile ideal, pursue the "grandiose goal" of European unity and cultural reform, or explode in an outburst Russian nihilism (10) Perhaps Russia is the land where it will be "demonstrated by explode an outburst nihilism (10). Perhaps Russia the land where it will be "demonstrated by some grand experiments that in a socialist society life denies itself, cuts its own roots”, some grand experiments that in a socialist life denies itself, cuts its own roots”, an experiment that an experiment that surely would teach a lesson to humanity, “even if it must be conquered and paid for at the price of a huge would teach a lesson to “even if it must be conquered and paid for at the price of a expenditure of human lives" (11). Dostoevsky’s of human lives" (11) Dostoevsky’s Demons Demons may have led Nietzsche to entertain the possibility may have led Nietzsche to entertain the possibility of a victory of socialism in Russia, unleashing revolutionary nihilism in a "massive" cult of "individual of a victory of socialism in Russia, unleashing revolutionary nihilism in a "massive" cult of "individual sacrifice, an "absolute contempt for cunning and respectability", and "therefore a lot of madness" (12) . sacrifice, an "absolute contempt for cunning and respectability", and "therefore a lot of madness" (12) .
For Nietzsche, this catastrophic outcome would at least have the value of shattering the truly untenable, For Nietzsche, this catastrophic would least have the value of shattering the truly untenable, intermediate and chaotic state in which Europe still found itself in the XIXth century, epitomized by the intermediate and chaotic state in which Europe still found itself in XIXth century, by Hohenzollern claim to unify, under the aegis of a monarchy draped in feudal garb, a new Reich Hohenzollern claim to unify, under the aegis of a monarchy draped in feudal garb, a new Reich simultaneously claiming allegiance to empire and German nationalism, to Christian values and modern simultaneously claiming allegiance to empire and German nationalism, to Christian values and modern ideas, to Prussian aristocracy and and democratization, to Wagnerian romanticism and industrialization, to ideas, to Prussian aristocracy and and democratization, to Wagnerian romanticism and industrialization, to colonial expansion and the abolition of slavery (13) It is the spectacle of this half-measure, of this lack of colonial expansion and the abolition of slavery (13). the spectacle of this half-measure, of this lack of clarity in thought and values, that drove the young Nietzsche away from Wagner and Bayreuth (14) clarity in thought and values, that drove the young Nietzsche away from Wagner and Bayreuth (14). For For Nietzsche, the same was true, to a greater or lesser extent, of most European nations, and it is probably for the same was true, to a greater or lesser extent, most European nations, it probably for
6 BGE, 208 6 BGE, 208
7 NL, Spring 1884, 25 [112] Cf BGE, 208 7 NL, Spring 1884, 25 [112] Cf BGE, 208
13 NL, Spring 1884, 25 [248]; NL, Summer – Autumn 1884, 26 [335]; NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 [235] [248]; Summer – Autumn 1884, 26 [335]; November March 1888, 11 [235]
14 NW, « How I was set free from Wagner », 1 Cf NL, Summer 1878, 30 [1] « How set », 1 1878, 30 [1]
NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
this reason that the philosopher found a "greater tendency towards greatness in the sentiments of the Russian this reason that the philosopher found a "greater tendency towards greatness in the sentiments of the Russian nihilists than in those of the English utilitarians" (15). Nietzsche could never be satisfied with the “English” nihilists than in those of the utilitarians" (15) Nietzsche could never be satisfied with the “English” half-measure which, while apostatizing Christianity in the name of science, did not have the courage to half-measure which, while apostatizing Christianity in the name of science, did not have the courage to abandon Christian ideals in order to forge new values and pursue new avenues in culture and politics (16). abandon Christian ideals in order to forge new values and pursue new avenues in culture and politics (16).
Nietzsche might have hoped that the courage to pursue a new ideal, still lacking in England and Germany, Nietzsche might have hoped that the courage to pursue a new ideal, still lacking England and Germany, would not have failed Russia, a power which would play a pivotal role in the coming century. "The would not have failed Russia, a power which would play a pivotal role in the coming century. emergence of Russia as a world power is perfectly clear to Nietzsche," comments Thomas Mann in his 1947 emergence of Russia as a world power is perfectly clear to Nietzsche," comments Thomas Mann in his essay, essay, Nietzsche's Philosophy in the Light of Our Experience Nietzsche's Philosophy in the Light of Our Experience (17). In a posthumous note from 1880, (17) In a posthumous note from 1880, Nietzsche indeed writes that "the only conquering power of great style is Russia" (18). Russia thus Nietzsche indeed writes that "the only conquering power of great style is Russia" (18). Russia thus represents the last empire worthy of the name in Europe, for "without this will to conquer, states are represents the last empire worthy of the name in Europe, for "without this will to conquer, states emasculated” Indeed, "a society that definitively and instinctively refuses war and conquest is in decline: it emasculated”. Indeed, "a society that definitively and instinctively refuses war and in decline: is ripe for democracy and for the government of shopkeepers" (19). The health of a people, its organizing is for for the government of shopkeepers" (19). The health of a people, organizing power, and its will to live necessarily imply that it "turns its surplus of force outwards" (20). It explains and power, and its will to live imply that it "turns its surplus of force outwards" (20) It explains and justifies "its need for conquest, its thirst for power, whether through arms or through trade, transport, and justifies "its need for conquest, its thirst for power, whether through arms or through trade, transport, and colonization"(21). By virtue of its "will to tradition, authority, responsibility," of its accumulated will colonization"(21). By virtue of its "will to tradition, authority, responsibility," of its accumulated will waiting to be unleashed, Russia appears to Nietzsche as "the only current power with endurance in its blood, waiting to be unleashed, Russia appears to Nietzsche as "the only current power with endurance in its blood, the only one that can wait, that can still promise something" (22) Thus, "Russia extends its conquests into the only one that can that can still promise something" (22). Thus, "Russia extends its conquests an empire that has time ahead of it and that does not date from yesterday" (23). This long-term ambition, an empire that time of it that does not date from yesterday" (23). This ambition, this ability to merge into a unity a multitude of nations, reveal imperial Russia as "the antithesis of the this ability to merge into a unity a multitude of nations, reveal imperial Russia as "the antithesis of the pathetic particularism, of the European nervousness, which, with the founding of the German 'Reich', has pathetic particularism, of the European nervousness, which, with the founding of the German 'Reich', has entered a critical phase" (24). That is why Nietzsche, in the mid-1880s, contemplates the possibility of an entered a critical phase" That is why Nietzsche, in the mid-1880s, contemplates the possibility of an "absolute collaboration with Russia" and "a new joint program that prevents in Russia the rise to power of "absolute collaboration with Russia" and "a new joint program that prevents in Russia the rise to power of any English simulacrum" (25) In a posthumous fragment from spring 1884, Nietzsche asserts that "Russia any English simulacrum" (25). In a posthumous fragment from spring 1884, Nietzsche asserts that "Russia must necessarily become the mistress of Europe and Asia it must colonize and win over China and India", must necessarily become the mistress of Europe and Asia it must colonize and win over China and India", leaving "Europe like Greece under Roman rule". Nietzsche thus foresees the possible dawn of an era where leaving like Greece under Roman rule" Nietzsche thus foresees the possible dawn of an era where "the spiritual influence could be in the hands of the typical European", whose stature would be "comparable "the spiritual influence could be in the hands of the typical European", whose stature would be "comparable to that of the Athenian" under Roman dominion (26). The ultimate end of this invocation of Russia is to that of the Athenian" under Roman dominion (26). The ultimate end of this invocation of Russia is
15 NL, Summer - Autumn 1884, 26 [335]
15 NL, Summer - Autumn 1884, 26 [335]
16 TI, « Skirmishes of an Untimely Man », 5 TI, « »,
17 Thomas MANN, « Nietzsche’s Philosophie im Lichte unserer Erfahrung», in Gesammelte Werke in dreizehn Bänden, Frankfurt-am-Main, Fischer, IX, pp 43-44 : « Das MANN, Erfahrung», in Gesammelte Werke in dreizehn Bänden, Frankfurt-am-Main, IX, pp 43-44 : Das Heraufkommen Rußlands als Weltmacht ist ihm [Nietzsche] vollkommen klar Die Gewalt geteilt zwischen Slawen und Angelsachsen und Europa als Griechenland unter der Heraufkommen Rußlands als ihm [Nietzsche] klar Die Slawen und Europa als unter der Herrschaft Roms » Herrschaft Roms »
18 18 NL, End 1880, 7 [205] NL, End 1880, 7
19 NL, Spring 1888, 14 [192] NL, Spring 1888, [192]
20 NL, End 1880, 7 [205] 7
21 21 NL, Spring 1888, 14 [192] Spring 1888, 14 [192]
22 T 22 TI, « Skirmishes of an Untimely Man», 39 I, « Skirmishes of an Untimely Man», 39
23 23 BGE, 251 BGE, 251
24 TI, « Skirmishes of an Untimely Man », 39 TI, « of », 39
NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Pieter De Corte (Yale University) therefore the consecration of Europe as a "center of culture", ennobling the empire of the Third Rome and therefore the consecration of Europe as a "center of culture", ennobling the empire of the Third Rome and converting it to a new hierarchy of values converting to a new hierarchy of values.
In the framework outlined by paragraph 208 of In the framework outlined by paragraph 208 of Beyond Good and Evil Beyond Good and Evil and posthumous fragments from the and posthumous fragments from the mid-1880s, Nietzsche’s vision of a future Russian imperium cannot ignore the geopolitical tensions, mid-1880s, Nietzsche’s vision of a future Russian imperium cannot ignore the geopolitical tensions, colonial rivalries, "socialist crises" (27), and terrible wars that would accompany the next century, the era of colonial rivalries, "socialist crises" (27), and terrible wars that would accompany the next century, the era of the "struggle for dominion over the earth" the "struggle for dominion over the earth" and the definition of humanity's new ecumenical goals (28) Such and the definition of humanity's new ecumenical goals (28). Such a perspective sometimes leads Nietzsche to prophesy "wars the likes of which have never been seen on a sometimes leads Nietzsche to prophesy "wars the likes of which have never been seen on earth" (30), including in the spiritual realm (31). Perhaps these upcoming wars, by presenting the earth" (30), including in the spiritual realm (31). Perhaps these upcoming wars, by presenting "alternative either to perish or to prevail", could determine "the elements capable of the greatest hardness "alternative either to perish or to prevail", could determine "the elements capable of the greatest hardness towards themselves, guarantors of the greatest will", to triumph and to shape, in the "terrible and violent towards themselves, guarantors of the greatest will", to triumph and to shape, in the "terrible and violent beginnings" of every aristocracy, a new "sovereign race" (32). Who knows if a new "barbaric" force, forged beginnings" of every aristocracy, a new "sovereign race" (32). Who knows if a new "barbaric" force, forged in the icy steppes of the Russian empire, in its wars of conquest in Siberia and the Caucasus, in its relentless the icy steppes of the Russian empire, in its wars of conquest Siberia and the Caucasus, relentless fight against liberal reform and socialist revolution, would not find in these terrible struggles the opportunity fight against liberal reform and socialist revolution, would not find in these terrible struggles the opportunity to mold a new dominant human type which, in the mild and civilized climate of Europe, might find a to mold a new dominant human type which, in the mild civilized climate of Europe, find a favorable environment for its flourishing and its "entry into culture" (33). favorable environment for its flourishing and its "entry into culture" (33)
This idea of a European renewal through Russian domination is certainly one of the hypotheses considered
This idea of a European renewal through Russian domination is certainly one of the hypotheses considered by Nietzsche in the mid-1880s, as the idea of “great politics” takes shape, and it does not completely vanish by Nietzsche in the mid-1880s, as the idea of “great politics” takes shape, and does not completely vanish from his later texts Nonetheless, in from his later texts. Nonetheless, in Beyond Good and Evil Beyond Good and Evil, written in 1886, Nietzsche clearly expresses the , written in 1886, Nietzsche clearly expresses the undesirability of Russian domination over Europe, and asserts that the formidable threat of Russia Russian domination over Europe, and asserts the formidable of Russia underlines the urgent necessity of European unification under the aegis of a new dominant caste. Here, the underlines the urgent necessity of European unification under the aegis of a new dominant caste Here, the recognition of the threatening nature of Russian power does not lead to a call for the supremacy of Russia, recognition of the threatening nature of Russian power does not lead to a call for the supremacy of Russia, but for the unification and strengthening of Europe. but for the unification and strengthening of Europe.
It is not that I wish for such a development; I rather wish for the opposite, for such an intensification It is not that I wish for such a development; I rather wish for the for such an intensification of the Russian threat that it would finally compel Europe to become equally menacing, to forge its of the Russian threat it would finally Europe to become menacing, to forge its own will through the means of a new caste reigning over Europe, a formidable and far-reaching will own will through the means of a new caste reigning over Europe, a formidable and far-reaching will capable of setting goals for millennia. Thus, Europe would once and for all finish with the too capable of setting goals for millennia Thus, Europe would once and for all finish with the too prolonged comedy of its division into small states and its divergent, dynastic or democratic whims. prolonged comedy of its division into small states and its divergent, dynastic or democratic whims. The time for petty politics is over: the next century will bring the struggle for universal domination – The time for petty politics over: the next century will bring the struggle for universal domination –the imperative of a great politics (34) the imperative of a great politics (34).
27 NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 [31] Cf NL, End 1880, 7 [111]
27 NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 [31] Cf NL, End 1880, 7 [111]
28 BGE, 208 BGE, 208
29 HAH, I, 25 Cf AOM, 179 HAH, I, Cf 179
30 NL, December 1888 - January 1889, 25 [6] 1888 - 1889, 25 [6]
31 31 EH, « Why I am a Destiny », 1 EH, « Why I am a Destiny », 1
32 32 NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 [31] Cf BGE, 262 NL, November 1887 - March 1888, 11 Cf BGE, 262
33 NL, End 1880, 7 [111] NL, 1880, 7 [111]
34 BGE, 208 BGE, 208
NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE NIETZSCHE’S RUSSIAN ENIGMA: BARBARISM, EMPIRE AND THE PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME PROMISE OF THE THIRD ROME
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
Pieter De Corte (Yale University)
In this important passage, we can see Nietzsche express the final formula of his hopes for a unified and
In passage, we can see Nietzsche express the formula of his hopes for a strong Europe, capable of asserting itself on the global stage, to develop a continental will and purpose, strong Europe, capable of asserting itself on the global stage, to a continental will and purpose, transcending national interests and short-term goals. Europe, faced with external threats, should galvanize transcending national interests and short-term goals Europe, faced with external threats, should galvanize itself into a unified entity with long-term objectives and the capacity to act as a single, powerful actor in the itself into a unified entity with long-term objectives and the capacity to act as a single, powerful actor in the arena of global politics Certainly, in formulating his vision of European unity, Nietzsche does not appeal to arena of global politics. Certainly, in formulating his vision of European unity, Nietzsche does not appeal to liberal and democratic principles, but rather argues, with great constancy, for the principles of empire and liberal and democratic principles, but rather argues, with for the principles of empire and aristocracy. Nietzsche thus envisions a civilizational imperium led by a political and spiritual aristocracy Nietzsche thus a civilizational imperium led by a political aristocracy capable, not only of ruling over a united continent, but of ushering in a necessary cultural reform and capable, not only of ruling over a united continent, but of ushering in a necessary cultural reform and renewal. Whether oriented towards European unity, or the prospect of Russian supremacy, this principle renewal Whether oriented towards European unity, or the prospect of Russian supremacy, this principle never varies. Ultimately, for Nietzsche, the Russian threat compels Europe to find its strength and finally never varies. Ultimately, for Nietzsche, the Russian threat compels Europe to find its strength and finally unite under an elite of "good Europeans", capable of forging new values and ideals, not only to overcome unite under elite of "good Europeans", capable of forging new values and ideals, not only to overcome the Russian threat and consecrate Europe as the “mistress of the Earth” (35), but also to "take the lead and the Russian threat and consecrate Europe as the “mistress of the Earth” (35), but also to "take the lead and guardianship of the entire world culture ( guardianship of the entire culture (Erdcultur Erdcultur)" (36). )" (36).
THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE SNS ARCHIVES THE SNS ARCHIVES
Wenbin Gao (Yale University)
Wenbin Gao (Yale University)
In 1952, at the end of his long and fruitful scholarly life, Eric Auerbach made a bleak pronouncement on the 1952, at the end of his long and fruitful scholarly life, Eric Auerbach made a bleak pronouncement on the current and future state of literary studies: current and future state of literary studies:
There are still some individuals who have a magisterial overview of the entirety of a tradition, at least
There are still some individuals who have a magisterial overview of the entirety of a tradition, at least in the case of Europe. But as far as I know, they belong to the generation that came of age before the in the case of Europe But as far as I know, they belong to the generation that came of age before the First and the Second World Wars, and they will be difficult to replace. Since then, there has been a First and the Second World Wars, and they will be difficult to replace. Since then, there has been a nearly universal collapse of late-bourgeois humanist culture, for which learning Greek and Latin and nearly universal collapse of late-bourgeois humanist culture, for which learning Greek and Latin and being familiar with Scripture were still the norm in the schools (1) being familiar with Scripture still the norm the schools. (1)
A few years ago, the renowned Italian scholar Piero Boitani visited my department of Italian Studies at
A few years ago, the renowned Italian scholar Piero Boitani visited my of Italian Studies at Yale, and much of the prolonged conversation between him and students revolved around the apocalyptic Yale, and much of the prolonged conversation between him and students revolved around the apocalyptic collapse of the study of European literatures. According to Boitani, young people today just don’t care about collapse of the study of European literatures. According to Boitani, young people today just don’t care about serious culture anymore. serious culture anymore.
THE GOOD OLD DAYS?
EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE SNS ARCHIVES THE SNS ARCHIVES
These are weighty accusations, and as such must be taken seriously. The sad irony, however, lies in the are weighty accusations, and as such must be taken seriously. The sad irony, however, in ideologically charged field of discourses in which this important discussion is framed and distorted.
ideologically charged field of discourses in which this important discussion is framed and distorted
Accusations in the vein displayed here rely largely on nostalgic, anecdotal evidence which are rarely
Accusations in the vein displayed here rely largely on nostalgic, anecdotal evidence which are rarely examined empirically. Caricaturish depictions of a bygone era are taken for granted and morph into the examined empirically. Caricaturish depictions of a bygone era are taken for granted and morph into the polemical point of departure for a debate in which one side raves about the collapse of traditional, polemical point of departure for a debate which one side raves about the collapse of traditional, humanistic education while the other side celebrates the allegedly diminished influence of European high humanistic education while the other side celebrates the allegedly diminished influence of European high culture as progress. culture as progress.
Buried under all this aggressive cacophony is a fundamental question: Is it true? Is it true that that there
Buried under all this aggressive cacophony is a fundamental question: Is it true? Is it true that that there existed a Golden Age when large swathes of the educated class reveled in Homer, Horace, Dante, Rabelais, existed a Golden Age when large swathes of the educated class reveled in Homer, Horace, Dante, Rabelais, and Goethe? That we have no ready answer to this question reveals an unfortunate lack of methodological and Goethe? That we have no ready answer to this question reveals an unfortunate lack of methodological imagination among students of literature One can actually assess with relative accuracy elite students’ level among students of literature. One can actually assess with relative accuracy elite students’ level of mastery of European high culture during the period that Auerbach and Boitani refer to, although this mastery European high culture during the period that Auerbach and Boitani refer to, although would require going through endless volumes of syllabi, course registries, and exam papers in the archives would require going through endless volumes of syllabi, course registries, and exam papers in the archives of elite universities. of elite universities
During my fellowship year at Italy’s prestigious Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa (abbreviated as SNS),
During my fellowship year Italy’s prestigious Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa (abbreviated as SNS), I’ve been fortunate enough to do just that Having gone through essentially every paper submitted for the I’ve been fortunate enough do just that. Having gone through essentially every paper submitted for the humanities division’s entry exam from the 1890s to the 1940s, and also having thoroughly reviewed the humanities division’s entry exam from the 1890s to 1940s, also having thoroughly institution’s foreign-language teaching during the same period, I have come to the understanding that institution’s teaching during the same period, I have come to the understanding that Auerbach’s pronouncement does make sense, but only from a certain perspective, and it is precisely this Auerbach’s pronouncement does make sense, but only from a certain perspective, and it is precisely this perspective that I find problematic. What is propped up as “a magisterial overview of the entirety of a perspective that I find problematic. What is propped up as “a magisterial overview of the entirety of a tradition” might indeed mean thorough mastery for geniuses like Auerbach, but when eulogized as the tradition” might indeed thorough mastery for geniuses like Auerbach, but when eulogized the paradigmatic ideal that all should aspire to, it resulted in institutionalized intellectual puffery that paradigmatic ideal that all should aspire it resulted in institutionalized intellectual puffery that incentivized deceptive displays of pseudo-mastery. deceptive displays of pseudo-mastery.
