The Spatial and Social Fabric of the Fes Medina

The Spatial and Social Fabric of the Fes Medina : A journey from public to the most private spaces

in the medina of Fes A trip to explore the public and private life of people of the medina of Fes structured by urban systems and domestic environment.

The Spatial and Social Fabric of the Fes Medina : A journey from public to the most private spaces

in the medina of Fes A trip to explore the public and private life of people of the medina of Fes structured by urban systems and domestic environment.

Byungjun Cho

This thesis is reconstructed based on the experience of the author’s trip to Fes (word count: 9754)

Contents

01.

Introduction

02.

Literature Review

Jane Jacobs Gwendolyn Wright Colin Rowe & Fred Koetter Stefano Bianca & Jacques Revault Bill Hillier & Julienne Hanson

03.

Public Outdoor Space

Commercial Network: the public outdoor space Urban Devices: milestones that flow through a different degree of publicness Living Cluster: the private outdoor space

04.

Private Indoor Space

Courtyard: a qunitessence of a house Guest & Female Family Member: visitor and invisible housewives Internalization: a sacred privacy of the house

05.

Conclusion

06.

Bibliography

Fig 01. Author, 2020 Photo of Overall View of the Medina of Fes

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Fig 02. Author, 2020 Photo of the Gate 'Bab Guissa' and the Medina inside the Wall

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Abstract

" Understanding Fes, the cultural heart of Morocco, frozen in the middle of modernization and tradition, has two meanings: an understanding of the relationship between the culture and modernization in Morocco, and an understanding of Islamic socio-cultural fabric structured by the domestic environment.

In the context of Morocco, specifically, Fes, understanding what modernization and tradition mean respectively must be preceded. Through the literature review, the thesis examines the historical discourse of modernization and tradition in a macroscopic perspective, and trace the cause of modernization in Morocco to conversely highlight the value of tradition which the modernists failed to reflect.

Focusing on the medina of Fes, the space syntax theory, mapping and photography from own fieldwork and evaluation of precedent researches are used to dig into the socio-cultural values of traditional spaces. Through this, the thesis investigates the traditional way of life of Islamic culture melted in the urban fabric of the medina, which should not be lost in the process of modernization.

"

Glossary Space Syntax analysis is an analytical and quantitative tool for analyzing relationships between spaces[Hillier 1989]. This analysis intends to measure the potential for the socio-cultural value of space independently, without relying on social data in interpreting space. In this thesis, space syntax analysis is used as a methodology for analyzing the urban and residential environment of Fes, and the following terms are brief explanations for understanding it.

Axial map is a set of lines made up of all lines drawn tangent to vertices that can see each other.

Axial Integration is a measure of the integration of axial lines. Low values mean an axial line with a high degree of integration.

Integration is a normalized measure of distance from any a space of origin to all others in a system. In general, it calculates how close the origin space is to all other spaces, and can be seen as the measure of relative asymmetry (or relative depth).

Justified or J-graph is one in which a node is drawn at the base(‘the root space’), and all points of depth 1 from that point are aligned horizontally immediately above it, all points at depth 2 from that point above those at depth 1, and so on until all levels of depth from that point are accounted for.

Spatial configuration is a concept where space syntax starts from. It means relations between spaces which take into account other relations in a complex.

Visibility graph is the graph of mutually visible locations in a spatial layout.

All glossary is excerpted from ‘the Social Logic of Space’[Hillier et al.1984] and Space Syntax Online Training Platform.

Fig 03. Author, 2020 Geographical Context of Morocco

Spain

Tangier

Northern Atlantic Ocean

Fes

Rabat Meknes Casablanca

Morocco

Algeria Western Sahara

01. Introduction Travelling to Fes Except for flights, the most common route to Fes is to travel inland from coastal cities such as Casablanca, Tangier, and Rabat. Most of Morocco’s coastal cities, especially Rabat and Casablanca, have been modernized in the early 1900s because of their accessibility from Europe. They show the appearance of a modernized city, but the roots of the Moroccans cannot be found there. This is because the capital was moved from Fes to Rabat in French Protectorate[Wright 1991]. Travelling from Rabat or Casablanca, the main coastal cities, to Fes is a journey from modernization to Moroccan tradition, as well as finding the roots of Moroccans.

Fig 04. [Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2020] Photo of Modernized Rabat, the Capital City of Morocco

Fig 05. [Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2020] Photo of Modernized Casablanca

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Fig 06. Visualized by Author, 2020 Map of Fes_ Colour Indicates the Age of Development Reference from Stefano Bianca, Wikipedia, Google Earth, Streetmap and Andre Raymond

Fes where the Modernisation and Tradition Coexist Looking at the historical development process and preservation of Fes, it is possible to see why Fes should be the main place of research. In the sense that the Islamic lifestyle which emphasizes the harmonization of the public Medina of Fes 789-1276

and private domains in the architectural pattern, Fes has a reputation to be known as an ideal Islamic city [Katz 1979, 74p]. Nestled in the Moroccan inland in 789 AD, Fes El Bali blossomed their cultural, economic and religious life in a defensive walled city built on a medieval trade route.

Due to the nature of Islamic urban design, which does not have an institutional facility in the urban organization, the palace city Fes Jdid was established in the west of Fes El Bali in 1276 AD, collectively called these two cities as Fes Medina[Bianca 2000].

This Arab medieval city grew into a particular aspect in the 20th century during the French Protectorate era.

Modernist Masterplan 1933-1956

Unlike other North African regions, such as Algeria, the French general, Lyautey, implemented modernist urban planning in new regions without destroying the medina of Fes, Moroccan cultural heart city[Wright 1991, p.94]. The new city, Ville Nouvelle, was built just over 1 kilometre southwest of the medina based on a completely different urban grid and land uses. Regardless of the success of modernist urban planning, in the end, it has preserved the urban fabric and quality of the medieval city to this day.

The division of Fes forms a distinctive social and cultural relationship with each other. Fascinated by Ville Nouvelle’s clean roads and newly built infrastructure, the Moroccan middle class find their roots in the medina and feel nostalgia, but hardly visit the place due to the crowdedness and poor hygiene[Newcomb 2006, p.293]. The role of modern administrative institutions lacking in Medina is

Peri-urban Development 1956-

replaced by Ville Nouvelle while the medina full of rural artisans still acts as a cultural heart. The people of Fes admire the harmonious public life and sacred private life in the medina and the convenient life in Ville Nouvelle at the same time. As such, the two regions are not just different physically, but also have different social and cultural

Fig 07. Author, 2020 Diagram of Development Process of Fes

positions. They play different roles and coexist.

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Fig 08. [University of Texas Library, 2020] Map of Fes in 1933_ Application of Ville Nouvelle

The image of Ville Nouvelle with the wide boulevard and the district divided by function contrasts with the image of the medina with a labyrinth-like road network surrounded by thick walls. Compared to the legible plan of the Ville Nouvelle, the medina of Fes becomes an object requires a lot of effort to understand. As Raymond highlights, it is difficult to grasp spatial organization of the medina as many researchers tried to analyze its organic and complex system with just superficial elements, such as narrow alleys and Friday Mosque in the centre[Raymond. 2008]. Like understanding the convenience and functionality of Ville Nouvelle based on the principles of modernist urban planning, it is essential to decoding the hidden systems to create public and private life to understand the urban fabric of the medina.

Fig 09. [Biblioteque nationale de France, 2020] Masterplan of Fes in 1912_ Contrast between the Medina and Modernist Masterplan

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" In the literature review, it is helpful to review a tension between modernization and traditional culture through the books by Jane Jacobs and Gwendolyn Wright. The thesis explores the complexity of the spatial and social fabrics of the medina of Fes as opposed to the modernist ideas that emphasize efficiency rather than the preservation of lifestyle. As a methodology, the thesis applies space syntax theory coined by Bill Hillier and the creation of visuals with catalogues of own fieldwork and documents based on Stefano Bianca and Jacques Revault. Also, the possibility of harmony between tradition and modernity will be explored by introducing Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter’s theory of the city as a superposition of various ideals and types according to functions and times.

