INSIDE On why women make better leaders The quest for a green leader How Labour’s election process needs to change
ANTICIPATIONS
Follow my leader An Anticipations leadership special
Autumn 2007 Volume 11, Issue 1
PHOTO DIARY Young Fabian Boat Party, River Thames, Friday 6 July
Young Fabian Trip to Edinburgh, Edinburgh, August
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CONTENTS
sustaining green leadership The ‘Green’ debate must move from why we must respond, to how political leadership can enable business, government and society to go, and sustain green, argue Miles Weaver and Breno Nunes Page 9
developing aid Tom Wipperman argues that Bangladesh provides a good example of the way Western economies are rethinking their apporach to development aid Page 15
girl power, grown up Female leaders provide a better approach to politics, argues Kate Groucutt
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ALSO IN THIS ISSUE
24 | no conferring The traditional party conference needs to change, believes Dan Whittle
Anticipations Leadership Special 6 | along the value chain Brown, like Blair before him, has captured the public mood and is making it work to Labour’s advantage argues Mark Rusling 8 | any left? Labour, not just its leadership, must now change believes Andrew Maloney 12 | ballot on the landscape The recent leadership elections proved Labour’s internal voting system is not fit-for-purpose, contends Chris Watt Other articles 18 | who cares? Adult caring services are in crisis and need attention from government, argues Neil Coyle
22 | playground politics Blair’s legacy is a population behaving like stubborn teenagers. Brown needs to start treating us with more respect, suggests Zaki Moosa 24 | in Gord we trust The collapse of trust in politicians is damaging to our democracy. Patrick Woodman looks at how Gordon Brown is starting to rebuild it. Regular items 4 | from the editor a letter from Emma Carr 5 | from the chair a word from Conor McGinn 25 | calendar of events a diary of past and future events from the young fabians
Anticipations, like all publications of the Fabian Society, and the Young Fabians, represents not the collective view of the Society, but only the views of the individuals whose articles it comprises. The responsibility of the Society is limited to approving its publications as worthy of consideration within the Labour movement. Published by The Fabian Society, 11 Dartmouth Street, London, SW1H 9BN Telephone: 0207 227 4900 | Facsimile: 0207 976 7153 Websites: www.fabian-society.org.uk and www.youngfabians.org.uk Printed by Juma Printers, 44 Wellington Street, Sheffiel, S1 4HD The editor would like to thank: Alex Baker.
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from the editor Emma Carr
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o begin with, I’d like to welcome, an introduce, the newest member of the Fabian executive, Alex Baker. Alex was co-opted after a place became available on the executive and in recognition of all his hard work helping with Anticipations this year (he’s the technical know how and much of the hard work behind the recent redesign). So, welcome Alex, and thanks for all your help. Anyway, as I’m sure you’ll agree, this summer has been a very interesting one politically. The end of an era as Prime Minister Blair left and the beginning of a new one as Prime Minister Brown arrived. Of course, the top job wasn’t the only one to change. As if to make up for the lack of competition for a new Labour leader, the Deputy Leadership contest offered almost more than we could handle. And as a representative of an organisation with its own Facebook group (if you’re not a member of the Young Fabian Facebook group, off you go and join – no, not now, when you’ve finished reading Anticipations will be just fine) it was interesting to see how well the various leadership contenders used new media forms for campaigning. After Harriet Harman became the new Deputy Leader, for those that still weren’t sated in their need for change, our new Prime Minister unveiled the most comprehensive Cabinet reshuffle since Labour took power in 1997. And an attention grabbing one it was too, with more young ministers included in the Cabinet and the introduction of non-Labour advisors in Brown’s so called ‘Government of all the talents’. Of course, some agree with this and some don’t but surely all must agree, it’s proving interesting. And now all the excitement’s over. But fear not, eager Young Fabians, for we are here to satisfy your need for elections. That’s right, the time is upon us again when we will be asking you to vote in a new Young Fabian executive, not
to mention a new Fabian executive. As ever the ballot papers for the Young Fabian elections will be sent out with those for the Fabian elections. Please do remember to vote, as the only way to get executive you want is to vote them in – which, of course, politics savvy people like you are very much aware of. So, with the country just gone through a period of change and the Young Fabian about to (come on, I can compare the Young Fabians to the country, surely?), the theme of this issue comes at the perfect time. We asked for articles about political leadership. Unfortunately we didn’t get any articles about our very own Conor McGinn, Chair of the Young Fabians, or, as we prefer to call him, Lord High Master. However, we have had some very interesting articles about political leadership generally, about leadership on green issues and about women and political leadership. There are also articles on issues such as equality issues in adult social care and international development issues. For those who wanted to submit articles for this issue but were not able to, please do submit one for the next issue, which will focus on Britain’s political role in the world. Articleson this subject could cover a range of policy and political areas, such as what should Britain be doing on a global level to end child poverty or to protect the environment or how Britain is viewed by the rest of the world. If you would like to submit an article please email me at ecarr@youngfabians.org.uk. So thanks again to everyone who contributed and keep up the good work.
As a representative of an organisation with its own Facebook group, it was interesting to see how well the various leadership contender used new media forms for campaigning.
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Emma Carr Editor, Anticipations ecarr@youngfabians.org.uk
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from the chair Conor McGinn
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he beginning of party conference season marks the end of one of the most exciting political summers in recent memory. A new Prime Minister and a new Cabinet marked the close of one book and the opening of another. Young Fabians were determined to play an active role in both the leadership and deputy leadership elections, giving our members the chance to ask the important question and debate the key issues. We partnered the Fabian Society for the only leadership debate of the contest, and, as well being involved in the official youth hustings, we organised a deputy leadership debate with comrades from a range of Socialist Societies. We held an excellent seminar on constitutional reform with Tony Wright in July which marked the end of that parliamentary session. Again it was good to see old and new faces alike, and the many creative ideas put forward by Young Fabian members were an indication of the level of debate that young people in the Labour movement are capable of having. Hopefully the new Prime Minister will find a place for us as well as those outside the Labour Party in his new political consensus-building programme! July also saw our Annual Boat Party, which by all accounts was one of the best yet. As usual the band – 3’s A Crowd – were absolutely fantastic, and from what I could gather as we stumbled onto Westminster Pier at 11.30pm everyone enjoyed themselves! The Boat Party (like all our events) don’t happen without a lot of hard work from individuals who give their times selflessly, so thanks to all who were involved in organising it. As we move now to the start of a new political year, the Young Fabians continue to grow in strength and stature
and – for a group of volunteers – Executive members continue to make great efforts to organise debates, seminars and events. Details of some forthcoming events are included elsewhere in the magazine – most pressing of these is our Party Conference reception which I hope to see many of you attending! In the immediate post-conference period, we’ll be publishing our first pamphlet in a number of years. A lot of hard work has gone into the pamphlet, which looks at the rise of the far-right and explores different ways of tackling extremism, and from what I have seen so far it is going to be an excellent resource and publication. Copies of that should be with you sometime in October. That’s it from me for this edition. Good luck to all of you who are standing in elections to the Young Fabian Executive – and I hope all members use their vote. Remember, this is your chance to elect an Executive who will work on your behalf for the next year, so please do vote! For my part, I’m attempting to move ‘upstairs’ by standing for the Fabian Society Executive proper, and I hope if elected to provide an additional supporting voice for the Young Fabians on that body. I hope to see you at some of our forthcoming events, and, as usual, please don’t hesitate to get in touch with any questions, suggestions or comments.
