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29 John Summerson, The classical language of architecture
churches to the ogees and spire-like pinnacles of the tower at St Dunstan’s; one which bears much more of a semblance to the cathedrals and abbeys of the Tudor period than anything Vitruvius or Serlio would have approved of.Unfortunately, the church currently only exists in a fragmented state, as a result of the blitz in 1941, and serves more as a tranquil garden within the City, though the tower itself was restored to a respectable state in the twentieth century. For the steeple, Wren drew freely from lasting Gothic cathedrals in the north (Most notably St Nicholas, Newcastle) incorporating parabolic arches which converge inwards from the four cornered pinnacles into a platform supporting a spirelet, in keeping with the medieval practice of having converging flying buttresses.49
Even so, a key theme which must be recognised is Wren’s austere use of Gothic forms, again demonstrating his inclination towards simple geometry and proportion, as opposed to a fixation on creating ‘customary beauties’50
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- especially on an occasion where he was “oblig’d to deviate from a better style”. Even though Gothic motifs such as the ogee were used when and where appropriate, even the mouldings and tracery patters, like the ones at his other Gothic buildings, are rather conventional. St Dunstan’s purposefully lacks the Medieval animation of Decorated Norman churches for example, as it is not intended to express a call back to the Middle ages, but rather have a whimsical character of its own.
Figure 14: Wren's clock tower and Gothic needle spire (left) and Figure 15: One of the Gothic-style windows which remain on the north wall (right)
49 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 201 50 Kerry Downes, The architecture of Wren, pg. 89
Nicholas Hawksmoor
Nicholas Hawksmoor was forty-nine when the 1711 Act for Building Fifty New Churches was passed. Between the time of Wren and Hawksmoor, little ground was broken in the field of Church buildings, with the few churches that were put up being more or less simply reflections of Wren’s City churches. Nonetheless, two churches are of significant importance during this period, insofar as they steer a clearly contrived course between the post-fire City churches and the churches which were borne from the 1711 act: All Saints, Oxford by Henry Aldrich and St Philip, Birmingham by Thomas Archer.51 The architects of these churches were quite different - Aldrich was a classical scholar, almost of wren’s generation, whilst Archer was well-travelled ‘gentleman’s architect’52 - Yet both of their churches demonstrate a unique instance of emphasis on the principle orders and homage to the rhetoric of antiquity (e.g. the Borromini-like forms of St Philip’s tower)53, foreshadowing a change in precedent which would be combined with Wren’s shrewd level of invention to alter the course of Church design. Of course, this change was due in large part to a difference in circumstances – with a greater degree of funds and openness on sites within London’s suburbs than was available to Wren. Indeed, even the hasty approach to the rebuilding of the City by parishes and business owners was undoubtably to the detriment of Wren’s creative capabilities, but in any case, the act of 1711 ultimately launched a new episode in church building, just as the Great fire of 1666 did for Wren, and formed a canvas on which Hawksmoor’s powerful and often radical architectural imagination as well as the spirit of the English Baroque would well forth. Hawksmoor, who by the turn of the century had become an invaluable second hand to the works of Wren and Vanbrugh,54 was the only member of the commission to remain in their respective posts until the works were more or less seen to completion by 1733,55 and this service to the commission would culminate in his own collection of idiosyncratic churches which pushed his insatiable creativity to its limit.
