The Umbrella Newsletter Issue 04 by YNGVE

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SAfAIDS

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Changing the River’s Flow Newsletter Issue 04 / 2010

The Safe from GBV and HIV

Malawi’s conviction of gays has grave implications for HIV prevention in Africa Advocating for femalecontrolled HIV prevention Africa wins every time you prevent HIV - SAfAIDS partners with Africa Goal on HIV prevention campaign during the World Cup

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Acknowledgements SAfAIDS would like to thank everyone who contributed to this edition of The Umbrella - Safe from GBV and HIV. Producing this publication would not have been possible without the valued contributors who provided articles, photographs, insights and valuable information to our readers. The NGO sector must be applauded for all the courageous work that is being done in the response to GBV and HIV in southern Africa, including all the CBOs, FBOs and those individuals who selflessly volunteer and contribute in small - yet big ways to soothe the pains brought on by the twin epidemics. Most of all, we would like to express our gratitude to all the individuals who provided positive feedback and especially those who shared their personal stories and victories with us: those individual voices that continue to inspire change in all our communities - and give us hope for the future.

Contributors

Thank-You

Petronella Mugoni Melanie Judge Ursula Lau Leigh Price Yngve Sjolund Sharon Groenmeyer Samantha Mundeta Abigail Williams SAfAIDS Staff IRIN / PLUSNEWS

Rouzeh Eghtessadi for guidance and support in content direction, review, development and production of this Newsletter.

Natalie Davies - layout designer Photography images - courtesy of Yngve Sjolund p 8, 9 All other images by Natalie Davies p11, 16, 20 p 21, 30 - Africa Goal

Yngve Sjolund and Petronella Mugoni for article contributions and collation, and Petronella Mugoni for editing.

AKOMA "The heart" A symbol of patience and tolerance. When a person is said to "have a heart in his stomach," that person is very tolerant.

Disclaimer The opinions expressed in The Umbrella - Safe from GBV and HIV are those of the contributors. While every effort is made to ensure the accuracy of the information contained in this newsletter, the editor and SAfAIDS, its directors and members do not endorse nor are liable for the information contained in The Umbrella - Safe from GBV and HIV.

"A friend is someone who knows the song in your heart and can sing it back to you when you have forgotten the words." - Unknown

SAfAIDS Regional Office: (Reg. No. 208/025903/12), 479 Sappers Contour, Lynnwood, Pretoria 0081, South Africa. Tel: +27-12-3610889; Fax: +27-12-3610899, Email: info@safaids.net; Website: www.safaids.net Country Office - Zimbabwe: (PVO 14/96), 17 Beveridge Road, P.O. Box A509, Avondale, Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: +263-4-336193/4; Fax: +263-4-336195, Email: info@safaids.org.zw; Website: www.safaids.net Country Office - Zambia: Plot No. 4, Lukasu Road, Rhodes Park, Lusaka, Zambia. Tel:+260-211-257652; Fax: +260-1-257652, Email: safaids@safaids.co.zm; Website: www.safaids.net Country Office - Mozambique: Avenida Ahmed Sekou Toure 1425 R/C, Maputo, Mozambique. Tel: +258-213-02623, Email: safaids@teledata.mz; Website: www.safaids.net

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CONTENTS Acknowledgments and Credits

From the Editor Yngve Sjolund

Focus On Policy In Southern Africa Existence of policy demonstrates SADC governments’ commitment to addressing gender based violence

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Malawi’s conviction of gays has grave implications for HIV prevention in Africa By Petronella Mugoni

8-9

Prevention of violence against women activism, mitigation and prevention of HIV linked with gay rights activism

9-10

Advocating for female-controlled HIV prevention By Melanie Judge ‘Nothing About Us Without Us’: addressing sexual violence against women with disabilities

22-25

Book Review A man who is not a man (2009) Reviewed by Samantha Mundeta

26-27

Suggested Reading

27-28

Sources

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News From Africa African MPs push for continent-wide FGM/C ban

30-31

13-15

The SADC Gender and Development Protocol

Lesotho ratifies Gender Protocol

The impact of religious and cultural interpretations on HIV prevention efforts

Legislation providing equality of access, rather than equity of outcomes Q & A Interview with Sharon Groenmeyer, Director, Sharon Groenmeyer and Associates

10-11

Discussing the various factors that contribute to high levels of intimate partner violence By Ursula Lau

365 Days of local action to end gender violence: Score a goal for gender equality, halve gender violence by 2015

Case Study on Responses to GBV & HIV 20-22 Africa wins every time you prevent HIV SAfAIDS partners with Africa Goal on HIV prevention campaign during the World Cup

I am tired

Resources / Listings / Services SAfAIDS Regional Resource Centres

Where to get help

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From the Editor

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- Yngve Sjolund

Achieving gender equality and raising the status of women - culturally, politically, socially and economically - requires a concerted and integrated approach between governments, NGOs and civil society organisations alike. Many SADC countries have shown, and continue to demonstrate a genuine willingness and political commitments to adopt, build, sustain and coordinate strategies aimed at ensuring the achievement of targets to halve incidences of gender-based violence by 2015. While the SADC developmental agenda does address inequalities and disparities between men and women, legislative measures and constitutional guarantees of equality are not enough to ensure sustainable development in the southern African region - or for the achievement of the various Millennium Development Goals. Some of the greatest threats to human development in the SADC region remain communicable diseases such as HIV, Malaria and Tuberculosis. Poverty is also a huge challenge which is compounded by soaring crime levels in many countries in the region. Media reports also indicate that on the whole, LGBTI persons continue to face oppression, marginalisation, discrimination and victimisation due to their sexual orientation or gender presentation. Even though racism, hate speech, xenophobia and all forms of discrimination - including GBV and violence based on gender and sexual orientation, or HIV status - is frowned upon and acted against in present day African democracies, violence against sexual minorities often does not receive the same attention.

and women who are doing mitigation and prevention work in seen and unseen ways within their own communities. It is the voices of these people, and the work that they are doing that this edition of The Umbrella – Safe from GBV and HIV will highlight.

Policy makers, governments and NGOs have a responsibility to understand the complex role and impact of culture in addressing all forms of GBV and high incidences of HIV in Africa. Policy makers’ expertise and understanding of the issues affecting certain groups of people in their countries and communities does not only come from the education or qualifications they have received or from being elected into office – often this understanding comes from active citizens – men

We have a challenge at hand that can be taken up by anyone, anywhere and at any time!

While governments and policy makers aim to change policies and attitudes and criminal justice systems attempt to make countries and communities safer for men and women who were once isolated by violence in the private sphere; crime and fear, communities can work together to develop non-violent skills to challenge crime, violence against women and girls, discrimination, drugs and alcohol; and to create caring communities and prosperous societies.

If there is anything on your mind, and you have anything you would like to share with us - or would like to contribute a story or insight from you country, that can help to “Change the River's Flow” - please contact the Editor of The Umbrella – Safe from GBV and HIV on editor_ctrf@safaids.net

“Through the power of strong inner resolve, we can transform ourselves, those around us and the land in which we live.” - Soka Gakkai International President, Daisaku Ikeda

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Focus on Policy in southern Africa The existence of policies demonstrates SADC governments’ commitment to addressing gender based violence. The existence of enabling legislation specifically dealing with gender based and domestic violence in the majority of countries in southern Africa bears witness to the commitment of governments in southern Africa to ensuring lives free of violence for all. While policy development and reform is the first step to ensuring positive changes, there is still need for greater commitment to ensuring the universal application and implementation of policies and their popularisations at national level so that citizens, law enforcement agents, health professionals and personnel in the justice delivery system are aware of, and utilise the policies that are in place. Further, there is still an urgent need to address the cultural practices (supported by the dominance of cultural law in countries with dual legal systems) that heavily contribute to domestic and gender-based violence, even in circumstances where there are adequate legal provisions to deal with the problem.

Member States’ performance in addressing GBV Below is a snapshot of the state of gender based violence policy and implementation in SADC Member States. •

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Nine SADC countries currently have legislation on domestic violence. This will increase soon as Angola and Lesotho are set to pass domestic violence laws. Only seven SADC countries currently have specific legislation that relates to sexual offences. In these countries sexual offences legislation has expanded the definition of rape and sexual assault. Sexual violence is playing a significant part in the spread of HIV, but only South Africa and Mozambique have legislated provisions for making Post-Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP) available to survivors of violence. Twelve southern African countries have signed the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. However, only five SADC countries have legislation in place to prevent human trafficking: Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Tanzania and Zambia. In the case of South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe, trafficking is mentioned in the Sexual Offences Laws.

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By country: Angola - Legislation is pending

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sexual violence. It also provides for increased punishment for perpetrators of violence who deliberately expose others to HIV. - Section 200 of the Labour Code deals with sexual harassment

Malawi Botswana - The Penal Code has gender-neutral provisions to protect all survivors of sexual violence, no matter their sex - Sexual Offences Act (2001) -

Domestic Violence Act (2007) prohibits rape, but does not recognise the concept of spousal rape; this can be attributed to the dual legal system in Botswana which recognises both Constitutional Law, and customary law where the rights of women in marriage are not assured

- Public Services Act (1999) – criminalises sexual harassment

Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Article 15 of the Constitution (2006) deals with sexual violence - New draft law Against Sexual Violence (2006). - Law 88-03 of 2003 makes provision for the establishment of shelters all over the country to house women, children and adolescent survivors of domestic violence - Act. No. 015/2002 – (2002) the new Labour Code addesses sexual harassment - Law No. 06/019 modifying and supplementing the Code of Criminal Procedure (2006) deals with forced marriage and sexual violence

- Encouragingly, Malawi has in place constitutional provisions making international and regional instruments, once ratified, automatically applicable under domestic law - The Prevention of Domestic Violence Act (2006) - its importance is its broad applicability; it covers not only spousal relationships but also includes ‘relations between family members’ or financially dependent relations. - Legislation against rape is included in the general penal code

Madagascar - Law No. 2000-21 of 2000 amends and supplements provisions of the Penal Code to, among others, prohibit violence committed against a spouse. - Law No. 2007-38 of 2007 modifies and complement the provision in the Penal Code concerning trafficking in persons and sexual tourism

Mozambique - Family Law (2004) - Domestic Violence Bill (2009) defines domestic violence as a "public crime" - meaning that prosecuting the offender does not depend on a complaint from the victim. In cases of domestic violence, the minimum and maximum prison terms established for crimes such as assault and causing grievous bodily harm will be increased by a third.