"

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Fig 10. Author, 2020 Inbetween of Modernization and Traditional Culture in Fes

02. Literature Review More than a century after the rise of modernism, discussions about the problems of modernist urban planning have continued. Among them, one of the most influential critical theory to date is J.Jacobs’ “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” based on her empirical examples. Jacobs argues that modernist architecture creates lifeless urban spaces, insecure streets, and disconnected human networks that have lost vitality, making urban life empty which cannot be shown in a traditional city[Jacobs 1961]. What makes a city a ‘city’ is not the orderly buildings or the vast roads, but the behaviour of diverse and dynamic people. According to her, seemingly shabby and sometimes confused, Boston’s slums were made up of a very safe and healthy community by a surprisingly vibrant and complex human network. Attempts to turn theses neighbourhoods into ‘radiant city’ because of narrow roads and old buildings are plundered. She observes the reality of the city and delivers a firm message to us. At the heart of urbanity is diversity. The essence of urbanism is to create a vibrant urban space where various professions, various activities, and various people are organically connected. To this end, there is a need for a mixed-use urban development that protects the old community so that it fits in with new ones and allows people to live, shop and work in one place through small city blocks and walking environments.

Morocco, like any other country, went through modernization, but the difference was that it underwent a radical change during French Protectorate. Gwendolyn Wright introduces the worries, consequences, and failures of French urban planners who led modernism in North Africa[Wright 1991] . According to Wright, based on Corbusian ideal and universal city planning which is the latest urban theory at that time, French architect Henri Prost worked to harmonize European migrants and Moroccans socially and economically in several cities, including Fes. Wright points out the reason for his failure of urban and residential planning, however, he tried to change the houses, which are the ‘natural, evolutionary and spontaneous expression of the way of life’, so quickly that locals could not accept them. Modernization, with a focus on function and efficiency, failed to project traditional life into physical form, which led to residents’ backlash.

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Other authors such as Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, assuming time as another layer of the city, explore the possibility of mixing both modernism and tradition. In the book ‘Collage City’, Rowe and Koetter claim a city as a mix of multiple ideal utopias [Rowe et al. 1978]. The essence of the story is the memory and imagination that arise as layers of different times begin to accumulate in the same space. By inserting a new intervention to the old existing fabric, people become aware of the qualities of the existing and become the basis for people’s imagination to build a future utopia.

On the contrary, if the existing remains among the new creation, the existing attracts people into the memory of the tradition by shining the light on it.

This action always takes place as the city changes and continues to build, and it cannot be created by only one side, from tradition to new ideology such as modernism. For Rowe and Koetter, a city was not an object that could be covered with a single ideology, but a ‘collage’ created by the collection of subjective utopia over time. What would the combination of Moroccan ideals of the city with layers of time? What this thesis is willing to check in the medina is to see how the urban fabric and domestic environment of the medina shape the private and public life of Moroccans, such as what kind of diversity lives there, what kind of human network it has, and what kind of utopia it dreams of.

Fig 11. [Online Journal Polis, 2012] 01 Casablanca's Carriere Centrale housing development in 1952 04 Nid D'Abeille upon completion in 1952 03 Casablanca's Carriere Centrale housing development in 1952 04 Nid D'Abeille upon completion in 1952 05 Casablanca's Carriere Centrale housing development in 1952

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What is Morocco’s traditional lifestyle and where can it be found? Stefano Bianca evaluates the medina of Fes as a city in which Islamic culture and lifestyle are well integrated into urban tissue[Bianca 2000]. Bianca argues that Fes medina’s spatial configuration, in which small architectural elements, such as an individual house, assembles organically, resembles Islamic religious culture that values private life but at the same time seeks public harmony. An urban scale analysis by Bianca, with various drawings and a humanistic study of Islamic culture, makes it easier to read medieval Islamic cities of a complex maze. In contrast, Jacques Revault’s work was conducted on the houses of the medina of Fes[Revault 1985]. Revault recorded the functions, decorations and structures of set of houses in detail through drawings and writings based on his visits and interviews, which greatly contributed to the study of the residential environment where visual data hardly exist. Despite these contributions to understanding the medina of Fes, the limitation of the two authors’ work is that raw visuals, such as plan and section, do not reflect the depth of the text. It becomes a reader’s sole responsibility to interpret the unprocessed plans or sections and it leaves the city of the labyrinth stayed still in the ‘exotic’ image.

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The space syntax theory, introduced by Bill Hillier and Julienne Hanson, is a scientific and visual analysis of the socio-cultural impact of the spatial structure itself[Hillier et al. 1984].

Hillier and Hanson tried to better understand the impact of the architectural domain on the human life through an objective understanding of the ‘spatial configuration’, pinching that there was no ‘analytic’ technique for interpreting architecture and space. What are matters to Hillier and Hanson is the relationship between spaces, not the architecture itself, and perceived this ‘spatial configuration’ as a network of spaces. The computational analysis of this network is done through multiple factors such as the shape of spaces, visibilities, etc. The result is quantified through diagrams or tables with colour and numerical values to visually express the quality of each space. In the study of Fes medina, the meaning of space syntax theory as a methodology is to put spatial configuration first in understanding social and cultural lifestyle. Discovery through visual analysis is expressed in text in combination with preceding humanistic research, thereby filling the gap between text and image.

Fig 12. [Hillier, 1989] Space Syntax Analysis of Salle Commune by Bill Hillier

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" Get off at the train station in Ville Nouvelle and take a taxi to the medina. In the distance, the wall begins to be seen, and as the taxi follows the wall, I arrived at the 900-year-old ‘Bab Guissa’, the northern gate of the medina. I passed through the door, feeling like I have become an ancient trader.

The study of Fes should be looked at from the outdoor space characterized as a public domain. The outdoor space is itself space where visitors and citizens meet, and serves as a guide to the private domain.

"

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Fig 13. [Falndrin, 1920] Postcard Capturing Traders and the Gate 'Bab Guissa'

FES EL BALI 2020

LEGENDS CAR ACCESSIBLE AREA GATE MOSQUE CARAVANSERAIS PRODUCTION AREA SHOP TANNERY WATER COVERED MARKET COVERED STREET FOUNTAIN PARKING

1/2

1/4

0

Fig 14. Author, 2020 Map of Fes El Bali highlighting Cultural(blue) and Productive(orange) Facitilites

1/2

1

2 KILOMETER

03.Public Outdoor Space Commercial Network the public outdoor space Fes, a trade route between Arab and African countries, specifically Ghana, Tunisia and Cairo, is located at the edge of the transSahara trade route. Thanks to the rich water resources and geographical locations as a crossing point of trading routes among African, Arabic and European worlds[Bianca 2000, 138p], in AD789 the city walls were built to protect wealth from thieves and to provide sanctuary for travellers. The road from several gates directly leads the merchants to the multi-functional city centre including the international market which formulates the radial network inside of the thick fortified wall. The main roads extending from the centre of the city toward

Fes

the several gates divide the city into several zones. These divided zones form a more detailed residential network, and the main

Marrakesh

roads can be interpreted as the common

Tamedelt

Tunisia Kairo Tlemcem Sijilmasa

rim of the different residential zones.

Oulata

Timbuktu

Awlil

Gao Niono

Agade

Mopti Djenne Zaria

Fig 15. Editted Image [Wikipedia, 2020] Ancient Trans-Saharan Trade Route

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"

Rule 01. The centre of the road network of the city shows the highest degree of publicness due to not only the programmatic utility but also the accessibility from the main gate. The centre has programmes with high social and cultural value, such as main suq(market), main mosque and caravansarais(accommodation), and several strands of road connect from the main city gate to the centre, forming the main public network for both visitors and citizens.