Figure 16: All Saints, Oxford, Henry Aldrich, 1706 – 10 (left) and Figure 17: St Philip, Birmingham, Thomas Archer, 1709 - 15
51 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 278 52 Marcus Whiffen, Thomas Archer: architect of the English Baroque, pg. 10 53 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 279 54 Dennis Sharp, The illustrated encyclopaedia of architects and architecture, pg. 75 55 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 60
Highly regarded as Hawksmoor’s most important body of work, his six London churches built in the span of twenty years are far more enigmatic than any built by his contemporaries, or indeed than Wren’s own City churches a generation prior. Although principally they can be understood as highly individual, albeit extravagant interpretations of Wren’s classicism, in viewing these imposing, abstract pieces of architecture in person we often forget the primacy in Hawksmoor’s own duty to inform the needs of the urban environment as well as the churches’ role in a liturgical sense; a conflict which is most discernible in their plan.56 As we have seen with Wren’s churches, a conscious focus on the involvement of the congregation was a key Anglican idea which subsisted through the turn of the century. Hence, a stipulation was made for the new churches, by virtue of their insular, free standing nature, to have an east-west orientation with key features such as chancels and lecterns consciously positioned at the east end and main body of the church, respectively. The centralised plan as it were, which became a reoccurring theme amongst many of the commissions unexecuted churches including that of St Martin-in-the-Fields by Gibbs,57 was essentially ruled out, giving way for Hawksmoor’s first degree of experimentation: the cross-axis plan. Likely an interpretation of Wren’s attempt to design a cross-plan, there was in fact experimentation with this motif in all of Hawksmoor’s churches in one way or another – even in his first churches which were less elegant in their ability to invoke a sense of a centrality within a linier plan but integrated, nonetheless.58 By the time he got onto designing his last church of St George’s Bloomsbury, Hawksmoor’s use of space and light increased in both sophistication as well as elegance. Figure 18 shows its plan, in which we see an obvious spatial ambiguity. The necessity for entrances from both the south and via the Bloomsbury estates to the north as well as the deep, narrow nature of the site itself had severe architectural implications for the church.59
Upon entering, one interprets the space ‘almost as a cube’, which is illuminated by clearstory windows.
Figure 18: St George’s, Bloomsbury plan (left) and Figure 19: St George’s, Bloomsbury interior (right)
56 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 73 57 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 106 58 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 75 59 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 103
The overall effect is an interior architecture which profoundly alters the atmospheric nature of the church in order to create an effect of rich spatial tension60, by placing the entrance at the south whilst accommodating the alter at the east. In this way, we can understand Hawksmoor’s churches to be, in both appearance and configuration, a visceral response to his brief as opposed to a typical Wren church which was more than anything; an intellectual solution.61
In contrast to the interiors which perhaps establish a more reticent degree of “Englishness” amongst the churches, the possibilities for Hawksmoor’s design of the exteriors were left far more open, barring the specification of material use and scale of steeples and porticos stipulated by the commission; and encouraged by Vanbrugh who stated that they ought to have a ‘High and Bold’ towers in order to become ‘Ornaments to the Towne, and a Credit to the Nation.’62 In fact, it is in this free rein that Hawksmoor’s fascination with both Gothic and exotic motifs, as well as his almost fervent obsession with all things pertaining to primitivism and archaeology is most easily observed. The syncretism we see in his oeuvre as a whole is aptly described by architectural historian Colvin Howard as “schizophrenic”, insofar as whilst his buildings are conceived in their fullest sympathy in classical terms, as in the Clarendon Building, his Mausoleum at Castle Howard or even St George’s itself, his tendency for somewhat of a bipolar stylistic approach raises more questions than it answers. Moreover, the question still remains for many historians as to why the Basilicas of the primitive Christians in particular had such a profound influence on his buildings. This notion, as alluded to by Pierre du Prey, can most easily be traced back to a wider idea of the time that English Anglicanism should strive to create links with primitive Christianity,63 and was championed in particular by Protestant theologian Edward Stillingfleet and Reverend George Hickes - who argued that the Anglican churches themselves should emulate the pure, sober forms of the early Christians in attempt to recapture the sacred purity which was lost in Popery.64