Young Fabians were determined to play an active role in both the leadership and deputy leadership elections, giving our members the chance to ask the important question and debate the key issues.
Conor McGinn Chair, Young Fabians cmcginn@youngfabians.org.uk
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along the value chain
Brown, like Blair before him, has captured the public mood and is making it Mark Rusling is Vice-Chair of the Young Fabians
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ho would be a political leader? They must continuously shuffle along an electoral tightrope held up by the pillars of values and pragmatism. They must use their balancing stick of intelligence, wit and cunning so as not to wobble and fall into the pit of gnashing crocodile voters below. They must never appear to stray too far from their political and personal values, or they will be damned as lightweight chancers – political Paris Hiltons. Yet, they must never take their eyes off pragmatic policies and the need to be seen to ‘get things done’. Values tell voters where policies come from, but not where they’re going. However, without values, pragmatic policies appear rootless and ungrounded. As the public mood shifts the pillars, leaders must be nimble to make sure they are at the right spot between values and pragmatism to avoid falling off the electoral tightrope.
In 1997, the public mood shifted Labour leaders towards the pragmatic end of the tightrope. Some early policies, such as the two-year retention of Tory spending plans, were motivated by pragmatism and the desire to appear competent.
Minister, Tony Blair declared Labour’s mandate as being “not a mandate for dogma or for doctrine”, but rather “a mandate to get those things done in our country that desperately need doing for the future”. What matters is what works: ideolo-
Brown’s early policies, as with every government, have been motivated by a mixture of values and pragmatism. However, the government’s policies have mostly been presented in terms of values encapsulated in the Kirkcaldy High School motto, “I will try my utmost”. Others, such as the 1999 pledge to end child poverty within 20 years, were prompted by Labour values. However, during the early Blair governments, most policies were justified in pragmatic terms. Immediately after becoming Prime
gy is dead! Long live evidence-based policy making! However, by the time Gordon Brown had ended his long wait to move next door, the pillars had tilted towards values. Brown’s early policies, as with every government,
Image: NASA
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work to Labour’s advantage argues Mark Rusling have been motivated by a mixture of values and pragmatism. While appealing to democratic values in vowing to strengthen parliamentary scrutiny of the decision to go to war, he has acted pragmatically in refusing a referendum over the new EU treaty. However, the government’s policies have mostly been presented in terms of values. Brown’s first speech as Prime Minister replaced 1997’s pledge to ‘get things done’ with a promise to live up to the values encapsulated in the Kirkcaldy High School motto, “I will try my utmost”. This move of the tightrope pillars from pragmatism towards values has occurred because of a change in public mood, and because of changes in and within the Prime Ministers. The voting public had grown weary of Labour’s ruthless pragmatism well before 2007. As a canny politician, Blair addressed this
change by talking more openly in terms of values. ‘Choice’ became a value that was used to justify public service reform in a way that an appeal to evidence-based policy making could no longer do. A comparison of Blair’s 2006
Leaders must not only decide the right proportions of values and pragmatism; they must also decide which values to accentuate. Labour Conference speech with his 2 May 1997 Downing Street procession reveals far fewer flags in 2006, but far more talk of “our values, our real values, those that are timeless”. Whether you thought the speech a triumph or tripe, Blair was certainly
reflecting a changed public mood that requires political leaders to articulate the values that underpin their policies and personalities. The public mood has shifted the pillars, but Labour leaders have also managed to move the pillars themselves while remaining balanced on the tightrope. Blair’s move from pragmatism to values was partly a response to a changed public mood, but his change itself affected the public’s appetite for values. Brown has always appeared comfortable speaking about his personal and political values, and he has proven adept at responding to the changed public mood. However, the two men speak about very different values (although both sets are rooted in the Labour tradition). A Google search of “‘Tony Blair’ AND values” reveals entries almost exclusively related to foreign policy and terrorism. Thus, from the BBC: “Conform to our society, says PM”; from the Guardian: “democracy and human rights should not be assigned as western values”. The same search for Gordon Brown reveals more diverse results, and not one mention of terrorism in the top ten hits. The values presented are typically personal values, related to Brown’s Britishness or his Labourism: Labour’s “values are my moral compass”. Brown’s ‘British values’ generally owe more to the “social values” of Kirkcaldy (Independent), “civic values” (Prospect) or “family values” (Guardian) than to Blair’s invoking of them solely as antidotes to extremism and terrorism. Leaders must not only decide upon the right proportions of values and pragmatism; they must also decide upon which values they will accentuate. The poor polling figures for Blair’s final government partly suggest that the public had grown tired of Blair’s values. Conversely, Brown’s reversal of Labour’s slump suggests that, not only has he placed himself at the correct position on the tightrope, but that he has also presented values which have resonated with the public. All Labour members must hope that Brown continues his accurate reading of the public mood, and that the public continues to appreciate his British and Labour values. Blair’s recent lack of popularity makes it easy to forget what a skilful reader of the public mood he has been. Indeed, despite their different approaches, maybe both Blair in 1997 and Brown in 2007 were right. What matters is what works. It’s just that what works now is values.
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any left?