"

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In the past, traders walked the main road connections

Imagine the lives of merchants trading at old Fes.

to approach the city centre and to go outside of

Arriving from various parts of the region, they would

the wall again. This means the route fulfills every

hand over raw materials carried by donkey and

requirement of visitors, such as lodging, dining,

camel in the outskirt of the city where the roads are

business and trading. The suq, an international

relatively wider. After that, they would move to the

trading market, which as Ergen Wirth says is the

city centre, stay in a caravanserai, use public facilities

most important and fundamental typology of

such as hammam and mosque, trade other goods on

Islamic cultural heritage, [Jayyusi et al. 2008] is the

the market and exit the gate to the new destination.

main facility that forms this city core along with the

From the moment traders step into the city to the last

caravansarais, an accommodation for travellers, and

moment they leave, the main road network welcomes

madrasas, a koranic school. All level of exchange

them with a programmatic combination of the

and trade occurs in the main suq as not only the

facilities having the highest degree of publicness.

merchants from other international cities but also residents and countryside craftsmen participate.

Fig 16. Editted Image[Stefano Bianca, 2000]

[Jayyusi et al. 2008] In the diagram in Fig. 15 showing

Diagram of Land Use in 1900

land use around 1900, the market(dark orange) stretches along the main road penetrating the whole city, densifying to a circular form in the centre of the city where the main mosques(dark blue) are. In addition to these amenities for visitors, a production area is also located within this route to make delivering and bartering easier. Through the diagrams of Fig.16 shows the cultural and commercial facilities of the city, it can be seen that most of the land-use patterns in Fig.15 preserved to date.

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Fig 17. Author, 2020 Functional Centrality of the Medina of Fes

Fig 18. Author, 2020 Photo of Manufacturing Industries

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This physical main road network that ‘captures’ outsiders

The ‘deformed wheel’ creates the centre of public

in the public domain has been theorized earlier. Bill

life in the city in a social, cultural and spatial

Hillier named the public core and the road connecting it

significance.

to the edge as a ‘deformed wheel’ compared the centre of the wheel to the main public space, the spokes leading to the edge as a connector, and the gap between the spokes as a private residential area[Hillier 1989, 10p].

Given that it is a trading city, Fig. 18, marking the main

Connecting Roads

road network and production facilities, is the evidence

(Spokes of the Wheel)

for describing that Fes also has a ‘deformed wheel’. The ‘hub’, where several ‘spoke’(main road) which run from

Main Public Core

various directions from the ‘rim’ paired with a production

(Centre of the Wheel)

area or market meet, also implies a social structure of the city. As it gets closer to the ‘hub’, products with higher exchange value are traded, which creates a social centre

Residential Area

that stimulates the communication between citizens

(Hollow Part of the Wheel)

and outsiders. Combined with cultural facilities such as mosques, the ‘hub’ also serves as a cultural centre. The

Connecting Roads

spatial structure of the main road connection intertwined

(Spokes of the Wheel)

with commercial land-use sparks a variety of lively public activities on ‘spokes and ‘hub’. The ‘hub’ centers on the facilities everyone uses, emphasizes the path everyone goes, thereby laying the foundation of the public network while occupying the highest hierarchy of urban publicness.

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Fig 19. Author, 2020 Commercial Network / 'Deformed Wheel' of the Medina of Fes

Fig 20. Author, 2020 Photo of Merchandise with High Trading Value

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FES EL BALI 2020

LEGENDS GATE WATER COVERED MARKET COVERED STREET FOUNTAIN

COV 02

COVER 32

COVER 33

COVER 35

FOUNTAIN 16

COVER 34

FOUNTAIN 06

FOUNTAIN 17

FOUNTAIN 15 FOUNTAIN 10 COVER 31 COVER 29

COVER 23

FOUNTAIN 09 COVER 28

COVER 27

FOUNTAIN 11

COVER 24

COVER 36

COVER 30 COVER 25

FOUNTAIN 12

COVER 26

FOUNTAIN 13

FOUNTAIN 14

1/2

1/4

0

Fig 21. Author, 2020 Main Street and Distribution of Urban Devices

FOUNTAIN 01

FOUNTAIN 02

FOUNTAIN 03

COVER 01

FOUNTAIN 04

COVER 04

VER 2

COVER 03

FOUNTAIN 05 COVER 08 COVER 07 COVER 05

COVER 09

COVER 10

COVER 11

COVER 22 COVER 12

COVER 13

COVER 14

COVER 21

COVER 15

COVER 18 COVER 17

COVER 16 COVER 20

FOUNTAIN 08

FOUNTAIN 07

COVER 19

1/2

1

2 KILOMETER

Fig 22. Author, 2020 Catalogue of Covered Street in the Medina of Fes

" ‘It’s a residential area from here.’ As I wandered freely around the medina of Fes and gradually felt the roads calmer and quieter, the man sitting in front of the door told me.

There are no physical obstacles that separate the private area. However, urban devices act as an indicator to create a different atmosphere of the street, making pedestrians ‘feel’ that they are approaching more and more private areas. This thesis deals with two typologies, covered street and fountains, among the several architectural elements that make up the street. The former has the effect of reversing the atmosphere through the transition and the latter has the effect of visual concentration through colourful decoration and social activity.

"

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Fig 23. Andre Vicente Goncalves, Time Unknown Catalogue of Windows in the Medina of Fes

Urban Devices milestones to flow pulbic realms One of the things that captivate the interest of many travellers in the medina today might be urban devices such as covered streets, gates, fountains and communicating doors. These are numerous and do not have the same shape and seem to have been formed randomly. Travellers simply press the camera shutter in front of these devices because of the exotic nature, but in fact, they might be hidden gems that carefully guide the public and private realms if we understand where they are located and how they change the street scene.

One way of conceptualizing the urban devices is that each of them is one speck of dust among thousands.

In this perspective, each device does not have any meaning beyond the functions it originally contains and is just a pretty and exotic urban element.

The other way of looking at it is that these are in a network. They are a node in a network and so each one connects to several different devices, and those devices also connect to several other devices[Psarra 2018]. Each is a one away from dozens and two of them are away from hundreds. The urban devices work in a networked manner so it is necessary not to underestimate the power of each.

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"

Rule 02. The urban devices, such as covered street, fountain act as a small transitional space. The covered street is the gate of the shade placed on the outdoor space, changing the atmosphere while passing through. The splendour of the fountain and urban activities it imposes draw the attention of pedestrians of the main street. The combination of these experiences in walking through the city becomes a device to ‘feel’ public and private domain.

"

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Stefano Bianca points out that “each realm carefully retains its specific character, while interacting with neighbouring units through distinct architectural devices, such as intermediate gateways, internal passages, thresholds and communicating doors [Bianca 2000, p147]…it was the ideal tool for neutralizing the antagonism between open and closed spaces, public and private zones, and male and female realms.”[Bianca 2000, p156] In his words, these devices are certainly an extension and signage of the transitional space that flows from the public city centre to the private periphery and further towards the most private home. There are no clear physical barriers to separate public and private, nor are there are any firm rules in this network. Tracking its derivation, this is a rather probability and a nuance. For instance, in many cases, covered streets were built to expand the house with the consent of neighbours, and of course, become the most prominent device in residential areas but rarely found in the main street.

Consequently, after being formed, it becomes a transition space that allows pedestrians to ‘feel’ that they are passing through the soft layers of the street through tunnel and shadow.