As Auerbach points out in As Auerbach points out in Philology and World Literature Philology and World Literature (Hannah Arendt, Allan Bloom and many others (Hannah Arendt, Allan Bloom and many others have made the same point), the traditional European secondary- school system required students to read a have made the same point), the traditional European secondary- school system required students to read a large portion of “the canon”, so by the time of college familiarity with foundational works could be taken large portion of “the canon”, so by the time of college familiarity with foundational works could be taken for granted While there is little reason to doubt that this was indeed the institutional logic for many decades, for granted. While there is little reason to doubt that this was indeed the institutional logic for many decades, dogmatic pronouncements like this lack operative details. So while going through the archives in Pisa, I paid pronouncements this lack details. So while the archives in Pisa, I paid close attention to students’ high school curricula. In 1945, a certain Giorgio Tonelli (who would end up close attention to students’ high school curricula In 1945, a certain Giorgio Tonelli (who would end up becoming a very successful scholar) applied to the humanities division, and we find a detailed account of becoming a very successful applied to the humanities division, and we find a detailed account of what this humanistically-minded student studied in high school. Since this list is quite revealing, I will quote what this humanistically-minded student studied in high school. Since this list is quite revealing, I will quote it at length (translation from Italian my own): it length (translation from Italian my own):
THE
GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE
In full: Dante’s In full: Dante’s Divine Comedy, Divine Comedy, Machiavelli’s Machiavelli’s the Prince the Prince, Ariosto’s , Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso Orlando Furioso, Manzoni’s , Manzoni’s tthe he Betrothed, Betrothed, Verga’s Verga’s Mastro-don Gesualdo Mastro-don Gesualdo;;
Selections: minor works of Dante, Dino Compagni, Petrarch, Boccacio, Pulci, Poliziano, Selections: minor works of Dante, Dino Compagni, Petrarch, Boccacio, Pulci, Poliziano, minor works of Ariosto, Folengo, Vico, Parini, Alfieri, Foscolo, minor works of Manzoni, Leopardi, minor works of Ariosto, Folengo, Vico, Parini, Alfieri, Foscolo, minor works of Manzoni, Leopardi, Mazzini, Nievo, Settembrini, De Sanctis, Carducci, Pascoli, D’Annunzio; Mazzini, Nievo, Settembrini, De Sanctis, Carducci, Pascoli, D’Annunzio; Latin: Latin:
Aeneid, Georgics Aeneid, Georgics Book IV, six chapters of the Book IV, six of the Eclogues Eclogues; 15 odes of Horace, 4 satires, 4 epistles; ; 15 odes of Horace, 4 satires, 4 epistles; Livy: 40 chapters; Tacitus: Livy: 40 chapters; Tacitus: Germania Germania; Cicero: ; Cicero: De Finibus De Finibus, Book I; selections from Christian authors; , Book I; selections from Christian authors; Lucretius: 200 lines; Lucretius: 200 lines; Greek: Greek:
Odyssey Odyssey, Book VIII; 300 lines of Greek lyric; Plato: , Book VIII; 300 lines of Greek lyric; Plato: Criton Criton; Sophocles: ; Sophocles: Oedipus Rex Oedipus ; Demostene: ; Demostene: 40 paragraphs; 40 paragraphs; Philosophy: Philosophy: Plato, Plato, Phaedrus Phaedrus; Kant, ; Kant, Prolegomena Prolegomena; Hegel, ; Hegel, Encyclopedia Encyclopedia, Part I; Fichte, , Part I; Fichte, the Second Doctrine of the Second Doctrine of Science. Science.
The list so far concerns required reading, and it goes on for some lines on some titles that Tonelli read out of
The list so far concerns required reading, and it goes on for some lines on some titles that Tonelli read of his own initiative. Then it ends by saying that the student “knows French and English, and has studied his own initiative. it ends by saying that the “knows French English, has German and Spanish for a long time”. German and Spanish for a long time”
So what do we make of this curriculum? While it might seem quite impressive at first glance, if we actually
So what do we make of this curriculum? While it might seem quite impressive at first glance, if we actually parse it we might be somewhat underwhelmed To begin with, there are only five works of national parse it we might be somewhat underwhelmed. To begin with, there are only five works of national literature (and of quite unequal lengths, if one compares literature (and of quite unequal lengths, if one compares The Prince with Divine Comedy The Prince with Divine Comedy) that must be read ) that must be read in full, and many American high schools would require students to read substantially more in this category. in many American high schools would require students to read substantially more in this category. In the philosophy category, there is a clear intention to choose shorter works of major philosophers In the category, there is a clear intention to choose shorter works of major ( (Prolegomena Prolegomena vs vs tthe he Critiques Critiques, one section of the , one section of the Encyclopedia Encyclopedia vs, say, the vs, say, the Phenomenology Phenomenology). In the Greek ) In the Greek and Latin sections, it is also perfectly conceivable that a well-equipped high school today can teach this and Latin sections, it is also perfectly conceivable that a well-equipped high school today can teach this amount of Greek and Latin over five years (Italian high schools last five years instead of four) As for of Greek and over five years (Italian high schools last five years instead of four). As for modern languages, we shall see how mastery of them can be, for the lack of a better word, a quite “elastic” modern languages, we shall see how mastery of them can be, for the lack of a better word, a quite “elastic” concept. In short, while this is indeed a solid curriculum for a humanistically inclined teenager, he would concept. In short, while is indeed a solid curriculum for a humanistically inclined teenager, he would not have come even close to having an overall understanding of “the Western canon”, and there is also not not have come even close to having an overall understanding of “the Western canon”, and there is also not much reason to assume that American and European high schools today are inherently less capable of much reason to assume that American and European high schools today are inherently less capable of executing a similarly structured curriculum. executing a similarly structured curriculum.
Auerbach’s and Boitani’s perception, therefore, seems to be based on institutionally incentivized wishful projection. What I mean by this is that students were encouraged, even required to make precocious
Auerbach’s and Boitani’s perception, therefore, seems to be based on institutionally incentivized wishful
What I mean by is were even required to make precocious
THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE SNS ARCHIVES THE SNS ARCHIVES
Wenbin Gao (Yale University) Wenbin Gao (Yale University) pronouncements which far exceeded their actual knowledge. I can provide an endless list on how a group of pronouncements which far exceeded their actual knowledge. I can provide an endless list on how a group of 17/18/19-year olds were asked to make sweeping announcements on the Renaissance, the Baroque, olds were asked to make sweeping announcements on the Renaissance, the Baroque, Romanticism, Realism etc etc, but a few examples would suffice. In 1888 and 1896, applicants were asked Romanticism, Realism etc etc, but a few examples would suffice In 1888 and 1896, applicants were asked to justify why Ariosto’s poetry is considered “the highest poetry” ( to justify why Ariosto’s poetry is considered “the highest poetry” (altissima poesia altissima poesia). In 1914, they were ). In 1914, they were asked to broadly comment on the “Italian lyric” in the first decade after Italian Unification In 1915 (and this asked to broadly comment on the “Italian lyric” in the first decade after Italian Unification. In 1915 (and this is indeed my favorite), they had to pontificate on “the religious ideal in its artistic manifestations in the is indeed my favorite), they had to pontificate on “the religious ideal in its artistic manifestations in the Italian genius”. That well-trained high-school graduates could come up with cogent answers for bombastic genius”. That high-school come up with cogent answers for bombastic questions like these in order to pass a highly selective exam is probably what led people like Auerbach to questions like these in order to pass a highly selective exam is what led people like Auerbach to believe that an entire class of people were sociologically more inclined to appreciate high culture, and there believe that an entire class of people were sociologically more inclined to appreciate high culture, and there is some truth to that. But we have to ask what kind of “appreciation” we are exactly talking about. George is some truth to that. But we have to ask what kind of “appreciation” we are exactly talking about. George Satayana has the following description on the sort of pseudo-knowledge prevalent among the Harvard elite Satayana has the following description on the sort of pseudo-knowledge prevalent among the Harvard elite at the turn of the twentieth century: the turn of the twentieth century:
I can well believe that my pupils...gathered only vague notions of the authors I discussed: for I doubt I can well believe that my pupils gathered only vague notions of the authors I discussed: for I doubt that the texts were much studied directly in those days at Harvard. The undergraduates were thinking that the texts were much studied directly in those days at Harvard The undergraduates were thinking only of examinations and relied on summaries in the histories of philosophy and on lecture notes. (2) only of examinations and relied on summaries in the histories of philosophy and on lecture notes. (2)
A few decades later, the renowned Austrian comparative philologist Leo Spitzer was no fool either While
A few decades later, the renowned Austrian comparative philologist Leo Spitzer was no fool either. While reveling in the lofty rhetoric of how a small group of authors could represent a nation’s soul, he was well in the lofty of how a group of represent a nation’s soul, he was well aware that many Princeton students were feigning expertise by exclusively relying on secondary sources, so aware that many Princeton students were feigning expertise by on secondary sources, so he sternly warned them to “Read your texts!” (3) he sternly warned them to “Read your texts!” (3)
Returning to my micro-study of the Scuola Normale, let how English was taught there during the first half of the twentieth century From 1925-1960, the institution’s only English instructor was during the first half of the twentieth century. From 1925-1960, the institution’s only English was Beatrice Giglioli, and I have been able to recover her lesson registries which often contained brief syllabi. In Beatrice Giglioli, and I have been able to recover her lesson registries which contained brief syllabi. In the fall of 1931, her lessons for higher-level students curiously alternated between covering basic grammar the fall of 1931, her lessons for students curiously alternated between covering basic grammar and reading highly advanced texts. In the morning she would be using Guido Ferrando and Aldo Ricci’s and reading highly advanced texts In the morning she would be using Guido Ferrando and Aldo Ricci’s English grammar to cover topics such as the definite article, but in the afternoon she would ask students to English grammar to cover topics such as the definite article, but in the afternoon she would ask students to read Shakespeare’s read Shakespeare’s Macbeth Macbeth How students who still didn’t fully grasp the definite article could possibly . How students who still didn’t fully grasp the definite article could possibly have read have read Macbeth Macbeth mystifies me The Long March through mystifies me. The Long March through Macbeth Macbeth lasted 16 one-hour sessions stretching lasted 16 one-hour sessions stretching from November 26th, 1931 to January 28th, 1932, and I suspect what happened was a lot of translation, from November 26th, 1931 to January 28th, 1932, and I suspect what happened was a lot of translation, philological parsing and rote memorization. While Giglioli regularly taught a wide range of English authors, parsing and rote memorization While Giglioli regularly taught a wide range of English authors, she seemed to have believed that Shakespeare served a special pedagogical purpose, even for students who she seemed to have believed that Shakespeare served a special pedagogical purpose, even for students who couldn’t read him. For her beginning students, she routinely used Charles Lamb’s adaptations of couldn’t read him. For her beginning students, she routinely used Charles Lamb’s adaptations of Shakespeare for children While I have no objection to this choice Shakespeare for children. While I have no objection this choice per se, per I am obliged to point out this I am obliged to point out this 2 George Satayana, 2 Satayana, The Middle Span, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1945, p 155
Returning to my micro-study of the Scuola Normale, let me reconstruct how English was taught there
THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE GOOD OLD DAYS? EVIDENCE ON LITERARY STUDIES FROM THE SNS ARCHIVES THE SNS ARCHIVES
consistent obsession with canonical authors who somehow had to be included into language lessons at the obsession with who somehow to be included into language lessons at rudimentary level. This again points to the incentive structure that would reward students who maximally rudimentary level This again points to the incentive structure that would reward students who aligned with high culture, although the cumbersome efforts needed to master fossilized texts might have aligned with high culture, although the cumbersome efforts needed to master fossilized texts might have hindered effective learning. One wonders whether students really mastered English by reading Shakespeare hindered effective learning. One wonders whether students really mastered English by reading Shakespeare in this fashion, and returning to our friend Giorgio Tonelli once more, one wonders if his alleged mastery of this fashion, and returning friend Giorgio Tonelli once more, wonders if his alleged mastery of French and English by the end of high school was also a smattering of grammar, vocabulary, and cliched French and English by the end of high school was also a smattering of grammar, vocabulary, and cliched formulations regarding certain well-known authors. formulations certain well-known authors.
I am reminded of an Italian joke I once heard. An Italian nobleman on his deathbed wished to confess his
I am reminded of an Italian joke I once heard An Italian nobleman on his deathbed wished to confess his sins. “Father,” he said, “I have passionately entered into twelve duels over the issue of whether Dante or sins. “Father,” he said, have passionately entered into twelve duels over the issue of whether Dante or Ariosto is the greater author ” “How horrible!” the priest replied, “You must repent for your pride and Ariosto is the greater author.” “How horrible!” the priest replied, “You must repent for your pride and rage!” “No, father ” the man said, “I need to confess my sin of lying I have never read either Dante or rage!” “No, father.” the man said, “I need to confess my sin of lying. I have never read either Dante or Ariosto.” When we look back on the history of our discipline, an urgent conversation that has been Ariosto.” When we look on the history of our discipline, an urgent conversation that been consistently obscured concerns intellectual honesty. Harold Bloom, regardless of whether one likes him or obscured concerns intellectual honesty Harold Bloom, regardless of whether one likes him or not, actually read all those books, and for that only he already deserves tremendous credit. Traditional not, actually read all those books, and for that only he already deserves tremendous credit Traditional discourses on canon formation easily become ideological camouflage for people who marshall certain discourses on canon formation easily become ideological camouflage for people who marshall certain cultural symbols to jockey for better positions They also create a vicious cycle because the more we put cultural symbols to jockey for better positions. They also create vicious cycle because the more we put “the canon” on a pedestal, the more we create unrealistic expectations that encumber the learning process “the canon” on a pedestal, the more we create unrealistic expectations that encumber the learning process while incentivizing students and teachers to inflate their competence. incentivizing and teachers to inflate their competence.
The so-called Golden Age of comparative literary studies is predicated on the intertwined claims of
The so-called Golden Age of comparative literary studies is predicated on the intertwined claims of polyglotism and cultural erudition. I have tried to deflate both claims by doing a case study of the polyglotism and cultural erudition. I have tried to deflate both claims by doing a case study of the prestigious Scuola Normale, in an Italian system where many are arguing that too much classics and too prestigious Scuola Normale, in an Italian system where many are arguing that too much classics and much Dante have stifled the education system But classics and Dante are not the problem, as long as we much Dante have stifled the education system. But classics and Dante are not the problem, as long as we study them with clear-headed honesty: we as scholars are called to know, and we must take this obligation study them with clear-headed honesty: we as are called to and we must take obligation seriously, cautiously, without exaggeration, deflection or deception. On a methodological level, I also hope seriously, without exaggeration, deflection or deception On a methodological level, I also more students of literature can raise their eyes from texts and hermeneutics of texts to examine institutional more students of literature can raise their eyes from texts and hermeneutics of texts to examine institutional arrangements of cultural discourses, especially arrangements in institutions of higher education about which arrangements of cultural discourses, especially arrangements in institutions of higher education about which plenty of archival sources still wait to be examined plenty of archival sources still wait to be examined.
LOUIS XIV IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
LOUIS XIV IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
“A lot of people have criticised me, and still do every day, for I brought us to establishing the “A lot of people have criticised me, and still do every day, for I brought us to establishing the Manufactures” (1) Manufactures” (1)
“As arbitrary power is the bane of kings, so luxury poisons a whole nation It is said that luxury
“As arbitrary power the bane of kings, so luxury poisons a whole nation. It is said that luxury maintains the poor at the expense of the rich, as if the poor could not gain a livelihood, and be more maintains the poor at expense of the rich, as if the poor not a be more useful in multiplying the fruits of the earth, without enervating the rich by the refinements of luxury. useful in the fruits of the earth, without enervating the rich by the refinements of luxury
A whole nation comes by degrees to look upon superfluities as necessary to life, and to invent such
A whole nation comes by degrees to look upon superfluities as necessary to life, and to invent such necessaries every day; so that they cannot dispense with what was counted superfluous thirty years necessaries every day; so that they cannot dispense with what was counted superfluous thirty years before Such luxury is called good taste, the perfection of the arts, and the politeness of a nation This before. Such luxury is called good taste, the perfection of the arts, and the politeness of a nation. This vice, which draws after it an infinite number of others, is extolled as a virtue ” (2) vice, which draws after it an infinite number of others, is extolled as a virtue.” (2)
- François Fénelon, - François Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque Les Aventures de Télémaque, 1699 , 1699
The two quotes presented here explore varying perspectives on Louis XIV’s promotion of the arts and
The two quotes presented here explore varying perspectives on Louis XIV’s promotion of the arts and luxury industries during his reign. Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619–1683), as the King’s Minister of State, luxury industries during his reign. Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619–1683), as the King’s Minister of State, addresses the critiques aimed at his ambitious commercial policies and the political reforms he addresses the critiques aimed at his ambitious commercial policies and the political reforms he implemented He defends these actions by emphasising their role in establishing France as a leader in luxury implemented. He defends these by emphasising their role establishing France as leader in luxury manufacturing, despite some short-term financial losses. This perspective aligns with his ambition of manufacturing, despite some short-term financial This perspective aligns with his ambition of enhancing the monarchy’s stature through economic strength. Contrastingly, François Fénelon (1651–1715) enhancing the monarchy’s stature through economic strength Contrastingly, François Fénelon in his novel in his novel Les Aventures de Télémaque Les Aventures de Télémaque (1699), intended as a pedagogical tool for ethical and political (1699), intended as a pedagogical tool for ethical and political education, criticises Colbert’s strategies. He argues that these policies harmed the kingdom’s fiscal stability education, criticises Colbert’s strategies. He argues that these policies harmed the kingdom’s fiscal stability and virtue, primarily serving the King’s martial desires at the state’s expense Fénelon advocates here for an and virtue, primarily serving the King’s martial desires the state’s expense. Fénelon advocates here for an economic model prioritising close relations with the citizenry over luxury trade His views, though model prioritising close relations with the citizenry over luxury trade. His views, though controversial at the royal court, gained substantial traction, marking controversial the royal court, gained substantial traction, marking Télémaque as one of the most as one of the influential books in France, second only to the Bible during the eighteenth century. (3) influential books in France, second only to the Bible during the eighteenth century (3)
Fénelon’s retrospective on Louis XIV’s policies underlines a critical narrative about the political and Fénelon’s retrospective on Louis XIV’s policies underlines a critical narrative about the political and economic strategies of that era The historical debate over the King’s legacy, in which Fénelon was joined strategies of that era. The historical debate over the King’s legacy, which Fénelon was joined by the likes of Montesquieu and Voltaire, is significant not just for its enduring impact but also for by the likes of Montesquieu and Voltaire, is significant not just for its enduring impact but also for presenting a model of political and economic discourse that resonated with the ideological shifts of the late presenting a model political and economic discourse resonated with the ideological shifts of the Ancien régime Ancien régime. In fact, the discussions over Louis XIV’s reign shaped political expression all the way up to In fact, the discussions over Louis XIV’s reign political expression all the way up to the French Revolution, influencing debates on monarchical authority and the patronage of the arts. the French Revolution, influencing debates on monarchical authority and the patronage of the arts Furthermore, I argue that the scrutiny of Louis XIV’s reign is essential for understanding the complex Furthermore, I argue that the scrutiny of Louis XIV’s reign is essential for understanding the complex interplay between political power, economic strategy and cultural expression It reveals the profound effects interplay between political power, economic strategy and cultural expression. It reveals the profound effects of these debates on forming a Republican French identity and governance system The archetype of the Sun of these debates on forming a Republican French identity and governance system. The archetype of the Sun King and the lasting influence of these historical debates are deeply rooted in the evolving context of the King and the lasting influence these historical debates are deeply rooted in the evolving of the
1 Colbert Jean-Baptiste, 1 Colbert Jean-Baptiste, Testament politique de messire Jean-Baptiste Colbert Ministre & Secretaire d’Etat, Où l’on voit tout ce qui s ’est passé sous le Regne de Louis le Grand, Testament politique de messire Jean-Baptiste Colbert Ministre & Secretaire d’Etat, Où l’on voit tout ce qui s ’est passé sous le Regne de Louis le Grand, justq’en l’année 1684 justq’en l’année 1684 (L’Aia, Bulderen, 1694), 486-487 Bulderen, 486-487
2 2 François Fénelon, François Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque Aventures (Paris: Gallimard, 1995), 33 1995),
3 3 Jacques Le Brun preface, François Fénelon, Le Brun François Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque Les de Télémaque (Paris: Gallimard, 1995) 7 (Paris: Gallimard, 1995) 7
LOUIS XIV IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
LOUIS XIV IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University) eighteenth century, shaping historical memories and the methodologies of historians like Fénelon. In eighteenth century, shaping historical memories and the methodologies of historians like Fénelon. In summary, the historical narratives crafted around Louis XIV’s reign, provide a rich field for analyzing shifts summary, the historical narratives crafted around Louis XIV’s reign, provide a rich field for analyzing shifts in memory, history and political critique from 1700 to the French Revolution This paper will delve into memory, history and political critique from 1700 the French Revolution. This will delve these narratives, underscoring the intertwined relationship between power, memory and historical legacy. these underscoring intertwined between power, memory historical legacy.