Labour, not just its leadership, must now change believes Andrew Maloney Andrew Maloney is a member of the Young Fabians
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n the 17th of May 2007, an overwhelming majority of Labour MP’s gracefully showed their support for the Rt. Hon. Gordon Brown in his bid for leadership of the Labour Party and Prime Minister of Great Britain. This result was by no means unexpected; the media had heralded Gordon as the next Prime Minister months before any talk of nominations was even muttered. This is no real issue of course. I am confident the Chancellor will be the right man for the task of realigning the wheels. What is worrying, however, is the sheer lack of nominations for other, more traditional leftwing candidates. It seems increasingly common these days that Labour Party policies must fall within the centreground of British politics, with only a passing nod given to the left. The Chancellor himself demonstrated this tendency with the 2007 Annual Budget. None of us will deny how we savoured the bewildered look of the Tory front bench when the Mr Brown announced his cut of income tax, but they had good reason to be
taken aback. It wasn’t a very leftwing - or even Labour Party - policy. More and more we are seeing policies implemented that resemble those heralded by the dulcet tones of the rightwing media, rather than those sung by the choir of party membership. There are reasons for this of course. The centre ground is safe; the election winner. The current state of the party is akin to a floundering mammal, desperate to keep its head above the growing tides of marginal seats. No longer are policies implemented on the grounds of socialist principles or morality; the opinion of the media is now the only music to which the frontbench will dance. As a party we need to be more adventurous and must stop relying so heavily upon rapidly decreasing safety provided by the centre ground. A charge of inspiration is desperately overdue. Invigorating thought and ideas is not just the mission of Mr Brown. It falls to all of us to make that extra stretch to inspire existing and new members and spur them into constructive action. The Labour Party must not become a
‘business only’ group of personal agendas; as some opposition parties have. Events such as small, casual membership meetings should be encouraged from all levels, and fresh ideas should be allowed to sweep informally through the ranks. Such a change however must be lead by example and lead from the top. Gordon Brown is our Prime Minister, our party leader, and a dedicated Fabian. He must show the public and membership alike that the Labour Party is not stuck in a rut. We will not bow to demands made from the right, nor will our principles relent to pressure from the media. At the time of the next General Election, our public will judge us once again. What kind of party will we be able to offer them? We must be the party that stands its ground. We must be the party that takes action. We must be resilient to the manipulation and distortion that the media imposes. Most of all, we must be the party that remains true to its membership, its supporters, its affiliates and - most of all - the principles upon which it was founded.
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he ‘green’ debate as rightly so reached the top of the political agenda. Slowly government, business, and society are attempting to identify opportunities to be more environmentally friendly. This debate is mainly being shaped by an ambitious drive to reduce carbon emissions by 60% by 2050 led by a UK Labour government. As well as setting the agenda strong leadership needs to encourage other nations, business and society that the 2050 targets are achievable and should be supported. But more importantly move the debate from the why we need to respond, to the how political leaders can influence, engage and enable business and society to respond. The previous special issue of the Fabian Review on ‘Greening Politics’ was a strong contribution to move the green debate forward. Solutions included road pricing, carbon budget, introduction of carbon trading and smart taxes to reward the environmentally good and penalisation of the bad, green procurement, reform planning and market regulation. Thus, with these solutions we have a basic picture of a green or sustainable leadership. Here, we go a bit beyond in order to complete the picture and strengthen the debate on how to go greener. Nevertheless, we first need to be clear in what we understand by as a ‘green leader’. Simply, we could define it as someone who chooses a sustainable path of development and inspire other leaders, business and society to pursue sustainability. A starting point would be to look from within the powers of government in its strategy, practises and procedures of the public sector. These could centre on the rationale use of utility consumption, organisational structures and resources that must be included in this debate. The government has a great opportunity to lead by example by: (1) improving its internal efficiency, (2) greening the governmental purchases, (3) setting a smart taxes system, and (4) communicating clearly its green policies. By internal efficiency, we mean using fewer resources to provide the same (or more) public services. The focus must be in main sources of pollution and high consumption of energy and water. A broad debate from the light bulbs to the fuel that runs the public fleet may allow the discovery of creative and significant improvements in the government’s efficiency. Moreover, it will reward the budget as these actions usually lead to cost reduction enhancing investment capacity. Greening the governmental pur-
sustaining green leadership
The ‘Green’ debate must move from why we must respond, to how political leadership can enable business, government and society to go, and sustain green, argue Miles Weaver and Breno Nunes chase is a second step. Once the in house activities have the concerns of efficiency, it is time to transfer this philosophy to the government’s partners. It may be visible as having fairtrade coffee in its political meetings or invisible as procuring based on the sustainability of products or services and not just on competitive tenders based on lowest price. The idea is to balance the quality, cost
Miles Weaver is a lecturer of strategic management at Leicester Business School and a member of Birmingham Fabians. Breno Nunes is a PhD candidate specialising in Green Operations and Supply Chain Management.
and environmental performance of the supplier. Basically, it is to make ‘green’ criterion a qualifier in the purchase. This could also involve greener processes such as green accreditation (ISO 14001, etc). Therefore, the government’s message is a stimulus to produce greener products or through greener processes and also to pursue sustainable consumption. For example, one myth is that the public may well be
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more conscientious of the products and services they buy; however, that does not actually mean that greener offerings are more desirable. Let’s take a look at the rise of China as a new manufacturing base, enabling quality products at lower prices hitting the high street. The key determinant of a consumers purchasing decision is predominantly price, while a level of quality and service are market requirements for any business to successfully compete. For instance, if a consumer had the choice between two products that are identical apart from price then a consumer would usually select the cheapest taking little or even no consideration of the ethical and environmental costs. Importantly, customers do not have to be just you and I, but include retailers, manufacturers and governments purchasing from selected suppliers in a supply chain.
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All these parties are influenced by the needs of end customers who are demanding quality goods and services at the lowest possible price. This market force is central to the ‘green debate’ and must be central to any political leader’s policy. This leads us to the third step. One of the tests to know whether a leader is ‘green’ is how the gap between alternative product and service offerings can be reduced so that an end customer chooses an offerings that are environmentally aware and ethical. A smart taxes system should foster green entrepreneurship, reduce taxes for companies that create a positive impact in the environment, and support research and development programmes for sustainable solutions and technologies. Back to the product choice; see how it is a challenging task for high value products such as electronics, although the trade-off between
cheaper and organic produce is minimal. The more health conscientious is willing to pay added value, but with more expensive items the choice is more demanding on the consumers purchase decision. Fair-trade, organic and the Assured Food Standard ‘Red Tractor’ mark are powerful examples in the food industry of unique selling points that attract a certain consumer willing to pay the added value. A ‘green’ label for producers accredited by government is one possible avenue that could divert the attention of consumers away from price and thus close the gap between alternative product and service offerings. Business are slowly embracing such opportunities, M&S in particular are supporting suppliers to develop more sustainable production methods, and support locally produced foods; Tesco is encouraging
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consumers by awarding green points, and measuring their internal impact in the environment. However, the greatest opportunity for government to act that has yet to be explored, is to enable the public and private sectors to identify opportunities within their purchasing decisions to ensure supply chains go and sustain green! Here the government’s role is to act as a market power to provide a level playing field so that going greener and sustaining green is a market qualifier and worth doing by business. The debate must shift from cosmetic considerations only aiming at marketing purposes that are in place to entice new customers to generate
increased revenues, but do not reduce the company’s negative environmental impact. Brown’s proposal of a ‘Green VAT’ is a revolutionary policy that
cate clearly its message towards sustainability. Interacting with society and inspiring public participation to find feasible solutions is the basis of a democratic system. The debate should be open so that business, government and society understand the impact of the decisions they make on the environment … and should be the focus of any leader proclaiming to be ‘Green’. (S)He must define clear rules of competition in this new sustainable era of 21st century in order to balance the cost and benefits towards ‘green’ products and use practises that are environmentally friendly, economically viable and socially fair. So an excellent start ... but are we nearly there yet?