60 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 79 61 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 61 62 Vanbrugh, ‘Proposals’, pg. 257 63 Pierre de la Ruffinière Du Prey, Hawksmoor's London churches: architecture and theology, pg. 47 -80 64 Vaughan Hart, Nicholas Hawksmoor: Rebuilding Ancient Wonders, pg. 140
Figure 20: Hawksmoor’s preliminary elevation for St George-in-the-East (left) and Figure 21: preliminary plan for St George-inthe-East, c. 1714 – 20 (right)
Through his vast observation of engravings and texts such as An Account of the Churches, or Places of Assembly of the Primitive Christians by Hickes (who Hawksmoor likely had a close working relationship with), Hawksmoor was undoubtably influenced by such speculative models and sought to recall the spirit of the early Christians with a ‘Primitivist’ approach. Figure 20 is an illustration of Hawksmoor’s preliminary south elevation for St Georgein-the-East, in which we can see a pyramid structure that is likely an interpretation of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus – a motif, which was fully realised at St George’s Bloomsbury, with its famous stepped pyramidal spire. St George’s also quotes the spolia elements and imposing Corinthian order of The Temple of Bacchus to make a link to the ancient wonders of the Near East.65 Ultimately, one can begin to more accurately speculate on some of the peculiar forms which characterise Hawksmoor’s churches to a greater degree when viewing them though a ‘Primitivist’ lens,66 realising that he used such allusions, licenced by the Baroque’s intrinsic inclination towards illusionism and ‘disordering the orders’, to create an eclectic architecture which calls back to the ancient and Medieval past.
Figure 22: Steeple at St George’s, Bloomsbury (left), Figure 23: Hawksmoor’s entrance at Christchurch, Spitalfields (centre) contain allusions to ancient structures, most explicitly to the Basilica of Maxentius – Figure 24 (right)
65 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 283 66 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 79
Gothic
Hawksmoor’s interest with past architectural beliefs crucially manifested itself in the form of native medieval traditions as well as ancient wonders – forming a truly virtuoso synthesis of styles unique to Hawksmoor. His best display of Gothic design can perhaps be seen in his non-ecclesiastical buildings, most notably at Westminster Abbey and All Souls, Oxford, though the prevailing classical style prevented him from designing entirely new buildings in this way.67 Furthermore, the concept of the ‘Gothic’ itself was at the time more synonymous with, as John Evelyn states, the destruction of Roman civilization itself than any proportion, use, or beauty68 - making its adoption by Hawksmoor all the more intriguing given that his churches allude to the medieval past more in atmosphere and mood than overt use of ogees and pointed arches for instance. It is clear that Hawksmoor, especially in his schemes for All Souls, Oxford, understood the Gothic’s resonant and creative potential, and more often than not almost tried to create Gothic forms, expressed in classical terms.69 The spire at St George-in-theEast is perhaps Hawksmoor’s most sophisticated allusion to the Gothic style amongst any of the London Churches, inasmuch as the relation here is concerned more with the arrangement of mass and volume than an explicit use of forms. At St George’s, we see an octagonal lantern sit atop a bulky tower, along with four smaller pepper-pot towers on the north and south sides – an arrangement whose sources can most likely be found at Ely Cathedral in that it too features an octagonal tower with subsidiary towers on the south transept.70
Figure 25: South from of St George-in-the-East (left) and Figure 26: Early Gothic south end of Ely Cathedral (right)
67 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 89 68 John Evelyn, Account of architects and architecture, together, with an historical, etymological explanation of certain terms, particularly affected by architects, pg. 9 69 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 280 70 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 95
Ultimately, the effect in which Hawksmoor’s visual ambiguity created was totally unique. Built in an urban context which quickly saw Georgian classical architecture filter down the social ranks and become more prevalent by housing developers like Nicholas Barbon,71 the amalgamation of Gothic and Primitivist concepts with the classical canon allowed Hawksmoor to create powerful and historically authoritative architecture which sought to withstand the test of time. As Peter Borsay correctly argues, Hawksmoor’s familiar Baroque style, in an urban context, would have bordered ‘entering the realms of aesthetically ridiculous’, given its diminishing ostentation and the forthcoming emergence of Palladianism in the mid-1710’s, though the creative flame which Vanbrugh ignited within Hawksmoor during the peak of the English Baroque was certainly not in vain. It is therefore through this way that we should attempt to understand Hawksmoor’s churches – creating architecture which is imbued with the past to aim at eternity.72