I. Prehumous Concerns with Posthumous Celebrity I. Prehumous Concerns with Posthumous Celebrity
The establishment of The establishment of La petite académie La petite académie in 1663 under the reign of Louis XIV marks a foundational 1663 under the reign of Louis XIV marks a foundational moment in the intellectual history of France Given royal patronage, this institution was the precursor to moment in the intellectual history of France. Given royal this institution was the precursor to what would evolve into the five Académies royales, becoming the leading French scholarly society devoted what would evolve the five Académies royales, becoming the leading French scholarly society devoted to history. Initially, the académie’s mission was largely focused on documenting the king’s reign through to history Initially, the académie’s mission was largely focused on the king’s reign through Latin inscriptions and the design of commemorative medals. (4) Under Colbert’s guidance, the scope Latin inscriptions and the design of commemorative medals (4) Under Colbert’s guidance, the scope expanded to include directing the artistic narratives at the Palais de Versailles and other royal residences. expanded to include directing the artistic narratives at the Palais de Versailles and other royal residences. Belles lettres, or historical literature, was soon incorporated into the society’s objectives By the century’s Belles lettres, or historical literature, was soon incorporated into the society’s objectives. By the century’s end, it encompassed archaeological studies including palaeography, epigraphy, numismatics and end, it encompassed archaeological studies including palaeography, epigraphy, and sigillography, although its core purpose continued to be tracing France’s historical lineage and asserting its sigillography, although its core purpose continued be tracing France’s historical lineage and asserting its eminence. (5) eminence (5)
The reign of the Sun King is often celebrated for this form of intellectual and artistic patronage, but it also
The reign of the Sun King is often celebrated for this form of intellectual and artistic patronage, but it also marked significant involvement in manufacturing, particularly from the 1660s onward The early marked significant involvement in manufacturing, particularly from the 1660s onward. The early tumultuous years of Louis XIV’s rule, especially during the Fronde, led to a restructuring of governance tumultuous years of Louis XIV’s rule, especially during the Fronde, led to a restructuring of governance with a more centralized administrative system. (6) Colbert, as a key figure in this administration, with a more centralized administrative system. (6) Colbert, as a key figure in this administration, championed a series of economic reforms known as Colbertisme, deeply rooted in mercantilist philosophy, championed a series of economic reforms known as Colbertisme, deeply rooted in mercantilist which emphasized state intervention in the economy to enhance national wealth and power. This included which emphasized state intervention in the economy to enhance national wealth and power This included controlling industries, imposing tariffs to protect domestic markets and promoting overseas colonies to controlling industries, imposing tariffs to protect domestic markets and promoting overseas colonies to outcompete European rivals (7) outcompete European rivals. (7)
In 1664, three years prior to the establishment of the Petite académie, Louis XIV supported the creation of
In 1664, three years prior to establishment of the Petite académie, Louis XIV supported the creation of the Manufacture des Gobelins, which was followed by the establishment of the Manufacture royale de the Manufacture des Gobelins, which was followed by the establishment of the Manufacture royale de glaces de miroirs in Saint-Gobain, the Manufacture royale de tapisserie in Beauvais, and the Compagnie glaces de miroirs in Saint-Gobain, the Manufacture royale de tapisserie in Beauvais, and the Compagnie française pour le commerce des Indes orientales. These initiatives were aimed at reducing imports, such as française pour le commerce des Indes orientales. These initiatives were aimed at reducing imports, such as Venetian glass and Flemish Tapestries, and asserting French dominance in the luxury manufacturing Venetian glass and Flemish Tapestries, and asserting French dominance in the luxury manufacturing sectors In 1673, Colbert enacted the Code Savary, which regulated French commerce and trade, clarifying sectors. In 1673, Colbert enacted the Code Savary, which regulated French commerce and trade, clarifying business practices and particularly focusing on bankruptcy regulation. (8) This was part of a broader effort business practices particularly focusing on bankruptcy regulation. (8) This was of a effort
4 Louis-Ferdinand Alfred Maury,
4 Louis-Ferdinand L’Ancienne Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres inscriptions , 2nd Ed (Paris: Didier et Cie libraires-éditeurs, 1864) 10-11 , 2nd Ed libraires-éditeurs, 10-11
5 5 Ibid Ibid , 2, 92 , 92
6 Thomas Mun and Antonio Serra are often presented as Colbert’s mercantilist counterparts in England and in Italy
6 Thomas Mun and are often presented as Colbert’s mercantilist counterparts England and Italy
7 Daniel Jütte, 7 Daniel Jütte, Transparency: The Material History of an Idea ( The Material of an Idea (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2023), 216, 225-228; Thierry Sarmand, “Louis XIV, Colbert, Le Brun et les New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2023), 216, 225-228; Thierry Sarmand, “Louis XIV, Colbert, Le Brun et les manufactures de la Couronne,” in Thierry Sarmand (ed.), manufactures de la Couronne,” in Thierry Sarmand (ed.), Créer pour Louis XIV: Les manufactures de la Couronne sous Colbert et Le Brun Créer pour Louis XIV: Les de la Couronne sous Colbert et Le Brun (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2019), 21-40 (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 21-40
8 It was the first official stipulation in France that merchants should pay their accounts through existing assets See, Jacques Savary,
8 It was the stipulation that merchants pay through existing assets See, Savary, Edit du Roy, servant de reglement pour le Edit du servant de reglement pour le commerce des negocians & marchands, tant en gros qu ’ en détail des marchands, gros détail (Lyon: chez Antoine Jullieron, 1673), 24-26 (Lyon: chez Antoine 1673),
LOUIS XIV IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
LOUIS XIV IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
to stabilize the financial system amidst burgeoning private wealth and speculative ventures. The same year to stabilize the financial system amidst burgeoning private wealth and speculative ventures. The same year also saw the establishment of a manufacture for drapery in Languedoc, indicating the vast scope of also saw the establishment of a manufacture for drapery in Languedoc, indicating the scope of Colbert’s industrial policies which sought to distribute products across the Mediterranean and beyond By Colbert’s industrial policies which sought to distribute products the Mediterranean and beyond. By the end of the century, over fifty Manufactures and around ten Compagnies had been formed. the the century, over fifty Manufactures around Compagnies been formed.
Despite the sweeping scale of these reforms, they faced critical public opinion and financial challenges due
Despite the sweeping scale of these reforms, they faced critical public opinion and financial challenges due to the state’s mounting public debt linked to Louis XIV’s military expenditures. Colbert defended these to the state’s mounting public debt linked to Louis XIV’s military expenditures. Colbert defended these policies by stressing their strategic, long-term benefits, aiming to enhance national glory even at the expense policies by stressing their strategic, long-term benefits, aiming to enhance national glory even at the expense of immediate economic hardships: of immediate hardships:
“Things that are easy produce little or no glory and advantages; things that are difficult, on the
“Things that are easy produce little or no and advantages; that are difficult, on the contrary. If, in addition to the natural power of France, the King is able to add that which the art contrary If, in addition to the natural power of France, the King is able to add that which the art and industry of trade can produce, it will be easy to judge that the King’s greatness and power and industry of trade can produce, it will be easy to judge that the King’s greatness and power will increase prodigiously ” (9) will increase prodigiously.” (9)
His efforts to shift blame for the rising public debt onto municipal mismanagement highlight the His efforts shift blame for the public debt onto municipal mismanagement highlight controversies surrounding these policies. Post-Revolutionary historiography has often portrayed Colbert’s controversies surrounding these policies Post-Revolutionary historiography has often Colbert’s initiatives as largely unsuccessful, however, with economic historians like Eli F. Heckscher and Fernand initiatives as largely unsuccessful, however, with economic historians like Eli F Heckscher and Fernand Braudel suggesting that while innovative, they were more a continuation of existing mercantilist practices Braudel suggesting that while innovative, they were more a continuation of existing mercantilist practices rather than a radical departure (10) Revisionist historians have further questioned their effectiveness, rather than a radical departure. (10) Revisionist historians have further questioned their effectiveness, arguing that they may have stifled entrepreneurial spirit and imposed burdensome regulations that hindered that they may have stifled entrepreneurial spirit and imposed burdensome regulations that hindered economic development. (11) development. (11)
Nonetheless, the legacy of Colbert’s policies continued to influence French economic strategies, with Nonetheless, the legacy of Colbert’s policies continued to influence French economic strategies, with figures such as Fénelon, Voltaire, the Abbé Saint Pierre and Montesquieu, to name just a few, later figures such as Fénelon, Voltaire, the Abbé Saint Pierre and Montesquieu, to name just a few, later reflecting on their impacts A generation later, Adam Smith (1723–1790) found that “the mercantile error reflecting on their impacts. A generation later, Adam Smith (1723–1790) found that “the mercantile error lay not so much in the belief that money was synonymous with wealth as in the corollary from it, that lay so much the belief that money was with wealth as in the corollary from it, that wealth was only to be obtained by means of trade.” (12) These perspectives underscore the complexity of wealth was only to be obtained by means of (12) These perspectives underscore the complexity of assessing the success of Louis XIV’s commercial reforms, suggesting that while they may have had limited assessing the success of Louis XIV’s commercial reforms, suggesting that while they may have had limited immediate success, they had significant long-term effects on France’s learned society. immediate success, they had significant long-term effects on France’s learned society
9 Jean-Baptiste Colbert,
9 Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Mémoires sur le Commerce Mémoires sur le Commerce (1664), CCLXVII (1664), CCLXVII
10 E F Hecksher, Mercantilism, Vol I (London: Routledge, 1931/1994), 33-109; Fernand Braudel, 10 E Hecksher, Mercantilism, I 1931/1994), 33-109; Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II The Mediterranean and Mediterranean world in the age Philip II (New (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 221, 319; Fernand Braudel, York: Row, 1976), 221, 319; Fernand Civilization And Capitalism - The Perspective of the World, And Capitalism Perspective Vol III (London: Collins, 1984), 53 III (London: Collins, 1984), 53
11 Additionally, some contemporary scholars focus on the global impact of Colbertism, examining how its policies affected France’s colonies and international trade relations, Additionally, some contemporary scholars focus on of Colbertism, examining its policies affected colonies and relations, thereby contributing to the broader narrative of early modern globalization See, David Ormrod, thereby contributing to the broader narrative of early modern globalization See, David Ormrod, The Rise of Commercial Empires: England and the Netherlands in an Age of The Rise of Commercial Empires: England and the Netherlands in Age of Mercantilism, 1650-1770 Mercantilism, 1650-1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Dickson, Jan Parmentier and Jane Ohlmeyer (eds), Cambridge University Press, David Dickson, Jan Parmentier and Jane (eds), Irish and Scottish Mercantile Networks in Irish and Scottish Mercantile Networks in Europe and Overseas in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Europe and Overseas in Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Gent: Academia Press, 2007); Philip J Stern and Carl Wennerlind (eds.), (Gent: Academia Press, Philip J Carl Wennerlind Mercantilism Reimagined: Political Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire Early Modern Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); James D Tracy (ed.), (Oxford: University 2013); James D Tracy (ed.), The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and Political Economy Power and World Trade, 1350–1750 World Trade, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) (Cambridge: Cambridge 1997)
Regardless of bankrupcies, even in the short term, it should be mentioned that by 1700, French production had surpassed Holland and become England’s main rival Furthermore, a
Regardless of bankrupcies, even in the short it should be mentioned that by 1700, French production had surpassed Holland and become England’s main rival Furthermore, a handful of companies were still around in 1789 and became either nationalised or sold Some like Saint-Gobain, have significantly modified their output, but still exist Soll, Free handful of companies were still around in 1789 and became either nationalised or sold Some like Saint-Gobain, have significantly modified their output, but still exist Soll, Free Market, 114 Market, 114
12 Smith, The Wealth of Nations Nations, 20 ,
LOUIS XIV IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
LOUIS XIV IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Within Louis XIV’s lifetime, however, these views would not go unchallenged. To ensure the legacy of his
Within Louis XIV’s lifetime, however, these views would not go unchallenged. To ensure the legacy of his reign, Louis XIV and his advisors utilized the Académie royale des Inscriptions et Médaille to create royal reign, XIV and his advisors utilized the Académie royale des Inscriptions et Médaille to create royal propaganda The publication of the propaganda. The publication of the Médailles sur les événements du règne de Louis le Grand Médailles les événements du règne de Louis le Grand in 1702 1702 exemplifies this effort, depicting events from the king’s life and reign in a manner that sought to this effort, depicting events from the king’s life reign in a manner sought immortalize his legacy through historical narrative and artistic representation. The committee justified this immortalize his legacy through historical narrative and artistic representation The committee justified this publication as follows: publication as follows:
“Monsieur Colbert, who had nothing but great ideas when it “Monsieur Colbert, who nothing but great ideas when came to the glory of his Master, rightly believed that nothing came to the of his Master, rightly believed that nothing could better perpetuate the memory of the King’s deeds than could better perpetuate the memory of the King’s deeds than medals on the events of his reign [...] he, therefore, formed, medals on the events of his reign [...] he, therefore, formed, with the approval of His Majesty, a small Academy, which with the approval of His Majesty, a small Academy, which was often visited, and where the History given to the public was often visited, and where the History to the public originated.” (13) originated.” (13)
The book’s frontispiece communicates the desired impact of this The book’s frontispiece communicates the desired impact of this book well as it depicts Clio, the Muse of History, writing the book well as it depicts Clio, the Muse of History, writing account of the reign on the back of the old Chronos, the account of the reign on the back of the old Chronos, the personification of time, that she is about to entrust to Mercury to be personification of time, that she is about to entrust to Mercury to be delivered to people for all eternity. This melding of history, art and delivered to people for all eternity. This melding of history, art and politics under Colbert’s administration illustrates the intertwined politics under Colbert’s administration illustrates the intertwined nature of governance, intellectual pursuits and cultural production of governance, intellectual pursuits and cultural production during the reign of Louis XIV, offering a multifaceted view of an during the reign of Louis XIV, offering a multifaceted view an era that significantly shaped the trajectory of French history. era that significantly shaped the trajectory of French history
II. Louis XIV as a Counterexample in Princely Didactics
II. Louis XIV as a Counterexample in Princely Didactics
François Fénelon’s François Fénelon’s Les Aventures de Télémaque Les Aventures de Télémaque, first published in 1699, is a seminal work in French , first published in 1699, is a seminal work in French literature that blends pedagogy with political critique. A continuation of Homer’s epic, the novel functions literature that blends pedagogy with political critique. A continuation of Homer’s epic, the novel functions as a guide for princes and simultaneously serves as a veiled critique of Louis XIV’s reign It particularly a guide for and simultaneously a veiled of Louis XIV’s reign. It particularly targets the policies of his minister, Colbert, and the broader absolutist foundations of his monarchy As a targets the policies of his Colbert, and the broader absolutist foundations of his monarchy. As a result, it joins, in a markedly more critical way, works like result, it joins, in a markedly more critical way, works Les Médailles sur les événements du règne de Les Médailles les événements du règne de Louis le Grand Louis le Grand in shaping public opinion about the king’s rule. This reproving perspective was not new to in shaping public opinion about the king’s rule This reproving perspective was not new to Fénelon’s writings, his earlier fable “The Bees” (1689), which adopts the style of the fabulist Jean de La Fénelon’s writings, his earlier fable “The Bees” (1689), which adopts the style of the fabulist Jean de La Fontaine (1621–1695), also tackled themes of luxury and set the stage for the more comprehensive Fontaine (1621–1695), also tackled themes of luxury and set the stage for the more comprehensive exploration found in exploration found in Telemachus Telemachus (14) . (14)
The narrative follows the son of Odysseus and Penelope, Telemachus, who embarks on a perilous journey to narrative the son of Odysseus Penelope, Telemachus, who embarks on a perilous journey to
LOUIS XIV IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
LOUIS XIV IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
find his father, who was absent for ten years following the Achaean victory in the Trojan War. Guided by find his father, who was absent for ten years following the Achaean victory in the Trojan War. Guided by his wise tutor, Mentor who is later revealed to be Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, in disguise his wise tutor, Mentor who later revealed be the goddess of wisdom, in disguise
Telemachus’s travels are laden with encounters that deliver moral and political lessons aimed at preparing Telemachus’s travels are laden with that deliver moral and political lessons aimed at him for future kingship. In one such episode, Telemachus encounters society crumbling under the weight of him for future kingship. In one such episode, Telemachus encounters society crumbling weight of decadence and despotic rule. This is used to illustrate Louis XIV’s luxurious and self-indulgent court. (15) decadence and despotic rule This is used to illustrate Louis XIV’s luxurious and self-indulgent court (15) Further into their journey, Telemachus and Mentor meet the Cyclops, where the young prince learns about Further into their journey, Telemachus and Mentor meet the Cyclops, where the young prince learns about strategic restraint and the perils of unchecked ambition traits Fénelon attributed to Louis XIV’s aggressive strategic restraint and the perils of unchecked ambition traits Fénelon attributed to Louis XIV’s aggressive foreign policies (16) Similarly, the character of the war-driven King Idomeneus serves as a mirror to Louis foreign policies. (16) Similarly, the character of the war-driven King Idomeneus as a mirror to Louis XIV, illustrating the personal and public devastation wrought by warmongering a pointed commentary on XIV, illustrating the personal and public devastation wrought by a pointed commentary on the king’s costly military ventures. (17) The novel also explores themes of governance, particularly the the king’s costly military ventures. (17) The novel also explores themes governance, particularly balance of power and the role of the nobility. Through Mentor’s dialogues, Fénelon voices his disapproval balance of power and the role of the nobility Mentor’s dialogues, Fénelon voices his disapproval of the centralization of authority and the erosion of noble privileges under Louis XIV, suggesting that such of the centralization of authority and the erosion of noble privileges under Louis XIV, suggesting that such measures weaken the social fabric and concentrate power with the monarch. measures weaken the social fabric and concentrate power with the monarch.