The market force is central to the ‘green debate’ and must be central to any political leader’s policy. A smart tax system should foster green entrepreneurship, and reduce taxes for companies that create a positive impact for the environment. will create a new green economy for entrepreneurs and business leaders to penetrate. A ‘Green VAT’ associated also with economies of scales and maturation of green technologies may turn UK’s economy in the right path of sustainability. The last but not least, the green leader needs to be able to communi-
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ba the land Chris Watt is a Young Fabian member
The recent leadership elections proved Labour’s internal voting system is not fit-for-purpose, contends Chris Watt
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hen Harriet Harman was elected Labour’s Deputy Leader recently, it was pleasing to see that it was the votes of ordinary Party members that proved decisive in her victory. Indeed, she topped
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the members section in every round of voting. However, the split between the votes within the three sections that make up the electoral college that is used to elect the Deputy Leader and, potentially, the Leader of the Party
and Prime Minister, raise some interesting questions. Harman’s eventual victory means that members will be satisfied, but should a future contest result in an outcome decided within the union and affiliates sections, or that for MPs and MEPs, then serious
anticipations | spring 2007 tem they were faced with. But should it not be the votes of ordinary Party members that elect the Party’s leadership team? The vote of one Labour MP is worth those of several thousand Party members. Alan Johnson came top of the MP/MEP section in every round of voting and if just a handful of Cruddas supporting MPs had voted for Johnson rather than Harman as their second choice, then victory would have been his. MPs are already rightly responsible for nominating candidates, allowing them to reflect on the merits (or otherwise) of colleagues they work closely with every day in Westminster. Indeed, on this occasion, they effectively blocked the candidacies of John McDonnell and Michael Meacher from the leadership contest, yet in contrast allowed Hilary Benn onto the ballot paper with more than the required 12.5% of PLP nominating him, even though he only secured the first preference votes of a mere 4.3% of MPs and MEPs in the
questions about the legitimacy of this being a separate section of the electoral college. Despite this turnout, the affiliate section of the electoral college amounts to one-third regardless, meaning that the votes of those expressing a preference this time were effectively magnified, or conversely that a high turnout among members of affiliates would dilute each individual’s vote. Yet the votes of trade unionists and affiliates gave John Cruddas a lead on the first round of voting, whilst a poor showing in this section cost Hilary Benn, who was ahead of Cruddas among ordinary Party members in every round. Whilst members may have been satisfied with the result this time round, what will be the reaction in a future election if each section of the electoral college backs different candidates, as it did this time, but the choice of the members, or even the candidate coming second among ordinary members, does not emerge victorious?
Whilst members may have been satisfied with the result this time round, what will be the reaction in a future election if each section of the electoral college backs different candidates, as it did this time, but the choice of the members does not emerge victorious.
allot on dscape issues could come to the fore. None of the six contenders for the Deputy Leadership can be criticised for their campaigns. Alan Johnson for instance, relied heavily on the support of large numbers of MPs and MEPs, whilst John Cruddas ran a strong campaign among the unions. They were simply though working within the sys-
actual voting. But should the influence of MPs also extend to having such a major say in the final outcome, by virtue of an MP’s vote being so heavily weighted? It was Johnson’s reliance on the votes of a relatively small number pool of elected representatives that brought him so close to victory. A differently weighted electoral system may well have not even taken him as far as the last round of preference redistribution. Equally, many trade unionists who voted may not have been members of the Party. Whilst only those paying the political levy had a vote, anecdotal evidence suggests that the opt out, as opposed to opt in system for paying this, means that many of those who do pay were not aware of the fact, or at best are not aware that the levy funds the Labour Party. Indeed, there is nothing to stop Conservatives or Liberal Democrats from having a vote in Labour’s internal elections by simply signing up for the levy inadvertently or shortly before the election, only to cancel it again once the contest is over. The pitiful turnout of around 9% in the unions section also raises
Equally, it is quite possible that, in a similar six-way fight, a candidate could come as low as fifth in every section on first preferences and not emerge as the first preference of any section until the fifth and final round of redistribution, yet by the accumulation of second and third preferences, emerge with the crown. Surely the obvious route to avoiding these many inherent difficulties in Labour’s current system is to move to a straight one-memberone-vote election. MPs should retain the right to nominate candidates. And to maintain a formal role for the affiliates, perhaps they could be brought into this process, with any candidate gaining the nominations of a certain percentage of the Party’s affiliated unions and organisations gaining a place on the ballot paper, alongside trade unionists within the Party having an individual vote of course. A one-member-one-vote election would be cheaper, as unions and affiliates would not to go through the process of separately balloting their members, simpler to count, simpler for Party members and the public to understand in terms of its outcome and more democratic.