Namibia Lesotho - Sexual Offences Act (2003) criminalises sexual violence and offers protections for survivors of

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- Has in place an important constitutional provisions that make international and regional instruments, once ratified, automatically applicable under domestic law

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- Gender based violence is addressed, and criminalised in the Family law (2004) - Draft Law against Domestic Violence (2006) - Combating of Rape Act (1999) redefines rape to include men and boys; this was done in a move to curb the increase of child abuse - Anti-trafficking in Person Legislation (2008)

Seychelles - Combating of Rape Act (1999) – deals with marital rape and sexual violence - Domestic Violence and Child Maintenance Act (1999)

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Swaziland - Draft Sexual offences Bill (2006) – deals with sexual violence and in particular it criminalises the wilful transmission of HIV during a sexual assault. The Bill was opposed by networks of people living with HIV for discriminating against HIV positive people.

Tanzania - Sexual Offences (Special Provision) Act (1998) Section 18 prohibits female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice which continues in a number of the country’s regions, as an offence of "cruelty to children," punishable by imprisonment of five to fifteen years or a fine and compensation to the victim. - Marital Rape Exemption (1998)

- Combating Domestic Violence Act (2003) - Anti-trafficking in Persons Act No. 6 of 2008 - Family Violence (Protection of Victims) Act No. 4 (2000) aims to prevent domestic violence and seeks to empower family tribunals established under the Children’s Act to receive applications for protection orders and to make orders that will protect family members and their property against domestic violence

South Africa

Zambia - Penal Code criminalises sexual violence, including rape and “defilement. Criminal law remedies available to women survivors of domestic violence are limited to the commencement of proceedings for assault occasioning actual bodily harm under Section 248 of Chapter 87 of Penal Code.

- Domestic Violence Act (No. 118 of 1998) - Code of Good Practice on the handling of sexual harassment issued under the Labour Relations Act (1998) - Section 8 of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of unfair discrimination Act (No. 20876) of 2000 criminalises female genital mutilation and violence against women - Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (No. 32) of 2007 makes provisions for dealing with marital rape and sexual violence. Notably, this law introduces gender-neutral provisions to protect survivors of sexual violence

- The Anti-Human trafficking Act (No. 11 of 2008)

Zimbabwe - Sexual Offences Act (2001) – imposes penalties for a host of sexual offences. Notably, the Act also criminalises marital rape - The Domestic Violence Act (2006) protects victims of domestic violence and provides long-term measures through stiffer sentences in criminal matters and placing special duties on police to assist victims, among others. Following its enactment, chiefs in Zimbabwe, who play a pivotal role in settling domestic disputes in rural locales, were trained in the Act’s interpretation and application.

- Employment Equity Act (No. 55 of 1998) – criminalises sexual harassment in the workplace - Draft Sexual Offences Bill (2003)

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Malawi’s conviction of gays has grave implications for HIV prevention in Africa By Petronella Mugoni

Recently a judge in Malawi sentenced two men to the maximum sentence of 14 years in prison with hard labour for “unnatural acts and gross indecency” under Malawi’s anti-gay legislation. The two men’s crime was that they had celebrated their engagement and commitment to marry at a local hotel in December of 2009. In May 2010, after spending time in jail awaiting trial, the pair were pardoned by Malawi’s President, Bingu wa Mutharika, after criticism from local and international human rights activists. They were pardoned during a visit by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who had earlier urged the Government of Malawi to reconsider the conviction. A condition of the pair’s pardoning was that they not continue with their relationship. The ruling in Malawi has grave implications for that country’s commitment to upholding human rights, ensuring equality of all persons before the law, and most importantly, for the curbing of HIV in this nation where over 12 percent of the population (nearly one million people) are living with HIV.

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In most countries in Africa, the criminalisation of homosexuality is underpinned by conservative cultural and religious belief, and convictions that homosexuality is a ‘western import’ and therefore is ‘un-African. In their turn, proponents for the decriminalisation of homosexuality insist that arguing the issue on religious, cultural or moral grounds is not useful and that within the context of HIV, the issue must be argued on the grounds of making services available and accessible to all who are infected and affected by the epidemic. This stance is supported by various HIV and AIDS declarations and commitments; among them the Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS and the Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS, which have been signed by African Heads of State and Government and which recognise that men who have sex with men (MSM), among other groups, are particularly vulnerable to HIV and need to be targeted with HIV prevention messages and services. There is growing evidence that among other consequences, criminalising gay sex:

This continental precedent also has implications for anti-gay legislation being tabled in countries like Uganda where lawmakers are currently considering a Bill which, if passed, could mean that homosexuals could be sentenced to life in prison and “repeat offenders” could be executed.

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The ruling in Malawi also comes at an inopportune time where it can affect the chances of success of activists in countries like Zambia and Zimbabwe in getting homosexuality decriminalised in national Constitutions that are currently being reviewed.

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Leaves gays and lesbians open to physical and other forms of abuse and without access to getting recourse via law enforcement agents, for fear of secondary victimisation, Perpetuates stigma and discrimination based on sexual behaviour, enhancing certain groups’ vulnerability to HIV, Fosters negative attitudes and leads to discrimination against gays in all settings, including health care settings, Drives the practice underground, making it harder for service providers to reach these vulnerable

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groups with HIV prevention information and services aimed at curbing the spread of HIV in Africa, Means that for MSM, sex often occurs clandestinely, resulting in sexual encounters which are hurried; where there is little or no opportunity for condom negotiation; and where sex occurs in unsafe places, Forces many MSM and gay men to marry or to have concurrent sexual relationships with women, to ensure their social and cultural acceptability. This increases their vulnerability and that of the general population to HIV transmission.

Recognising the impact that the criminalisation of homosexuality has in driving the epidemic in Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe National AIDS Council has moved forward enormously from its original policy, and in its strategic plan for 2006-2010 it specifically calls for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, because punitive measures have simply driven the gay community underground, making this hidden population difficult to reach.

Laws and policies significantly influence the environments in which HIV prevention, treatment, care, and support services are delivered

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The continent still has a long way to go in ensuring gay rights and protections for all. Homosexuality is illegal in at least 37 countries and gays are often afraid to live out in the open for fear of violence, stigma and discrimination. Even in South Africa, the only African country where the rights of gays and lesbians are enshrined in the Constitution, policy does not always translate into practice; gays and lesbians routinely experience verbal and physical abuse, assault and rape because of their sexual orientation. Laws and policies significantly influence the environments in which HIV prevention, treatment, care, and support services are delivered. Some laws have the potential to fuel the epidemic and lead to an increase in infection rates among key vulnerable populations such as MSM. With this in mind, African leaders and policy makers need to seriously consider the policies that they put in place and enforce, taking into consideration the need to ensure the rights of all citizens, as well as considering the context of HIV. In the Malawian case, Steven Monjeza and Tiwonge Chimbalanga were convicted under a law which dates back to the (pre-HIV) British colonial era when legislators outlawed “carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman or animal.”

Prevention of violence against women activism, mitigation and prevention of HIV linked with gay rights activism In a presentation at the SAfAIDS HIV/Culture Conference held in Johannesburg, South Africa, in April 2010, Dr Leigh Price traced and explained the connection between cultural beliefs, men's feelings of manhood and sense of oppression and how these contribute to

the high incidences of HIV and violence perpetrated against women in certain societies in southern Africa. Presenting a paper titled ‘Understanding male dominance and remodelling cultural aspects to address

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the epidemic in southern Africa' Dr Price explained how dominant male behaviours - expressed through violence against, and stigmatisation of those who are weaker, and through social and sexual risk-taking, provide shortterm advantages to insecure men as they can claim social superiority over other groups, among them women, foreigners and gay men. Dr. Price argued for the adoption of an inclusive approach to programming that interlinks activism against violence against women, mitigation and prevention of HIV and gay rights activism. She

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maintained that efforts aimed at achieving a reduction in incidences of violence against women need to be tied to interventions aimed at achieving a reduction in the stigmatisation of gay men. In her conclusion she made it clear that "activists should also not ignore the message that men need to be selfdetermining and need to develop their self-esteem. Work with men to free them from the chains of their need to prove their manhood and we can impact on incidences of violence against women and stigma against gays".

Advocating for femalecontrolled HIV prevention By Melanie Judge

HIV prevention strategies that command the most funding and primacy are male-controlled - the male condom and male circumcision. The extent to which male sexuality decides and acts is central to both these prevention approaches. It is men who use condoms, and women who negotiate their use. This emphasis is neither value-free nor coincidental. It is the result of a confluence of the gender prejudice and gender priorities that shape dominant HIV and AIDS discourses and responses. The fact that women are the most infected and affected worldwide because of gender power relations should proffer an approach that

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places women at the centre of the HIV prevention response. The reality is - despite how much we know about gender as a vector of transmission and women's social, biological and economic vulnerability to HIV risk - that we have not prioritised femalecontrolled preventative measures. Two such methods are female condoms and microbicides. The former has the potential to facilitate a much needed shift of control over HIV prevention from men to women. However, their high price and the lacklustre approach to making female condoms accessible, as well as the negative social perceptions associated with their use, have undercut their potential as a powerful protective tool for women.