Fig 24. Author, 2020 Catalogue of Fountains in the Medina of Fes

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The ‘hiding’ characteristics of the shade created by the covered street and t h e ‘ re vea l i ng ’ cha ra c te r i st i c s o f t h e colourfulness of the fountain exert a synergy effect to draw attention to the public domain and hide the private realm. Due to the nature of by-products created by the expansion of the residential environment, the first common role the covered street plays is to signal the start of a private residential area from the main street which is a spoke of the ‘deformed wheel’. It visually obscures a part of the road so that pedestrians on the main road do not easily recognize the byroad, and even if the people recognize it, it plays the role of a transition space by

COVER 32

making people compare the main road with

COVER 33

FOUNTAIN 16

COVER 34

a quiet path beyond it. It is the filter and

FOUNTAIN 17

curtain that marks the end of the most public FOUNTAIN 15

domain and the start of the private domain.

FOUNTAIN 10 COVER 31

In contrast, fountains with colourful tile

COVER 29

walls, which can be called another typology, COVER 28

choose a strategy of revealing rather than

COVER 27

hiding. It tends to appear in places that have

FOU 1

gained more public status as it is inevitably

COVER 36

COVER 30 COVER 25

related to the productivity of cities such as COVER 26

markets and other production processes.

FOUNTAIN 13

If you look at the map marking the small gathering spaces in the residential area along with the main commercial network, it is possible to see that in many cases there are FOUNTAIN 14

fountains.

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Fig 25. Author, 2020 Mapping of Urban Devices on the Main Road Connection

Fig 26. Author, 2020 01. Photo of the Shade of the Second Road 02. Photo of the Man Using Fountain

Covered Street No.34

FOUNTAIN 01

FOUNTAIN 02

FOUNTAIN 03

COVER 01

FOUNTAIN 04

COVER 04

COVER 02

COVER 03

FOUNTAIN 05 COVER 08 COVER 07 COVER 05

COVER 35

COVER 09

FOUNTAIN 06

COVER 10

COVER 11

COVER 23

COVER 22 COVER 12

FOUNTAIN 09

COVER 13

UNTAIN 11

COVER 14

COVER 21

COVER 24

COVER 15

FOUNTAIN 12

COVER 18 COVER 17

COVER 16 COVER 20

FOUNTAIN 08

FOUNTAIN 07

COVER 19

Fountain No.06

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The role of a nuanced device is also well revealed in the axial integration map. The fountain appears in a space with a higher value of integration and a lower depth value(at least compared to its vicinity) and highlights the public domain by catching the gaze, unlike the covered carefully covering the private domain. In contrast, the role of the covered street occurs geographically inside the private area(except for some of them located where the main street and secondary street meet), which further subdivides the private area or acts as a milestone by being located near the forked road. Paralleling this with

COVER 32

the axial integration map of the medina

COVER 33

FOUNTAIN 16

COVER 34

yields interesting results, indicating that

FOUNTAIN 17

the covered street tends to be positioned FOUNTAIN 15

where the degree of integration

FOUNTAIN 10 COVER 31

varies. The fact that there is a change

COVER 29

in integration means that the depth COVER 28

changes concerning adjacent spaces,

COVER 27

which is a measure that predicts spaces

FOUN 1

that people use often or not. Combined

COVER 36

COVER 30 COVER 25

with the characteristics of ‘hiding’ COVER 26

and ‘revealing’ of a small architectural

FOUNTAIN 13

element in the outdoor space, the spatial organization maximizes its potentials to creates a separation of the public and private realm in which the naked eye of the pedestrian cannot perceive.

FOUNTAIN 14

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F

Fig 27. Author, 2020 Mapping of Urban Devices on Axial Integration Map

FOUNTAIN 01

FOUNTAIN 02

FOUNTAIN 03

COVER 01

FOUNTAIN 04

COVER 04

COVER 02

COVER 03

FOUNTAIN 05 COVER 08 COVER 07 COVER 05

COVER 35

COVER 09

FOUNTAIN 06

COVER 10

COVER 11

COVER 23

COVER 22 COVER 12

FOUNTAIN 09

COVER 13

NTAIN 11

COVER 14

COVER 21

COVER 24

COVER 15

FOUNTAIN 12

COVER 18 COVER 17

COVER 16 COVER 20

FOUNTAIN 08

FOUNTAIN 07

COVER 19

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Fig 28. Author, 2020 Way to a Residential Area / Passing Through Urban Devices

"

Many urban devices lead pedestrians on the road from the ‘hub’ of the city to the residential area. The many covered street on the forked node gives the pedestrians a different atmosphere each time they pass. After passing through several quiet and dark tunnels, a small and unpretentious fountain signals the arrival of a neighbouring public space.

"

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" Living cluster is a big neighbourhood unit which shares small gathering spaces consisting of a small mosque, hammam, bakery and shops. The small core is made up of paths connecting different clusters, and several cul-de-sacs are derived from those paths. Also, one cul-de-sac is shared by dozens of houses.

Five notifications a day to announce the time of worship, hammams available at different times depending on gender, and a small shop selling daily necessities make the outside space of the living cluster lively all day. The men sitting in front of the shop skim the pedestrians, and the women veiled their faces pass quickly. Residents of the same cluster create their private territory as a community.

"

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Fig 29. Author, 2020 Catalogue of Small Public Square in the Medina of Fes

Living Cluster

the private outdoor space

Stefano Bianca considers the absence of institutional buildings as the biggest feature of Islamic cities that distinguishes them from Western cities[Bianca 2000, 31p]. This is because their societies are based on social consensus rather than hierarchical systems.

Islamic social organization does not appear to be the size of the physical and hierarchical institution but it is desirable to understand the size of the community and the scale of human interaction. From this perspective, the great mosque, the largest social gathering of their religious lives, is located next to the suq, where a square with a clear visual axis in front of a large city hall is likely to be seen in the western culture. They resolved through social consensus when a problem arose, and Mosques on Friday was the place for it. In this way, the public core which fulfills various requirements of residents is not only for economic stability but also for the social stability that supports Islamic society.

Fig 30. Author, 2020 Cul-de-sac / Neighbour who Shares the Same Street

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" Rule 03. The cul-de-sac that makes up the living cluster and extends towards the cells of urban tissue are not only the end of the public outdoor network but also the beginning of the private inner space. Houses of different sizes sharing the same cul-desac form the concept of a neighbourhood that encompasses different classes, regardless of wealth, which protects their sacred private life.

"

39

The scale of a living cluster would be the best manifestation of this social consensus and harmony. One cul-de-sac is shared by dozens of houses, and several dead ends are gathered together to form a small social and commercial gat h e r i n g s p a c e, s u c h a s s ma l l m o s q u e, hammam and communal bakery. This physical structure of the cluster creates the concept of a neighbourhood, a group of people who share the same cul-de-sac or even a group of people who share a gathering point of the cluster. And the concept of neighbourhood creates daily encounters as they need to pass through or occupy the same street regardless of the different destinations. The encounter at the outdoor space of the living cluster forms a sense of community and promotes their protective lives through surveillance of the eyes of neighbours. Jane Jacobs insists that if the contact, the residents create on the street all the time, brings a sense of safety as their eyes naturally become a filter for protection[Jacobs 1962, 36p]. Along with the urban structure that stretches out into multiple cul-de-sacs, these daily encounters and light conversations strengthen community cohesion and distinguish those who do not belong to the daily routine to activate the surveillance network of neighbour protection.

Fig 31. [Sixta, 1920] Postcard Capturing Eyes on the Road Skimming the Visitor

40

Fig 32. Editted Image [Bianca, 2000] a Living Cluster Located South-east Part of the Medina

6

1 4

3

5

2

1. Neighbour Mosque 2. Public Hammam 3. Public Bakery 4. Shop 5. Fountain 6. Sqali House (socially most influential figure's house) -Blue represents cultural activity while orange represents commercial activity

Unlike other cities, the rich and poor houses are not separated in different zones but mixed in the same alley, which prevents fundamental social divisions.