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girl power
grown up Kate Groucutt is Secretary of the Young Fabians
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Female leaders provide a better approach to politics, argues Kate Groucutt
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o men have always been leaders within families and communities, but in most areas of public life they remain underrepresented. This is especially the case in leadership positions in business, the law, public appointments and of course in politics. So a discussion about whether women make different political leaders to men – at least in a UK context – is hampered by a lack of case studies. Just 25 women have been Cabinet ministers since 1929 and until recently just one had held one of the great offices of state. Although women have held, and presently hold, the highest offices in many countries of the world, Britain’s levels of female representation fall way down the international rankings. In Britain we are still unused to seeing women in the crucial positions of power. This means that matters of style can easily override those of substance. Labels are routinely attached to female ministers which would never be applied to their male colleagues. ‘Bossy’, ‘nannying’, ‘shrill’ – all negative terms which invoke a distinctly female image. Parts of the media are still more keen to describe women politicians in terms of their clothing, appearance and the tone of their voice, rather than focusing on what they are actually saying or their ability to run a Government department. Research on whether there are different male and female leadership styles is mixed and much of it focuses on managers in business rather than politicians. Some findings are transferable, however. Researchers have found in the past that many of the qualities that we associate with good leadership – assertiveness, decisiveness, ambition – are more likely to be described as male traits and therefore not associated with women leaders, even when they clearly hold such attributes. ‘Toughness’ has long been seen as an essential quality for surviving the cut and thrust of Westminster politics, and
this is something that can sit uneasily with an otherwise feminine character. Yet there is more to political leadership than the ability to make tough decisions and stick to them. The ability to inspire and persuade are also recognised as essential qualities and it is these that Jacqui Smith is bringing to the Home Office. In contrast with her predecessors, Smith will never be described as a ‘bruiser’ of a politician. Instead, her approach to the attempted terrorist attacks has been commended by many for its measured approach. Insiders have referred to her as a ‘breath of fresh air’ in a Department demoralised by scandals and administrative failures. Rather than immediately promising further legislation or rushing to draw conclusions about the perpetrators, she calmly insisted that the police be allowed to carry out their investigations. Other female Ministers, such as Housing Minister Yvette Cooper and Transport Secretary Ruth Kelly, also take a calm, conciliatory approach, recognising the need to persuade stakeholders rather than forcing policies through by sheer force of will. However one cannot take the distinctions too far, and age may be another factor, with many female ministers younger than their male counterparts. From their reputations in the Westminster village, there are good and bad Ministers among the current incumbents and this bears little relation to their sex. However given the scarcity of female ministers, many of those who have made it to the top feel additional responsibility to change the way politics is carried out, in the hope that more women be inspired will follow them. In contrast to Thatcher (and Angela Merkel seems to be following the same path), Labour’s women ministers do not play down their gender. Rather than proving they can survive the system by being more male than the men, New Labour’s top women have sought for 20 years to change the way we do politics
in this country. Harriet Harman’s victory in the deputy leadership contest, against the predictions of most polls and pundits, shows that there is an appetite for this. This belief that the political system needs to better represent the electorate, and a desire to reach out to those who are alienated by traditional politics, is expressed through a style that seeks to motivate and explain. This brings us back to the leadership literature and crucially, if what it tells us about differences in the way that men and women lead is true, it should be to the advantage of Labour over the other parties. Judy Rosener, a leading researcher into leadership, wrote in the Harvard Business Review: The men were more likely than the women to describe themselves in ways that characterise ‘transactional leadership’ (job performance as a series of transactions with subordinates)…The women respondents on the other hand described themselves in ways that characterise ‘transformational leadership’ – getting subordinates to transform their own self-interest into the interest of the group through concern for a broader goal. Persuading people to focus on broader goals rather than individual self-interest is at the heart of Labour politics. So by extending this theory to the political arena, one could hope that by applying transformational leadership techniques, Labour ministers – whether male or female – can persuade the electorate that social justice, investment in public services and a commitment to equal life chances should be embedded in British society. Rather than forcing change on society through legislation or mass bribery which divides society, Labour’s leaders should be seeking to convince and inspire. This gives the best chance of consolidating the progressive majority in the UK and giving the next generation of leaders the chance govern into the next decade and beyond.
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developing aid Tom Wipperman argues that Bangladesh provides a good example of the way Western economies are rethinking their apporach to development aid
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h e international development departments of donor governments sit in that privileged position of being expected to spend as much money as possible within their budget. Development secretaries and ministers will see a job well done if all £200 million allocated for enhancing governance is spent. Unlike other departments, that must always attempt to be frugal and keep budgets down, it is politically expedient for DFID, CIDA, DANIDA and all the others to get bigger and bigger budgets, and spend more and more on development interventions as they collectively aim towards their 0.7% GDP development assistance target. Those heading Defence or Environment must envy the development department’s flash
cash. Yet despite the moves towards increasing assistance (the very least that European governments can do given the historical legacies of global capitalism that have impoverished the global South), there must be a recognition of the role of receiving countries’ governments and their own tax paying populations. Development policy and approaches are moving towards ‘Rights Based Development’, essentially making interventions that support people to demand delivery of their legal and political rights of their representatives, rather than in providing service delivery projects that governments cannot (or will not) provide. This approach is more sustainable in the long term, as if successful it is
Tom Wipperman is a member of the Young Fabians.
more likely to institutionalise change in developing countries. However, its crucial omission is the role of responsibilities for people; whilst some international development NGOs do attach this to their policies, DFID in particular misses the opportunity to make it clear that with rights comes responsibilities, and this is to the detriment of the tax payers in the UK who fund development assistance. The experience in Bangladesh illustrates this well, and demonstrates the need to rethink the ways in which donors support development. Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world, sitting 137th on the Human Development Index, and with 85% of its population on less than $2 a day. Its polity also astoundingly corrupt: it has been bottom (or top?)