71 Peter Borsay, The English urban renaissance: Culture and society in the provincial town 1660-1770, pg. 305 72 Owen Hopkins, From the shadows: The architecture and afterlife of Nicholas Hawksmoor, pg. 104
St Martin-in-the-Fields:
Wren’s role as Surveyor-General of the King’s works from 1669 until 1718 meant that he had managed to preside in office during four significant changes of parliament and monarch.73 His period of control over the national architectural patronage had lasted nearly half a century and the ubiquitous English Baroque, now bestowed upon Hawksmoor, Vanbrugh, and Talman, had tightened its sway on England’s architectural landscape. In 1710, when the Tories returned to power, an Act of Parliament was passed which organised for the building of fifty new churches “of stone and other proper materials” to facilitate the expansion of London’s suburbs.74 Amongst the group of esteemed architects within the commission was James Gibbs, who after a few years of working under the tutelage of Baroque architect Carlo Fontana in Rome,75 had returned back to England at the height of the Vanbrugh – Hawksmoor school, and was eager to make his own lasting contribution to the English Baroque by marrying native elements of Wren’s work with fresh Seicento ideas he had acquired in his training. Gibbs, unlike many of his contemporaries, did not exclusively belong to any camp of architectural practice. His training in Rome had afforded him an education on Italian Mannerist and Baroque models. He was also a lifelong Catholic and Tory (which had a substantial impact on the fate of his working relationship with the commission), with his rise to prominence coming at a time just before the ascension of the Whigs and the Palladianism of Colen Campbell that followed it. In reality, Gibbs’ work demonstrated above all else, a professional technique and skill in the proficiency of architectonic design and in many ways, is simply the realisation of Wren’s ideas.76 By 1713, after having replaced William Dickinson as surveyor of the church building commission, Gibbs had developed a close working relationship to Wren and set himself apart from the Baroque school, opting instead to draw from the fundamental ideas of Wren’s early City churches, as well as individual traits from Palladio and Jones.77 St Martinin-the-Fields, which though not officially part of the original 1711 commission, is perhaps Gibbs’ greatest fulfilment of these ideas. As for the proposed fifty new churches themselves (of which only 12 were subsequently built), Wren’s St James, Piccadilly served as the principal prototype church for the commission, though many of the proposed plans deviated significantly from this and are therefore much more complex and peculiar.78 Gibbs’ own St-Mary-le-Strand, a fitting prelude to St Martin’s, is more synonymous with both domestic sources and Italian Mannerism, than anything Baroque.
Figure 27: St Martin-in-the-Fields, ground plan (left), Figure 28: St Martin-in-the-Fields, west end, (centre) and Figure 29: Royal coat of arms, St Martin-in-the Fields (right)
73 Steven Parissien, Palladian style, pg. 57 74 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 98 75 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 6 76 Doreen Yarwood, The architecture of England: From prehistoric times to the present day, pg. 282 77 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 325 78 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 99
James Gibbs’ St Martin-in-the-Fields, completed in 1726, can be argued to be one of the most significant ecclesiastical buildings of the eighteenth century, having a profound impact on the English-speaking world as it became a prototype for an Anglican parish church.79 It is clear that whilst Wren’s models invariably had a clear influence on Gibbs’ work, in this instance he was also able to synthesise his Baroque training into a design which satisfied his patrons. With the Whig party now back in Parliament, England soon saw the denouncement of the Baroque style in favour of a simpler Palladian approach. Fellow Scotsman Colen Campbell had infamously criticised the “excessive ornaments” of Bernini, Fontana, and Borromini in his 1715 Vitruvius Britannicus, 80 and was instrumental in shifting the English architectural paradigm from Wren’s monopolistic stewardship of royal commissions to a new, more honest school of Palladianism; hence Gibbs, who was key in steering the path between the Baroque and Palladianism,81 was obliged to keep the use of his more inclined Baroque style to a minimum.