There is no concept of a rich village in the medina due to the Islamic culture that regards the display of wealth as arrogance. The ground floor plan of the cluster provides a glimpse of the wealth of each house but these large and small houses are mingled together to form one huge set and share the same alley or cul-de-sacs. The house at the end of the culde-sac was often a socially elevated family, which the advantage of having various entrances accessed from different clusters. In this way, Stefano Bianca argued the poorer houses on the same road under the influence of richer and socially acclaimed families also gained community bonds[Bianca 2000, 76p]. This was an acceptable form of display of wealth in the Islamic culture, and it was not revealed in other physical forms. The only way to express wealth in physical form is the artisanal decoration and the size of the courtyard which comes from the size of the plot[Verner 2005, 57p]. Nowadays, the size of the courtyards on a satellite map can be a measure of the wealth of each house. However in the past, due to the internalization of the wealth shown in the courtyard, how can a resident measure the size and splendour of each house, even without the plan of the entire cluster? Even on the rooftops where the whole is best represented, wealth does not appear outside the building. The concept of neighbours as people sharing the road regardless of economic status strengthens their social integration.

Fig 33. Author, 2020 Invisibility of Differentiation of Houses

42

Fig 34. Author, 2020 Equal Distribution of the Courtyards in Different Sizes

Fig 35.[Monde et Voyages, 1969] Extravagant Meal Served to Guest

"

“A friendship develops from one house to the next and hospitality is one of Morocco’s most cherished institutions. Threshold, demarcations, and passageways define all.

Whether the home is rich or poor, the welcome is always the same- so gracious that too many outside the culture it seems excessive. Invited into the most lavish room in the house, replete with thick carpets, guests sit on sofas with clusters of embroidered pillows and are served tea graced with the scent of orange flower water in the household’s prettiest glasses; this is followed by an extravagant meal.” [Verner 2005, 10p]

"

45

FES EL BALI 2020

9

3

7 4

1/2

1/4

0

Fig 36. Author, 2020 Key Map for the Selected Ten Houses

2

1

8 6 5

10

1/2

1

2 KILOMETER

Fig 37. [Ken Kochey, 2015] Rooftop View Overlooking Courtyard of Residence

04.Private Indoor Space The strong identity of the neighbourhood and the sense of protection against strangers can lead to the exclusion of visitors. But the culture of hospitality in Morocco extends this concept of social harmony to outsiders. “Hospitality is a matter of family honour and a requirement across all social strata.”[Verner 2005, 13p] The city where many traders come and go have chosen to welcome them warmly as a guest, rather than excluding them as outsiders. In this sense, the house becomes a space where two opposite ideas coexist.

It is the most sacred and private space, but at the same time, it is also the warmest and welcoming space to the guest. The study of the interior spaces of Fes, especially the domestic space, must begin with understanding the conflict, coexistence and tension of these two worlds.

In this section, the thesis will investigate how the public life in the outdoor space leads to the private life in the indoor space by looking at the 10 houses of Fes from Bianca and Revault’s research. In addition to Bianca’s humanistic approach and Revault’s quantitative approach, the chapter will explore how people have protected private space from conflict with public space by analytically examining the structure and system of the network of the internal spaces. Considering the small number of visual documents remained in the housing study of Fes, many of the high-quality texts about the architecture and urban of the medina of Fes remain difficult to understand. Through the plan, section, j-graphs, visibility graphs, etc. despite the differences in size, scale and geometry, it is possible to identify the strong similarities in spatial configuration[Hillier 1989].

In most cases, (a) the house has a courtyard having a low depth from the doorway. Many spaces become deeper and more branched from the courtyard, and (b) women occupy one of these branches, controlling the courtyard as needed but avoiding an encounter with guests. (c) Ideally, the guest’s space or subsidiary facilities should have branches separated from the family’s courtyard. (d) Also, depending on geographic and social conditions, the house has a much more complex private depth for family members internally.

The discovery of these similarities and differences of houses suggests new taxanomy to classify housing typologies, which has been indiscriminately studied, in Fes medina.

49

Fig 38. [Ken Kochey, 2015] A Courtyard of Luxurious Residence

" “The courtyard becomes a true assemblage of materials, colours, designs and feats of construction… The houses of the medina [of Fes] offer a large number of examples, varying in size, structures, treatment of surfaces and type of inner courtyard.” [Grillo 1988, 38p]

"

51

" Rule 04. The house has a courtyard with low-depth from the outside, and almost all rooms are branched from the courtyard. The symmetrical rectangular courtyard obscured by a zigzagging entryway becomes the central node in the indoor private network.

"

52

Courtyard

a quintessence of a house

Researchers have been aware of the special nature of the courtyard. The courtyard is not only functionally but also structurally and decoratively highlighted in the house.

The courtyard and the attached main rooms follow the perfect geometry, “while the minor rooms are used as ‘filling material’ to absorb’” irregular extremity[Bianca 2000, 82p], and the structure and technological details “are far more dealt with in the courtyard” compared to the other rooms[Grillo 1988, 38p]. Also, the courtyard has been a channel to draw hot air upward and a window to express their wealth through delicate craft culture. When constructing a house, despite the irregular plot, the courtyard has been built as close to the centre as possible and symmetrically, and the rest of the surrounding rooms fill the empty spaces in an organic form. The courtyard gets acquires special positions as a starting point and climax of the internal spaces. However, the courtyard should be understood as a node of the residential indoor space network, not as a luxurious and independent space. In the case of the house of Fes, the courtyard is the core and fundamental principle of spatial configuration.

Fig 39. [Ken Kochey, 2015] A Courtyard / Patio of a house

53

Fig 40. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 1

depth = 5 depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

Fig 41. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 1

54

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

n

Stair

n

etc

In case of the house no.1, the plan and section of

It is the j-graph, the “graph in which nodes are

the house offer basic understandings of spatial

aligned above a root according to their ‘depth’ from

configuration. Although it is a relatively general and

the root”[Hillier 1989, 72p], that clearly shows the

modest house, there can be found a primary trait of

multi-functional role of a courtyard in the private

the Fes house: the purpose of the zigzagging entryway

domestic network. In the case of the houses of

from the main door is “[to] hide the interior courtyard

Fes, it is reasonable to designate the root as the

where women perform hired work or household

main entrance to see how the transition between

chores which the guest does not enter.”[Verner 2005,

public and private networks works. In this case, the

10p] This entryway which is the minimum step to

courtyard continues from the entrance and has a

separate public and private life is a feature that can be

depth of 2. The spaces of the house begin to fork

found in other housing examples along with the shape

from the courtyard and are further privatized to the

and layout of the courtyard. Although it depends on

depth of 3 each on the ground floor and the first floor.

the size of the house, it is worth noting the functions of

The forked branches do not have a link between

each room adjacent to the four sides and four corners

them, and the courtyard controls access to them.

of the courtyard. Mainly the four sides serve as the

This suggests that the low depth courtyard is a set

main living room for the family, whereas the four

and gathering point, which gains the highest degree

corners serve as auxiliary functions such as the toilet,

of publicness among all domestic internal spaces, of

entrance, and warehouse. This example, where it is

private and branched spaces. In this typology, which

difficult to secure a large space, shows that the main

the courtyard and entrance are joined, the courtyard

living rooms on the two sides are located in the same

becomes the first filter to manage flows and to

axis as the centre of the courtyard and compromise

channel movement to other spaces depending on

one side an the corner for the kitchen for the female

the members. The rooms on the ground floor greet

member and stair. This layout is the basic relationship

guests as needed, and the three main rooms, which

between the courtyard and the adjacent spaces and

need to pass two courtyards to access, on the first

this pattern appears on the upper floor or the roof.

floor become the most private living rooms.