These Homeric encounters serve as a foundational lesson in justice, compassion and prudence as essential These Homeric serve a foundational lesson in justice, compassion and prudence as essential traits for a righteous ruler, distinctly opposing the grandeur and conquests that characterized Louis XIV’s traits for a ruler, distinctly opposing grandeur and conquests characterized Louis XIV’s reign. Fénelon envisioned a virtuous king who would find strength not through fear or oppression but reign Fénelon envisioned a virtuous king who would find strength not through fear or oppression but through the love and gratitude of his subjects: through the love and gratitude of his subjects:
“Love your people like your children; enjoy the pleasure of being loved by them and ensure that they
“Love your people like your children; enjoy the pleasure of being loved by them and ensure that they can never feel peace or joy without feeling that it is a good king who has given them these lavish can feel or joy without feeling that it a good king who has them these lavish gifts. Kings who think only of being feared and slaughtering their subjects are the scourges of the gifts. Kings who think only of being slaughtering their subjects are the scourges of human race. They are feared as they wish to be, but they are hated and detested, and they have even human race They are feared as wish to be, but they are hated and detested, and have even more to fear from their subjects than their subjects have to fear from them.” (18) more to fear from their subjects than their subjects have to fear from them ” (18)
This model of leadership advocated for a stable balance of power, prioritizing internal economic
This model of leadership advocated for a stable balance of power, prioritizing internal economic development over territorial expansion, which Fénelon believed would lead to a more peaceful and stable development over territorial expansion, which Fénelon believed would lead to more peaceful and stable Europe. (19) Europe. (19)
Fénelon’s critique extended to the economic policies of Colbert, particularly the emphasis on luxury through Fénelon’s critique extended to the economic policies of Colbert, particularly the emphasis on luxury through the Manufactures royales and external trade with the Compagnies royales aimed at competing with Dutch the Manufactures royales and external trade with the Compagnies royales aimed at competing with Dutch and English commercial interests According to Fénelon, Colbert’s strategies not only strained France’s and English commercial interests. According to Fénelon, Colbert’s strategies only strained France’s resources but also morally corrupted its people, contributing to wars that sought to satisfy the king’s resources but also morally corrupted its people, contributing to wars that sought to satisfy the king’s personal ambitions rather than the nation’s welfare. Echoing the thoughts of earlier philosophers like the personal ambitions rather than the nation’s welfare. Echoing the thoughts of earlier philosophers Earl of Shaftesbury and Saint-Lambert, who advocated for the controlled use of luxury to foster a patriotic Earl of Shaftesbury and Saint-Lambert, who advocated for the controlled use of luxury to foster a patriotic
18 Fénelon, Fénelon, Les Aventures de Télémaque Les de Télémaque, 46 , 46
19 Nakhimovsky, “The enlightened prince,” 53-534 “The enlightened 53-534
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Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
spirit, Fénelon proposed a more radical approach: the complete abolition of luxury. (20) He argued that such spirit, Fénelon proposed a more radical approach: the complete abolition of luxury. (20) He argued that such a measure was necessary for France to recover from the effects of absolutism, suggesting an elaborate a measure was necessary for France to recover from the effects of absolutism, suggesting an elaborate regime of sumptuary laws to curb luxury and a reorientation of the economy towards agricultural regime of sumptuary laws to curb luxury and a reorientation of the economy towards agricultural production. production.
Fénelon’s religious background profoundly influenced his views on Louis XIV, as well as his relations with Fénelon’s religious background profoundly influenced his views on Louis XIV, as well as his relations with critics who idealized anti-Christianity and anti-monarchism. (21) As a prominent French archbishop and critics who idealized anti-Christianity and anti-monarchism. (21) As a prominent French archbishop and theologian, he was deeply committed to Quietism, a mystical branch of Christianity that emphasizes inner theologian, he was deeply committed to Quietism, a mystical branch of Christianity that emphasizes peace and divine union through contemplation His dedication to these principles led to a theological dispute and divine union through contemplation. His dedication these principles led to theological dispute with Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704), a leading theologian, resulting in Fénelon’s censure by Pope with Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704), a leading theologian, resulting in Fénelon’s censure by Pope Innocent XII in 1699. Despite this setback, he remained a respected religious figure, focusing on pastoral Innocent XII in 1699 Despite this setback, he remained a religious figure, focusing on pastoral care and advocating for Christian charity. His writings, such as care and advocating for Christian charity His writings, such as Explication des maximes des saints Explication des maximes des saints (1697), (1697), aimed to blend Christian doctrine with practical morality, reflecting his commitment in aimed to blend Christian doctrine with practical morality, reflecting his commitment in Telemachus Telemachus tto o spiritual and ethical principles spiritual and ethical principles.
Another significant influence on Fénelon’s perspectives was his professional role. His position as tutor to
Another significant influence on Fénelon’s was his professional role. His position as tutor to the Duke of Burgundy allowed him to enact the mentorship dynamics depicted in his book, mirroring the the Duke of Burgundy allowed him to enact the mentorship depicted in his book, mirroring the educational relationship between Telemachus and Mentor. Serving from 1689 to 1697, Fénelon took on the educational relationship between Telemachus and Mentor Serving from 1689 to 1697, Fénelon took on the role of both a teacher and a moral guide, tasked with shaping the character of a future king during a critical role of both a teacher and a moral guide, tasked with shaping the character of a future king during a critical developmental phase His pedagogical approach emphasized the importance of virtue over memorization developmental phase. pedagogical approach emphasized the importance of virtue over memorization and sought to develop critical thinking through dialogue and discussion, diverging from traditional strict and sought develop critical thinking through dialogue and discussion, diverging from traditional strict disciplinary methods. This focus on moral education was aligned with the classical and Renaissance methods. This on moral education was aligned with classical and Renaissance tradition of princely didactics found in texts such as Aristotle’s tradition of didactics found in texts such as Aristotle’s Politics Politics (4th-c. BC), Xenophon’s (4th-c BC), Xenophon’s Cyropaedia Cyropaedia (4th-c. BC), Erasmus’s (4th-c BC), Erasmus’s The Education of a Christian Prince The Education of a Christian Prince (1516) and Machiavelli’s (1516) and Machiavelli’s The The Prince Prince (1532). Fénelon’s work, however, contrasts with Machiavellian principles, which often viewed the (1532). Fénelon’s work, however, contrasts with Machiavellian principles, which often viewed the populace as easily deceived and advocated ruling through fear rather than love Fénelon reversed this view, populace easily deceived and advocated ruling through fear rather than love. Fénelon reversed this view, championing a governance based on mutual respect and benevolence between ruler and subjects (22) championing a governance based on mutual respect and benevolence between ruler and subjects. (22) Fénelon’s relationship with the Duke’s grandfather, Louis XIV soured due to the controversial ideas relationship with the Duke’s grandfather, Louis XIV soured to the controversial expressed in in Telemachus Telemachus. This eventually led to Fénelon’s dismissal from court, but not before his teachings This eventually led to Fénelon’s dismissal from court, but not before his had made a lasting impact on the future Louis XV, the Duke of Burgundy’s eldest son, and the broader had made a lasting impact on the future Louis XV, the Duke of Burgundy’s eldest son, and the broader European intellectual landscape. (23) European intellectual landscape. Telemachus Telemachus itself became a staple of moral instruction, utilised by itself became a staple of moral instruction, utilised by thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), who provides Emile’s female counterpart, Sophie, thinkers such as Jean-Jacques (1712–1778), who provides Emile’s female counterpart, Sophie, with a copy, while the young boy was given Daniel Defoe’s with a copy, while the young boy was Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe Robinson Crusoe (1719) (24) Both of these (1719). (24) Both of these reflect Rousseau’s pedagogical program uniting nature and society. Rousseau’s pedagogical program uniting nature society.
20 Hont, “Chapter 13,” 380 Hont, “Chapter 13,”
21 Rothkrug, Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV Opposition to XIV, 461 , 461
22 Nakhimovsky, “The enlightened prince,” 51
22 Nakhimovsky, “The enlightened prince,” 51
23 Paul Hazard, 23 Paul Hazard, The European Mind, 1680-1715 The European Mind, 1680-1715 (Cleveland Ohio: Meridian Books, 1967), 282 Ohio: Meridian Books, 1967), 282
24 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Émile: Éducation - Morale - Botanique, Émile: Éducation - Morale - iin n Œuvres complètes, Œuvres complètes, IV (Paris: Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1959), 762-763 IV (Paris: Pléiade,
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Conclusion Conclusion::
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
Hannah Morand (Yale University)
In 1751, Voltaire wrote of Louis XIV’s reign: In 1751, Voltaire wrote of Louis XIV’s
“Under the lavish royal hand all the minor arts rejoiced. Splendid carpets were made at La
“Under the lavish royal hand all the minor arts rejoiced Splendid carpets were made at La Savonnerie near Paris. Fine faïence was produced at Rouen and Moustiers, good majolica at Nevers, Savonnerie near Paris Fine faïence was produced at Rouen and Moustiers, good majolica at Nevers, soft-paste porcelain at Rouen and St. Cloud. Toward the end of the seventeenth-century French soft-paste porcelain at Rouen and St. Cloud. Toward the end of the seventeenth-century French craftsmen, prodded by Colbert, learned the Venetian secrets of casting, rolling, and polishing plate craftsmen, prodded by Colbert, learned the secrets of casting, rolling, and polishing plate glass ” (25) glass.” (25)
Fénelon’s Telemaque and Voltaire’s Le Siècle de Louis XIV represent contrasting historiographical
Fénelon’s and Voltaire’s Le Siècle de Louis XIV represent contrasting approaches to the reign of Louis XIV, reflecting the diverse eighteenth-century perspectives on his rule. approaches to the reign of Louis XIV, reflecting the diverse eighteenth-century perspectives on his rule
While Fénelon used his narrative to critique the King’s policies through allegorical lessons in governance, While Fénelon used his narrative to critique the King’s policies through allegorical lessons in governance, Voltaire celebrated Louis XIV and his advisor, Colbert, drawing parallels with figures like Alexander the Voltaire celebrated Louis XIV and his advisor, Colbert, drawing parallels with figures like Alexander the Great and Pericles, thus marking an epoch in French history with a more laudatory tone In this sense, he Great and Pericles, thus marking an epoch in French history with a more laudatory tone. In this sense, he rekindled the Petite académie’s efforts at making the legacy of Louis XIV that of a Sun King. rekindled the Petite académie’s efforts making the legacy of Louis XIV that of a Sun King.
These works, though not strictly historical, offer insights into their era's intellectual and cultural currents. These works, though not strictly historical, offer insights into their era's intellectual and cultural currents Voltaire, a philosopher, aimed to embellish his depiction of the period, captivating readers with grandeur. Voltaire, a philosopher, aimed to embellish his depiction of the period, captivating readers with grandeur. Fénelon's didactic work shaped views on kingship and morality Neither intended purely historical Fénelon's didactic work shaped views on kingship and morality. Neither intended purely historical documentation; they responded to contemporary needs This presentation has treated these texts as primary documentation; they responded to contemporary needs. This has treated these texts primary sources not on Louis XIV, but on the eighteenth century. They reflect a shift in historical perception, from sources not on Louis XIV, but on eighteenth century. They reflect a shift in historical perception, narratives of great men to nuanced explorations of policies. As the Revolution approached, these ideas narratives of great men to nuanced explorations of policies As the Revolution approached, these ideas framed debates on public debt and monarchical spending, challenging the Ancien régime and shaping a new
framed debates on public debt and monarchical spending, challenging the Ancien régime and shaping a new political narrative. political narrative.
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CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) Dan Nguyen University)
Between 1917 and 1918, Vietnamese and literary Chinese translations of Descartes’s
Between and 1918, Vietnamese and literary Chinese translations of Descartes’s Discours de la Discours de la Méthode Méthode were published in Nam-phong tap-chi 南⾵雜誌, one of the most influential reviews in were published in Nam-phong tap-chi 南⾵雜誌, one of the most influential reviews in pre-revolutionary Vietnam. Abruptly abandoned and subsequently forgotten, these partial translations of pre-revolutionary Vietnam. Abruptly abandoned and subsequently forgotten, these partial translations of Descartes’s Descartes’s Méthode Méthode represent the earliest attempts of Vietnamese intellectuals to render Western represent the earliest attempts of Vietnamese intellectuals to render Western philosophy into native modes of discourse Indeed, the Chinese translation published on philosophy into native modes of discourse. Indeed, the Chinese translation published on Nam-phong tap-ch Nam-phong tap-chii (henceforth, NPTC) may have been the first attempt to translate Descartes into the East Asian cosmopolitan (henceforth, NPTC) may have been the first translate Descartes East Asian cosmopolitan of literary Chinese. What did this reception of Western philosophy entail? Why start with Descartes? A of literary Chinese What did this reception of Western philosophy entail? Why start with Descartes? A close reading of the translations in question offers interesting intimations, albeit not those one might expect close reading of the translations in question offers interesting intimations, albeit not those one might expect from this meeting of minds. from this meeting of minds.
By the early 20th century, the traditionally Neo-Confucian intellectual elite of Vietnam had already
By the early 20th century, the traditionally Neo-Confucian intellectual elite of Vietnam had already undergone several generations of exposure to Western thought and culture vis-à-vis the French protectorate. undergone several generations of exposure to Western and culture vis-à-vis the Although study of classical texts and proficiency in traditional modes of intellectual and aesthetic of classical texts and proficiency in traditional modes of intellectual and aesthetic production remained relevant during the initial decades of the 20th century, this same period marked a production remained relevant during the initial decades of the 20th century, this same period marked a modulation towards “Western Learning” [西學] as the crux of intellectual interest. Henceforth, even the modulation towards “Western Learning” [西學] as the crux of intellectual interest. Henceforth, even the most ardent proponents of traditional culture now essentialized in neologistic terms such as “Old most ardent proponents of traditional culture now essentialized neologistic such “Old Learning” [舊學] or “Confucian Learning” [儒學] largely operated under a tacit acceptance of Western Learning” [舊學] or “Confucian Learning” [儒學] largely operated under a tacit acceptance of Western Learning’s utility as a valid, if novel, mode of intellectual inquiry. This shift was significant. As late as the Learning’s as a valid, if mode of intellectual inquiry. This shift was As as 1880s, prominent Nguyen dynasty literati interacted with Western thought primarily through the prism of 1880s, prominent Nguyen dynasty literati interacted with Western primarily the prism of hopelessly dated Chinese sources such as the hopelessly dated Chinese sources such as the Siku quanshu tiyao Siku quanshu tiyao 四庫全書提要. (1) From these texts, they 四庫全書提要 (1) From these texts, they gleaned a rudimentary understanding of gleaned a rudimentary understanding of philosophia philosophia as a “branch of learning concerned with as a “branch of learning concerned with
1 Hoang-Yen Nguyen, “Vietnamese Scholars and Their Perception of the West in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century: The Cases of Nguyen Van Sieu, Nguyen Tu Gian, and
1 Hoang-Yen and Their Perception of Second Century: The Cases Sieu, and Dang Huy Tru,” Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no.2 (2022): 191 Dang Tru,” Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies (2022): 191
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) principles” [理科] and even admitted its similarity to the Neo-Confucian concept of “examining things and principles” [理科] and even admitted its similarity to the Neo-Confucian concept of “examining things and exhausting principle” [格物窮理] Ultimately, these early encounters were shaded by dismissive, if not exhausting principle” [格物窮理]. Ultimately, these early encounters were shaded by dismissive, if polemical, attitudes on behalf of Vietnamese literati who regarded Western intellectuality as inherently polemical, attitudes on behalf of Vietnamese literati who regarded Western intellectuality as inherently inferior to the shared classical tradition of the East Asian literary Sinitic cosmopolis. inferior to the shared classical tradition of East Asian literary Sinitic cosmopolis.
Multilingual printed media such as
Multilingual printed media such as NPTC NPTC sought to remedy these longstanding intellectual and culture sought to remedy these longstanding intellectual and culture biases latent among classically-trained intellectuals whose loyalty to the Tradition had become instantiated biases latent among classically-trained intellectuals whose loyalty to the Tradition had become instantiated in Sinitic literacy Although published under colonial auspices, Sinitic literacy. Although published under colonial auspices, NPTC NPTC, its contributors, and readership defy , its contributors, and readership defy simplistic categorization This complexity can be encapsulated in the posthumous reception of the two simplistic categorization. This complexity be encapsulated in the posthumous reception of the two writers who translated Descartes’s writers who Descartes’s Méthode Méthode, Pham Quynh 范瓊 (1892-1945) and Duong Ba-Trac 楊伯濯 Quynh 范瓊 (1892-1945) Duong Ba-Trac 楊伯濯 (1884-1944). The latter has enjoyed a clean, albeit obscure, legacy. The former was executed by the Viet- (1884-1944) The latter has enjoyed a clean, albeit obscure, legacy The former was executed by the VietMinh and until recently was regularly vilified in socialist Vietnam as a personification of traitorous Minh and until recently was regularly vilified in socialist Vietnam as a personification of traitorous collaboration with the colonial establishment. Historiographical controversy aside, it is fair to understand collaboration with the colonial establishment. Historiographical controversy aside, it is fair to understand NPTC NPTC as a serious forum of sustained intellectual and aesthetic exchange bridging factional divides between as serious forum of sustained intellectual and aesthetic exchange bridging factional divides between “Old Learning” and “Western Learning ” “Old Learning” and “Western Learning.”
The Vietnamese and Chinese translations of Descartes’s The Vietnamese and Chinese translations of Descartes’s Méthode Méthode were published in Volumes I (1917) and were in Volumes I (1917) and II (1918) of II (1918) of NPTC NPTC. (2) Pham Quynh is credited as the translator of the Vietnamese version, Duong Ba-Trac (2) Pham Quynh is credited as the translator of the Vietnamese version, Duong Ba-Trac the Chinese. Although the two translations are presented as independent projects, conspicuous overlap in the Chinese. Although the two translations are presented as independent projects, conspicuous overlap in vocabulary and content (namely, the translator’s comments) suggest to me that Duong’s translation was vocabulary and content (namely, the translator’s comments) suggest me that Duong’s translation was likely done in consultation with Pham This would be in line with the editorial practice of likely done consultation with Pham. This would be in line with the editorial of NPTC NPTC which which simultaneously ran Pham’s Vietnamese essay “Triet-hoc la gi” [What is philosophy?] and Duong’s Chinese simultaneously ran Vietnamese essay “Triet-hoc la gi” [What philosophy?] and Duong’s Chinese translation “哲學釋義” [Explication of philosophy] of the same. (3) Here, I will cite Duong’s Chinese translation “哲學釋義” [Explication of philosophy] of the same (3) Here, I will cite Duong’s Chinese translations, simply for the convenience of East Asianists interested in this case study. translations, simply for the convenience of East Asianists interested in this case study Duong’s translation, Duong’s translation, Phuong-phap luan Phuong-phap luan ⽅法論, corresponds to the first three parts of Descartes’s ⽅法論, corresponds to the first three parts of Descartes’s Méthode Méthode. His translation is generally faithful to Descartes, while simultaneously employing a delightfully idiomatic His translation is generally faithful to Descartes, while simultaneously employing delightfully idiomatic style of literary Chinese. It is primarily in his chapter-by-chapter commentary that Duong reveals novel style literary It primarily in his chapter-by-chapter that Duong reveals interpretation. I quote from Duong’s commentary on Part I: interpretation I quote from commentary on Part I:
Descartes’s theory is no different to the ancient Confucian notion of Heaven- bestowed innate moral Descartes’s theory is no different to the ancient Confucian notion of Heaven- bestowed innate moral knowledge This Heaven-bestowed innate moral knowledge is possessed by all Because it becomes knowledge. This Heaven-bestowed moral knowledge possessed by all. Because it becomes obfuscated by material desire, the essence of this innate knowledge cannot come to its fully luminous obfuscated by material desire, the essence of this innate knowledge cannot its fully luminous expression. The spiritual exertion of learning values conquering material desire and restoring the expression. The spiritual learning values conquering material desire restoring the essence of innate moral knowledge. From this perspective, there are no fundamental differences essence of innate moral knowledge From this perspective, there are no fundamental differences between Eastern and Western theories of learning. between Eastern and Western theories of learning
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) [笛卡兒之說。與古時東儒天賦良知之說。無[笛卡兒之說。與古時東儒天賦良知之說。無 少差異。天賦良知。盡⼈所同具。但為物欲所 少差異。天賦良知。盡⼈所同具。但為物欲所 蔽。良知之本體。不能⼗分瑩徹。學問之⼯夫。所貴克去物欲。以復此良知之本體⽿。觀 蔽。良知之本體。不能⼗分瑩徹。學問之⼯夫。所貴克去物欲。以復此良知之本體⽿。觀 此則東西學說。本無⼆致。 ] (4)此則東西學說。本無⼆致。 ] (4)
Duong continues by pointing out the superiority of Western philosophy, manifested in its conception of Duong continues by pointing out the superiority of Western philosophy, manifested in its conception of “truth” [真理] as the “exact rule of phenomena” [事物確然之定則] as opposed to the East Asian tendency “truth” [真理] as the “exact rule of phenomena” [事物確然之定則] as opposed to the East Asian tendency to collapse “truth” into a standard of morality. Despite this concession, any student of Chinese philosophy to collapse “truth” into a standard of morality. Despite this concession, any student of Chinese philosophy will recognize the syncretic overtones of Duong’s commentary will recognize the syncretic of Duong’s commentary.