There is also promising research on microbicides - which are easy to administer and, given the fact that they may not be visible, the need for negotiating use with a male partner is minimised. This failure to prioritise femalecontrolled preventions is a lost opportunity to transform gender power relations - which create the very conditions in which HIV and AIDS flourish. To the contrary, much of mainstream prevention responses reveal just how existing gender and sexual relations have been entrenched. For example, the ABC approach is underpinned by dangerous assumptions related to women's sexuality, monogamy and gender equality. Take the married woman who is faithful to a husband, and who knows he has multiple partners but cannot negotiate

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condom use due to economic dependency and fear of violence in the relationship. Are we to assume or hope that she will manoeuvre around the contextual barriers that both shape her HIV risk and stymie her sexual agency and choice? In this sense, HIV - which follows the path of least resistance - forces us to confront the power at play in real life sexuality. The epidemic is the window into the complex factors that render persons without the power to be safe. These social factors directly affect an individual's sexual behaviours and choices. All too often the emphasis is misplaced on fidelity while we know that "faithful" women are at risk as a result of the sexual behaviour of their partners. Having less sex is also punted with insufficient attention to the fact that it is the safety of sex, rather than the frequency, that is most critical. Promoting a conservative moralism as the basis for public policy and funding priorities most often means

turning a blind eye to the sexuality of youth, and weakening women's sexual agency. In addition, ABC masks the realities of human sexuality and perpetuates the silencing of sexual diversity. It also obscures the social and cultural context that largely defines how sexual choice is manifested in the lives of individuals. For sexuality reflects intersecting dynamics of context, power, desire, and control. In generalised epidemics there is a need for both general and targeted prevention strategies that speak to the specific risk factors facing lesbians, gay men, heterosexual women, sex workers, people living with HIV, and other stigmatised sexualities. Effective and contextbased HIV prevention education has to ensure openness about sexual practices, and the breaking of taboos around sexuality in society in all its forms. Poor quality of care, limited services to meet demand, lack of adequate training, overcrowding and underresourcing are all part of more

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systemic health system failures. Poverty deepens and entrenches these barriers to healthcare. It stands to reason that people who lack social and economic power will feel the might of these failures disproportionately. This also has a knock-on effect on women not being prioritised for HIV prevention, and not being in the position to access treatment services due to limited resources and facilities. One cannot talk sexual health without talking sexual rights. The latter necessitates women's equality and freedom from discrimination, sexual coercion and violence. Addressing gender and sexual inequality and prejudice should be central to HIV and AIDS programming if we are to tackle the broader social context which shapes people's sexual health and choices. Melanie Judge is a feminist activist and is co-editor of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;To Have and To Hold: The Making of Same-sex Marriage in South Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

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‘Nothing About Us Without Us’ – addressing violence against women with disabilities Women with disabilities are very prone to experiencing sexual violence. Disabled women are often raped by ‘friends’ and relatives who take advantage of their disability and vulnerable disposition, infringing on their rights and bodily integrity, as well as opening them up to contracting HIV. Of concern is that the majority of women experiencing violence are not aware of their rights and consider certain forms of violence as normal and an integral part of their lives. The situation is worsened by the fact that there is a shortage of systems and services in place to provide these women with alternatives and support. In some cases, help and recourse are available for some types of violence, but not for others. For instance, Penal Codes may provide for severe penalties in the event of physical violence, but psychological and emotional violence are difficult to measure and often go unpunished. Discussing sex and sexuality in relation to disabled people is still considered a taboo, with myths abounding that disabled people do not have sex lives and therefore cannot become infected with HIV. These beliefs, which are often internalised by women with disabilities, mean that disclosing rape, violence or any form of abuse is even more difficult for disabled women and girls. Probing cases of rape or sexual abuse also becomes very difficult when a survivor cannot testify in the usual ways. Imagine the case of a young disabled girl living in a rural area who cannot speak and is raped; leading to her becoming pregnant. The Chief calls a parade and the survivor identifies the perpetrator but the perpetrator denies the charges, leaving the traditional authorities powerless to do anything to take the case forward. In some communities it is believed by people, particularly by men, that disabled women do not have opportunities to have sexual relations with anyone, so they take advantage and ‘visit women to give them sex’,

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as if it were a favour and not a violation of their rights. There are numerous cases of abuse of women with disabilities which are reported, many of the stories follow the same pattern which is underpinned by feelings of lack of economic power and agency in their lives due to their disabilities. In one case a woman suffered physical abuse when she was married to a man who believed it was very convenient to be with a woman who could not walk, as he could easily control her. The man, who was an alcoholic, used to abuse his wife physically. The woman felt powerless to do anything about it as she considered herself lucky as - in her experience - no one marries a disabled woman. In another case, a woman reported being subjected to economic and emotional abuse when one of her legs was amputated. She was abandoned by her husband, who called her ‘half a woman’. The woman went on to start and grow a small business which was quite successful. Following on her success her husband wanted to return to the family home. Even though there are many specialised facilities where women can go to for help with regards to gender based violence prevention and mitigation in the region, many of these facilities and the services on offer remain inaccessible to women with disabilities. For instance, many Victim Support Units at police stations do not have interpretation facilities in place to assist victims who can’t speak; making these services inaccessible to women with speech impairments. There is an urgent need for governments, communities and service providers to prioritise the development and improvement of GBV services targeting women with disabilities. Stakeholder have a shared responsibility to ensure that there are adequate human and financial resources and strategies in place to assist survivors of violence, as well as to prioritise the exchange of information on legislation and successful counselling techniques which can assist in ensuring a reduction in violence experienced by disabled women and girls.

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Discussing the various factors that contribute to high levels of intimate partner violence By Ursula Lau Studies have found that the risk of intimate partner violence is highest in societies where violence is a socially sanctioned norm.

Although intimate partner violence may be carried out by women, and individuals in a same-sex relationship, women are more likely to report being victimised in relationships by their male partners.

What is intimate partner violence? Intimate partner violence is abuse that takes place between individuals in intimate relationship. Studies have found an Intimate partners may that the risk of include boyfriends, girlfriends, and current intimate partner and former spouses. The violence is highest in abuse can take various forms, such as physical, societies where violence is a socially sexual, emotional and economic abuse. Often sanctioned norm. the physical violence enacted is accompanied by emotional attacks and threatening and controlling behaviours.

The South African context Research undertaken by the South African Medical Research Council revealed that one in four women in the general South African population has experienced physical violence at some point in her life. A national study on female homicide further indicated that a woman is killed by her intimate partner every six hours. Studies have found that the risk of intimate partner violence is highest in societies where violence is a socially sanctioned norm. In South Africa, a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;culture of violenceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is a pervasive feature of post-apartheid legacy, which forms a backdrop for violence against women. South African studies have identified several factors that are associated with male violence against intimate partners:

Risk factors associated with maleon-female intimate partner violence (IPV) - where the male is the aggressor

Demographic variables - Having no, or minimal formal schooling or post-school training.

and the female is experiencing the various forms of violence. Childhood variables - Frequent physical punishments in childhood. - Witnessing familial violence in childhood.

Cycle of Violence

Behavioural variables - Problematic drug and/or alcohol use. - Past criminal involvement (e.g. gangsterism, time in jail, previous arrests for violence). - Involvement in community fights. - Having more than one intimate partner. - Verbally abusive behaviour.

Social variables - Income or educational disparities between partners. - Social norms/attitudes that condone violence against women. - Patriarchal notions of masculinity related to male control over women, and male sexual entitlement. - Perceived challenges to male authority or transgression of gender roles. - Economic inequality in the context of poverty. - Intergenerational cycle of violence. - Culture of violence in communities.

For more information contact: The Safety & Peace Promotion Research Unit, co-directed by the Medical Research Council and University of South Africa. P.O. Box 19070, Tygerberg, 7505, South Africa, Tel: +27 21 938 0441, Fax: +27 21 938 0381 E-mail: Annelise.Krige@mrc.ac.za www.mrc.ac.za/crime.crime.htm

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Feminist and Sociopolitical theory

Biological & psychobiological theory

Systems theory

Understanding male-on-female intimate partner violence - focus on theory A number of academic and disciplinary explanations have been provided to understand intimate partner violence. These can be loosely categorised into approaches which focus on intra-individual factors, such as biological and psycho-biological approaches, psychological and relational approaches, namely psychoanalytic, social learning and systems theory, and socio-cultural explanations that stress the role of social, political, historical and cultural systems, such as sociological, feminist and socio-political theories. To understand intimate partner violence as situated in a multi-layered context, each theoretical component is considered as having potential value in explaining this pervasive and persistent problem. 1. Feminist and Socio-political theory The intimate connection that exists between domestic violence and patriarchal structures (like social, political and cultural systems and institutions) is emphasised. Male violence is conceptualised as the use of power and control to assert values of male privilege, entitlement and domination over women. 2. Biological & psycho-biological theory Violence is caused by intra-individual factors, such as structural brain damage, genetic abnormalities and, hormone levels which it is understood play a role in violent behaviour. 3. Systems theory Violence is regarded as an interactive system, where patterns of relating within the family interact with contextual factors (social, cultural, familial and individual).

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4. Social learning theory Violence or aggressive behaviour is learned from, or modelled by others, such as by family members, peers or community members, as appropriate in dealing with problems. 5. Psychoanalytic theory Violence is either regarded as internal to the individual, or as a protective response to external factors (e.g. threatened abandonment). 6. Sociological theory Violence is considered the outcome of social inequalities and class disparities (social structures that reflect conditions in society).