55

Fig 42. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 2

depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

Fig 43. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 2

56

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

n

Stair

n

etc

Plan, section and j-graph of another modest-sized no.2 house that shares the same features, such as spatial configuration and role of the courtyard, analyzed in previous paragraphs. One difference is that a relatively high ceiling at ground floor level allows space for an attic. The following characteristics of the attic are closely related to guest accommodation which will be covered in the next chapter: be near the stairs, form an independent branch in the j-graph, and have no direct entrance to the courtyard. Unlike other rooms, the attic does not have a direct connection to the courtyard or other residential space, however, it makes the shortcut from the entrance to the guestroom. This means that the family’s living space and the guestroom is separated as much as the layout allows while respecting each other’s convenience and privacy in life. Despite being the smallest house, the two principles, the relationship between the courtyard and other rooms, and the attitude towards the guest, are the most basic rules that are common to all the houses which will be decoded in later chapters.

57

" “The tradition called ‘Hashouma’ is the rule to welcome a visitor by maid or male member of a family, not a female member[Verner 2005, 13p]… According to an adage, a Muslim women left her home only twice in her life: the first time to move into her husband’s house, the second time to go to the cemetery."[Verner 2005, 46p]

"

58

Fig 44. [Author Unkown, Time Unknown] Woman Preparing for Food

Guest & Female Family Member In the discussion of the private realm of the house of Fes, the presence of guests is an essential element to consider. As an intruder, and as a person who brings public domain into the house, the guest stands at the centre of the dilemma of protection and hospitality. Traditionally, the woman serves as the conductor of the sacred private space in the interior, whereas the male role takes place in outdoor public space[Verner 2005, 10p]. The appearance of male visitors, however, creates a contradiction between the rule that female members should not be shown to outsiders and their role to act as a master household. This characteristic of an invisible manager is realized by the spatial configuration of the house, especially the relationship between the courtyard, guestroom and kitchen, in the examples to be analyzed below.

60

visitor and invisible housewives

" Rule 05. To solve the dilemma of welcoming guests and hiding female members, the courtyard act as a filter. The women’s space is located at a depth deeper than the courtyard, whereas the guests’ space tends to be separated from the branch having the courtyard.

"

61

The easiest way to deal with this dilemma is

The existence of independent entrances, kitchens and

to give the guest a decent size of independent

courtyards of the guestroom is divided by an intact wall

house. In the case of house no.3, it is possible to

between the two houses, as a result, this external division

have a completely independent guestroom with

does not require any further complex internal division

independent entrance, thanks to large size(in Fes,

to protect privacy. In simple terms, two houses are not

it is common to expand the house by buying an

connected internally, so there is no exchange or invasion

adjacent house that shares a wall[Clarke 2007].)

between guests and female members. As can be seen

and the geographic nature which is located at the

from the plan, the only communicating space between

intersection of two roads.

the guest accommodation and the host’s house is the road outside. This is the reason that the courtyard has a more open form because there are no visitors to invade and the courtyard relates to many more forked rooms than the previous houses do.

depth = 4 depth = 3

-room 31 is a normal bedroom

depth = 2

despite its location inside

depth = 1

the ring

62

Fig 45. Author, 2020

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

n

Stair

n

etc

Guest Circulation

n

Road Connection

J-graph of House no. 3

Fig 46. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 3

Stable Female Circulation

63

However, not all houses can have this geographical conditions and sufficient size. House no.4 shows how an ordinary house with the guestrooms handles the dilemma, hospitality and protection, without a total separation. The biggest difference is that the stairs are encountered before approaching the courtyard from the entrance, which is the key to making the guestroom the most independent and isolated space. As can be seen from the plan, even though the guestroom is on the opposite side of the entrance on the upper floor of an only two-story house, it does not pass through except for the stairs, hallways and roof gardens. In the j-graph, all residential spaces on the ground floor are fully separated and the spaces on the upper floor are also separated from the guest circulation except for room 14, which is a small courtyard or transition space adjacent to the stair. The important aspect to look at here is where the kitchen, which is the main living space for women, is located. Regardless of how it is morphologically combined with the courtyard, the kitchen is one step deeper from the courtyard, rooms 8 and 14. This has two purposes: accessibility to the courtyard which is easy to control and serve other spaces, and the possibility of escape from the courtyard which is relatively visually vulnerable. The independent guest circulation which prevents access to the courtyard and the kitchen which is one of the branches forked from the courtyard, serve as a principle for the coexistence of guests and female member of the family. As a result, the courtyard becomes a filter that protects women’s space while securing publicness without losing control of other family living spaces.

64

Fig 47. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 4

Fig 48. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 4

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

n

Stair

n

etc

Guest Circulation

n

Road Connection

Stable Female Circulation

depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

65

Fig 49. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 5

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

Fig 50. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985]

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

n

Stair

n

etc

Guest Circulation

n

Plan of House no. 5

Road Connection

depth = 6 depth = 5 depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

66

Stable Female Circulation

The same principle is applied if an annex with

Among them, the guest room and koranic school

another function is attached. In the case of house

share each entrance with the house, however,

no.5, located in front of the busy corner square,

they also show the separation of the circulation

the four functions, such as shops, koranic school,

like previous examples. Looking at the j-graph,

stable and guestroom protect the house from the

the courtyard has only one depth deeper than

outside. As plan shows, between the house and

the entrance and is connected at both entryways.

the main road, other functions create a buffer

It must have a substantial level of publicity by

zone to protect living spaces for the residents.

nature, but both the guest room and koranic school are divided into different branches, the courtyard can be protected from undesirable intrusion. Visually the openings of both functions are facing towards the main road and spatially do not mix with the family’s space. The main living spaces of the house were moved across the stories depending on the season, changes in family structure and the existence of the guest[Bianca 2000, 78p]. In this case, it can be seen that the upper floor was a more suitable living space for families, especially women as they can manage the ‘desired level of accessibility’. The guests and the students at koranic school would have used the building comfortably without fear of invading the privacy of the owner's family, and the female members would have been relieved to glance downstairs from a higher level.

67

Fig 51. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 6

Fig 52. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 6

depth = 8 depth = 7 depth = 6 depth = 5 depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

68

There is a house designed with a more complex

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

and deeper form of ‘separation before the family

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

courtyard.’ House no.6 has a private courtyard with

n

Stair

n

etc

Guest Circulation

n

Road Connection

a depth 5 from the outside due to the guest stair, stable and the lengthy alleyway before the family spaces begin. Compared to the previous cases, it

Stable

has a stable, corridors, even the kitchen and one

Female Circulation

living room as a buffer zone, so that the probability of the courtyard being exposed to outsiders is significantly lower. Thanks to the big size of the plot, the kitchen space is divided into two with different depth so that it could be used when the occasion arises. The guest spaces are also planned to divide the courtyard and other living spaces, and even the guest can use the roof through an independent stair. Also as seen in the third plan, it is designed to serve the guest as needed by connecting through a narrow and long corridor on the floor which is not the main living space for both guests and family. This carefully considered private network offers desired levels of independence even if the two spaces are not completely separated, thereby protecting both private lives.

69

Fig 53. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 7

Fig 54. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 7

Fig 55. Author, 2020 Visibility Graph of House no. 7

18

depth = 3

18

19

20

20

19 17

depth = 2

17

depth = 1

04

depth = 3

04

09

12

14

13

14

15

depth = 2

11

depth = 1

15

16

12

04

depth = 4

13

16

11

09

06 08

depth = 3 03 depth = 2

04

04

07

05

08

09

09

10

01

10 07

02

02

03 04

depth = 1

01

06

05

partition 78 70

What if the guest must inevitably go through the courtyard

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

due to insufficient space or the location of the doorway?

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

The following two examples show two tricks to minimize an

n

Stair

n

etc

infringement occurs in the courtyard: dedicating one of the two stairs for the guest and visually blocking the courtyard with flexible partitions. House no.7 is an ideal layout to have the main living space on each side with attached facilities at the corner of the courtyard, however, exposure of the courtyard is inevitable. Which stair between the two is appropriate for the guest circulation? The distance from the entrance is similar for both, but the layout on the first floor makes it proper to select stair 4 as the guest circulation.