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or Transparency International’s global corruption index every year since it was launched, with the exception of 2006. In that year, it rose to equal third worse not because it got any better, but because Iraq – a country barely functioning as a State - got worse, as did Myanmar, Haiti and Sudan. All in all, this is not illustrious company. Across other development indicators it performs badly: gender equality is very poor, land ownership, education and health care distributions are bad, and HIV/AIDS is steadily creeping towards endemic levels, in a society that continues to deny the reality of sexual behaviour hidden beneath its conservative exterior. At its basic level, the vast majority of Bangladeshis are among the most disadvantaged people on Earth. Yet against this seething poverty, there exists a rampant economy and very wealthy middle and upper class. The economy, according to the Bangladesh Central Bank, is growing at about 7% a year and is accelerating. It has been identified as one of the second wave of take-off countries after Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC). Exports are at $10.5 billion, from ready made garments, jute,
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leather and seafood. Inflation is at about 6%, not terrible for a developing world economy. External debt is at $16.5 billion, again, not excessive for a country in its position, and foreign exchange reserves are at $3 billion. The wealth in the country is visible walking around the major cities: in Lalmatia, Dhanmondi and Gulshan in the capital, Dhaka, large blocks of flats
Yet against this seething poverty, there exists a rampant economy and wealthy upper class. are being built and shiny new Japanese and German cars crawl through the congested streets. An official at the Dutch Embassy estimates that there are around 14 million extremely wealthy people in Bangladesh who would remain extremely wealthy if they moved to Europe. This group includes several millionaires and accounts for around 10-12% of the
population. Against this highly unequal, and high segregated society, the government generates revenues of about $5 billion, yet needs to spend $6.8 billion. International assistance to Bangladesh is about $1.5 billion. Development partners essentially fill the gap that tax revenues cannot meet, and is directed towards education, health and other development priorities. DFID is the largest donor to Bangladesh. On the face of it, this seems a reasonable arrangement; governments are helped to meet social obligations to the poor through the support of developed world donors. But the reality is very different. In the UK, public spending accounts for 43% of GDP; it is only 38% in ‘Communist’ China. In Bangladesh, it is 15% and declining. Rickshaws, the ubiquitous transport in the country, account for 6% of GDP and transactions are in tens of Taka. The lack of public spending, in the face of such concentrated wealth, is criminal, and western taxpayers are being asked to foot the deficit. The first 60,000 Taka are tax free, and then it is 10% for the next 40,000. Few people will earn more than 100,000 Taka a year, but many of the
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middle class will fall into this bracket. The next 50,000 Taka is taxed at 15%, and it is 20% for the next 150,000. Very few indeed earn 300,000 Taka a year, but even those that do will be on only 20% tax rates. The top rate is 25%. These is very low compared to the UK, and even worse compared to the rates in the Scandinavian countries that are also major donors to the country. In Bangladesh, a highly regressive tax system ensures that the very wealthy have to make very little contribution to the overall tax revenue of the country: those that do break through the 300,000 Taka ceiling will be earning money comparable to Western salaries, and have business interests and other assets. They will retain most of this, and with the corruption so rife, many have been able to buy off tax collectors and protect more of their wealth. VAT is at 15% and is paid by everyone, with the vast poor hit hardest, especially when the monsoon affects rice crops in the north and east. Bangladesh operates a low level, regressive tax regime and fails to generate the revenue to meet its obligations to citizens with regard to educa-
tion and health. The outcome is that the taxed populations of Europe and America are subsidising the middle and upper classes of Bangladesh not to be taxed and instead enjoy and consolidate their wealth. Yet if donors are going to support rights based development initiatives, they must also promote responsibilities. The elite in Bangladesh must
A highly regressive tax system ensures the wealthy have to make very little contribution to overall tax revenue. be required to contribute to their government’s budget and participate in the development of the society, rather than rely on Western taxpayers to subsidise their extravagant and socially divisive lifestyles. DFID, and other donors, need to start being firmer with their approach to supporting developing world countries. They must demand that tax
regimes do not allow a hugely wealthy indigenous elite to develop to the detriment of the poor, and refuse assistance until progressive and equitable tax policies exist to meet development requirements. It is simply criminal that the Bangladeshi government relies on assistance for education and health when the country contains so much untapped private wealth that donor countries would have long siphoned off to fund budgets. DFID recently increased assistance to Bangladesh: it now has to support rights based development from the bottom whilst putting pressure on the top to demand that the responsibilities of citizens paying tax in an equitable manner is introduced. Otherwise, it must start to withdraw support and let governments face the social consequences of their budget deficits. In a globalised world, wealth and class status is global, not nationally based, and it is time that the Bangladeshi elite (and elites in other developing nations) started taking some responsibility for their own countries, and stopped relying on the tax payers of other countries to subsidise their lifestyles.
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who cares? Neil Coyle is Policy Manager of the Disability Rights Commission and a Board Member of the National Centre For Independent Living
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Adult caring services are in crisis and need attention from government,
T
his Government has transformed children’s care, obliging closer local agency co-operation and heightening the role of social services. A new understanding of what social services can facilitate when
performing effectively, coupled with a focus on ‘outcomes’ for children and their families, is providing results. Founding reform on what services can support children and families achieve may not seem radical. But it
marks a sea-change from the traditional ‘looking after’ children to recognising the legitimate role of government – locally, backed with national resources – in ensuring care responsibilities do not impede children or parents’ life chances.
anticipations | spring 2007 for Social Care Inspection, has described adult services as ‘struggling’. This diplomatically states what other organisations more candidly declare: that adult services are in crisis and are contributing to inequality, social exclusion and even poverty. Organisations expressing the need for reform and/or investment in adult services range from providers (Association of Directors of Adult Social Services and Local Government Association), to people with support needs (age and disability organisations such as Help the Aged, Disability Rights Commission and National Centre for Independent Living), and their families (Carers UK). ‘Fair Access to Care Services’ sets out the criteria for how people access care and is split into four bands. However, over 70% of English local authorities only provide support to people who meet
and the ability to build a decent pension. Inadequate adult care services represent a gender equality challenge. Evidence of our changing demographics is well established. Rising numbers of older people means higher incidence of care needs. But the current system cannot meet existing demand. Growing numbers of older people also means a lower proportion of the population of working age. We need to maximise adults in work, paying tax and NI contributions in order to provide adequately for the increase in pensions expenditure. Carers UK, however, predict a 50% rise in carers by 2036. Many carers will have to leave work or reduce working hours. Changing demographics will make the current trend of leaving work to support older parents unsustainable; but inadequate adult services will perpetuate the trend.
As baby boomers and ensuing generations develop care needs, their expectations will lead to increasing demand for flexibility and innovation in adult services. People do not just want residential care, but support to live in their own homes and to participate in families and communities.
argues Neil Coyle Adult services have not yet benefited from the concepts extended in childcare. This is unfortunate as adult services are in crisis, negatively impacting on millions of people’s life chances. Their regulator, the Commission
the top two bands and most are tightening eligibility further. With predictions that the Comprehensive Spending Review will grant an ‘inflation only’ increase to adult services, access will be restricted further. This basically means people are turned away when needing support. Limiting access to care services does not mean people’s needs disappear. Instead millions of families step in to provide care, often limiting their own ability to work and leading to poorer health. Carers UK estimate there are 6 million informal carers supporting family and friends; 1.25 million provide over 50 hours care every week. Barnardos estimate 175,000 carers are under 18. About 97,000 are under 16. Most disturbingly, around 5,500 are just 5-7 years of age and nearly 800 of these very young children provide over 50 hours support per week. The impact on children’s life chances – including ability to participate in school – is considerable. Carers are also predominantly women. Women experience higher levels of pensioner poverty which the Equal Opportunities Commission believe results from care responsibilities impacting on working life
As baby boomers and ensuing generations develop care needs, their expectations will lead to increasing demand for flexibility and innovation in adult services. Expectations are important as research demonstrates that people want choice in the support available and where they receive it. People do not just want residential care, but support to live in their own homes and to participate in families and communities. Currently, however, services are based on traditional models of care and do not meet expectations. Just 1% of expenditure goes on more personalised schemes. Failing to meet expectations, coupled with restricted access to services, will result in continued low confidence in services and a higher reliance on family and friends for support. Existing adult care services are in crisis and are unsustainable. The Government must recognise the consequences to families of restricted access to adult services which do not meet expectations. It must act now to establish a new vision of what adult services can support families to achieve; a vision which supports social inclusion and participation and tackles inequality and poverty.