What South African studies have found about male perpetrators of intimate partner violence Men’s use of violence against their intimate partners is associated with witnessing violence in the family of origin, problematic drug and/or alcohol use, and the involvement in conflicts outside the relationship context. Men are often socialised into violence. Aggressive behaviour may be learned in the family, from peers and in the community or cultural context – statements and beliefs like: “beating a woman is part of my culture” lead to the perpetuation of violent behaviour. Men who are violent towards their partners tend to adopt rigid, stereotyped views on how women and men should behave. Some of these ideas include: a man is the “head of the household”, and “a woman must obey her husband”. Violence is often enacted when their partners or wives are seen to violate these gender norms. Feelings of powerlessness at not being able to meet social expectations of manhood (“successful masculinity”) due to poverty, unemployment or lack of education have often been put forward by men to

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explain their violence. Violence often contains an emotional component (feeling a “loss of control”), as well as an instrumental purpose (“having control” over another).

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Recommendations for prevention Initiatives to prevent intimate partner violence at the individual, psychological/ relational and socio-cultural levels include a focus on the: Individual • Involving the development and implementation of programmes to reduce antisocial and aggressive behaviour in children and adolescents. • Individual counselling, psychotherapy and socialcasework with survivors and perpetrators of violence. • Treatment and rehabilitation of individuals to prevent re-victimisation (e.g. making available shelters for survivors and anger management programmes for perpetrators). Psychological and relational • Parent and family-based programmes to prevent child maltreatment and to develop positive parenting skills.

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Home visitation programmes. School-based programmes to change gender norms and attitudes and to prevent dating violence. Life-skills and mentoring programmes.

Socio-cultural • Community-based programmes that use participatory methods to change gender norms, participatory training on HIV risk and prevention, self-reliance skills, rape prevention programmes for women (e.g. self-protection skills), targeting of boys and men as vulnerable groups, and utilising men to facilitate change in communities. • Public awareness campaigns to dispel myths about intimate partner violence, influence public opinion, and encourage political will. • Human rights advocacy to foster gender equality and the empowerment of women, to promote legal reform, strengthen criminal justice responses and improve safety of physical environments. Contact the Institute for Social and Health Sciences MRC-UNISA Crime, Violence and Injury Lead Programme www.mrc.ac.za/crime.crime.htm

The SADC Gender and Development Protocol The SADC Gender and Development Protocol is a comprehensive legal document that provides clear objectives, targets and strategies for attaining gender equality in the SADC region. Provisions in the Protocol, which aim to support the prevention of gender based violence and the mitigation of its effects on women and girls, compel Member States by 2015 to:

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Enact and enforce legislation prohibiting all forms of GBV Ensure that laws on GBV provide for the comprehensive testing, treatment and care of survivors of sexual assault Review and reform their criminal laws and procedures as they apply to cases of sexual offences and GBV Enact legislative provisions and adopt and implement

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policies, strategies and programmes which define and prohibit sexual harassment in all spheres Provide deterrent sanctions for perpetrators of sexual harassment Provide accessible information and services to survivors.

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The Protocol emphasises that States should adopt an integrated approach to addressing gender based violence. In line with this requirement, many local municipalities in at least seven SADC countries; Botswana, Lesotho, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Zambia have developed Gender Action Plans where gender based violence features as a key service delivery issue.

Under these Plans, various initiatives aimed at preventing incidences of gender violence have been adopted, with some municipalities having localised the 365 Days of Action Against Gender Violence Campaign. The 365 Days Campaign is a concept that was first adopted in South Africa; it extends the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Based Violence to a

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coordinated and comprehensive year-long response through the development of a National Action Plan to End Gender Violence. The SADC Gender and Development Protocol’s overall target is to halve gender-based violence by 2015.

Lesotho ratifies Gender Protocol By SAfAIDS Staff

In August Lesotho became the third country to ratify the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, taking the region a step forward in its efforts to ensure the equality of women and protection of their rights. The reported ratification by Lesotho is not a small matter, as a Protocol is the most binding of legal instruments. The SADC Gender Protocol is particularly important and powerful as a tool for women’s rights advocates because it consolidates all the important SADC policies and programmes dealing with gender equity. It also foregrounds the importance of advancing the process of women’s emancipation and empowerment through policies, laws, programmes and projects, which Lesotho now has to implement. Lesotho’s ratification follows on that of Namibia and Zimbabwe in 2009. Ratification of the Protocol implies readiness by Member States to begin implementation, which involves domestication of the regional policy into national legislation and policy. The SADC Protocol on Gender is comprehensive, bringing together all the commitments of signatory countries to the promotion of sexual and reproductive health rights, as well as an escalation of national responses to the HIV epidemic.

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Key priorities on health, sexual and reproductive health and HIV addressed in the SADC protocol include: • • • • •

Article 19 1.a, 1.b and 2) - Prevention of genderbased violence Article 26 (a and b) - Prevention of maternal mortality Article 26 (c) - Mental, sexual and reproductive health Article 27 (2, 3.a, 3.b and 3.c) - Hygiene and sanitary facilities Article 35(4) - HIV prevention, treatment, support and care

Targets in the SADC Protocol are clearly articulated and it is feasible for all countries in the region to achieve them. Experience has shown that targets in other policy documents have been met by countries which have applied concerted efforts to address existing gaps. In cases where targets have been met, political will, economic stability and growth, legal development and social development have been instrumental. It is evident however that the task of addressing sexual and reproductive health rights and HIV is not for governments alone. Civil society has played a key role in holding countries accountable for commitments made, and in supporting government initiatives; their increased efforts are needed now more than ever.

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365 Days of local action to end gender based violence Score a goal for gender equality, halve gender violence by 2015 GenderLinks, working with local government and other strategic partners, hosted an annual Gender Justice and Local Government Summit and Awards event in March 2010. Over 200 participants from ten southern African Development Community (SADC) countries converged in Johannesburg for the summit that featured the sharing of 109 good practices from ten countries in six different categories that included: •

Prevention of GBV at local level: ‘how do councils/ organisations work to ensure that GBV does not occur?’ • Responses to gender based violence (GBV) at local level: ‘what do councils do to advance legal literacy, work with local police, and efforts to ensure redress for victims?’ • Support around GBV at local level: ‘how do we support those who have experienced GBV’, - Individual innovation and dedication to ending GBV at the local level,

Organisation of civil group marriage to reduce incidences of violence against women and children in Manjakandraina District, Madagscar This project is based on the assertion that in the Malagasy context there is a high level of cohabitation which is often related to high levels of domestic abuse. By organising mass weddings free of charge, it was observed that there was more commitment and respect of women’s and children’s rights on the part of husbands and fathers. Laws pertaining to the rights and duties of conjugal partners as well as heritage rights to offspring were more easily applicable. While it is open to question how far this project is relevant outside the Malagasy context, it appears that it is contributing at least to some extent in the alleviation of gender based violence.

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Institutional good practices that demonstrate good practices such as councils and organisations working together on GBV, lobbying for a GBV budget in IDPs or Municipalities' Annual Strategic Plans’, etc. - Specific GBV campaigns and innovative communication strategies that have an impact to end GBV, such as messaging, slogans, banners and posters.

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Under the banner “Score a goal for gender equality, halve gender violence by 2015” the conference brought together journalists, local government authorities, municipalities, NGOs and representatives of ministries of gender and local government. Five women and four men were awarded accolades from judges and participants during the first ever Gender Justice and Local Government Summit for their work on the ground. Submissions and presentations from regional stakeholders aimed to showcase good practices led by local councillors and community activists that aim to empower women and end gender violence. Participants agreed that - with a little effort - it is possible to transform the world and eradicate GBV by engaging local views to deal with local issues. Most of the projects presented can be effectively replicated in other places and settings. Responses such as improving infrastructure were also highlighted to be as important as GBV awareness raising efforts, which has been a recurrent strategy in terms of preventing GBV.

In Conclusion The quest to end gender based violence is long from over, despite the many prominent victories in the region. It is notable that within the local government sphere in particular, more women now hold prominent positions within the public service - and that many local authorities are actively involved in activities aimed at countering gender based violence. These many victories are often based on numerous good practice models, and as stakeholders work to address gender violence and improve women’s representation and access, it is important to share these good practice models for the value they have in assisting other implementers and countries in their own quests and challenges to counter gender violence. The process of regularly showcasing and sharing innovative local gender violence prevention initiatives in the region is useful in that it ensures that councils that want to work

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“It’s nice to give people money or a bed but it is temporary. Ideally, with the work that we do, even as individuals, our quest should be sustainable things that will not only provide for now, but will provide for the long term. As an example of innovation and problem solving, one good practice that came from Madagascar stood out for us: a woman who is a qualified priest there holds mass marriages for partners who are living together and who cannot afford to get married. This ensures that women have rights in the event that their partner dies and ensure that they will be entitled to an inheritance, property or land. These types of initiatives which are community based and meeting needs at that level take on issues that are sustainable. If you have many children who come home from school in the day and there is no supervision for them a house can be identified as a safe-house with a marking, like a red or blue sticker. If they feel unsafe or think they are being followed or in danger after school, they are able to go into that house. Practical things that speak to the level of where that community is able to help: I may not be able to provide a lunch but I can provide a safe space for the child until either of their parents come home. In cases where there are signs or threats of domestic violence, women can also have a secret ‘sign’ to alert their neighbours or passers-by that something is wrong: like a candle in the window or drawing the curtains in a certain way so that people can see that she needs help.. This has worked well in some of the provinces across South Africa, where street committees have aligned themselves to do practical things that we as communities can do to make sure that our women and children – and our boys and men – are safe. We know there is not really a refuge, and if there is a house on the corner it is usually the house that is most ostracized and the people are most isolated. But usually that is the house where people can go to. We need to look at practical things that really speak to the needs of the community and allow people a platform to feel free, no matter whom I am or where I come from or what I believe: I can go there.” -Abigail Jacobs-Williams, Gender and Governance Manager, GenderLinks

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on issues of gender become centres of excellence for gender mainstreaming at local government level. The summit also equipped stakeholders with a practical understanding of the status of gender violence within the southern African region, provided improved access to information (particularly good practice models) on gender violence and the role local authorities have played - and still play - in the quest to stop gender violence and attain SADC Protocol targets. Local authorities, councils and communities can share information around the SADC Protocol; become empowered to share good practices in addressing

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gender based violence at local level; become centres of excellence and contribute towards building communities of peace. The summit provided a unique opportunity for all local government practitioners who have a vested interest to develop strategic partnerships and network. Participants were also provided with the opportunity to interact and present content on what they understood the role of local authorities to be, in turn this also affirmed their good practice models broadened their impact and enhanced efficiency with regards to addressing gender violence collectively.