Room 14, having two entrances from both stairs, makes an integrated private network for the family except room 11 which does not have an opening to the courtyard to protect the privacy of both communities. Considering that the courtyard is visually open to adjacent rooms, the biggest issue is that kitchen 5 is also visually intruded as the way on the ground level to the stair 4 passes through the courtyard. Residents adopt flexible partitions to solve this problem. The wall is made of a dense wooden frame, giving the effect of extending the zigzagging entryway. As can be seen in the visibility graph, this installation disperses the focus of integration, which was the centre of the courtyard, into the outskirts, transforming room3 into a waiting room for the guest. Even if it is a simple partition, it divides the private spatial configuration that was integrated into an independent space for guests and a networked private space for families.

partition 71

Fig 56. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 8

Fig 57. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 8

Fig 58. Author, 2020 Visibility Graph of House no. 8

depth = 4

21 21

depth = 3

19

20

22

10

23 22

20

depth = 2

18 18

depth = 1

10

23

19

16

10

depth = 3 depth = 2

13

depth = 1

depth = 4 depth = 3 03

15

17

14

16

03

04

05

06

07

10

13

08

09

08

10

11

09

10

03

11

14

15

01

12 02

07

depth = 2

17

12

02 03

depth = 1

06

01

05

04

partition 72

Reviewing these principles, even though the

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

form is completely different from the house

n

Guestroom

n

Kitchen

no.7, the internal spatial configuration of house

n

Stair

n

etc

no.8 is completely the same. The partition in the courtyard turns one main room into a guest’s waiting room and extends the zigzagging entryway that started at the entrance. The isolated space is “preferably one near the main entry or close to an independent staircase, for temporary reception purposes whenever the occasion arose.”[Bianca 2000, 79p] This path leads to a staircase and the room upstairs with no openings facing the courtyard. The visibility graph shows the integration level of the courtyard, which has been significantly lowered by isolating a portion of the ground layer after the installation. The women’s space, kitchen 4, is visually protected but is still included in the private network so that females do not lose their position as a master household.

Depending on the given situation, it shows the wisdom of life that welcomes the guest and protects the privacy of both groups by isolating parts of the private network through internal division.

partition 73

Fig 59. [Ken Kochey, 2015] Internalized Soft Layers

"

In the context of housing, it emphasizes the inviolability of the private domain: the interior of the house is identified with the sacred family sphere, the hearth and the clan’s faculty of progeniture[Bianca 2000, 73p]… All transition points between the “inside” and the “outside” world, are treated with special care, in order to protect the “aura” of the house, as it were, and to avoid mixing with alien influences[Bianca 2000, 74p].

"

75

" Rule 06. There are ways to internally strengthen the sacred privacy of the house: making living space as a threshold and making another house inside the house.

"

76

Internalization

a sacred privacy of the house

The private networks shown in the houses of Fes tend to be located in deeper space of the house. Similar to the owner’s family space has always been deeper than the guests’ space does in the discussion of the dilemma of protection and hospitality, there are spaces with a higher private hierarchy among the family spaces. Although these typologies are difficult to be applied universally as they require a large space, it is possible to explore the ideal layout of the house of Fes through the housing examples of a person with social or economic status.

Fig 60. Author, 2020 Internal Depth of the House

77

Fig 61. Author, 2020 J-graph of House no. 9

Fig 62. Editted Image, [Revault, 1985] Plan of House no. 9

depth = 8 depth = 7 depth = 6 depth = 5 depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

78

In the case of house no.9, even without the room from19 to

n

Courtyard

n

Living Room

27, we see that all of the features mentioned above such as

n

Shop/Hammam

n

Kitchen

the spatial configuration of the courtyard and other rooms

n n

Guestroom

n

etc

Stair

and the guest separation. Located at the deepest level, those rooms take advantage of the large site size and the location next to the public hammam. In the deserted Fes, where water resources are scarce, a sufficient amount of water can be provided to have a luxurious private family bathroom, and it was located in a space deeper than the kitchen, space mainly used by women. This means that it does not follow the pattern in which the spaces separated from each other by the courtyard do not exceed more than two levels of depth unless there is another deeper sub-courtyard. The new pattern has private bathrooms with a depth of 8, along with one branch that has been forked. This journey regards each previous step as a transition space. As a result, it passes through a huge kitchen unit to a private living room with a wind catching tower for ventilation and extends to a family bathroom. Unlike other houses, the main courtyard becomes more public due to the spatial configuration which stretches to the inside, and the more segregated internal private space is protected by several spatial filters.

79

Fig 63. Author, 2020

n n

J-graph of House no. 10

Fig 64. Editted Image, [Bianca, 2000] Plan of House no. 10

depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

depth = 6 depth = 5 depth = 4 depth = 3 depth = 2 depth = 1

80

Courtyard

n

Living Room

Stair

n

Kitchen

n

etc

Instead of one developed branch with several levels of depth, the house no.10 shows several branches which have each sub courtyard. House no. 10 shows the advantages of having sub entrances from different living clusters due to being located at the end of the cul-de-sac. This is not only to make more neighbour residents under the influence of the socially well-known family but also for the convenience of its family structure across different generations with many small groups of family. It shows several independent living units forked from the main courtyard, rather than having one big living unit which is typically shown in the previous examples of a wealthy family.

This is because the house was not planned at once, but was internally divided or externally attached in response to changes in the family structure, such as a marriage of a son[Bianca 2000, 75p]. This means that each of the family members can manage the desired level of privacy and accessibility from the main public courtyard which encompasses the whole family through the small courtyard shared by the small group to the living space that is an independent and individual. Each of these individually developed branched living units strengthens each private aura and internally produce multiple layers of filters to add depth to the private domain.

81

Fig 65. Author, 2020 Table Chart of Analyzed Spatial Characterics of Ten Houses

size

centrality

No.& type of Courtyard

guestroom

Guestroom type

partition

note

01

S

O

singular / shared

X

X

X

affordable type

02

S

O

singular/ shared

potential

dependent

X

affordable type

03

L

O

plural / separated

O

independent

X

two houses without internal communication

04

M

O

singular / branched

O

semi-independent

X

affordable type + branched guestroom

05

L

O

singular / branched

O

semi-independent

X

branched guestroom

06

L

O

plural / branched

O

independent

X

branched guestroom + host’s place with high depth from outside

07

S

O

singular / shared

O

dependent

O

use of partition

08

S

O

singular / shared

potential

dependent

O

use of partition

09

L

O

singular / separated

O

independent

X

private family space with depth 8 from outside

10

L

O

plural / separated

O

independent

X

houses inside the house

01. Regardless of the size and type of house, existence of courtyard and its centrality is basic principle of the house(no. 01,02).

02. If the house is small and the courtyard must be shared with outsiders, there is no fixed guestroom(no. 01,02).

In this case, temporary guest rooms can be created by blocking visual invation of private spaces by applying partitions(no. 07,08).

If the guest room is not connected internally, a host can have a completely independent courtyard(no. 03). Even if the guest room is not completely separated but branched, a sufficient degree of independence of the host's courtyard is guaranteed.(no. 04,05,06) 03. If location and size of house allow, the house can have more spaces internally to create family space with high depth from outside(no. 09), or can have several smaller living units with courtyard and livingroom depending on the members of the family(no. 10).

82

" The space syntax analysis using the documentation of the houses of Fes medina in Bianca and Revault’s study has two implications.

Primarily the analysis visually expresses the traditional culture of the Moroccan people in the domestic environment and space. It is a process of analytically visualize the observations by various authors to comprehend the patterns hidden in the space, not simply suggesting classic architectural drawings, such as plans and sections.

More importantly, the analysis leads to a new classification of houses. In the meantime, discoveries have been dispersed depending on the researchers. By failing to identify the unique features and patterns of each house, the culture it contained was also explained broadly and vaguely. However, the similarities and differences between the housing typologies found in the j-graph graph allowed the house of Fes medina to be classified into three large categories. As a result, they were able to confirm their culture of aspiration for having a perfect courtyard, a dilemma of hospitality and protection, and the internal development of the house.