Duong’s metaphysical and epistemological lexicon is lifted – practically verbatim – from Song-Ming Duong’s and epistemological lexicon is lifted – practically – from Song-Ming exegesis of the exegesis of the Great Learning Great Learning ⼤學 and ⼤學 and Analects Analects 論語. (5) While a conciliatory approach has been 論語 (5) While a conciliatory approach has been adopted, the reduction of Western philosophy to Neo-Confucian thought-categories remains fundamentally adopted, the reduction of Western philosophy to Neo-Confucian thought-categories remains fundamentally unchanged. Now, in certain passages, one may argue that such liberties do not necessarily harm the integrity unchanged. Now, in certain passages, one may argue that such liberties do not necessarily harm the integrity of the original sense Others suggest a subtle departure from the Cartesian ethos Take Duong’s commentary of the original sense. Others suggest a subtle departure from the Cartesian ethos. Take Duong’s commentary on Part II: on Part II:
Descartes’s philosophy has always been viewed by Europeans as belonging to a destructive or Descartes’s has always been viewed by Europeans as belonging to a destructive or skeptical school...This so-called “destruction” or “skepticism” is basically the refusal to tolerate a skeptical school This so-called “destruction” or “skepticism” is basically the refusal to tolerate a single iota of self-deception in one’s thought towards oneself. The eschewal of self-deception is the single iota of self-deception in one’s thought towards oneself. The eschewal of self-deception is the fundamental meaning of philosophy Only after one has set one’s mind on this eschewal of self- fundamental meaning of philosophy. Only after one has set one’s mind on this eschewal of selfdeception is one worthy of philosophy For philosophy is the study of exhausting principle [笛卡 deception one worthy of philosophy. For philosophy the study of exhausting principle. [ 兒之哲學。歐洲⼈常⽬為破壞派之哲學。或懷疑派之哲學。...夫破壞也。懷疑也。概⾔之則 兒之哲學。歐洲⼈常⽬為破壞派之哲學。或懷疑派之哲學。...夫破壞也。懷疑也。概⾔之則 即我對我之思想無 毫⾃欺焉⽿。無⾃欺者哲學之第 義也。有無⾃欺之 念。⽽後⾜以當 即我對我之思想無 毫⾃欺焉⽿。無⾃欺者哲學之第 義也。有無⾃欺之 念。⽽後⾜以當 哲學之名。蓋哲學者窮理之學也。 ] (6)哲學之名。蓋哲學者窮理之學也。 ] (6)
This seems an apt summary of Cartesian skepticism However, the term “self-deception” [⾃欺] and the
This seems an apt summary of Cartesian skepticism. the term “self-deception” [ ] and the eschewal thereof are concepts so ingrained in Neo-Confucian discourse (again, within exegesis of the eschewal thereof are ingrained in Neo-Confucian discourse (again, within exegesis of the Great Great Learning Learning), Duong’s audience would have found it impossible to divorce this presentation of Descartes’s ), Duong’s audience would have found it impossible to this presentation of Descartes’s “skepticism” from Zhu Xi’s understanding of “making sincere one’s intentions” [ 誠其意 ]. Whatever “skepticism” from Zhu Xi’s understanding of “making sincere one’s intentions” [ 誠其意 ] Whatever similitude these ideas may share on the level of lexical accident, their native epistemologies operate along similitude these ideas may share on the level of lexical accident, their native epistemologies operate along alien trajectories. At this point, one might legitimately ask whether we are being presented with a alien trajectories. At this point, one might legitimately ask whether we are being presented with a “Confucianized” Descartes, or merely Zhu Xi, peppered with fashionable neologisms to make Old Learning “Confucianized” Descartes, or merely Zhu Xi, peppered with fashionable neologisms make Old Learning more palatable to reformist taste more palatable to reformist taste.
The answer, I think, requires a reframing of our present inquiry. Let us return to the Pham/Duong
The answer, I think, requires a reframing of our present inquiry. Let us return to the Pham/Duong introductory essay mentioned above. Descartes is hailed therein as the “first progenitor of French introductory essay mentioned above Descartes is hailed therein as the “first progenitor of French
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
CONFUCIANIZED CARTESIANISM IN COLONIAL VIETNAM
Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) Dan Nguyen (Columbia University) philosophy” [法國哲學初祖]. Indeed, this panegyric treatment assumes cosmic proportions: philosophy” [法國哲學初祖]. Indeed, this panegyric treatment assumes cosmic proportions:
Throughout world history, amidst enveloping darkness, great beams of light have shone forth Great
Throughout world history, amidst enveloping darkness, great beams of light have shone forth. Great philosophers emerged amidst these circumstances, sweeping away rotten ideologies in their entirety, philosophers emerged amidst circumstances, sweeping away rotten ideologies in their and establishing new foundations for the scholarly world. [古今世界歷史。常於⼤⿊暗中。放 條 and new foundations for the world [古今世界歷史。常於⼤⿊暗中。放 條 ⼤光線。有⼤哲學者。出乎其間。掃除昔時之 切腐敗思想。⽽造成學界之 新基礎。 ] (7) ⼤光線。有⼤哲學者。出乎其間。掃除昔時之 切腐敗思想。⽽造成學界之 新基礎。 ] (7)
This “great philosopher” is none other than Descartes He achieves this status through a series of deliberate
This “great philosopher” is none other than Descartes. He achieves this status through a series of deliberate ruptures with the with the status quo status Rejecting “ancient writings” [古書], he liberates himself from the tyranny of . Rejecting “ancient writings” [古書], he liberates himself from the tyranny of Plato and Aristotle. (These, we are told, held sway over Europe just as Zhu Xi and Cheng Yi hold sway over Plato and Aristotle. (These, we are told, held sway over Europe just as Zhu Xi and Cheng Yi hold sway over Vietnam.) This emancipation from “ancient learning” [古學] is prerequisite for Descartes’s reformation [⾰ Vietnam ) This emancipation from “ancient learning” [古學] is prerequisite for Descartes’s reformation [⾰ 新] of scholarship, the first step of which is promulgating the vernacular [國⾳] as a written language. Only 新] of scholarship, the first step of which is promulgating the vernacular [國⾳] as a written language Only through “new theories” [新說] can the “slavish nature” [奴性] of accumulated millennia be replaced with a through “new theories” [新說] can the “slavish nature” [奴性] of accumulated millennia be replaced with a vigorous and modern mode of scholarship By now, it should be apparent that our translators are not vigorous and modern mode of scholarship. By now, it should be apparent that translators are actually concerned with Descartes at all – he is merely a type for their own reformist agendas Descartes actually concerned with Descartes at all – he is merely a type for their own reformist agendas. Descartes conveniently prefigures a swath of NPTC’s cultural projects: invigoration of vernacular discourse, rejection conveniently a swath NPTC’s cultural projects: invigoration vernacular discourse, rejection of outdated orthodoxies, commitment to truth and reform as ends of intellectual activity. Pham/Duong of outdated orthodoxies, commitment to truth and reform as ends of intellectual activity Pham/Duong asserted that, prior to the 15th century, not only was European philosophy unequal to its Asian counterpart, asserted that, prior to the 15th century, not only was European philosophy unequal to its Asian counterpart, it in fact “trailed behind in a daze” [瞠乎其後焉]. The ascendancy of European philosophy only began with it in fact “trailed behind in a daze” [瞠乎其後焉]. The ascendancy of European philosophy only began with Bacon and Descartes, “these two worthies, the very birth- givers of modern civilization” [英之倍根。法之 Bacon and Descartes, “these worthies, the very birth- givers of modern civilization” [英之倍根。法之 笛卡兒⼆賢。實近代⽂明之⺟。 ] (8)笛卡兒⼆賢。實近代⽂明之⺟。 ] (8)
How successful was Pham Quynh and Duong Ba-Trac’s promotion of Descartes? Both Vietnamese and How successful was Pham Quynh and Duong Ba-Trac’s promotion of Descartes? Both Vietnamese and Chinese translations were left unfinished after Part III. Perhaps the theistic and epistemological themes Chinese translations were left unfinished after Part III Perhaps the theistic and epistemological themes which occupy the remainder of the which occupy the remainder of the Méthode Méthode proved too incongruous with Neo-Confucianism to maintain proved too incongruous with Neo-Confucianism to maintain the illusion of one-to-one compatibility so artfully achieved in the opening sections Neither man left record the illusion of one-to-one compatibility so artfully achieved in the opening sections. Neither man left record of their motivations regarding this project’s initiation or abandonment Today, it remains largely forgotten, of their motivations regarding this project’s initiation or abandonment. Today, it largely forgotten, even within the Vietnamese academy. This is itself revealing. While our translators exhibited greater even the Vietnamese academy. This itself revealing. While our translators greater receptivity to Western thought and culture than their immediate predecessors, the urgency of the historical receptivity to Western and culture than their immediate predecessors, the urgency of the historical moment severely impeded their ability to approach Western philosophy on its own terms. Ironically, the moment severely impeded their ability to approach Western philosophy on its own terms Ironically, the ideological prism through which they promoted Descartes was barely removed (if at all) from those which ideological prism through which they promoted Descartes was barely removed (if at all) from those which literati within living memory had used to dismiss Western philosophy as an ape of Neo-Confucianism I literati within living memory had used dismiss Western philosophy as ape of Neo-Confucianism. I began this paper with a premise of encounter and reception I conclude with the qualification that the began this with premise of encounter and reception. I conclude with the qualification that the peculiar circumstances which engendered this encounter require a reexamination of both the historiography circumstances which this require a reexamination of both historiography in which it has been traditionally contextualized, as well as a critical interrogation of the boundaries and in which it has been traditionally contextualized, as well as a critical interrogation of the boundaries and overlap between reception, appropriation, and plain misunderstanding.
overlap between reception, appropriation, and plain misunderstanding
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Introduction Introduction
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
In 1955, on the bustling Yan'an Road in the heart of Shanghai, stood the towering Sino-Soviet Friendship 1955, on the bustling Yan'an Road in the heart of Shanghai, stood the towering Sino-Soviet Friendship Building Inside its walls, a music classroom buzzed with activity as people of all ages, from a group of 8- Building. Inside walls, a music classroom buzzed with as people of all ages, from a group of 8year-old boys to elders, gathered to learn the Russian song "Katyusha" from instructors of the Sino-Soviet to gathered to learn Russian song "Katyusha" from instructors of the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association. Despite occasional stumbling over the Russian pronunciation, the room brimmed Friendship Association Despite occasional stumbling over the Russian pronunciation, the room brimmed with enthusiasm as the scratchy record player filled the air with its romantic melody. (1) with enthusiasm as the scratchy record player filled the air with its romantic melody (1)
While this might seem odd, such scenes were commonplace in urban China during the 1950s After the While this might odd, such scenes were commonplace urban China during the 1950s. After the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, China promptly embraced the "leaning to establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, China promptly embraced the "leaning one side" policy by allying itself with the Soviet Union. Through the rhetoric of “Sino-Soviet friendship,” one policy by allying itself with the Soviet Union. the “Sino-Soviet friendship,” China embraced a comprehensive learning of Soviet cultural models. Drawing on contemporary China embraced a comprehensive learning of Soviet cultural models Drawing on contemporary newspapers, participant memoirs, and records of the Chinese Musicians Association, this paper examines newspapers, participant memoirs, and records of the Chinese Musicians Association, this paper examines the influx of Soviet music into mainland China in the 1950s. Through analysis of why and how China the influx of Soviet music into mainland China in the 1950s. Through analysis of why and how China promoted Soviet music, I explore what Soviet music came to mean in the Chinese context promoted Soviet music, I explore what Soviet music came in the Chinese context.
This paper aims to add a layer to the scholarship by reinterpreting Soviet music as a complex and This paper aims to add a layer to the scholarship by reinterpreting Soviet music as a complex interregional genre deeply rooted in the Western music tradition. By emphasizing Soviet music as a interregional genre deeply rooted in the Western music tradition By emphasizing Soviet music as a culmination of Western musical influences, this paper argues that this musical encounter should not be culmination of Western musical influences, this paper argues that this musical encounter should not be interpreted solely as a cultural exchange of bilateral relations of China and Russia within the framework of interpreted solely as a cultural exchange of bilateral relations of China and Russia within the framework of the socialist bloc Rather, it should be contextualized within the broader backdrop of Cold War isolation, the socialist bloc. Rather, it should be contextualized within the broader backdrop of Cold War isolation, and ideological antagonism between socialism and capitalism and ideological between socialism and capitalism.
I demonstrate that, under the context of socialism-capitalism rivalry in the 1950s, Soviet music became the
I demonstrate that, under the context of socialism-capitalism rivalry in the 1950s, Soviet music became the only cultural import available in China. Through the extensive introduction of Soviet music via four only cultural import available in China Through the extensive introduction of Soviet music via four
SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?: SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?:
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
channels diplomatic invitations, anniversary events, Soviet nationals, and the Sino-Soviet Friendship channels diplomatic invitations, anniversary events, Soviet nationals, the Sino-Soviet Friendship Association the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) crafted and reinforced rhetoric of Sino-Soviet Association the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) crafted and reinforced rhetoric of Sino-Soviet friendship that not only demonstrated loyalty to the Soviet Union but also presented an image of a “perfect” friendship that not only demonstrated loyalty to the Soviet Union but also presented an image of a “perfect” Soviet life to the Chinese masses through music. Soviet music thus emerged as a “safe” window through Soviet life to the Chinese masses through music. Soviet music thus emerged as a “safe” window through which Chinese audiences could explore Western musical traditions including classical music and opera which Chinese audiences could explore Western musical traditions including classical music and opera without being accused of “capitalist” influence without being accused of “capitalist” influence.
Why did China Promote Soviet Music?
Why did China Promote Soviet Music?
To understand why China began promoting Soviet music, we must understand the historical context of the
To understand why China began promoting Soviet music, we must understand the historical context of the heightened tensions of socialism-capitalism rivalry in the 1950s Exemplified by the Korean War, the heightened tensions of socialism-capitalism rivalry the 1950s. Exemplified by the War, the relationship between China and the West, relationship between China and the West, entered a phase of isolation and estrangement For ideological entered a phase of isolation and estrangement. For ideological purposes, Chairman Mao adopted a confrontational diplomatic stance towards the West, labeling countries purposes, Chairman Mao adopted a diplomatic stance towards the West, such as the United States, England, France, Germany, Italy, and others as "adversarial instructors" and such as the United States, England, France, Germany, Italy, and others as "adversarial instructors" and viewed everything from the West as "capitalist" and "bourgeoisie." (2) viewed everything from the West as "capitalist" and "bourgeoisie " (2) Hence, under the leadership of Mao, Hence, under the leadership of Mao, the PRC advocated for successive waves of anti-capitalism to expel all Western influence from China. the PRC advocated for successive waves of anti-capitalism to expel all Western influence from China.
This attitude also extended to the field of music He Luting, director of the Shanghai Conservatory of Music
This attitude also extended to the field of music. He Luting, director of the Shanghai Conservatory of Music in the 1950s, observed that Western music was perceived as “serving bourgeois interests,” leading to the in the 1950s, that Western was as “serving bourgeois interests,” leading to expulsion of all foreign musicians from China during the early PRC period. (3) The Chinese Musicians of all foreign musicians from China during the early PRC period (3) The Chinese Musicians Association and its sub-associations in locality launched a series of campaigns criticizing capitalist music, Association and its sub-associations in locality launched a series of campaigns criticizing capitalist music, frequently labeling it as "decadent" and "yellow.” (4) As a result, the Chinese music export sector found frequently labeling it as "decadent" and "yellow.” (4) As a result, the Chinese music export sector found itself in a vacuum Without alternatives, Soviet music turned out to be the sole musical import available itself in a vacuum. Without alternatives, Soviet music turned out be the sole musical import available during the intense socialism-capitalism antagonism during the intense socialism-capitalism antagonism.
The decision to promote Soviet music in China was made after careful consideration, recognizing its
The decision to promote Soviet music in China was made after careful consideration, recognizing its numerous advantages. Not only did it allow Chinese to show loyalty to the Soviet and critique Western numerous advantages Not only did it allow Chinese to show loyalty to the Soviet and critique Western capitalism, but it also wove an idealized vision of a bright future for the Chinese populace through music. capitalism, but it also wove an idealized vision of a bright future for the Chinese populace through music.
When Soviet music quickly swept Chinese cities in the 1950s, their beautiful melodies and timeless themes
When Soviet music quickly swept Chinese cities in the 1950s, their beautiful melodies and timeless themes of revolution, love and happiness captivated the hearts of numerous Chinese citizens who longed for the of revolution, love and happiness captivated the hearts of numerous Chinese citizens who longed for the peaceful dream the music conveyed. peaceful dream the music
2 Mao Zedong 1977, 289-292 2 1977, 289-292
3 3 He Luting 1981, 214 During the Cultural Revolution, He became a target due to his association with Western music and returned to his position as Director of the Shanghai He Luting 1981, 214 Cultural a target to his Western music and his position as of Conservatory in 1976 Conservatory 1976
4 4 “Burang Huangse Yinyue Duhai Renmin (Don’t Let Yellow Music Poison the People),” “Burang Huangse Yinyue Duhai Renmin (Don’t Let Yellow Music Poison the People),” People’s Daily, People’s Daily, January 7, 1958 January 7,
SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?: SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?:
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
How did China Promote Soviet Music?
How did China Promote Soviet Music?