Figure 30 and 31: Andrea Pozzo’s scenic alter designs for the Church of the Gesù and Trompe-l'oeil Dome
His initial plan for St Martin’s was that of a rotunda-like circular church comprised of twelve columns within a concentric gallery,82 which seems to have inspired by Italian Baroque illusionist painter Andrea Pozzo’s treatise on perspective. The circular arcade of this plan however does not appear in Pozzo, and it is possible that Gibbs took inspiration from Wren’s masterfully executed centralised plan at St Stephen, Walbrook.83 Nevertheless, Such a vision was rare in English church design and the primary link back to Wren was probably that of his 1673 Great Model for St Paul’s Cathedral which was based on the Greek cross and had similarities with Gibbs’ unexecuted ‘capacious and convenient’ plan for St Martin-in-the-Fields, indicative of Gibbs’ awareness of Wren’s liturgical
79 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 55 80 Emil Kaufmann, Architecture in the age of reason, pg. 15 81 John Harris, The Palladians, pg. 70 82 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 106 83 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 327
concern of having large congregations. Gibbs’ round designs for St Martin’s were ultimately rejected on ‘account of the expensiveness of executing them’.84 Nonetheless, the Baroque feel in which the interior of the church still predicates itself upon cannot be overstated. The barrel-vaulted nave is adorned with intricate plasterwork of cherubs and scrolls (work of Italian Plasterers Giovanni Bagutti and Giuseppe Artari), creating an exceptionally unique combination of richness, delicacy, and workmanship in a show of rococo ornamentation hardly seen in any of Wren’s City churches. Another striking application of Baroque rhetoric can be seen on the exterior of the church; both in the portico pediment as well as at the altar: a carving of the Royal Coat of Arms which serve as a prominent symbol of Anglican glory and royalty.
Furthermore, the subtle influence of Palladio and Inigo Jones on the design of St Martin’s must also be noted –particularly in the east elevation of the church which places much greater emphasis on symmetry and proportion with its use of half-inlayed columns. In contrast, the front façade is dominated by an impressive Corinthian portico, conceived in a distinct Roman character. A key distinction can be detected with Hawksmoor here, who on his facades was dismissive of any uniformity and instead was more audacious in his arrangement of patterns and motifs.85 Furthermore, the repeated use of the ‘Gibbs surround’ (a method of emphasising openings with rustication) is also adopted on the exterior of the church. The origins of this motif were by no means found in Palladio; nor was Gibbs himself a strict follower of Palladianism at any point in his career, however the ‘Gibbs’ window became synonymous with the grammar of Palladianism seen in Britain and North America during the late eighteenth century.86 In this respect, St-Martin’s is certainly not the greatest example of Gibbs’ Palladian influence, inasmuch as it embodies a “sufficient variety [in style and parts] to keep the mind employed with uniformity and simplicity”,87 but the echoes of themes and precepts he drew from Inigo Jones and English Palladianism at large can still be detected - an evolution that would be expressed in its fullest capacity later in Gibbs’ career in his design of various universities, country houses and other buildings he developed to suit prevailing tastes.
Figure 32: East elevation of St Martin-in-the-Fields (left) and Figure 33: The Gibbs Surround, A Book of Architecture, 1728 – using blocks and rustication to frame an opening (right)
84 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 61 85 Emil Kaufmann, Architecture in the age of reason, pg. 20 86 Steven Parissien, Palladian style, pg. 93 87 Emil Kaufmann, Architecture in the age of reason, pg. 8
Figure 34: Interior of Filippo Brunelleschi’s Basilica di Santo Spirito, Florence (left) and Figure 35: interior of Gibbs’ StMartin-in-the-Fields.