"

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05. Conclusion The situation in Morocco, in a per iod of confusion betw een modernization and traditional culture, highlights their cultural capital, Fes[Holden 2008]. Fes is the city capturing the situation and having a strong traditional Moroccan culture for thousands of years. The evidence that remains in the medina of Fes, which cannot be found in other improvised cities of Morocco, such as Tangier, Rabat and Casablanca[Wright 1991], shows the inherited Moroccan traditions melting in the modern city. The tradition is a process of protecting the private indoor domain from the public outdoor realm, delicately crafted in several stages from urban fabrics of the whole medina to the structure of the small house. As the only fully preserved medina that remains in North Africa[Wright 1991], Fes becomes a medium to appreciate Moroccan traditional lifestyle, furthermore, the Islamic culture which emphasizes the balance between private and public life.

There are three characteristics are organizing the desired levels of the relationship between public and private space in the medina. Firstly, the city’s main road network creates a ‘deformed wheel’ to form a commercial network connecting the gates of the city walls to the city ‘hub’, which contains public functional buildings, such as suq, mosques and caravansaries. This is not to penetrate the residential areas by allowing traders from the outside to stay only in the spokes and centre of the ‘deformed wheel’ with the highest degree of publicness. Secondly, there are many urban devices, such as covered streets and fountains, flow through different outdoor places, making soft layers to ‘feel’ more private outdoor spaces. In the case of a covered street in a residential area, it creates a dark tunnel. It is located at the intersection of the main street and the second street to cover the byroad where a relatively private domain begins. It also serves as a transition space that further subdivides the private space by being located at points where integration value changes in the residential area. In contrast, the fountains are located in a place with a higher integration value than the surroundings, ‘revealing’ itself more with colourful decorations and social activities. Lastly, culde-sacs in the medina are not just the end node of the public outdoor network but combine the people who share it as a neighbourhood, making the area the most private and defensive realm. The concept of a neighbour mingled in one cul-de-sac regardless of economic and social status becomes a monitoring device that identifies outsiders and plays a role to bring social harmony among the protective private individuals.

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Also, there are three principles to control the desired levels of privacy and accessibility in the indoor spaces of the domestic environment.

Firstly, the courtyard, which divides the spaces in the house into several branches and controls access to them, shows the high integration of the private network as the courtyard connects with the most rooms. Located in a relatively accessible area from the entrance, the courtyard serves as a transition space to other spaces and a gathering place for families. Secondly, the dilemma of the fact that the female members welcome the guest but should not be seen by the outsider creates a clear exclusion of guestroom from the private network and makes the female member stay in the spaces one step deeper than the courtyard. This dual device, which is reinforced by partitions according to geographical condition and scale of the house, keeps the indoor private network sacred and protects the privacy of guests. Lastly, if the situation allows, the people of Fes internally want more various degrees of private realms. A house with a private space with a high level of depth for family, or a house divided into several independent units, reveals their eager to create

"

more private and sacred space even inside the house. The three categories, discovered by an analytical and visual approach to the spatial configuration of the indoor space, consolidate the dispersed

The study of the medina of Fes is a discussion of the symbiosis of the dual worlds of outside and inside, male and female, publicness and privacy. I hope that their desire for blending in the dual worlds will eventually lead to the coexistence of tradition and modernity that is unlikely to blend.

study of the houses of Fes medina. New taxonomy offers Moroccan

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mixed indiscriminately. It remains to be further explored how the

traditional culture in a domestic environment more easily perceived.

The study of the tradition of Fes is a mix of the two worlds: outside and inside, male and female, publicness and privacy. Through the analysis of public and private networks contained in the urban fabric and domestic environment of the medina of Fes, the thesis traces how their socio-cultural traditions are projected in physical form.

In the context of Morocco, where modernization is underway, the research of the medina of Fes to explore traditional culture has been justified but there is not sufficient in-depth analysis of historical Ville Nouvelle and ongoing peri-urban development has been conducted.

Therefore, no clear answer is given as to which direction to develop in a situation where modernization and traditional culture are discussion of their traditional way of life and exploration of the urban fabric and domestic environment applied to the contemporary construction environment of Fes.

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Fig 06. Visuallized by Author [2020] Map of Fes_ Colour Indicates the Age of Development, Reference from Stefano Bianca, Wikipedia, Google Earth, Streetmap and Andre Raymond

Fig 07. Authors Own [2020] Diagram of Development Process of Fes Fig 08. University of Texas Library [2020] Map of Fes in 1933_ Application of Ville Nouvelle [Image]

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Fig 16. Editted by Author, Bianca.S [2000] Diagram of Land Use in 1900 Fig 17. Author [2020] Functional Centrality of the Medina of Fes Fig 18. Author [2020] Photo of Manufacturing Industries Fig 19. Author [2020] Commercial Network / 'Deformed

Wheel' of the Medina of Fes

Fig 20. Author [2020] Photo of Merchandise with High Trading Value Fig 21. Author [2020] Main Street and Distribution of Urban Devices 88

Fig 22. Author [2020] Catalogue of Covered Street in the Medina of Fes Fig 23. Goncalves.A [Time Unknown] Catalogue of Windows in the Medina of Fes [Image]

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Fig 24. Author [2020] Catalogue of Fountains in the Medina of Fes Fig 25. Author [2020] Mapping Urban Devices on the Main Road Connection Fig 26. Author [2020] Photo of the Shade of the Second Road / Photo of the Man Using Fountain Fig 27. Author [2020] Mapping of Urban Devices on Axial Integration Map Fig 28. Author [2020] Way to a Residential Area / Passing Through Urban Devices Fig 29. Author[2020] Catalogue of Small Public Square in the Medina of Fes Fig 30. Authors Own [2020] Cul-de-sac / Neighbour who Shares the Same Street Fig 31. Sixta, U [1920] Postcard Capturing Eyes on the Road Skimming the Visitor [Image]

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Fig 32. Editted by Author, Bianca. S [2000] a Living Cluster Located South-east Part of the Medina Fig 33. Author [2020] Invisibility of Differentiation of Houses Fig 34. Author [2020] Equal Distribution of the Courtyards in Different Sizes Fig 35. Journal Monde et Voyages, [1969] Extravagant Meal Served to Guest Fig 36. Author [2020] Key Map for the Selected Ten Houses Fig 37. Kochey. K [2015] Rooftop View Overlooking Courtyard of Residence [Image] Available at https://www.kenkochey. com/fez-morocco [Accessed 15 Apr. 2020]

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Fig 44. Author Unkown [Time Unknown] Woman Preparing for Food [Image] Available at https://i.pinimg.com/orig inals/79/2c/77/792c7735e4d5a598beebd7b72cf1c159.jpg [Accessed 15 Apr. 2020]

Fig 45. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 3 Fig 46. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 3 Fig 47. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 4 Fig 48. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 5 Fig 49. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 5 Fig 50. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 5 Fig 51. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 6 Fig 52. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 6 Fig 53. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 7 Fig 54. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 7 Fig 55. Author [2020] Visibility Graph of House no. 7 Fig 56. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 8 Fig 57. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 8 Fig 58. Author [2020] Visibility Graph of House no. 8 Fig 59. Kochey. K [2015] Internalized Soft Layers [Image] Available at https://www.kenkochey.com/fez-morocco [Accessed 15 Apr. 2020]

Fig 60. Author [2020] Internal Depth of the House Fig 61. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 9 Fig 62. Editted by Author, Revault.J [1985] Plan of House no. 9 Fig 63. Author [2020] J-graph of House no. 10 Fig 64. Editted by Author, Bianca,S [2000] Plan of House no. 10 Fig 65. Author [2020] Table Chart of Analyzed Spatial Characteristics of Ten Houses

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