By utilizing four main channels diplomatic invitations, anniversary events, living nationals, and the Sino-
By utilizing four main channels diplomatic invitations, anniversary events, living nationals, and the SinoSoviet Friendship Association the CCP successfully put Sino-Soviet friendship propaganda into familiar Soviet Friendship Association the CCP successfully put Sino-Soviet friendship propaganda into familiar everyday terms and wove a dream country for themselves through musical expression in the 1950s The everyday and dream country for themselves through musical expression in the 1950s. The most direct method of learning from Soviet music was through the diplomatic invitation of renowned Soviet most direct method of learning from Soviet music was through the diplomatic invitation of renowned Soviet musicians to perform in China. The Soviet performers were warmly welcomed by high-ranking Chinese to in The Soviet performers were warmly welcomed by high-ranking Chinese government officials. Notably, the first official foreign artistic group to visit New China was the Soviet government officials Notably, the first official foreign artistic group to visit New China was the Soviet Union Art and Science Workers' Delegation, which was invited to participate in the founding ceremony of Union Art and Science Workers' Delegation, which was invited to participate in the founding ceremony of the PRC in October 1949. As a significant inaugural event in PRC diplomacy, the delegation were received the PRC in October 1949. As a significant inaugural event in PRC diplomacy, the delegation were received by Chairman Mao Zedong (5) by Chairman Mao Zedong. (5)
Similarly, another avenue for promoting Soviet music was commemorative celebrations of landmark events
Similarly, another avenue for promoting Soviet was commemorative celebrations landmark events in Soviet history to reassert the significance of the alliance. Each year festive activities were organized on in Soviet history to reassert the significance of the alliance Each year festive activities were organized on the anniversaries of the signing of the 1950 Friendship Treaty, the October Revolution, Stalin’s birthday, the anniversaries of the signing of the 1950 Friendship Treaty, the October Revolution, Stalin’s birthday, etc. For example, in celebrating the thirty-eighth anniversary of the October Revolution in 1955, the China etc. For example, in celebrating the thirty-eighth anniversary of the October Revolution in 1955, the China Record Factory replicated forty-three types of Soviet music records, which have been distributed nationwide Record Factory replicated forty-three types of Soviet music records, which have been distributed nationwide through radio broadcast (6) through radio broadcast. (6)
Thirdly, the PRC established the SSFA to oversee all matters related to Sino-Soviet relations. (7) The SSFA Thirdly, the PRC established the SSFA to oversee all matters related to Sino-Soviet relations (7) The SSFA not only represented the central government in inviting Soviet delegations to visit China and hosting them not only represented the central government in inviting Soviet delegations to visit China and hosting them but also undertook the responsibility of disseminating Soviet music to the Chinese populace. According to but also undertook the responsibility of disseminating Soviet music to the Chinese populace. According to tthe he People’s Daily People’s Daily, the SSFA regularly organized events like "Soviet Music Appreciation Evenings," , the SSFA regularly organized events like "Soviet Music Appreciation Evenings," showcasing recently released recordings of famous Soviet music in theaters and hotels to reach a broader showcasing recently released recordings of famous Soviet music in theaters and hotels to reach a broader audience. (8) audience. (8)
Lastly, the Soviet nationals living in China, many of them were Soviet technical experts sent from Soviet
Lastly, the Soviet nationals living in China, many of them were Soviet technical experts sent from Soviet aid programs, also indirectly promoted Soviet music to the Chinese community. As Yan Li argued, on aid programs, also indirectly promoted Soviet music to the Chinese community. As Yan argued, on weekends and for special occasions, workers’ clubs would organize Soviet-style film screenings and dance weekends and for special workers’ clubs would organize Soviet-style film screenings and dance parties for the Soviet people that often drew huge crowds of Chinese participants and onlookers who lived parties for the Soviet people that often drew huge crowds of Chinese and onlookers who lived near the community of Soviet buildings. (9) As such, Russian music quickly swept Chinese cities. near the community Soviet buildings. (9) As such, Russian music quickly swept cities.
5 Song 1994, 7-8
5 Song 1994, 7-8
6 6 “Zhongguo Changpianchang Fuzhi Sulian Yinyue Changpian (Chinese Record Factory Reproduces Soviet Music Recordings),” “Zhongguo Changpianchang Fuzhi Sulian Yinyue Changpian (Chinese Record Factory Reproduces Soviet Music Recordings),” People’s Daily People’s Daily, November 7, 1955 , November 7,
7 For more background in the SSFA, please see Ai Su 2016
7 more background in SSFA, please Su 2016
8 “Zhongsu Youxiu Jixu Jiban Sulian Yinyue Xinshang Wanhui (China-Soviet Friendship Association Continues to Organize Soviet Music Appreciation Evenings),” People’s Daily,
8 “Zhongsu Youxiu (China-Soviet Continues to Organize Soviet Music People’s Daily, December 25, 1950
9 Kuang and Pan 2005, 273–275
9 Kuang and 2005, 273–275
SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?: SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?:
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
Xianda Huang (Yale University)
What did Soviet Music mean to China?
What Soviet Music mean China?
Regardless of the government’s vested interest in promoting Soviet music, why was it embraced by and
Regardless of the government’s vested interest in promoting Soviet music, why was it embraced by and meaningful to the populace? Despite the official rhetoric depicting the West as synonymous with meaningful to the populace? Despite the official rhetoric depicting the West as synonymous with imperialism and capitalism, there persisted a latent desire among the Chinese intellectuals, as well as the imperialism and capitalism, there persisted a latent desire among the Chinese intellectuals, well as the populace, for access to Western music This paper argues that Soviet music, rooted in Western artistic populace, for access to Western music. This paper argues that Soviet rooted in Western artistic traditions, emerged as a "safe" window through which Chinese audiences could explore Western musical traditions, as a window Chinese explore Western musical traditions including ballet, classical, and symphonic music. (10) This safe access to the Western music traditions including ballet, classical, and music (10) This safe access to the Western music catalyzed the awakening or liberation of consciousness among Chinese musicians in the 1950s. Despite the catalyzed the awakening or liberation of consciousness among Chinese musicians in the 1950s Despite the suppression of their voices during the Cultural Revolution, their previous access to Western music laid the suppression of their voices during the Cultural Revolution, their previous access to Western music laid the groundwork for them to propel Chinese music onto the global stage in the 1970s groundwork for them to propel Chinese music onto the global stage the 1970s.
Despite ongoing debates over Russia's European identity, in the eyes of the Chinese, the Soviet Union was
Despite ongoing debates over Russia's European identity, in the eyes of the Chinese, the Soviet Union was seen as the "West without capitalism." (11) seen as the "West without capitalism " (11) Song Tianyi, a Chinese official in charge of PRC cultural Song Tianyi, a Chinese official in charge of PRC cultural exchange in the 1950s, did not view the Soviet Union as part of Asia, but as a unique gateway to the West exchange in the 1950s, did not view the Soviet Union as part of Asia, but as a unique gateway to the West devoid of capitalist influences. (12) Similarly, in the book "Popular Musicology" by Wang Wei, he devoid of capitalist influences. (12) Similarly, in the book "Popular Musicology" by Wang Wei, he categorized the famous Russian song “Moscow’s Night” as a representative of Western classical music categorized the famous Russian song “Moscow’s Night” as representative of Western classical music. According to Wang, this song is performed by the Soviet musicians using the “bel canto technique,” According to Wang, this song performed by the Soviet musicians the “bel canto technique,” originating from 16th-century Italy. (13) The identity of a Soviet citizen, neither entirely Western nor originating 16th-century (13) identity of a Soviet neither Western nor Chinese, shielded these singers from repercussions when performing Western classical music and opera. Chinese, shielded these singers from repercussions when Western classical music and opera How could Big Brother make a mistake? How could Big Brother make a mistake?
While the Soviet Union was not ideologically aligned with the West, its musical exports provided a
While the Soviet Union was not ideologically aligned with the West, its musical exports provided politically legitimate means for Chinese citizens to engage with Western influences politically legitimate means for Chinese citizens to engage with Western influences.
The initial exposure of Chinese youth audiences to Western musicians and composers like Mozart and
The initial exposure of Chinese audiences to Western musicians and composers like Mozart and Puccini did not come through European musicians, but rather through performances by Soviet artists. For Puccini did not come through European musicians, but rather through performances by Soviet artists For instance, in 1954, a delegation of 365 members from the Moscow State Musical Theater arrived in China to instance, in 1954, a delegation of 365 members from the Moscow State Musical Theater arrived in China to perform ballets such as “Swan Lake" and musicals like "The Hunchback of Notre Dame ” This marked “the perform ballets such “Swan Lake" and musicals like "The Hunchback of Notre Dame.” This marked “the first introductions of foreign musicals and ballets” to Chinese audiences in “Chinese history ”(14) However, first introductions of foreign musicals and ballets” to Chinese audiences in “Chinese history.”(14) However, what many didn't realize at the time was that these art forms were not all originally created in the Soviet what many realize at the time was that these art forms were not all created in the Soviet
10 This idea was initially proposed by the Chinese musician Lv Ji in his 1949 article "Soviet Music and China," published in Wenyibao⽂艺报 Lv emphasized that Soviet music had
10 This idea was initially proposed by the Chinese musician Lv Ji in his 1949 article "Soviet Music and China," published in Wenyibao⽂艺报 emphasized that Soviet had the potential in “enriching our comprehension of Western classical music heritage and its genuine essence.” However, the idea was somewhat untimely and did not gain widespread the in our of Western classical music heritage and its genuine essence.” However, the idea was somewhat untimely and did not gain widespread acceptance at the time Lv 1949, 25 time Lv 1949,
11 Li 2018, 13 2018, 13
12 In the book "A Brief History of China's Performing Arts Exchange with Foreign Countries, 1949-1992" written by Song Tianyi, Deputy General Manager of a Chinese performing
In the book Brief History of China's Performing Arts Exchange with Foreign written by Deputy General Manager of a Chinese performing arts company, statistics are provided on the number of times China performed in various countries and continents after the founding of the People's Republic Interestingly, Song arts company, statistics are provided on the number of times China performed in various countries and continents after the founding of the People's Republic Interestingly, Song Tianyi does not classify Russia as an Asian country but rather lists it separately as a distinct superpower Tianyi does not Russia as an Asian country but rather lists it as a distinct
13 Wang 2022, 33 33
14 Song 1994, 10 Song
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SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
Union but had a history of over a hundred years in Europe. Similarly, the inaugural introduction of Union but had a history of over a hundred years in Europe. Similarly, the inaugural introduction of Puccini Puccini and Mozart to Chinese audiences occurred when a delegation of 115 members from the Soviet National and Mozart to Chinese audiences occurred when a delegation of 115 members from the Soviet National Symphony Orchestra toured China in 1958. Across 23 concerts, they unveiled the works of Puccini and Symphony Orchestra toured China in 1958 Across 23 concerts, they unveiled the works of Puccini and Mozart to the Chinese audience for the first time. (15) This trend was emblematic of numerous instances of Mozart to the Chinese audience for the first time. (15) This trend was emblematic of numerous instances of Soviet performances in China during the 1950s Soviet performances in China during the 1950s. (16) (16)
In addition to bringing Western classical music to China, Soviet musicians also introduced Western music
In addition to bringing Western classical to China, Soviet also introduced Western music theory and history to the country. In 1955, a cohort of Soviet musicians and vocal instructors began teaching and history to the country In 1955, a cohort of Soviet musicians and vocal instructors began teaching at the Central Conservatory of Music. For instance, the work of Li Ran highlights A.I. Kantzin, a Soviet at the Central Conservatory of Music For instance, the work of Li Ran highlights A I Kantzin, a Soviet music history expert from the Moscow Conservatory. During his tenure in China, Kantzin employed the music history expert from the Moscow Conservatory. During his tenure in China, Kantzin employed the music history anthology compiled by Davison and Apel (published by Harvard University Press) to teach history anthology compiled by Davison and Apel (published by Harvard University Press) to teach Western Music History (17) Even upon his return to the Soviet Union in 1957, his lecture materials were Western Music History. (17) Even upon his the Soviet Union 1957, his lecture materials were gathered by the Chinese Central Conservatory of Music and subsequently published as the book titled gathered by the Chinese Conservatory of Music published as the book A A General History of Western Music General History of Western Music in December 1958. This textbook laid the groundwork for the in December 1958 This textbook laid the groundwork for the development of Western music history courses in China in the late 20th century. development of Western music history courses in China in the late 20th century
Furthermore, another facet of Western musical tradition introduced by the Soviets was the Western opera
Furthermore, another facet of Western musical tradition introduced by the Soviets was the Western opera. Among all, the Italian opera "La traviata", composed by Giuseppe Verdi, has been performed the most by Among all, the Italian opera "La traviata", composed by Giuseppe Verdi, has been performed the most by Soviet artists in China during the 1950s. Verdi's composition, renowned for its intricate harmonies, Soviet artists in China during the Verdi's composition, renowned for its harmonies, orchestration, and structured forms like arias and duets, exemplifies its element of Western classical music. orchestration, and structured forms like arias and duets, exemplifies its element of Western classical music Moreover, its recurrent theme of challenging social norms resonates deeply with Western storytelling Moreover, its recurrent theme of challenging social norms resonates deeply with Western storytelling traditions that was such a shock for the Communist China, where personal love was overshadowed by traditions that was such a shock for the Communist China, where personal love was overshadowed by communist revolution, class struggle, and collectivization, making it a controversial piece for officials but a revolution, class struggle, and collectivization, making it a controversial piece for officials but thought-provoking and inspiring for Chinese people Consequently, with the assistance of Soviet musicians thought-provoking and inspiring for Chinese people. Consequently, with the assistance of Soviet musicians in the 1950s, the Central Opera House of China staged a total of six operas, including "La Traviata" (1956) in the 1950s, the Central Opera House of China staged a total of six operas, including "La Traviata" (1956) and "Madama Butterfly" (1958), which were well-received among Chinese audiences. (18) Through these and "Madama Butterfly" (1958), which were well-received among Chinese audiences (18) these mediums, Chinese listeners could experience Western music heritage filtered through the lens of Soviet mediums, Chinese listeners could experience Western music heritage filtered through the lens of Soviet ideology, blurring the lines between Westernization and socialist modernization. ideology, blurring the lines between Westernization and socialist modernization.
Conclusion Conclusion
This paper examines systematically how Soviet music made its way into China and took root in the Chinese
This paper examines systematically how Soviet music made its way into China and took root in the Chinese psyche. I demonstrate that, under the context of socialism-capitalism rivalry in the 1950s, Soviet music psyche I demonstrate that, under the context of socialism-capitalism rivalry in the 1950s, Soviet music
15 Ibid, 43-44
16 16 “Sulian Gechangjia Zaijing Juxing Yinyuehui (Soviet Singers Give Concert in Beijing),” People’s Daily, December 20, 1956; “Liangwei Sulian Yinyuejia Zaijing Yanchu, “Sulian Gechangjia Yinyuehui Singers Give People’s Daily, December 1956; “Liangwei Sulian Zaijing Yanchu, Xizhongxun Fuzongli Yu Tamen Jinxing Le Qinqie Tanhua (Two Soviet Musicians Performed in Beijing and Vice Premier Xi Zhongxun Had a Cordial Talk with Them),” People’s Xizhongxun Fuzongli Yu Tamen Jinxing Le Qinqie Tanhua (Two Soviet Musicians Performed in Beijing and Vice Premier Xi Zhongxun Had a Cordial Talk with Them),” People’s Daily, July 7, 1960 7, 1960
17 Li 2016, 219-220 2016, 219-220
18 Ibid
SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?: SHALL WE LISTEN TO THE BIG BROTHER?:
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA,
1949-1960
SOVIET MUSIC AND WESTERN INFLUENCE IN CHINA, 1949-1960
became the only cultural import available to China and was introduced via four main channels. Through the the only cultural import available to was introduced channels. Through extensive introduction of Soviet music, the CCP crafted and reinforced the rhetoric of Sino-Soviet
extensive introduction of Soviet music, the CCP crafted and reinforced the rhetoric of Sino-Soviet friendship that portrayed a perfect image of Soviet life through music. More importantly, this musical friendship that portrayed a perfect image of Soviet life through music More importantly, this musical encounter should not be interpreted solely as a cultural exchange of bilateral relations of China and Russia encounter should not be interpreted solely as a cultural exchange of bilateral relations of China and Russia within the framework of the socialist bloc Rather, it should be contextualized within the broader backdrop within the framework of the socialist bloc. Rather, it should be contextualized within the broader backdrop of Cold War isolation I argue that the importation of Soviet music served as a conduit for Chinese of Cold War isolation. I argue that the importation of Soviet served as a conduit for Chinese audiences learning about Western musical traditions. learning about Western musical traditions.
Though the door to Western music had just begun opening for the Chinese, the growing discord between
Though the door to Western music had just begun opening for the Chinese, the growing discord between China and the Soviet Union in the early 1960s abruptly swung it closed. From 1963 to 1966, the Soviet China and the Soviet Union in the early 1960s abruptly swung it closed. From 1963 to 1966, the Soviet Union dispatched only four art troupes to China in an effort to alleviate tensions between the two countries Union dispatched only four art troupes to China an effort alleviate between the countries. (19) But the delegations did not achieve desirable results (20) As China entered the tumultuous decade of (19) But the delegations did achieve desirable results. (20) As China entered the tumultuous decade of the Cultural Revolution, all the music exchanges with the outside world ceased. Many of the pro-Soviet or the Cultural Revolution, all the music exchanges with the outside Many the pro-Soviet or pro-West musicians such as He Luting and Ma Sicong were harshly criticized and purged for their pro-West musicians such as He Luting and Ma Sicong were criticized and purged for their involvement. It was until in the early 1970s, the Chinese music community began to engage with Western involvement It was until in the early 1970s, the Chinese music community began to engage with Western musicians, expanding its exposure beyond the Soviet Union to encompass the broader global musical musicians, expanding its exposure beyond the Soviet Union to encompass the broader global musical landscape Drawing upon past experiences of studying Soviet culture, China did not feel unfamiliar when landscape. Drawing upon past experiences of studying Soviet culture, China did not feel unfamiliar when encountering Western music and opera encountering Western music and opera. (21) (21)
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20 Ibid, 81-82
21 Yu 2019, 152 2019, 152
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Marjana Krajač (The Ohio State University) Marjana Krajač (The Ohio State University)
MUSIC
This paper investigates the intersection of the politics of space, improvised music, and experimental
This paper investigates the intersection of the politics of space, improvised music, and choreography in Milana Broš and Dubravko Detoni's 'La voix du silence', a site-specific performance choreography in Milana Broš and Dubravko Detoni's 'La voix du silence', a site-specific performance created for the 1973 Music Biennale Zagreb. The paper examines 'La voix du silence' as an example of created for the 1973 Music Biennale Zagreb. The paper examines 'La voix du silence' as an example of avant-garde performances in the East European context that were profoundly aware of how the activation of avant-garde performances the East European that were profoundly aware of how the activation of public spaces through experiments in art contributes to the development of the public sphere Moreover, the public spaces through experiments in art contributes to the development of the public sphere. Moreover, the work is being reconstructed from fragments and memories, highlighting the relevance of choreographic work is being reconstructed from fragments and memories, highlighting the relevance of choreographic traces to political history. By considering the relationship between the politics of space and the sphere of the traces to political history By considering the between the politics of space and the sphere of the public space, this paper shows how the thinking space mobilized through experimental music and public space, this paper shows how the thinking space mobilized through experimental music and experiments in choreography illuminates the possibilities of public spaces as complex social encounters. experiments in choreography illuminates the possibilities of public spaces as complex social encounters. Tracing the work's innovative approach to improvisation and its contribution to the history and archives of Tracing the work's innovative approach improvisation and its contribution the history and archives of experimental music and choreography in Eastern Europe, this paper examines 'La voix du silence' as an experimental music and choreography in Eastern Europe, this paper examines 'La voix du silence' as an example of how past avant-garde experiments have the potential to address current social and political example of how past avant-garde experiments have the potential address current social and political issues, particularly those related to public spaces. issues, particularly those related to public spaces
AND THE POSSIBILITY OF IRONIC COLONIALISM AND THE POSSIBILITY OF IRONIC COLONIALISM
Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania)
Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania)
In the 2019 historical drama In the 2019 historical drama Nova Lituania Nova Lituania, director Karolis Kaupinis (b. 1987) presents a fictionalized , director Karolis Kaupinis (b 1987) presents a fictionalized account of a geographer’s proposal for a Lithuanian colony in Madagascar amid impending occupation in account of a geographer’s proposal for a Lithuanian colony in Madagascar amid impending occupation in the late 1930s. The story of the geographer Feliksas Gruodis is based on the life of notable professor Kazys the late 1930s. The story of the geographer Feliksas Gruodis is based on the life of notable professor Kazys Pakštas (1893-1960) Kaupinis’ film specifically focuses on Pakštas’ conception of a “Reserve Lithuania” Pakštas (1893-1960). Kaupinis’ film specifically focuses on Pakštas’ conception of a “Reserve Lithuania” or “Dausuva,” named for the Lithuanian mythological spirit world Dausos The narrative follows efforts by “Dausuva,” named for the Lithuanian mythological spirit world Dausos. The narrative follows efforts by Gruodis to convince the Lithuanian Prime Minister of his radical plan for Lithuanian cultural survival by convince Lithuanian Prime Minister his radical plan for Lithuanian survival by constructing a small colony in Madagascar. While the film takes place during the final tense months of constructing a small colony in Madagascar While the film takes place during the final tense months of Lithuanian interwar independence, the narrative is nonetheless comedic, even ironic. In the following Lithuanian interwar independence, the narrative is nonetheless comedic, even ironic In the following discussion, I incorporate trauma studies and dialectics to explore the conditions for what I term “ironic discussion, I incorporate trauma studies and dialectics to explore the conditions for what I term “ironic colonialism,” or an “ironic relationship to colonialism,” in Lithuania today colonialism,” an “ironic relationship to colonialism,” in Lithuania today.