The impact of religious and cultural interpretations on HIV prevention efforts “The discomfort about speaking about issues of sexuality and intimacy are partly tied to religious beliefs, but are also strongly linked to cultural contexts and beliefs.” J.P Mokgethi-Heath, Priest and Member of INERELA explined as he touched on issues of religious interpretations and African cultural contexts and their impact on HIV prevention efforts when he presented a paper on ‘Religious culture and HIV prevention in southern Africa: a threat or an opportunity?' to delegates at the recent SAfAIDS Conference on Culture and HIV. Expounding on the metaphor of the ‘Changing the River's Flow' theme, he explained that "faith communities often try to build a dam to ‘contain things'. The dam we build is absolute, we do not want to let any water out. However, you cannot contain a dam forever, and when it comes crashing down it crashes down with a rushing crash, causing people to be even more vulnerable", and that “this then means that ‘turning off the tap' on new HIV infections becomes difficult as there is an assumption that when we talk about HIV, we are talking about sex." Maintaining that the ABC approach has had limited success in African contexts, Mokgethi-Heath argued for an understanding of prevailing religious and cultural contexts and a shift of ideas within this context if HIV prevention is to be successful. He concluded by suggesting a move away from the ABC approach to the ‘SAVE' model of HIV prevention as used by INERELA.

The SAVE model incorporates: - A focus on Safer sex practices and safe blood products - Ensuring Available medical interventions. - Voluntary counselling and testing (with a focus on moving away from ‘AIDS friendly congregations', to ‘congregations that know their HIV status'), and - Empowerment 19

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CASE STUDY ON RESPONSES TO GBV & HIV

Africa wins every time you prevent HIV - SAfAIDS partners with Africa Goal on HIV prevention campaign during the World Cup By SAfAIDS Staff

The high profile 2010 FIFA World Cup which was held on African soil for the first time from 11 June to 11 July 2010 presented golden opportunities for development organisations to launch campaigns and programmes to promote public health, education, development, human rights and peace throughout the continent. Programmers and activists are increasingly finding new and innovative ways of addressing the various challenges that the continent faces. SAfAIDS partnered with Africa Goal to harness the universality of soccer to bring relevant HIV and AIDS information to communities in Africa. The organisation developed a variety of HIV information, education and communication materials, all bearing the phrase ‘Africa Wins Every Time You Prevent HIV’ which were disseminated in various communities in Africa during Africa Goal’s activities.

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The Africa Goal campaign started four years ago during the 2006 Soccer World Cup. A team of nine volunteers travelled from Kenya to Namibia and back, projecting soccer matches and disseminating HIV information to remote, often hard to reach African communities. The initiative was so successful that a team of ten members took to the road to travel again during the 2010 World Cup. The process In cooperation with local community-based NGOs, the team travelled through Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Swaziland and South Africa. Africa Goal’s 2010 trip started in Nairobi in June and ended in Jozini in the Kwazulu Natal Province of South Africa on the 11th of July.

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incomes and the associated escalation of transactional sex (commercial sex, usually involving transportation drivers, migrant workers and other mobile people) along this central transport and trade route have been a major contributor to the spread of HIV through the region. Reaching communities with football, HIV information, testing and counselling During the trip, the Africa Goal team managed to reach over 22,000 people in a number of countries. Of the places visited, the following are some of the places where the highest turn-out of people was recorded: The team arrived in South Africa in time to screen the third-place decider match between Germany and Uruguay on the 10th, and the final match between Spain and the Netherlands on the 11th of July. Before every live game, the team would screen HIV and AIDS awareness videos, and disseminate HIV materials which had been carefully selected to ensure that they were both target-specific and culturally sensitive. Wherever possible, Africa Goal would partner with community-based NGOs and, by providing an enabling platform, Africa Goal would support local partners to maximize the potential of the World Cup as a tool for HIV information dissemination. In these instances, Africa Goal took on a facilitating role by drawing the audiences, whilst local service providers would be invited to share their expertise in HIV information dissemination within the specific local context. The route The team’s route followed the ‘AIDS Highway’ through eastern and southern Africa, where increased mobility and migration, in conjunction with rising disposable

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Dagoretti (Kenya) – 2,000 people Morogoro (Tanzania) – 2,000 people Arusha (Tanzania) – 1,500 people Nkata Bay (Malawi) – 1,000 people Salima (near Lilongwe in Malawi) – 1,500 people Kalolocha (Zambia) – 2,500 people Bwafwano (near Lusaka, Zambia) – 1,200 people Siavonga (Zambia) - 800 people Sheselweni (Swaziland) – 3,500 people

VCT was offered at the majority of the screenings in communities in Kenya, where a high rate of uptake of services was recorded. In Mbita, 71 people were tested; 38 were tested in Sotik and 24 people were tested in Baringo during the time it took to screen one match (90 minutes). During the first half of the match, only three people had gone for testing, but this improved during half time and steadily increased during the second half where the team saw a long queue of people seeking to access VTC. At this community’s request, VCT was also offered on the next day so that those individuals who were not able to stay after the match to access testing could do so the next day. A further 80 people were tested the day after the screening. In Tanzania, Africa Goal partnered with Family Health International (FHI) where the focus of this screening was on the provision of information. The Africa Goal team also collaborated with Grass Roots Soccer, an organisation that trains African soccer stars, coaches, teachers and peer educators in the world’s most HIV-affected countries to deliver an interactive HIV prevention and life skills’ curriculum to youth, to conduct football-related HIV awareness activities. In Malawi, also, the focus of the activities was on information-sharing during the screenings.

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Africa Goal’s visit to Zambia coincided with the National VCT Day on the 30th of June, so the team used the football screening and other planned events to mobilise support for testing at the national event to follow. In other countries the team used other methods of sharing HIV information. In Harare, Zimbabwe for instance, the organisation Patsime conducted a very popular drama presentation which shared information around HIV. The drama was followed by a quiz designed to test people's understanding of the issues raised. In Shiselweni, Swaziland, the Minister of Health, Honourable Benedict Xaba, and the Minister of Tourism Honourable MacFord Sibanze presided at a soccer tournament where four high school teams competed for a variety of prizes; the tournament was specifically planned to coincide with Africa Goal’s arrival in the country, thus bringing together

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a large number of young people who were then targeted with HIV information. During this leg of the trip, Population Services International (PSI) offered VCT, and rolled out a medical male circumcision registration exercises aimed at encouraging young males in high school to access circumcision; 100 young men were registered on the day of the screening. Soccer has a huge following on the continent, and no other sport has the capacity to draw crowds and attention the way soccer does. Africa Goal’s activities are driven by the opportunity that team members see to reach those most vulnerable to HIV infection, those between the ages of 15 and 49, with information through the soccer screenings. For more information on Africa Goal go to http://www.africagoal.com/website.html

Legislation providing equality of access, rather than equity of outcomes Sharon Groenmeyer

Q & A Interview with Sharon Groenmeyer, Director of Sharon Groenmeyer and Associates Yngve Sjolund: “Can you tell us more about your work in research, capacity building and development in gender mainstreaming and peace education, with a focus on the prevention of GBV in the workplace?” Sharon Groenmeyer: “I have had 20 years of gender experience and as an adult learner I was fortunate to pick up the trends as I went along. Having worked in the field of gender I have learnt about gender issues within the workplace, as in trade unions as well as in the public sector. That has given me a rich experience and understanding of how to prevent violence in the workplace. My

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engagement with the labour service organisations was during the apartheid period when we had to impart a lot of knowledge to other trade unions. Trade union officials were going mainly to the African regions to understand how trade unions participated in the liberation struggle of their countries. That was the way we helped shopstewards and officials to build a more democratic workplace because it was a very adversarial environment at the time. Workers were not only trying to build a trade union movement, but also trying to understand the role of the trade union movement in bringing about the democratic dispensation that we have right now”. YS: “Historically it was an apartheid situation where white people oppressed black people. Were women liberated in the workplace during the struggle for racial equality as well?”