The plan for St Martin’s, as we see it today, is longitudinal and forms an aisled auditorium along five bays. Interestingly enough however, at St Martin’s we do see some difference in the treatment of the galleried space and the columns which define it compared to that of a typical Wren design. At St Martin’s, the eight Corinthian columns on either side of the aisle carry their own individual entablatures as opposed to a continuous entablature which would otherwise support the arches. Gibbs’ first-hand Italian training may be to thank here as a similar motif can be seen at Brunelleschi’s rather obscure S. Spirito, Florence, which itself is likely an interpretation of Vitruvius’ Basilica at Fano. Incidentally, Gibbs’ own library contained the architectural treatise of Claude Perrault which included reconstructions of Vitruvius’ Basilica.88 Essentially, this arrangement conceals the gallery behind the columns and the nave’s barrel-vaulting,89 and creates a much more covert placement of the gallery fronts onto the columns, prioritising the appearance of the orders as opposed to the gallery space itself. The result is a series of channels and views being formed from the nave to the back of the gallery, creating a space which Gibbs regarded as ‘much better for the voice’.90 St James, Piccadilly, a suitable comparison given its pre-eminence as a prototype to the commission for both ‘practical and economical reasons’,91 features a far more dominant gallery, with a bulkier entablature that runs from each capital to the back of the gallery. The closest comparison to Gibbs’ bold articulation of the entablature is found at St Bride’s, where Wren simply used an additional column to create an effect which anticipates Gibbs’.92
88 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 68 89 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 -1830, pg. 328 90 John Perceval, Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont, pg, 217-218 91 Kerry Downes, English Baroque architecture, pg. 99 92 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 - 1830, pg. 330
Figure 36: Antonio da Sangallo the elder, Church of the Madonna di S. Biagio, Montepulciano (left) and Figure 37: St. Martin-in-the-Fields - elevation, plan and section of steeple, James Gibbs (right)
In its Exterior, St Martin-in-the-Fields reveals another unique approach which undoubtedly boosted Gibbs’ reputation as an influential church designer, again a testament to his individuality.93 With state patronage introduced and a greater availably of parish funds,94 Gibbs had greater scope for remarkable elaboration in the design of the steeple. At first, we instantly notice that the steeple itself is setback from the portico of the church and is instead built inside the west-wall - a significant departure from Wren, and indeed Hawksmoor’s method of incorporating the steeple with its base planted on the ground. This has led to criticism by some, describing its insertion as incongruous and awkward.95 The design of the steeple however is one which undoubtably embodies Wren’s fundamental Roman principles which in many cases were not fully realised in his rather lacklustre City churches. Gibbs, in true wren style, revived the Gothic spirit of the old tower in a classical vernacular in order to create a feature which serves as a triumphant landmark for the Parish of St Martin’s. Here, the initial belfry stage carries an Ionic pilaster order followed by a clock stage, before transforming into an octagonal upper stage which recalls the church’s predominate Corinthian order96, revealing a suitable theme likely taken from the tower of Antonio De Sangallo’s S. Biagio at Montepulciano. As a whole, St Martin’s is a church of extreme importance and a true testimony of Gibbs’ own skill and technical proficiency in handling the classical language. But as we have seen, Gibbs was also a unique figure in a seemingly transient architectural climate. His individuality and ability to combine characteristics from a multitude of styles set him apart from his contemporaries, and his 1728 A Book of Architecture, of which many unexecuted plans for St Martin’s are contained within,97 was a vital contributor to the evolution of English architectural design.
93 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 72 94 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain: 1530 - 1830, pg. 280 95 David Watkins, English Architecture, pg. 123 96 https://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol20/pt3/pp19-30 97 Terry Friedman, James Gibbs, pg. 57
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Illustration/Figure Credits:
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