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no conferring Dan Whittle is Membership and Social Officer of the Young Fabians
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The traditional party conference needs to change, believes Dan Whittle
C
onference can be a week of excitement and excess, there can be the macho, resolution politics, which too often tramples all over the work done throughout the year in the spur of the moment. There is a need for us to draw a line in the sand in Bournemouth – and to have an honest discussion about how renewal of our conference can be part of the renewal of our party under a new leader. In his opening speech to our last conference in Brighton, Ian McCartney described the challenge ahead for us: Our choice was between being seen as the natural party of government, or as the natural party of opposition. On the one hand, in his words, self indulgent, grandstanding, struggling to connect with people outside the conference hall – on the other a party renewed and ready to meet the
challenges of the future. Ian’s argument, forcefully made, was that our structures and policy making processes are not incidental to our mission – they are part of the vehicle to achieving change. That is why we used the Big Conversation to
What is most important is for party members to be given the space for issues to be explored fully. bring down the barriers in our own organisation that prevent members, supporters and citizens from participating in political activity. Conference is too often head to head masculine politics. There is too
small a role for the diverse elements of the Labour movement, the socialist societies, MPs or councillors. Last year’s conference in Manchester reminded us again that the decisions of government are tough and sometimes unpopular. But as members of the party we are grown up enough to understand that being in government necessitates disappointments as well as victories. What is most important is that party members should be given the space for these issues to be explored fully, and I believe we can do more at conference to achieve this. There is a strong argument to be made that if member engagement is to happen in greater depth at conference, it is not desirable for this work to be left solely to the party, and organisations such as Sera, Co-op, and the Fabians should have an important role to play in the process.
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Since being in government the party has listened and adapted its policy developing structures. Fifty thousand people took part in the big conversation. It is only though this quality of participation that we have been able to create such radical, yet widely popular manifestos. But the continuing success of our policy making process necessitates reform, so we can do more to engage with members, supporters and socialist societies. I believe in the outcome of this review of the conference structure should be that members and socialist societies should have a stronger voice in the preparation of new policy and in holding Labour Ministers and MPs to account for delivering our manifesto. Examples from the Young Fabians this year showed us that socialist societies have worked hard to develop forums and policy networks that engage with a range of people. We had
policy discussions on renewal in government, security and the environment and the governance of Britain, to name a few. Telephone conferencing and the internet (facebook) were being used more to organise and consult. If the Young Fabians are prepared to renew, the Party must lead from
We need a new system where the delegate’s voice is heard and where they are not bullied. the front and make sure the conference is worth participating in and reflects the steps being taken to spend more time on politics and less on bureaucracy. Conference is, through the media,
the wider public’s only view of our policy making process and does not reflect the strengths of our movement. We need a new system where the delegate’s voice is heard, they are not bullied, and there is a chance to genuinely reflect the socialist societies policy positions. The final speaker at the ‘05 conference, John Reid, was amongst others in reminding us that to become a viable party of power we had to make a raft changes which began at our conference, in another seaside town beginning with “B”, twenty years ago. I believe the task now for all of us who care about socialist societies' involvement is to build on the necessary changes we have made to conference with the knowledge we have gained through engaging people in the Big Conversation and new media. Part of Labour’s renewal in power must be the renewal of the conference.
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Zaki Moosa is a Young Fabian member
Blair’s legacy is a population behaving like stubborn teenagers. Brown
A
fter fifteen years in which Blairism seemed to be nothing more than, as a character in Adrian Mole’s diary described it, “a little bit of coffee and a bloody lot of froth”, it was nice of Mr Blair to appear on TV and finally define his guiding political philosophy. As many had suspected, it consists of pointing towards the eyes and declaring “Am I bovvered?” In his last few years in power, the former Prime Minister started to resemble a petulant teenager, convinced of his righteousness and infallibility and refusing to budge on pet issues; especially as the anarchy in Iraq got worse and worse, but also on divisive subjects such as civil liberties and the role of competition in the public sector. Libertarians will never feel solidarity with Tony Blair, his perceived authoritarianism clashing too much with their insistence on the rights of the individual.
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Yet both, in ways they won’t admit to or like, share one important characteristic. Returning to the UK after a year in Italy and Germany, what is immediately striking is the frankly immature and simplistic nature of much of what counts for political
As if through the eyes of a teenager, important concerns are reduced to simple black-andwhite sides debate, at Westminster, in the press and so eventually among the general public. From the moment parliament is elected in an outdated process reduced to the simplicity of a primary school relay race (and look at the problems when the leader
refuses to pass on the baton), through the squabbling point-scoring of so many involved in party politics, to the crèche-like atmosphere at Prime Minister’s Questions, politics has been debased by the childish. Were John F. Kennedy to tell the British public today to “ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country” he would probably be laughed out of office. When David Cameron recently headed to Rwanda to emphasise the importance of tackling poverty across the world, what was the debate back home? Debt relief? Free trade? Er, no. We criticised him for not staying in his flooded constituency, as if Oxfordshire was a more desperate case than Africa and he should personally grab a bucket and bale out some living rooms. As if seen through the eyes of a stubborn teenager, important con-
anticipations | spring 2007
playground politics needs to start treating us with more respect, suggests Zaki Moosa cerns are reduced to simple blackand-white sides in the media and politics. Teenagers are also infamous for their lack of regard for others but the British sometimes don’t seem to have outgrown it. The rights of the individual are to be defended in private matters such as sexuality, but in a world as interdependent as today’s John Stuart Mill’s theories have become outdated. As the old cliché goes, no man is an island. Considering that a nanny is the ultimate middle-class accessory and one of the vital elements of a traditional childhood, benevolent and strict yet also loving, it is strange that “nanny state” has become a libertarian term of abuse. Yet we have proved as a country that a nanny is exactly what we need. In the face of such shallow governance we have – all of us – proved our sheer immaturity and failure to act individually in a
responsible manner. Any innovative idea to improve services – such as closing community hospitals and combining resources – is immediately stymied by personal selfishness and a refusal to consider the big picture, exactly as teenagers can’t for the
We hog our prosperous country like a toddler with a lollipop, raining torrents of abuse on immigrants life of them see the point of education. We hog our prosperous country like a toddler with a lollipop, raining torrents of abuse on immigrants and asylum seekers, scratching the rest of Europe in the face and then running away. With glob-
al warming undoubted scientific fact, we continue to drive and fly everywhere. We can’t even be trusted to cut down on cigarettes and alcohol, or to stop ourselves becoming dangerously obese. The first rule of working with children is to treat them with respect. However the most important step must be for the government to put its own house in order first, and for the new Prime Minister – he of the alleged diary stories about the screaming matches and the blanking of perceived opponents – must make sure he works on his reputation as a serious political thinker instead. Then he and his ministers can get on with treating the public as they deserve to be treated, as intelligent people who understand the complexity of the day’s issues, and not idiots to be fobbed off with Alastair Campbell’s spin.