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SG: “In that period gender desks were quite embryonic, and it was a bit of a laugh-laugh situation when the gender-focal person would make a presentation. Because of the nature of the struggle, there was a subordination of women’s rights as part of the liberation process. Gender equality was a strong component but the trade union movement was very dominant in terms of male viewpoints that dominated at the time and women’s rights were evolving. There was a maternity clause - that looked after women’s reproductive rights - that was a point for mobilizing women because women in the trade unions were generally the administrators.” YS: “Have you seen a shift in policy over the past 20 years in terms of women being appointed to more executive levels, to management roles in the workplace - or positions in parliament, aligned with the MDGs and other gender equality goals?” SG: “I think there is a distinct change with the past and women’s role now in the workplace is vastly different. In the apartheid period - when trying to build democratic structures, whether it was in the community or the workplace - it was participatory democracy, or some form of representative democracy against an illegitimate government; whereas now we have legislation to support women’s rights, legislation that bans discrimination and the affirmative action processes that now provide equality of access. I think legislation does provide more impetus for women to have a presence in the workplace and a voice, and to be much more visible. The difficulty, I think, with legislation at the moment is that it provides equality of access, rather than equity of outcomes. We tend to play the numbers game in South Africa. Often black women - especially black women who have risen through the ranks - end up in some section of the human resources department or at a gender desk, but the post they hold is pretty much a dead-end. They are a figurehead, or ‘front’, especially with black economic empowerment (BEE). YS: “I occasionally meet with black women executives and sometimes I get a sense that they are frustrated with their position and job description. Sure, they got the job through BEE policies or to fill a quota, but I do get the feeling that they would rather be doing something else that they are more passionate about. I’ve seen time and again where someone is placed and trained in a particular job - they then turn around and say: ‘I don’t like this job’ and then they move on.”

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SG: “I think the frustration stems from one’s own aspirations of wanting to build a more gender friendly workplace. We still have a situation where we ‘add’ women into the workplace in the private sector to fill quotas. To a certain extent in the public sector workplace as well - ‘add women and stir’. It is very much a liberal perspective of what feminism should be, whereas if we had a more gender-friendly environment, based on equity of outcome based experience and qualification, then women would actively participate in decision making. If one looks at the public sector, it is predominantly women now. The public sector is the largest employer in the country and all the lower level posts, from director downwards, are occupied by women. It is very hard to be able to make a decision in the public sector if you are not a director or in a position higher up. It’s hierarchical, it’s like a bead curtain – and you only speak to the person on your own level or the person above you. You cannot jump levels, so you find that women are very very frustrated. Many of the gender focal persons are deputy directors, in a few situations they are directors, even though the findings of a recent review of the public service recommends they should be at director level”.

There is a situation where we ‘add women into the workplace... to fill quotas’...add women and stir’ YS: “Looking at the workforce at large, women are mostly employed in non-skilled sectors in rural and urban settings throughout Africa: doing piece work, manual labour such as working in fields and as domestic helpers. In addition, their job descriptions also include those of mother, wife, nurturer and home maker – and then when they are allowed or able to find work, they are the most underpaid and under-appreciated group. How will this landscape change for these women? How can they be informed about their rights, access services and rise above their situations?” SG: “When I speak of the South African context, my perspective is quite urban-centred. If we went into the rural areas the lack of a coherent plan for rural

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development means these areas are still quite underdeveloped. We keep on talking about an industrial development plan, yet when we go into the rural areas, we do not have good infrastructure, especially in the old Bantustans, you could very well be in other parts of Africa. In other parts of Africa people rely on radio, and many of them don’t have electricity or good road infrastructure. In the most rural areas of South Africa women are still confronted by young men who creep over a mountain or cross a river to rape them. Where is the NGO to give them knowledge or awareness and raise consciousness around their rights? If one goes into parts of Africa you find that women who have had education and come from middle class families may know their rights and have access to information on their rights. There is a huge gap between rural and urban settings in the rest of Africa and women do play the role of mother, carer, worker - and the productive and reproductive roles of women are very much merged. Legislation in Africa is not as progressive as that contained in South Africa’s Constitution. Despite all the difficulties that we have with it, it is a tool for mobilising and a good marker or a peg to hang something on. Notwithstanding empowering legislation however, women are still the wife, and the man is still the head of the household, it’s all very patriarchal. Traditional culture and the way in which societies are structured in different parts of the world, depending on how the power relations in the household are worked out, is often a reflection of quite an undemocratic government. Women, especially the eldest daughter in a poor family, tend to not have education and go off to work or leaves school to look after the siblings. With the current financial crisis, and I’ve seen this in Zimbabwe: the boy is sent to school and the girls are seen standing at the side of the road in their school uniforms picking up sugar-daddies. That is the way in which they can get their school fees paid. Not all girls live that way and many women don’t know their rights, and that is part of the reason why they can’t negotiate safe sex or leave a violent or abusive relationship. It is that kind of socialisation that women take from these little villages into towns and into urban settings. The conflation of productive and reproductive roles for women is very evident in Africa.” YS: “I have also heard that in the African context the man is also the mother - and the notions of ubuntu: where everyone takes care of each other, but in reality – when you look at the statistics for GBV and HIV – it clearly does not work that way.

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One of the big factors that do exacerbate gender imbalances, HIV and GBV is the problem of poverty. Findings in a recent study by the Centre for the Study of AIDS, University of Pretoria, indicated that almost 70% of people in rural areas do not have water or electricity, and that women and children can spend up to four or more hours a day collecting firewood and water. How are we addressing GBV in the context of poverty, lack of access to basic services, economies crashing and serious cutbacks a n d r e d u c t i o n s i n d e ve l o p m e n t a i d ? ” SG: “I think with poverty, and in poor families, there is a lot of self-reliance. There is a reliance on old-age pensions, young women’s reliance on child grants and indigent grants, whereas what we really need is a strategy whereby there is an interim or transitional grant where you get some form of income while you are learning skills. The interim grant allows you to travel to that place where you are going to learn skills. It allows you some form of subsistence and food. It is not up to Government to tell people to pull themselves up by their bootstraps. Governments should look at the dignity of that survival and then map out on regional or provincial levels what is needed, through their feasibility studies,and build communities where people can work. There are big pockets of skills, and if we could at local and municipal level utilize those skills, we could begin to build the community. YS: “Community-based incentives are a solution, but it is still sad that the lack of jobs for many people comes down to a matter of mere survival. Beyond poverty and not knowing if there will be food on the table to feed a family, HIV becomes such a dim reality on the horizon. Add to this GBV and sexual violence in the workplace, how then do we tackle HIV stigma and discrimination?” SG: “If one looks at the public sector, there is a wellness centre in most departments. There is a tremendous effort by very low-ranked – mostly women – officials to create awareness amongst men and women. Often in the bigger and better organised departments there is a gender desk and the wellness programme is linked to that. The awareness programmes usually take place on Women’s Day or World Aids Day. However, the very communities they work with do not benefit from the body of skills being accumulated by the wellness units. There is a lot of transactional sex happening in the workplace. Studies indicate that young women have sugar-daddies to pay their bills or university fees and I am sure it is quite

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prevalent amongst young men as well, who find sugarmommies to help them pay their way or survive until they find what is considered a permanent job. Departments that do outreach work only run programmes while the money lasts. There is no idea of sustaining it or building a critical mass that can then move on and then spread that word. There is still an enormous reliance on the radio and the media to spread these messages, whereas it is the mandate of certain public service departments to actually address HIV and the scourge of GBV.”

and the decision maker in a unit or in a big company, the subordinates who do not want to accept her decision will mob. They do it by avoiding the decision and not carrying it out or they just gang up. If one wants a more consensual workplace, one has to begin to identify those difficulties quite early on. You begin through your training programme and the company media to address that.”

YS: “Coming back to gender roles and cultural beliefs: a colleague of mine works as a recruiter in the HR department for Boeing in Seattle and she finds that when she appoints highly skilled men from Africa, they simply refuse to take orders from women ‘bosses’. How do we address these notions of masculinity and male dominance, if internationally it is not working?”

violence of the environment, and

SG: “I think masculinity is under the spotlight globally and there is a crisis as to ‘what is a man’s role within a family’. With the rights of minority groups, and here I mean people who are differently abled or have different sexual preferences, with those rights coming to the foreground, it does assist men to begin to have a new identity, to shift their identity. My guess is that these very strong men who come from Africa have very strong mothers and it is the role of the mothers – in many cases – to change generations of men by changing the mindset of the role of the man. Make him more gender sensitive, to learn that the very woman who raised him is his equal. That is where one needs to start. We have to include workplace diversity programmes about rights in the workplace, and one does have to begin to prevent violence in the workplace. A man not taking instructions from his superior is insubordination. Often what one finds is that if a woman is placed in a position of power in any scenario anywhere, that it is still a problem. Hillary Clinton was asked in Kenya about her husbands’ views; a perfect example where one of the most powerful women in the world is asked about (her husband, Former President of the United States of America) Bill Clinton’s view.

creates that unhappiness at

When one presents an induction programme in the workplace you have to begin by teaching the rules of the company, which means you also address the culture of that company. Now, if the culture is a very competitive culture, it does breed instances of violence and different forms of violence. And often when a woman is in charge

“In a violent society we pick up the that environment of violence in an unhappy home permeates the workplace. So an aggressive man, who is in an unhappy marriage or home, takes it to work as well. That lack of confidence of the woman who is battered every day takes it back to work. She may be aggressive too and take it to work and that then indicates to the children in that family how to deal with conflict. That lack of skill of dealing with conflict is taken into the school.” - Sharon Groenmeyer

"Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn.” - Benjamin Franklin 25

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Book Review A man who is not a man (2009) By Thando Mgqolozana Reviewed by Samantha Mundeta “A man who is not a man” is the moving true s to r y o f a yo u n g delinquent from Khayelitsha, Cape Town, who grows up with practically no parental guidance, but finds the path to decency and responsibility upon moving to a village in the Eastern Cape to live with his grandfather. However, in his bid to obtain societal affirmation of his worthiness as a man through the Xhosa rite of male circumcision, he tragically loses part of his penis in a traditional custom gone wrong. This bold account of the lived experience of male circumcision in the Xhosa culture pierces the veil of mystery and secrecy surrounding what happens to young Xhosa men in the mountain year after year. It takes the reader through social influences resulting in the choice or natural progression of undergoing the rite of circumcision. It describes vividly the excitement and culturally rich ceremonies involved prior to the rite and in the aftermath, leaving the reader with a deep appreciation of the meaningfulness of this rite of passage to manhood for young initiates. For a person who has no knowledge of the culture, it is surprising how brief and negligible the actual cutting of the foreskin is and how the recovery process becomes the real test. The young man falls victim to the negligence of his uncle and grandfather who - as a result of sheer carelessness - do not attend to him as required by culture