The film begins with one such ironic moment during a military academic graduation on the 20th anniversary film begins with one such moment during a military academic graduation on the 20th of independence. The combination of triumphant music and patriotic dialogue combined with a black-and- of independence The combination of triumphant music and patriotic dialogue combined with a black-andwhite shot produces an exaggeratedly nostalgic tone. For the Prime Minister, the ceremony is interrupted white shot produces an exaggeratedly nostalgic tone For the Prime Minister, the ceremony is interrupted when he is informed of a Polish soldier’s death in Lithuanian territory, which leads to a stressful meeting when he is informed of a Polish soldier’s death in Lithuanian territory, which leads to a stressful meeting with the President about Lithuania’s vulnerability–“everyone will think that we’re here for the taking ” The with the President about Lithuania’s vulnerability–“everyone will think that we’re here for the taking.” The
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Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) concept of inevitable seizure is paralleled in the first scene with Gruodis, where he argues that nations are concept of inevitable seizure paralleled in the first scene with Gruodis, where he argues that nations like balloons fated to pop: “emptiness is our worst enemy” he tells his students He compares Lithuania to like balloons fated to pop: “emptiness is our worst enemy” he tells his students. He compares Lithuania to what is called the“Black Continent” (Africa), given their similar population density and literally congruent what is called the“Black Continent” (Africa), their similar population literally congruent geometric shape. The geometric exception, Madagascar, is conceptualized as the region’s “Vilnius”–that is, geometric shape The geometric exception, Madagascar, is conceptualized as the region’s “Vilnius”–that is, its position in the Indian ocean mirrors that of the historic capital, washed over by Poland. The fact that its position in the Indian ocean mirrors that of the historic capital, washed over by Poland The fact that Lithuania’s population density is three to four times lower than that of its neighbors prompts Gruodis to Lithuania’s population density is three to four times lower than that of its neighbors prompts Gruodis to suggest that his country is in the “same situation” as Africa Anticipating future invasions, Gruodis suggest that his country is the “same situation” as Africa. Anticipating future invasions, Gruodis schedules a meeting with the Prime Minister to ask for financial support to build a Lithuanian colony schedules a meeting with the Prime Minister ask for financial support to build Lithuanian colony overseas. As the political situation becomes more dire, the Prime Minister becomes more interested in overseas. As the political situation becomes more dire, the Prime Minister becomes more interested in Gruodis’ proposal, but the plan never materializes, as personal crises in both of their lives take over, Gruodis’ proposal, but the plan never materializes, as personal crises in both of their lives take over, reflecting the powerlessness of Lithuania as a whole in the pre-war political crisis. reflecting the powerlessness of Lithuania as a whole in the pre-war political crisis
Generally, the film reimagines history in order to nostalgically and comically examine what-if scenarios for
Generally, the film reimagines history in order to nostalgically and comically examine what-if scenarios for the survival of interwar Lithuanian society The Lithuanian dictatorship under Smetona (1926-1940) came the survival of interwar Lithuanian society. The Lithuanian dictatorship under Smetona (1926-1940) under increasing pressure with the onset of World War II. Germany’s seizure of Klaipėda led Smetona to increasing pressure with the onset of World War II. Germany’s seizure Klaipėda led Smetona to form the first new government since 1926, with increased German influence. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact form the first new government since 1926, with increased German influence The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939 placed Lithuania into the German sphere of influence, yet Smetona refused to support the in August 1939 placed Lithuania into the German sphere of influence, yet Smetona refused to support the Reich’s invasion of Poland. Subsequently, Stalin gained German acquiescence for Soviet control over Reich’s invasion of Poland. Subsequently, Stalin gained German acquiescence for Soviet control over Lithuania in exchange for Soviet-annexed regions of Poland Lithuania in exchange for Soviet-annexed regions of Poland.
Despite these new events, Pakštas was concerned about the possibility of occupation since the creation of
Despite these new events, Pakštas was concerned about the possibility of occupation creation of the independent state of Lithuania. Educated in the US and Europe, Pakštas rose to fame for his expeditions the independent state of Lithuania Educated in the US and Europe, Pakštas rose to fame for his to every continent (Valiušaitis 2008). He was a strong proponent of Lithuanian investment in seafaring to every continent (Valiušaitis 2008) He was a strong proponent of Lithuanian investment in seafaring capabilities, proposing the formation of “Baltoscandia” and the transfer of the nation’s capital from Kaunas capabilities, proposing the formation of “Baltoscandia” and the transfer of the nation’s capital from Kaunas to Klaipėda: “God did not give us the sea to soak our feet in, but to sail our ships ” On another occasion he Klaipėda: “God did not give us the to soak our feet but to sail our ships.” On another occasion he wrote “The sea does not tolerate inactivity, and it punishes snoozing nations severely,” reflecting his “The does not tolerate inactivity, and it punishes snoozing nations severely,” reflecting his winners-and-losers, manifest-destiny mindset. His focus on a ‘reserve Lithuania’ was motivated as well by a winners-and-losers, mindset. His on a ‘reserve Lithuania’ was motivated as by a distrust of other European nations: “we were ill-prepared to live independently in the cultural family of distrust of other European nations: “we were ill-prepared to live independently in the cultural family of Europe.” Yet his ideas fell on deaf ears when addressed to Smetona. In late 1938 he directly wrote to the Europe ” Yet his ideas fell on deaf ears when addressed to Smetona In late 1938 he directly wrote to the President that Lithuania’s cultural riches should be temporarily moved abroad, alongside trained scholars President that Lithuania’s cultural riches should be temporarily moved abroad, alongside trained scholars who would continue to study them at some Western university Smetona’s secretary rebuked him for his who would continue study them at some Western university. Smetona’s secretary rebuked him for his loss of faith in the Lithuanian state and he even faced the possibility of arrest for fear mongering In May of loss of faith in the Lithuanian state and he even faced the possibility of arrest for fear mongering. In May of 1939, Pakštas moved to the US to lecture in geography. He taught at various universities and continued his 1939, moved to US to lecture in geography. He taught various universities continued his Lithuanian nationalist political activity, ultimately attempting to found a colony in British Honduras in the Lithuanian nationalist activity, ultimately attempting to found a colony in British Honduras in the late 1950s. late 1950s
The filmmaker Kaupinis learned about this historical figure from the 2004 play
The filmmaker Kaupinis learned about this historical figure from the 2004 play Madagascar Madagascar by Marius by Ivaškevičius (Langstaff 2021) This postmodernist play mockingly investigates Pakštas’ ambitions, calling Ivaškevičius (Langstaff 2021). This postmodernist play mockingly investigates Pakštas’ ambitions, calling
NOVA LITUANIA NOVA LITUANIA AND THE POSSIBILITY OF IRONIC COLONIALISM AND THE POSSIBILITY OF IRONIC COLONIALISM
Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) him “Pokštas” meaning “joke,” with not even Africa being enough to save Lithuania from war 15 years him “Pokštas” meaning “joke,” with not even Africa being enough to save Lithuania from war. 15 years later Kaupinis’s film Nova Lituana takes up this historical figure again in a more empathetic, tragicomedic later Kaupinis’s film Nova Lituana takes up this historical figure again a empathetic, tragicomedic light. While today Pakštas is alternately celebrated or derided, Kaupinis explores the complexities of his While today alternately celebrated or derided, Kaupinis explores complexities his personal life and his foresight concerning the dissolution of independent Lithuania. Yet this focus on the personal life and his foresight concerning the dissolution of independent Lithuania Yet this focus on the uniquely traveled and fraught character downplays the seriousness of real colonial aspirations in the uniquely traveled and fraught character downplays the seriousness of real colonial aspirations in the Lithuanian context. Instead of seizing the opportunity to unravel real investments by Lithuanian elites in Lithuanian context. Instead of seizing the opportunity to unravel real investments by Lithuanian elites in colonial enterprises (Pakštas accumulated many supporters), the film presents the geographer's imperial colonial enterprises (Pakštas accumulated many supporters), the film presents the geographer's imperial dreams as a historical oddity removed from the lives of contemporary audiences dreams as historical oddity removed from the lives of contemporary audiences.
Let us, therefore, investigate the film’s detached relationship to the actualities of colonial politics as
Let us, therefore, investigate the film’s detached relationship to the actualities of colonial politics as symptomatic of features of contemporary Lithuania, in close analyses applying the lenses of narrative symptomatic of features of contemporary Lithuania, in close analyses applying the lenses of narrative fetishism and negative dialectics. Sidestepping the actual failed appeals of Pakštas to Smetona, Kaupinis fetishism and negative dialectics. Sidestepping the actual failed appeals of Pakštas to Smetona, Kaupinis reimagines this relationship quite differently The protagonist in reimagines this relationship quite differently. The protagonist in Nova Lituania Nova Lituania is ultimately able to is ultimately able convince the feeble Prime Minister to embrace his plans thus, the film rewrites Smetona’s dictatorship, convince the feeble Prime Minister to embrace his plans thus, the film rewrites Smetona’s dictatorship, allowing impending external pressures to obfuscate the political realities that ensued from the 1926 military allowing impending external pressures obfuscate the political realities from the 1926 military coup. In his study of post-war Germany memory, Eric Santner describes new rituals and cultural products coup In his study of post-war Germany memory, Eric Santner describes new rituals and cultural products that labored to make historical agents, events, locations “newly available for libidinal investments” (Santner that labored to make historical agents, events, locations “newly available for libidinal investments” (Santner 1992, 144). Key to his account is the mechanism of “narrative fetishism”: “the construction and deployment 1992, 144). Key to his account is the mechanism of “narrative fetishism”: “the construction and deployment of a narrative consciously or unconsciously designed to expunge the traces of trauma or loss that called that of narrative consciously or unconsciously designed to expunge the traces of trauma or loss that called that narrative into being in the first place” (Ibid ) As he explains, this is the inverse of what Freud terms the narrative into being the first place” (Ibid.). As he explains, this is the inverse of what Freud terms the “work of mourning” processing of the reality and shock of a trauma through bite-sized symbolic and “work of mourning” processing of the reality and shock a trauma through dialogic doses. Narrative fetishism refuses mourning to take a shortcut to intactness, displacing the origin of doses Narrative fetishism refuses mourning to take a shortcut to intactness, displacing the origin of loss caused by the traumatic event to some other, external location in the plot of history. loss caused by the traumatic event to some other, external location in the plot of history
A central example in Santner’s analysis is the film
A central example in Santner’s analysis is the film Heimat Heimat (1984), which presents German common people (1984), which presents German people as the true victims of WWII While Kaupinis’ film by no means rises (or sinks) to the level of Holocaust the true of WWII. While Kaupinis’ film by no means rises (or sinks) to the level of Holocaust denial, this psychoanalytic framework of competing narratives around trauma can be extended to treat this this psychoanalytic framework of competing trauma can be extended to treat material. Rather than repairing the national ego through populist obliviousness, this film emplots the ever- material Rather than repairing the national ego through populist obliviousness, this film emplots the evervivid trauma of Lithuanian wartime and Soviet occupation by means of the unbelievable story of Pakštas’ vivid trauma of Lithuanian wartime and Soviet occupation by means of the unbelievable story of Pakštas’ plans for Lithuanian survival and rebirth. plans for Lithuanian survival and rebirth.
This fetishization of historical events arguably becomes problematic when it turns reimagination of colonial enterprises, which connects Eastern Europe to specifically racial and anti-Indigenous hierarchies enterprises, which connects Eastern Europe hierarchies between the Global South and Global North. While Pakštas’ Eurocentric ethno-nationalism is evident between the Global South and Global North While Pakštas’ Eurocentric ethno-nationalism is evident throughout his writings, it is hardly salient in his filmic alter ego Gruodis. To the contrary, Gruodis comes throughout his writings, it is hardly salient in his filmic alter ego Gruodis To the contrary, Gruodis comes off as a sympathetic underdog, a wild-eyed dreamer, subject to demasculinization and eventually cuckoldry. off as a sympathetic underdog, a wild-eyed dreamer, subject to demasculinization and eventually cuckoldry. His highly exoticized descriptions of terrae nullius silently pass over the peoples and cultures of His highly exoticized descriptions of terrae nullius silently pass over the peoples and cultures of Madagascar, who are only represented metonymically via the foreign plants and artifacts that fill Gruodis’ Madagascar, who are only represented metonymically via the foreign plants and artifacts that fill Gruodis’
This fetishization of historical events arguably becomes more problematic when it turns to reimagination of
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Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania)
apartment For viewers, this figure evokes a mix of curiosity and ironic pleasure Instead of grappling with apartment. For this figure evokes a mix of curiosity and ironic pleasure. Instead of grappling with actual events, the viewer is invited to speculate regarding what-ifs–what if there was in fact an alternate actual events, the invited to speculate regarding what-ifs–what if there was in fact an alternate project that had the potential to preserve Lithuanian autonomy? Indulgent speculation is here a method to project had the potential to preserve Lithuanian autonomy? Indulgent here a method to find new meaning in collective historical tragedy. find new meaning in collective historical tragedy
With the essential caveat that the scale and pertinence of violence at stake in the cases involving Nazi
With the essential caveat that the scale and pertinence of violence at stake in the cases involving Nazi genocidal violence Santner examines and in this one are incommensurate, genocidal violence Santner and in this one incommensurate, Nova Lituania Nova Lituania’s absolute ’s absolute disinterest in the realities of colonialism, accessed in this film only as a fantastical alternate history, reflects disinterest in the realities of colonialism, accessed in this film only as fantastical alternate history, reflects a similar move made in a similar move in Heimat Heimat where the shattered existence of European Jewry is negated in the visual where the shattered of European Jewry is negated in the visual pleasure of a Jewish-German romance. As Michael Rothberg shows in his development of multidirectional of a Jewish-German romance As Michael Rothberg shows in his development of multidirectional memory between Black and Jewish communities in the U.S., or as Lyndsey Stonebridge shows in her memory between Black and Jewish communities in the U S , or as Lyndsey Stonebridge shows in her discussion of German guilt in Nuremberg, any attempt to grapple with two traumatic, potentially mutually discussion of German guilt in Nuremberg, any attempt to grapple with two traumatic, potentially mutually negating memories simultaneously encounters high barriers In this manner, German memory discourses negating simultaneously encounters high barriers. In this German memory discourses dislocated victimhood or culpability within an alternate “enigmatic poetics of survival” (Stonebridge 2007, dislocated victimhood or culpability within an alternate “enigmatic poetics of survival” (Stonebridge 2007, 106). 106).
In his new book on Russophone Lativans, Kevin Platt takes up the idea of irreducible dialectical
In his new book on Russophone Lativans, Kevin Platt takes up the idea of irreducible dialectical contradiction from Adorno’s Negative Dialectics to work through contemporary challenges of identity and contradiction from Adorno’s Negative Dialectics to work through contemporary challenges of identity and memory in Baltic politics and cultural formations Originally articulated to respond to new metaphysical and memory in Baltic politics and cultural formations. Originally articulated to respond to new metaphysical and ethical challenges posed by the Holocaust, negative dialectics is the recognition of persistent ethical challenges posed by the Holocaust, negative dialectics the recognition of nonidentity–“Total contradiction is nothing but the manifested untruth of total identification” (Adorno 1966, nonidentity–“Total contradiction nothing but manifested total (Adorno 1966, 6). For Platt, this concept becomes useful for understanding contemporary Eastern Europe’s relationship to 6) For Platt, this concept becomes useful for understanding contemporary Eastern Europe’s to the Russian border as “alternative dimensions of history, memory, and actuality” in Latvia remain “radically the Russian border as “alternative dimensions of history, memory, and actuality” in Latvia remain “radically out of sync” (5, Platt 2024). My use of the term “ironic colonialism” is meant to capture a cognate lack of out of sync” (5, Platt 2024). My use of the term “ironic colonialism” is meant to capture a cognate lack of synchronicity, as Lithuania seems to uniquely position itself as a country in the Global North existing synchronicity, Lithuania seems to uniquely position itself as country in the Global North existing outside of predominantly white, colonial guilt In the first ten minutes of outside of predominantly white, colonial guilt. In the first ten minutes of Nova Lituania Nova Lituania, Gruodis posits , Gruodis similar threats to autonomy and security affecting Lithuania and Africa, establishing a sort of shared similar threats to autonomy and affecting and establishing a sort shared subaltern kinship, only to then immediately advocate for the Lithuanian colonization of Madagascar. subaltern only to then immediately advocate for the Lithuanian colonization of Madagascar
While, of course, Lithuanian viewers today may well recognize the horrors of colonialism, the film does not problematize this history but actively mocks it in service of a cathartic processing of interwar trauma problematize this history but actively mocks it service of cathartic processing of interwar trauma. Instead of looking at Pakštas’ unique and extreme nationalism and colonial dreams as a desperate obsession Instead of looking Pakštas’ unique and extreme nationalism and colonial dreams as a desperate obsession with European imperial grandeur, this history is reimagined as an absurd impossibility as a joke. Even the with European imperial grandeur, history is as an absurd impossibility as a Even use of nostalgic black-and-white aesthetic works to unsettle the actuality of this history in contemporary use of black-and-white aesthetic works to unsettle the actuality of this history in contemporary Lithuania. Here, negative dialectics give us both a helpful starting point and future direction for addressing Lithuania Here, negative dialectics give us both a helpful starting point and future direction for addressing the contemporary Lithuanian cultural disconnect with this history. The conflict is between the non-totalizing the contemporary Lithuanian cultural disconnect with this history. The conflict is between the non-totalizing identities of Lithuania as colonial victim and colonial advocate In other words, Lithuania is in a dialectic of identities of Lithuania as colonial victim and colonial advocate. In other words, Lithuania is in a dialectic of historical memory with itself Discourses of Lithuanian ethnic and civilizational identity, developed largely historical with itself. Discourses of Lithuanian ethnic and civilizational identity, developed largely
While, of course, Lithuanian viewers today may well recognize the horrors of colonialism, the film does not
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Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) Asher Maria (University of Pennsylvania) in mimicry of neighboring groups, have overwritten ideological borders through time and place, creating a mimicry of neighboring groups, have overwritten ideological borders through time and place, creating local sense of world history that remains in tension across borders to the East, West, and South The scale of local of world history that remains in borders to the East, West, and South. The scale of violence experienced at the hands of the Soviet Union, German Reich, and Lithuania’s own dictatorship violence experienced the hands of the Soviet Union, German Reich, and own produce a contradictory frame of historical justice that in abeyance echoes forward in contemporary cultural a contradictory frame of historical justice that in echoes forward in contemporary cultural productions like productions like Nova Lituania Nova Lituania. Following Platt, looking forward we must find a way to “square the circle Following Platt, looking forward we must find a way to “square the circle of local ontologies and universal values and aspirations” (90, Ibid.). through the position of global critique. of local ontologies and universal values and aspirations” (90, Ibid.). through the position of global critique. While Platt is optimistic about critique’s possibility in this border zone of world systems to reconcile While Platt optimistic about critique’s possibility in this border zone of world systems to reconcile different experiences of global capitalism and Marxist-Leninism, I want to take this 2019 film as a starting different of global capitalism and Marxist-Leninism, I want take this 2019 film as a point to unravel potential, undisclosed solidarities between Eastern Europe and the Global South. point to potential, undisclosed solidarities between Eastern Europe the Global
This film missed the opportunity to reimagine the life of a complicated historical figure whose ideas could
This film missed the opportunity to reimagine the life of a complicated historical figure whose ideas could have been uniquely instructive at the present historical juncture. As Lithuanian nationalism grows in new have been uniquely instructive at the present historical juncture. As Lithuanian nationalism grows in new directions in response to Russia’s genocidal war on Ukraine, the importance of embracing the complexity of directions in response to Russia’s genocidal war on Ukraine, the importance of embracing the complexity of Lithuanian histories becomes even more crucial, in order to stand up to new forms of totalitarianism that Lithuanian histories becomes even crucial, in order stand up to new forms of totalitarianism that feel eerily similar to those of the 1930s. eerily similar to of the 1930s.