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in Gord we trust
The collapse of trust in politicians is damaging to our democracy. Patrick Woodman looks at how Gordon Brown is starting to rebuild it. Patrick Woodman is Parliamentary Officer of the Young Fabians
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T
he Young Fabians’ final meeting before the summer break took place in Westminster just a couple of days before Parliamentary recess with an event looking at one of the most farreaching documents to emerge during the first few weeks of Gordon Brown’s premiership - The Governance of Britain, a green paper outlining a range of proposals to reform the way that the UK is governed. The paper is intended to address two questions: how should power be held accountable, and how should the rights and responsibilities of citizens be upheld and enhanced? Its proposals include new limits on Prime Ministerial power; a new consultation on the role of the attorney general; a move towards civil-service independence; a ministerial code of conduct; increased select committee powers; and House of Lords reform, to name just a few. We asked Dr Tony Wright, MP for Cannock Chase and a former Chair of the Fabian Society, to consider how far the proposals would go towards helping to restore trust in politics. Pervasive cynicism about politics and distrust of politicians is recognised as a problem across the political spectrum. However, it is an area of particular concern for the left, in so far as we believe in the capacity of politics to help shape the society we want. Having described the reform package as “constitutional Christmas - all our prezzies at once”, it was unsurprising that Dr Wright offered an “unmitigated welcome” to The Governance of Britain and what he described as the start of a “grown-up” debate on the constitution. He acknowledged wryly that “those of us who’ve been banging away around
some of the issues for a long time were able to count them off when Gordon Brown announced them.” On the question of trust, Dr Wright argued that more far-reaching regulation will not of itself solve the question of “trust” in political life. In fact, it may make it worse. The point is valuable. Legal or regulatory frameworks provide a rule-based system that enables social transactions where trust is in short supply: from statutory consumer rights to pre-nuptial agreements, regulation is often a sign of an absence of trust. The challenge now is to meet greatly changed public expectations. The implications for Government of our growing information-rich and transparent society are potentially profound. For instance, the Freedom of Information Act of 2000 was a constitutional innovation for the UK and much to be welcomed; but there is an argument that it has, in fact, had a detrimental effect on trust, as Dr Wright argued, even while it has improved accountability. There are some clear lessons for Government policy going forward. Where constitutional innovations are promised – as on nuclear power – they must be genuine and given the capacity to debate ask meaningful issues. The conclusions reached by such groups must not be lightly dismissed, however uncomfortable that may prove: trust is a two-way quality. Of course, it is important that the exact role of such consultations in the policy process is clearly understood by the public. Indeed, if our expectations of Government rise, then surely there is a reciprocal responsibility on our part to try to understand the political realm
better. The Young Fabians aim to play some small role in that regard. More importantly, the media must meet its duty to report clearly. If expectations are over-inflated and then left unfulfilled, it will be poisonous to the prospects of any further similar innovation. There is another aspect to trust that is rarely mentioned. Competence is a basic requirement for Government and in this regard Gordon Brown has indisputably started well. The foot and mouth outbreak in Surrey was dealt with rapidly and effectively, comparing favourably to 2001; while the response to the attempted bombings in London and Glasgow was calm and considered. This has been reflected in poll questions showing a huge boost in voters’ preferences for who they would trust to run the country. Trust is crucial to any relationship. In our relationship with our politicians, filtered through the media, it is perhaps a more elusive and abstract concept – but not one that can be done away with. As in any relationship, trust has to be earned, and Dr Wright suggested that policy changes explicitly intended to recapture trust were unlikely to succeed. Rather, he argued, “you should do things because they are right to do.” Ultimately, consistently doing what is right for the UK will be the surest – perhaps the only – way for the Government to start building a healthier political culture in the UK.
A transcript of Dr Wright’s speech is available on the Young Fabians’ website, www.youngfabians.org.uk. The Governance of Britain is available on the Ministry of Justice website, at www.justice.gov.uk.
anticipations | spring 2007
CALENDAR OF EVENTS
Theatre trip: Whipping it up New Ambassadors Theatre, WC2H 9ND
Young Fabian Boat Party The Young Fabian Boat Party 2007 took place onboard the Miyuki Maru, with on-board entertainment from Three's a Crowd Young Fabian Trip to Edinburgh Festival The annual Young Fabian trip to Edinburgh for the festival copincided with not only the Fringe, Book and International Festivals but also with the Holyrood Festival of Politics at the Scottish Parliament.
Labour Party Conference Reception, Sponsored by Unite The Wessex Hotel, West Cliff Road, Bournemouth, Dorset, BH2 5EU Speakers: Liam Byrne MP, Graeme Goddard (Unite), Meg Hillier MP, Hazel Blears MP 8.30pm - 10.30pm
may 17 july 6 august
sep 23
Please join us to celebrate the impending launch of our forthcoming publication ‘Tackling Political Extremism’ Refreshments provided
Debate – Young Fabians vs Bow Group Boothroyd Room, Portcullis House, followed by a drinks reception in Westminster 6:30pm
nov 7
After Conference season, come and join us for our annual debate against Conservative organisation The Bow Group. We will be debating the motion "This House believes that Britain is no longer free". Speakers on the Young Fabian side will include an MP, a journalist and a Young Fabian and the event is sponsored by the British Property Federation. Places are limited. For more information, or to book your place, email Young Fabian Vice Chair, Mark Rusling, at mrusling@youngfabians.org.uk Young Fabian Annual Dinner Venue to be confirmed 7.30pm
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Places are limited. To reserve a place please email Dan Whittle at dwhittle@youngfabians.org.uk Young Fabian AGM Venue to be confirmed c.10am (tbc)
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Speaker to be confirmed.
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anticipations | spring 2007
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