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to do so. In a heart-rending and thoroughly descriptive account, he describes how his wound gradually turns septic and disintegrates, while those who are aware of the situation and want to do something to assist are prevented by cultural protocol from acting timeously. The young man demonstrates great endurance and patience in his pain, but the reader cannot help but question “to what end?” His tale proceeds to take the reader through emotions experienced by many young initiates whose circumcision wound goes septic: feelings of failure and self-blame and thoughts of suicide, and reveals how even hospital staff are individuals with cultural perceptions who are equally judgmental towards initiates seeking medical attention, making the experience even more unbearable. Each year, several young initiates who are hospitalised for septic wounds commit suicide after hospitalisation because they cannot live with the shame of having not made it through the rite like “real men”, and this book sheds light on the psychological effect of a failed circumcision. The book is the first of its kind, revealing why hundreds of young Xhosa men who go to the mountain never return. It finally gives answers to mothers of initiates, who are culturally excluded from the practice and are not allowed to ask what happened to their sons when they do not return from the mountain. There is a Pedi saying that a man is like a sheep – during slaughter he must only cry from within. However, through this book, the sheep has dared to cry out loud at the slaughter house, and because it is a cultural taboo to openly discuss the rite of passage to manhood, the revelations in this book have received mixed responses of either heavy criticism or applause. It does not attempt to down-play Xhosa culture – rather it is a call for dialogue with stakeholders of culture to reflect on how things could be done differently, that is, what is worth holding onto, and what is worth letting go in order to save lives. It makes the reader question what is really important, and reflect on how manhood ought to be perceived, as well as the role of society and culture in shaping this perception.

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“A man who is not a man” is a very relevant book written at a time when most HIV and AIDS non-governmental organisations are promoting male circumcision to mitigate the spread of HIV. It raises issues that perhaps have not been properly pondered by civil society actors - for example the impact of the perception within communities practising circumcision that intervention by a nurse is a reflection of weakness on the part of the initiate; or the fact that circumcision often occurs in remote rural areas far away from clinics where surgical

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circumcision is inaccessible to many. In the current HIV and AIDS circumcision drive, it is necessary to weigh the mitigating result anticipated with the practical risks involved, and begin to ask questions about the original research on which the circumcision drive is based. An easy read, written in accessible colloquial language, this book is definitely worth adding to the collection of any person interested in promoting positive social change.

Suggested Reading Her Stories In this report from ActionAid, African women from Burundi, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo tell remarkable accounts of how they have overcome violence and discrimination in extreme circumstances. Download the PDF at: http://www.actionaid.org/docs /her_stories_final.pdf A Tapestry of Human Sexuality in Africa This book is a collection of papers that intricately examine human sexuality on the continent. The voices are fresh and speak about often understudied aspects of human sexuality. Reflection on such issues as the coverage of genderbased violence in Kenyan print media, accessibility of shelters for LGBT people in South Africa, and how the Internet can be a valuable tool for communicating sexuality messages to Muslim people, provide lessons that can be translated into positive action in favour of sexuality on the continent at large. Order the book from: info@arsrc.org

Ensuring Universal Access to Family Planning as a Key Component of Sexual and Reproductive Health This brief, produced by UNFPA, argues that despite increases in contraceptive use since 1994, high unmet need for family planning persists. Among the most significant underserved group is a new generation of adolescents. They enter adulthood with inadequate information on sexuality and reproductive health and few skills to protect their health and rights. Download the PDF at: http://www.unfpa.org/ webdav/site/global/ shared/ documents/publications /2010 /unfpa_fp_ recommended_en .pdf The Macho Paradox: Why Some Men Hurt Women And How All Men Can Help Jackson Katz (2006) "Men need to read this book. Not only because it will make the world safer for women, but because it will free men to be their true selves. “- Eve Ensler Author, ‘The Vagina Monologues’ www.themachoparadox.com

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To Have and To Hold: The Making of Same-sex Marriage in South Africa (2008). Edited by Melanie Judge, Anthony Manion and Shaun de Waal 30 November 2006 saw South Africa become the world’s fifth country and Africa’s first to legalise marriage for same-sex couples. To Have and to Hold: The Making of Same-Sex Marriage in South Africa explores the journey to same-sex marriage. This collection of interviews, essays and documents recognises the multiplicity of viewpoints on the topic, as well as the multiple aspects and efforts that shaped the making of same-sex marriage in South Africa. www.jacana.co.za SA D C G e n d e r P r o t o co l Baseline Barometer (2010) While there has been some visible progress in attaining gender equality in the 15 co u n t r i e s o f t h e S A D C Co m m u n i t y, n o t a b l y i n education and political decision making, there is still a long way to go to achieve the 28 targets of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development. In keeping with the Alliance’s slogan ‘The Time is Now’ this barometer provides a wealth of data against which progress will be measured by all those who cherish democracy in the region. Whilst there are several challenges, the successes to date strengthen the view that change is possible. Love in the Time of AIDS: Inequality, Gender, and Rights in South Africa – by Mark Hunter (2010) In some parts of South Africa, more than one in three people are HIV positive. Love in the Time of AIDS explores transformations in notions of gender and intimacy to try to understand the roots of this virulent epidemic. By living in an informal settlement and collecting love letters, cell phone text messages, oral histories, and archival materials, Mark Hunter details the everyday social inequalities that have resulted in untimely deaths. Hunter shows how first apartheid, and then chronic

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unemployment have become entangled with ideas about femininity, masculinity, love, and sex and have created an economy of exchange that perpetuates the transmission of HIV. This sobering ethnography challenges conventional understandings of HIV in South Africa.

SOURCES Source URL: http://www.ngopulse.org/newsflash /united-nations-launches-unite-campaign All Africa.com Links: http://allafrica.com/stories /201002081766.html Published on NGO Pulse (http://www.ngopulse.org) Copyright © 2010 MediaGlobal. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com). Media Inquiries: Oisika Chakrabarti, Media Specialist, UNIFEM Headquarters, +1†212†906-6506, Oisika.chakrabarti@unifem.org For more information: http://www.unifem.org/ campaigns/sayno/ B-roll footage of the visits in Kenya are available. For more information, please contact oisika.chakrabarti[at] unifem.org Photos of the visits in Kenya are available at: (http://www.unifem.org/campaigns/sayno/photo_ga llery/ A list of launch and supporting partners is available at: (http://www.saynotoviolence.org/say-no-aroundworld/who-says-no/civil-society-organizations RELATED DOCUMENTS/LINKS Say NO - UNiTE to End Violence against Women http://www.saynotoviolence.org/ Press Materials for the Say NO - UNiTE Launch http://www.unifem.org/campaigns/sayno/ UN Secretary-General’s UNiTE to End Violence against Women Campaign http://endviolence.un.org/

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University of South Africa P.O. Box 19070, Tygerberg, 7505, South Africa P.O. Box 1087, Lenasia, 1820, South Africa Tel: +27 21 0534, Fax: +27 21 938 0381 Tel: +27 11 857 1142/3, Fax: +27 11 857 1770 E-mail: Annelise.Krige@mrc.ac.za Email: Lourilc@unisa.ac.za Website: http://www.unisa.ac.za/dept/ishs/index.html

Bourke-Martignoni, J. (2002). Violence Against Women in Zambia: Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence Against Women and Children http://www.omct.org/pdf/VAW/ZambiaEng2002.pdf University of South Africa P.O. Box 1087, Lenasia, 1820, South Africa Tel: +27 11 857 1142/3 Fax: +27 11 857 1770 Email: Lourilc@unisa.ac.za Website: http://www.unisa.ac.za/dept/ishs/index.html REFERENCES 1.

Jewkes, R., Penn-Kekana, L., Levin, J., Ratsaka, M. & Schreiber, M. (2001). Prevalence of emotional, physical, and sexual abuse of women in three South African provinces. South African Medical Journal, 91, 421-428. Mathews, S., Abrahams, N., Martin, L.J., Vetten, L., van der Merwe, L. & Jewkes, R. (2004). “Every six hours a woman is killed by her intimate partner”: A national study of female homicide in South Africa. MRC Policy Brief, 5. Cape Town: Medical Research Council. Jewkes, R. (2002). Intimate partner violence: Causes and prevention. Lancet, 359 (9315), 1423-1429.

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Abrahams, N., Jewkes, R., Laubscher, R. & Hoffman, M. (2006). Intimate partner violence: Prevalence and risk factors for men in Cape Town, South Africa. Violence and Victims, 21 (2), 249-265.

Abrahams, N., Jewkes, R., Hoffman, M. & Laubsher, R. (2004). Sexual violence against intimate partners in Cape Town: Prevalence and risk factors reported by men. Bulletin of the World Health Organisation, 82(5), 330-337.

Wood, K. & Jewkes, R. (2001). ‘Dangerous’ love: Reflections on violence among Xhosa township youth. In R. Morrell (Ed.), Changing men in Southern Africa (pp. 217-336). Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press.

Abrahams, N., Jewkes, R. & Laubscher, R. (1999). “I do not believe in democracy in the home”: Men’s relationships with and abuse of women. Technical Report. Cape Town: Medical Research Council of South Africa.

Boonzaier, F. & de la Rey, C. (2004). Woman abuse: The construction of gender in women and men’s narratives of violence. South African Journal of Psychology, 34(3), 443-463.