Bibliography Bibliography
Adorno, Theodor W. Theodor W. Negative Dialectics. Negative Dialectics. Translated by E. B. Ashton. New York City, NY: The Continuum Translated by E. B. Ashton. New City, NY: The Continuum Publishing Company, 1979. Publishing Company, 1979
Kaupinis, Karolis, dir. Kaupinis, Karolis, dir. Nova Lituania Nova Lituania. 2019; Vilnius, LT: M Films, 2019. Online. . 2019; Vilnius, LT: M Films, 2019. Online.
Langstaff, Alexander “Reimagining futures past: on Nova Lituania ” Langstaff, Alexander. “Reimagining futures past: on Nova Lituania.” New Eastern Europe New Eastern , 2021 , 2021.
Platt, Kevin M. F. Platt, Kevin M F Border Conditions: Russian-Speaking Latvians between World Orders Border Conditions: Russian-Speaking Latvians between World Orders. DeKalb, IL: DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2024. Northern Illinois University Press, 2024
Rothberg, Michael Rothberg, Michael. Multidirectional Memory Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization Multidirectional Memory Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization. Redwood City, CA: Stanford UP, 2009 Redwood City, CA: Stanford UP, 2009
Stronbridge, Lyndsey. Lyndsey The Writing of Anxiety: Imagining Wartime in 1940s British Culture The Writing of Anxiety: Imagining Wartime in British . London, UK: London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007
Valiušaitis, Vidmantas. “Kazys Pakštas: Per gyvenimą lyg per tyrus.” Verslo žinios Verslo žinios, 2008 , 2008.
Valiušaitis, Vidmantas “Kazys Pakštas: Per gyvenimą – lyg per tyrus ”
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
GRISEBACH’S WESTERN GRISEBACH’S WESTERN
Anna Tropnikova (Yale University) Anna Tropnikova (Yale University)
Eric Rentschler claims only the New German has lent itself so “consistently and productively” to Eric Rentschler claims only the New German has lent itself so “consistently and productively” to “investigations into the relations between film and nationhood.” (1) An exponent of the Berlin School, “investigations into the relations between film nationhood.” (1) An Berlin School, Valeska Grisebach stands at the helm of this new “counter-cinema,” lauded as one of the earliest for her Valeska Grisebach stands at the helm of this new “counter-cinema,” lauded as one of the earliest for her ability to “infuse German cinema with a new sense of reality.” (2) Grisebach’s ability to “infuse German cinema with a new sense of reality ” (2) Grisebach’s Western Western (2017) uses the (2017) uses the main protagonist’s body as a corporal corridor to ferry viewer identification from the German “heroes” of main protagonist’s body as a corporal corridor to ferry viewer identification from the German “heroes” of the story to the inhabitants of the “Wild East” Bulgaria they seek to colonize, territory newly liberated from the story to the inhabitants of the “Wild East” Bulgaria they seek colonize, territory newly liberated from the influence of the Soviet Union Practiced in a nationally ambiguous landscape and evocative of first- the influence of the Soviet Union. Practiced in a nationally ambiguous landscape and evocative of firstperson-shooters, Western Western self-consciously utilizes the sensory-motor image Deleuze proscribed against in self-consciously utilizes the sensory-motor image Deleuze proscribed in his paeans to Italian neo-realism: she moves her protagonist’s body between foreground, middleground and his paeans to Italian neo-realism: she moves her protagonist’s between foreground, middleground and background screen space in a depth-first traversal after carefully delineating the national identity of each background screen space in a depth-first traversal after carefully delineating the national identity of each through the placement of either German or Bulgarian groups of bodies, i.e., Henri Lefebvre’s “produced” through the placement of either German or Bulgarian groups of bodies, i.e., Henri Lefebvre’s “produced” spaces (3) Grisebach is able to keep her main protagonist as corridor only by precluding her viewer’s spaces. (3) Grisebach able to keep her main protagonist as corridor only by precluding her viewer’s identification with the Henry Fonda lookalike of the story, keeping him active but morally ambiguous and identification with the Henry Fonda lookalike of the story, keeping him but morally ambiguous and emotionally inaccessible. For a Western viewer, the result is sympathy transference, from the known and For a Western viewer, the result sympathy transference, from the known familiar German Westerners to the “indigenous” Bulgarians that were strongly felt as Other at the beginning familiar German Westerners to the Bulgarians that were strongly felt as Other at the beginning of the film. of the film
A Western? A Western?
Valeska Grisebach’s third feature film is nominally about a mustached man with an unspecified ex-military Grisebach’s third feature film is nominally about a mustached man with an background, who, looking somewhat like a gaunter Henry Fonda from John Ford’s who, looking somewhat like a gaunter Henry Fonda from John Ford’s Fort Apache Fort Apache (1948), (1948), travels with other German contractors to the wild wilderness of Bulgaria on a mission to construct an EU- travels with other German contractors to the wild wilderness of Bulgaria on a mission to construct an EUfunded hydroelectric plant. (4) Choosing the village of Petrelik for her setting, the native Berliner Grisebach funded hydroelectric plant. (4) Choosing the village of Petrelik for her setting, the native Berliner Grisebach speaks frankly about the interest for the region expressed by her fellow Germans after USSR’s fall: “I speaks frankly about the interest for the region expressed by her fellow Germans after USSR’s fall: “I started off by traveling between Bulgaria and Romania,” she admits, “because the story drew me to Eastern started off by traveling between Bulgaria and Romania,” she admits, “because the story drew me to Eastern Europe and also because of all the legends that sprung up there following the end of communism: the idea Europe and also because of all legends that sprung up there following end of communism: idea of the ‘Wild East’ or the feeling that that was some sort of vacuum or empty page at the time.” (5) As for the of the ‘Wild East’ or the feeling that that was some sort of vacuum or empty page at the time ” (5) As for the chosen title (rendered as “WESTERN” even for German speakers), Nora Gortcheva posits that “the chosen title (rendered as “WESTERN” even for German speakers), Nora Gortcheva posits that “the filmmaker specifically draws a parallel between her project – inspired by the Western as a genre – and a filmmaker specifically draws a parallel between her project – inspired by the Western as a genre – and a German fascination with the notion of frontier ” (6) Grisebach resumes her usual practice of an ensemble German fascination with the notion of frontier.” (6) Grisebach resumes her usual practice of an ensemble cast of non-professional actors, save only one professional, Reinhardt Wetrek, who plays the lead German of non-professional save only one professional, Reinhardt Wetrek, who plays the lead German contractor and bully Vincent. Many of the non-professional actors retain their own first names for the and bully Vincent. Many of non-professional retain their own first names for the
1 Eric Rentschler, “From New German Cinema to the Post-Wall Cinema of Consensus”
1 Eric “From New German Cinema to the Post-Wall Cinema of Consensus” Cinema and Nation Cinema and Nation Ed Hjort, Mette & Mackenzie, Scott (London: Routledge, 2000): 245 Ed Hjort, Mette & Scott (London: Routledge, 2000): 245
2 Marco Abel, 2 Abel, The Counter-Cinema of the Berlin School Counter-Cinema of School (Rochester, New York: Camden House, 2013): 14 (Rochester, New York: House, 14
3 “What the viewer perceived therefore was a sensory-motor image in which he took a greater or lesser part by identification with the characters.” Gilles Deleuze, 3 the perceived a in he took greater lesser with the characters.” Gilles Deleuze, Cinema 2: The Cinema The Time-Image Time-Image Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986): 3 Hugh Tomlinson and Robert of Minnesota Press, 1986):
4 For more detailed analysis of plot, see Nora Gortcheva, “Reflexive Unmapping: The ‘Wild East’ in Valeska Grisebach’s
4 For more detailed analysis of plot, see Nora Gortcheva, “Reflexive Unmapping: The ‘Wild East’ in Valeska Grisebach’s Western Western (2017)” (2017)” Colloquia Germanica, Colloquia Germanica, 51 no 1 (2020): 51 no 1 (2020): 75–92 75–92
5 Ibid , 75–76
5 Ibid ,
6 Ibid , 76
6 Ibid , 76
Figure 2 Figure 2 – Caspar David Friedrich, 1818 – Caspar David Friedrich, 1818. Wander Wander Above the Sea of Fog Above the Sea of Fog, oil on canvas, Hamburger oil on canvas, Hamburger Kunsthalle, Hamburg. Kunsthalle, Hamburg
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
GRISEBACH’S WESTERN GRISEBACH’S WESTERN
Anna Tropnikova (Yale University) Anna Tropnikova (Yale University)
Grisebach does not begin with that sequence Like Marco Abel notes about Grisebach’s
Grisebach does begin with that sequence. Like Marco Abel notes about Grisebach’s Be My Star Be Star (2001), (2001), Grisebach’s films always carry a “rigorously ajudgmental stance.” (8) This is accomplished by what films carry a ajudgmental stance.” (8) This is accomplished by Grisebach chooses to insert before the Friedrich reference. Grisebach chooses to insert before the Friedrich reference
Body as Corridor Body as Corridor
Latching a viewer’s
Latching a viewer’s iid d to a diegetic subject is not new Inez Hedges discerned this activity writing about a diegetic subject is new. Inez Hedges discerned this activity writing about French film in 1982: French film in 1982:
The ‘reading’ of a film, much like that of a novel, demands the active participation of the viewer, The ‘reading’ of a film, much like that of a novel, demands the active participation of the viewer, who must construct the diegetic time and space out of a succession of visual and auditory perceptions who must construct the diegetic time and space out of a succession of visual and auditory perceptions and keep track of the narration by evaluating the point of view through which diegetic information is and keep track of the narration by evaluating the point of view through which diegetic information is mediated With the help of psychoanalysis, it is possible to describe the various levels of the mediated... With the help of psychoanalysis, it is possible describe the levels of the spectator’s involvement as types of identification... certain formal qualities of the film medium spectator’s involvement as types certain formal qualities the film medium can be employed by directors either to enhance or inhibit identification. (9) can be by directors either to enhance or inhibit identification (9)
Laura Mulvey and Christian Metz also explicate the way identification is encouraged through voyeurism.
Laura Mulvey and Christian Metz also explicate the way identification is encouraged through voyeurism. Identification already happens when we substitute the eye of the camera for our own eyes, a seamless Identification already happens when we substitute the eye of the camera for our own eyes, a seamless prosthesis Then, this effect may be “enhanced” or “inhibited” with the introduction of a character on prosthesis. Then, this effect may be “enhanced” or “inhibited” with the introduction of a character on screen. The cinematic star tends to be the strongest source of primary identification. (10) screen. The cinematic tends to be the strongest source of primary identification. (10)
Grisebach and Grisebach and Fort Apache Fort Apache’s John Ford use similar cinematic means – placing Meinhard and Fonda in the ’s John Ford use similar cinematic means – placing Meinhard and Fonda in the ornamental wilderness of Bulgaria and America, respectively, then focusing on each in close-up – to latch a ornamental wilderness of Bulgaria and America, respectively, then focusing on each in close-up – to latch a spectator’s spectator’s iid d onto their “star” via something resembling psychological transference Edgar Morin notes onto their “star” via something resembling psychological transference. Edgar Morin transference has occurred when one sees teenagers mimicking their favorite film actors as role models (11) transference has occurred when teenagers mimicking their favorite film actors as role models. (11)
Western Western opens with a different tableau vivant, seemingly unpeopled (Figure 3). The solitary figure of opens with a different tableau vivant, seemingly unpeopled (Figure 3) The of Meinhard emerges from the trees behind a volleyball field, slowly walking out of the background in a static Meinhard emerges from the trees behind a volleyball field, slowly walking out of the background in a static frame trained onto the net while the credits of Eastern European sounding names in a Soviet font flash on frame trained onto the net while the credits of Eastern European sounding names in a Soviet font flash on screen, blocky and white (Figure 4) As Meinhard crosses the threshold into middleground, the camera blocky and white (Figure 4). As Meinhard crosses the threshold middleground, the ceases to be static – imperceptibly, at first, then gaining speed in its pan as it begins a motivated movement to be static – imperceptibly, first, then speed in its pan as it begins a motivated after Meinhard. The camera movement remains trained on Meinhard until he breaks through a group of Meinhard. camera movement remains trained on Meinhard until he breaks through a group of Germans sitting on the steps of their temporary lodging accommodations. For a moment, Meinhard is level Germans sitting on the steps of their temporary lodging accommodations For a moment, Meinhard is level with these fellow workers. In the middleground, Meinhard and the Germans exchange “Hallo”s -- and, with these fellow workers In the middleground, Meinhard and the Germans exchange “Hallo”s -- and,
Figure 4 Figure 4 – Grisebach begins to acquaint her viewer – Grisebach to acquaint her viewer with her star: he is approaching from background with her star: he is approaching from background into middleground here (00:00:59). into middleground here (00:00:59).
Figure 5 Figure 5 – After Meinhard approaches the spectator past midshot, he recedes again into the background. – After Meinhard approaches the spectator past midshot, he recedes again into the background. Grisebach has set up our transference onto Meinhard and can now begin to carry us, with him, depth-first Grisebach has set up our transference onto Meinhard and can now begin to carry us, with him, depth-first into universe space (0:01:37) into universe space (0:01:37).
Grisebach has revealed her film’s primary language: the use of Meinhard as a corridor to ferry viewer
Grisebach has revealed her film’s primary language: the use of Meinhard as a corridor to ferry identification from one plane to another With Meinhard’s slow approach, she has let time be her aid to latch identification from one plane another. With Meinhard’s slow approach, she has let time be her aid to latch viewer identification onto her Fonda imitator. viewer onto her Fonda
After Meinhard walks through the doors, she already begins to tamper with this identification by keeping After Meinhard walks through the doors, she already begins to tamper with this identification by keeping viewers guessing about our character, who has so far not been referred to by name. Dialogue addressed to viewers guessing about our character, who has so far not been referred to by name. Dialogue addressed to other characters is paired with shots of Meinhard – alternatively, the names are German or Russian (Figure 6 other characters paired with shots of Meinhard – alternatively, the names are German Russian (Figure 6
Figures 6 and 7: Figures 6 and 7: Incongruent (mismatch) condition between face and name at 0:02:47 and 0:05:04, Incongruent (mismatch) condition between face and name at 0:02:47 and 0:05:04, respectively. respectively.
Disidentify Disidentify
The plot proceeds with a cut: Meinhard stands surveying the Bulgarian expanse (Figure 1). With the same proceeds with a cut: Meinhard stands the Bulgarian expanse (Figure 1). With the same transcersal movement as in the introductory sequence, he slowly walks forward (away from the spectator) transcersal movement as in the introductory sequence, he slowly walks forward (away from the into the great Bulgarian expanse before him, his figure receding as he clears felled trees out of the path into the great Bulgarian expanse before him, his figure receding as he clears felled trees out of the path forward. Grisebach surmises we can fill in the blanks, supplying the rest of his movement forward – the forward. Grisebach surmises we can fill in the blanks, supplying the rest of his movement forward – the camera cuts to a 180-degree reverse shot on what seems to be the opposite side of this dirt path at 0:03:35, camera cuts a 180-degree reverse shot on what seems be the opposite side of this dirt path at 0:03:35, Meinhard’s body approaching us from background to middleground to foreground again We are now in Meinhard’s body approaching us from background to middleground foreground again. We are now in Bulgaria “wilds.” We find ourselves among Vincent, Meinhard, and the Russian translator Boris – all at Bulgaria “wilds.” We find among Vincent, and the Russian translator Boris – all close-up, conversing, working, dining, joking. After some time spent “exploring” our new world and finding conversing, joking After some time spent “exploring” our new world and local fauna (horses, Bulgarian women), suddenly, the camera cuts to Meinhard perched atop a pole local fauna (horses, Bulgarian women), suddenly, the camera cuts to Meinhard perched atop a pole mounting a German flag on Bulgarian soil at 0:08:27. After oblique allusions, Grisebach lays bare that we, mounting a German flag on Bulgarian soil at 0:08:27. After oblique allusions, Grisebach lays bare that we, the viewers, have already become complicit with colonialist intentions over this land the have already become complicit with colonialist over this land.
The Corridor is Used The is Used
Grisebach, according to Marco Abel “reworks our perceptual habits” in her films. (12)
Grisebach, according to Marco Abel “reworks our perceptual habits” in her films (12) In In Western Western,, Meinhard continues to perform alienating gestures to break the latched id of the spectator, though not too Meinhard continues to perform alienating gestures to break the latched id of the spectator, though not too abruptly, but in a step-wise function For much of the film, Vincent (Wetrek) seems the classic colonialist, abruptly, but in step-wise function. For much of the film, Vincent (Wetrek) seems the classic colonialist, so Menhard helping him hoist the German flag (joking that they’re “thinking of the locals”) at first seems Menhard helping him hoist the German flag (joking that they’re “thinking of the locals”) first seems
12 Abel, “Valeska Grisebach,” 232-237 Grisebach,”
Figure 9: Figure 9: (0:11:32) (0:11:32).
Meinhard, however, is more successful. He gets there with a tractor (Figure 9). This ham- fisted approach
Meinhard, however, is more successful He gets there with a tractor (Figure 9) This ham- fisted approach again distances viewers from our so-called protagonist. again distances viewers from our so-called protagonist
At twenty minutes in, Meinhard finally gets to the local Bulgarian village by finding someone’s wayward
At twenty minutes Meinhard finally gets to the local village by finding someone’s horse, seeing no issue with promptly mounting it and proceeding into town. Only after a handshake with a horse, seeing no issue with promptly mounting it and proceeding into town Only after a handshake with a Bulgarian man (fellow ex-military) do we see a medium shot or close-up of Bulgarians. Meinhard has Bulgarian man (fellow ex-military) do we see a medium shot or close-up of Bulgarians Meinhard has served his purpose. Progressively we will grow more alienated from him. We are now with the Bulgarians served his purpose. Progressively we will grow more alienated from him. We are now with the Bulgarians in Petrelik, and standing here, Petrelik, and standing here, Western Western is not a pandering to American westerns after all Instead, it is the is not a pandering to American westerns after all. Instead, it the perspective of Bulgarians who must watch these Germans encroach, from the West, with their rapacious perspective of Bulgarians who must watch these Germans encroach, from the West, with their appetite, and their presumption to lay claim to their land. appetite, and their presumption to lay claim to their land.
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
TRANSIENCE IN SCREEN SPACE: BODY AS CORRIDOR IN VALESKA
GRISEBACH’S WESTERN GRISEBACH’S WESTERN
Anna Tropnikova (Yale University) Anna Tropnikova (Yale University)
Bibliography Bibliography
Abel, Marco. Abel, Marco The Counter-Cinema of the Berlin School. The Counter-Cinema of the Berlin School Rochester, New York: Camden House, 2013. Rochester, New York: Camden House, 2013
Deleuze, Gilles. Deleuze, Gilles. Cinema 1: The Movement-Image. Cinema 1: The Movement-Image. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986 Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986.
Deleuze, Gilles. Gilles. Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Robert Galeta. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986. University of Minnesota Press, 1986
Gortcheva, Nora. “Reflexive Unmapping: The ‘Wild East’ in Valeska Grisebach’s Gortcheva, Nora. “Reflexive Unmapping: The ‘Wild East’ in Valeska Grisebach’s Western Western (2017)” (2017)” Colloquia Germanica Colloquia Germanica, 51 no 1 (2020): 75–92 , 51 no. 1 (2020): 75–92.
Grisebach, Valeska. Valeska. Western Western. Piffl Medien, 2017. 1hr., 21 min. . Piffl 2017. 1hr., 21
Hedges, Inez. “Form and Meaning in the French Film, III: Identification.”
Hedges, Inez “Form and Meaning in the French Film, III: Identification ” The French Review The French Review 56, no. 2 56, no 2 (1982): 207–17. http://www.jstor.org/stable/391839. (1982): 207–17. http://www.jstor.org/stable/391839.
Lefebvre, Henri and translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith
Lefebvre, Henri and translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith. The Production of Space The Production of Space Oxford, England: . Oxford, England: Blackwell. 1991. 1991.
Rentschler, Eric. “From New German Cinema to the Post-Wall Cinema of Concensus”.
Rentschler, Eric “From New German Cinema to the Post-Wall Cinema of Concensus” Cinema and Nation Cinema and Nation. Ed. Hjort, Mette & Mackenzie, Scott. London: Routledge, 2000: 245–261.