Lau, U. (2008). An exploration of men’s subjective experiences of their violence toward their intimate partners. Unpublished Master’s thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg.

http://www.chr.up.ac.za/undp/domestic/docs/legisla tion_13.pdf Progress against Domestic Violence as traditional Chiefs trained (2007) http://www.unicef.org/media/media_40662.html

EnikQ Horv·th, Monwabisi Zukani et al. Gender-Based Violence Laws In Sub-Saharan Africa (2007) http://www.nycbar.org/pdf/report/GBVReportFinal2.pdf Lopi, B. (undated). Is gender-based violence adequately addressed in SADC? http://www.sardc.net/editorial/newsfeature/gender. htm

10. Harvey, A., Garcia-Moreno, C. & Butchart, A. (2007). Primary prevention of intimate-partner violence and sexual violence: Background paper for WHO expert meeting. Geneva: World Health Organization. 11. World Health Organisation. (2004). Handbook for the documentation of interpersonal violence prevention programmes. Geneva: World Health Organization. - AFP: http://www.news24.com/Africa/News /Rebels-mutilation-campaign-20100514#201005-17

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NEWS FROM AFRICA

African MPs push for continent-wide FGM/C ban Parliamentarians from all over Africa are pushing for a continent-wide ban on female genital mutilation/ cutting (FGM/C) and are calling on the UN to pass a General Assembly resolution appealing for a global FGM/C ban. Members of Parliament (MPs) from African nations met in Dakar in May to exchange lessons learned and actions to take to achieve the ban and resolution. While national human rights laws and regional treaties such as the 2003 Africa Union Maputo Declaration refer directly or indirectly to FGM/C, separate laws must be passed to address it head-on. Some 17 African states have banned FGM/C, among them Burkina Faso, Togo, Senegal and Uganda. A representative of the NGO Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices, Morissanda KouyatĂŠ, told delegates: "There is a lot of disparity here. Some countries have passed laws, others have none; and some have laws that are not applied." Chris Baryomunsi, an MP from Kanungu in western Uganda, added that â&#x20AC;&#x153;governments are fully engaged and ready for change, but others, like Sierra Leone, which has high prevalence rates, will take years to shiftâ&#x20AC;?. This may take decades, not years, to achieve and governments should not under-estimate how long it takes to change people's minds on FGM/C. Ugandan MP Baryomunsi pointed out that in Uganda it took two decades to get communities on board and that "people have to want the law, otherwise you can't enforce it." Baryomunsi has been advocating change since 1990, in what was then a tough climate with several local authorities trying to pass laws to make FGM/C mandatory. Over many years their views shifted and several of them switched sides to become strong advocates for a nationwide ban. MPs who wanted to ban FGM/C were voted out of parliament, but now it's the reverse, and Uganda passed a law banning FGM/C on 17 March 2010.

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Some of the earliest African countries to do so are Senegal and Togo which banned FGM/C in 1999 and 1998 respectively. They have seen what works and what does not, and shared their lessons with others, and the head of the Ministry of the Family and advocate of the FGM/C ban in Senegal, N'Deye Soukeye Gueye, advised that getting the head of state involved was vital to win over powerful religious leaders. Advocacy to bring them on board continued before, during and after legislation, she stressed. "Passing the law is just the middle step in a much longer process." According to a government evaluation 71 percent of 5,000 Senegalese villages targeted by the two national NGOs Tostan and COSEPRAT had abandoned the practice by 2005, NGOs and UN agencies are instrumental in changing people's attitudes to FGM/C, but ultimately the government has to lead the fight. Many countries leave the struggle to NGOs and UN agencies - but it is governments who sign treaties and enforce the law, and they must lead. The Ugandan Government puts US$50 million a year towards implementing the ban, with the UN Population Fund and other agencies providing significant supplementary funds to implement the law. However, no matter how strong national legislation is, international legislation is needed. If neighbouring countries do not also pass a ban, people will simply cross borders to undergo the procedure. Togo MP Christine Mensah Atoemne pointed out that the girls in Togo travel to Benin, Ghana and Burkina Faso to undergo FGM/C. "We have to develop cross-border strategies to eradicate the phenomenon," she said, adding that FGM/C rates are 6 percent in central Togo and 15 percent in border areas.

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In Senegal rates are highest in Podor and Matam on the Mauritania border, and Tambacounda in the west near the border with Mali, according to Gueye. "We think a General Assembly resolution will be passed," said Gueye, "There is unanimity. It is ambitious but we need to think on a grand scale."

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Delegates put the final touches to the draft resolution they plan to push at the UN General Assembly and pass this year, as well as a list of actions for African heads of state to take to ban the practice that violates human and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights when they meet for the African Union summit in Kampala, Uganda, in July 2010. - Adapted from IRIN / PLUSNEWS / PlusNews

Nimechoka

I Am Tired

Nawasili nipokeya sibadili yako niya tafadhali niridhiya yangu haii nimechoka

I have arrived, receive me, do not change your feelings, please do agree to my request, I am tired of my lonely state.

Wangu moyo wanitanga kwa surayo kutoenga njoo mbiyo wa muanga mwendaniyo nimechoka.

My heart is racing inside me, for I cannot see your face come quickly, shining one, I, your friend, am tired.

Nakwambiya la hakika Nisikiya muhibuka Naumiya kwa mashaka kungojeya nimechoka.

What I am telling you is true, listen to me, your lover, I am suffering pain I am tired of waiting for you.

Nakujuza si dhihaka li aziza nakutaka ukiweza nieleka kujiliza nimechoka.

I tell you, and it is no joke, my dearest one, I need you; if you possibly can, come to me,

I am tired of crying in loneliness.

Source: Four Centuries of Swahili Verse by Jan Knappert. Heinemann, London. 1979.

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RESOURCES / LISTINGS / SERVICES

To access more information on HIV, GBV and Culture, contact the following Resource Centres in your respective countries: Angola-SCARJOV Sede: Estrada da Camama/Vianda (ao CALEMBA 2) Bairro da Paz - Kilamba Kiaxi PO Box 3085 Luanda - Angola Tel. 1: +244 912 368 535 Tel. 2: +244 927 713 289 E-Mail: scarjov4@yahoo.com

Botswana-BONASO PO Box 3129 Plot 767, Tati Road, Extension 2 Gaborone, Botswana Tel: +267 3170582 / 3908490 Fax: +267 570582 E-Mail: bonaso@botsnet.bw

Lesotho-National AIDS Commission Maseru Sun Office Block Orpen Road PO Box 11232 Maseru 100 Lesotho Tel: +266 22326794 Fax: +266 2232 7210 E-mail: molekop@nas.org.ls Website: www. www.nac.org.ls

Malawi-MANASO Chitetezo House City Boutique Building Haile Selassie Road PO Box 2916 Blantyre Malawi Tel: +265 1 835046/18 E-mail: manaso@malawi.net Website: www.manaso.org

Malawi-Blantyre City Assembly Town Hall Civic Centre Private Bag 67 Blantyre Malawi Tel: +265 1 670 211

Namibia-NANASO PO Box 23281 Erf: 1011, 42-44 Ondoto Street, Okuryangava, Windhoek, Namibia. Windhoek, Namibia Tel: +264 61 26 1122 Fax: +264 61 23 4198 E-Mail: nanaso@iafrica.com.na

Swaziland-NERCHA National HIV and AIDS Information Centre Lamvelase Premises Nkoseluhlaza St / Sandlana St Manzini Swaziland Tel: +268 505 4597 / 505 3313 Fax: +268 505 4425 E-mail: busi.dlamini@nercha.org.sz

Zambia-Afya Mzuri Joint Resource Centre Plot 10487B Manchinchi Road, Olympia Park, Lusaka. Tel : +260 11 295124 / 295122 Fax : +260 11 295120 / 295124 Cell No. : +260 977 741223 / 966 249194 Email: resourcecentre@afyamzuri.org.zm Website: www.afyamzuri.org.zm

Zimbabwe-SAfAIDS 17 Beveridge Road Avondale Harare Zimbabwe Tel: +263 4 336193 / 4 Email: info@safaids.org.zw Website: www.safaids.net

Where To Get Help – Southern Africa Namibia AIDS Care Trust (ACT), Windhoek, Namibia Key areas: Provides comprehensive home-based care (HBC) and counselling services, information, education and communication (IEC) to people living with and affected by HIV. Also drives the implementation of workplace programmes in the private sector. ACT provides psychosocial support and assistance to disadvantaged youth, including OVC, aimed at improving their overall health, wellbeing and development. Tel: +264-61-259590 South Africa AIDS Legal Network, Cape Town, South Africa Key areas: A human rights organisation committed to the promotion, protection and realisation of fundamental rights and freedoms of people living with and affected by HIV and AIDS through capacity building, education and training, campaign, lobbying and advocacy. Tel: +27-21-4478435 Right to Care, Johannesburg, South Africa Key areas: Right to Care is a coalition of organisations who believe that all personal and nursing care should be free at the point of use. The organisation aims to deliver and support quality clinical services in southern

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Africa for the prevention, treatment, and management of HIV and associated diseases. Right to Care supports over 170 sites and funds the care or treatment of around 100,000 HIV-positive individuals. Tel: +27-11-2768850 Tanzania Kivulini Women’s Rights, Mwanza, Tanzania Mobilising communities to prevent domestic violence, and mitigate its impacts. Through training, Kivulini strengthens the capacities of CSOs to design and implement prevention projects that promote women’s rights and prevent violence, and in particular domestic violence experienced by women, girls and youth. Tel: +255-28-2500 961 Zimbabwe Christian AIDS Taskforce, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Key areas: HIV mitigation and prevention programmes from a holistic and Christian response within communities and congregations. CAT offers counselling, HIV prevention information and programmes and training around GBV, gender issues, HIV and culture. Tel: +263-9-230890/230722/231067